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CHAPTER-II
INTERNATIONAL PEACEKEEPING AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION: A
politico-historical examination
Chapter- 2
INTERNATIONAL PEACEKEEPING AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION:
A Politico-Historical Examination
l.INTRODUCTION
The end of the Cold War was marked by the emergence of intra-state conflicts in
many parts of the world with threats not only to regional but also to international
peace and stability. It brought about sudden systemic changes in the geo-political
balance of power on regional and global levels. Since then, the concept of !
peacekeeping has come to occupy a major area ·of interest among the international
community. The recent past operations in Africa and Middle East have shown that
the traditional concept of peacekeeping is out- dated. As a result, despite several
UN peacekeeping efforts to stop conflicts, post Cold War world has witnessed
increasing number of conflicts where the casualty of both peacekeepers and the
civilian population was very high. Most of these disputes were caused by .ethno-
nationalist conflicts. These conflicts pose a threat to the neighbouring states of
multi-ethnic and multi-racial societies, like the one which took place in the former
Soviet Union republics. The massive displacement and flow of a large number of
refugees into the bordering countries as well as to the whole continent has
remained one of the major characteristics of these conflicts.
In this context, it is quite true that the sudden surfacing of ethnic conflicts
in Commonwealth of Independence States (CIS) on the one hand and rise of
Islamic fundamentalism with its increased terror activities in southern Russia
Federation on the other posed a threat to Russia's national security. It was this
development, which challenged the national security in the post-Soviet
environment that led to the formulation of a new function of the Russian military
i.e. the role of peacekeeping in order to keep and restore peace in the region.
Therefore, Russia for the first time incorporated conflict management including
peacekeeping activity as a necessary measure for this conflict in their National
Security Concept of 1993.
15
This Chapter examines the evolution and development of peacekeeping in
the post War international system. It will further outline the changing concept and
practices of the peacekeeping mission in the post Cold War period. It also
focussses on the Russian approaches to peacekeeping operations as well as its
evolution. However, the main theme of this chapter is to analyse some of existing
theories of peacekeeping in post Cold War intra-state conflicts and its implications
for Russian peacekeeping operations in the CIS.
Before proceeding further, it would however be in place to undertake a
brief examination of the concepts which are frequently employed In peace
operations both in the field as well as in the academic literature.
2. PEACEMAKING, PEACE-ENFORCEMENT AND PEACEBUILDING:
A Conceptual Clarification
In the studies of peace and conflict, confusion often arises over the use of concepts
such as peacekeeping, peacemaking and peace-building as these are often
employed interchangeably. Whereas both peacekeeping and peacemaking are
interrelated, they are distinct from each other. Peacekeeping is only a supplement
to the peacemaking mode. However, the complexity of conflicts and lack of
peacekeeping contribution from the member states sometimes led peacekeeping to
drift into peace-enforcement.
2.1. Peacemaking
Peacemaking refers to the use of diplomatic means to persuade parties in conflict
to cease hostilities and to negotiate a peaceful settlement to their dispute. Article
33 of the UN Charter mentions some of the specific tools of peacemaking. It states
that the disputing parties should seek a solution through negotiation, enquiry,
mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies
or arrangements, or other peaceful means of their own choice (United Nations
2003: 19). Peacemaking according to Boutros-Ghali is the 'action to bring hostile
parties to agreement, essentially through such peaceful means as those foreseen in
Chapter VI of the Charter of the United Nations. As in the case of peacekeeping,
16
the end of the cold war has further strengthened the efforts of the UN to revive and
revamp its peacemaking function in world politics.
The Secretary General plays a central role in peacemaking, both personally
and by dispatching special envoys or missions for specific tasks, such as
negotiation or fact-finding. Under the Charter, the Secretary General may bring to
the attention of the Security Council any matter which appears to threaten
international peace and security. For instance, the mediation by the Secretary
General and his personal envoy led to the 1988 agreements that resulted in the
withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan. Both peacekeeping and
peacemaking are linked to each other in their efforts to bring an end to violent
confrontation. In their efforts to maintain international peace and security, both
peacekeeping and peacemaking use the same methods of mediation and
negotiation at the macro-level. In short, peacemaking can be defined as the
negotiation for agreements on disputes, whereas peacekeeping is the
implementation of those agreements.
2.2. Peace-building
Peace-building is the third main area of UN activity associated with the peaceful
settlement of disputes. Its relation to peacekeeping has received less attention than
the link between peacemaking and peacekeeping (Fetherston 1994: 131). Boutros
Ghali points to the importance of post-conflict Peace-building, which he defines as
the 'action to identify and support structures which will tend to strengthen and
solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse into conflict (Boutros Ghali 1992: 11).
Peace-building, in short, can be defined as the process of UN efforts to reconstruct
economic and social development in the aftermath of a conflict. Thus, the UN
. often called upon its agencies to carry out peace-building- action to support
structures that will strengthen and consolidate peace. Some of its areas of function
include military security, civil law and order, human rights, elections, local
administration, health, and education (United Nations 1998b: 77).
17
2.3. Peace-intervention
Peace intervention is another method for the management of conflicts, which
became visible in post cold war international system also known as the post-
Westphalian international system (Ibid.). It is different from traditional
peacekeeping operations both in the nature of intervention as well as the
participant countries. Under this method, a superpower like the US intervenes in
other country's internal affairs or sovereignty. The intervention can be in the name !
of bringing about reforms or to remove the so called 'ro.gue regimes' that are
believed to violate human rights or disturb international peace. Peace intervention
is based on a unilateral use of military power by the super powers for their own
interests and thus, undermines the basis of sovereignty of the nation state.
2.4. Peace-enforcement
Peace-enforcement is another means for conflict prevention, management and
resolution, particularly in the post Cold War intra-state conflicts. It is neither
specifically mentioned in the UN Charter nor is it a part of peacekeeping. Peace-
enforcement is presumed to be derived from Chapter VII of the UN Charter. An
Agenda for Peace has suggested for the formation of peace enforcement units with
the tasks of restoring peace and maintaining ceasefire. In fact, peace-enforcement
arose only after the publications of An Agenda for Peace in June 1992 and The
Supplement to An Agenda for Peace in 1995.
In contrast to peacekeeping, peace-enforcement involves use of force.
Peace enforcement units "would have to be more heavily armed than peacekeeping
forces and would need to undergo extensive preparatory training within their
national forces" (Groom 1998:18). In Peace-enforcement, the consent of the
warring parties is not required (Boutros Ghali 2003: 8). It involves coercing one or
more of the parties to a conflict to reach a settlement or a capitulation or to do
something else which it would no be inclined to otherwise do (Finlay 1997: 34). It
is something more or less similar to Peace-intervention.
18
3. BACKGROUND: Evolution and Development of Peacekeeping Missions
History reveals that most of the Post War conflicts have been inter-state disputes
(see table 1) which were based on the combined problems of decolonisation and
nationalist movements. Moreover, most of these conflicts were fought between the
former colonies and. their imperialist Western colonisers over the issues like the
demarcation of borders and the possession of natural resources. However, after the
end of Cold War most of the conflicts have been fought within the state. The
evolution and development of peacekeeping operations can be analysed under the
following two phases.
3.1 First Phase (1947-1988)
International peacekeeping (UN Peacekeeping operations) was evolved to halt
armed conflicts or to stop hostilities so that they would not develop into broader
conflagration. The first UN peacekeeping mission was launched in 1947 during the
post War Balkans crisis. It was a mission to monitor ceasefire and engage in fact-
finding with small number of military personnel, but without enforcement powers.
This mission was followed by UNTSO (United Nations Truce Supervision
Organisation) for monitoring ceasefire along Israeli borders in 1948 (UNDPI
1998). However, the first armed UN peacekeeping operation was UNEF-I (United
Nations Emergency Forces), launched in 1956 during the Suez Canal crisis
entrusted with the task of observing the ceasefire and the withdrawal of the British,
French and Israeli forces from Egyptian territory.
The main functions of these missions were to monitor borders and establish \
buffer zones after the agreement of ceasefire. The missions were typically
composed of lightly armed soldiers from small and neutral UN member states.
Since then, the UN has established peacekeeping machinery from time to time and
formulated principles for peaceful settlements. By now, it has become an important
instrument for ensuring peace and stability in the world. However, as Cold War
politics suppressed the UN peacekeeping missions, they remained in a low profile
while extensive post World War II decolonisation in Africa, Asia and Middle East
needed the UN intervention.
19
•
Table 1. UN Peacekeeping Operations during the Cold War 1945-1985
MISSIONS YEARS D,ESCRIPTION'
UN Special Committee on 1947-51 Investigate outside support for the Balkans (UNSCOB) guerrillas in Greece.
UN Truce Supervision 1948 - Monitor cease-fire along Israeli Organisation (UNTSO) borders.
UN Military Observer 1949 - Monitor cease-fire in Jammu and Group in India and Kashmir. Pakistan (UNMOGIP)
UN Emergency Force 1956 - 67 Separate Egyptian and Israeli forces (UNEF I) in Sinai.
UN Observation Group in 1958 Monitor infiltration of arms and Lebanon (UNOGIL) troops into Lebanon from Syria.
UN Operation in the 1960 - 64 Render military assistance, restore Congo (ONUC) civil order.
UN Temporary Executive 1962 - 63 Keep order and administer W. New Authority (UNTEA) Guinea pending transfer to Indonesia
UN Yemen Observation 1963 - 64 Monitor infiltration into Yemen via Mission (UNYOM) Saudi border.
UN Force in Cyprus 1964 - Maintain order, from 1974 monitor (UNFICYP) buffer zone.
UN India Pakistan 1965 - 66 Monitor cease-fire in 1965 India-Observer Mission Pakistan War. (UNIPOM)
UN Emergency Force II 1974 -79 Separate Egyptian and Israeli forces (UNEF II) in Sinai.
UN Disengagement 1974 - Monitor separation of Syrian and Observer Force (UNDOF) Israeli forces on Golan Heights
UN Interim Force in 1978 - Establish buffer zone between Israel Lebanon (UNIFIL) and Lebanon.
Sources: UN Department of Public Infonnation (l998a) New York.
20
During this long period of Cold War, the Superpowers used peacekeeping
as an instrument to pursue their own interests. Peacekeeping was mainly conceived
by Western powers as a means of promoting the stability and friendly regimes as
well as for securing their economic interests in former colonies. However, during
the same period, Moscow maintained a low profile in the UN peacekeeping
missions until 1973 as the idea of peacekeeping contradicted its ideological
principles which was sought to be embodied in its foreign policy. Considering the
nature and origin of peacekeeping, Andreu Sola Martin opines that "peacekeeping
was initially a creation of power politics and a tool of conflict containment"
(Martin 2005: 1). However, the very concept of peacekeeping was born out of
necessity as the volatile problems of post War politics required active UN
intervention.
These traditional peacekeeping missions consist of a troop of not more than
10,000 military personnel (Diehl, Paul F. et al 1998: 33). The operations are
voluntary and are based on consent and cooperation. Therefore, during this period,
the main developments in the field of peacekeeping were the ideas of consent from
the conflicting parties, impartiality and non-use of force as the three main
principles of peacekeeping.
3.2. Post Cold War Peacekeeping
Throughout Cold War period 13 peacekeeping operations has been recorded. But
the end of Cold War and replacement of traditional form of dispute i.e. inter-States
by intra-states conflict significantly increased the number of peacekeeping
missions since 1991 (SIPRI 1993: 86). For instance, four out of five peacekeeping
operations which had taken place in early 1988 were related to inter-state wars
(Boutros Ghali 1995: 7). However, out of II operations which took place from
1992 to 1995, only 2 were related to inter-State wars, whereas 9 were related to
intra-States conflicts (Ibid). These intra-States conflict became a common
phenomenon in the post Soviet environment. In fact, the sudden collapse of the
USSR was marked by the conflicts in Tajikistan, Georgia, Moldova and separatist
movements in the Russian Federation. T H -16 7 87
21
3.2.1. Nature Post Cold War Conflict
The post Cold War conflicts were fought not only by regular armies but also by
militias and civilians with little discipline (Ibid. 1995: 8). In this loosely formed
militias and factions, the involvement of child soldiers became a common
phenomenon in most of the African continent. The uncertainty over the nature of
the causes along with a rise in the number of casualties among the UN peacekeeper
has characterised the post Cold War conflicts. Civilians became the main target of
violence. According to Dr Benjamin Seet', the increase in number and scale of
peacekeeping operations after the Cold War as well as change in nature and
characteristics of peacekeeping has been responsible for the increase in fatality of
peacekeepers. However, he also adds that the casualty of peacekeepers has also
increased from hostile acts after the Cold War. Therefore, it has been a
combination of direct hostilities as well as the disruption and deprivation from
attacks by the militias that has raised the fatality of peacekeepers in Asia and the
Middle-East. It has also been the cause behind the massive displacement and flow
of a large number of refugees toward the neighbouring countries.
This development is one of the pre-eminent features of the post Cold War
international system. Perhaps, it is because of the increasing use of guerrilla war
tactics without a clear front line. The publication of the report of enquiries into July
1994 Rwanda genocide and siege of Bosnian Muslims by Serb militias under the
eyes of the UN contingent confirms that the neutral, impartial and mediating role
of the UN has been proving to be inadequate (United Nations 1998a; United
Nations 1998b). In fact, the complexity of post Cold War intra-states conflict has
compelled a fundamental change in the nature of UN peacekeeping, particularly in
its functions and composition. This complexity in fact characterises the new
operational environment. Meanwhile, there has been an expansion of purpose and
objectives of missions. As a result, the UN Department of Peacekeeping
Operations was created in 1992 in order to provide for the increasing demand for
, Dr Seet was formerly with the Medical Support Unit, Department of Peacekeeping Operations, United Nations.
22
such forces into the complex contlict zones and to deliver humanitarian assistance
and foster the process of post-conflict reconstruction.
3.2.2. New Developments in Peacekeeping
In above mentioned context, peacekeeping operations have come to be re-
conceptualised in order to adapt to evolving conditions and to carry out missions in
a more efficient and effective way. Both An Agenda for Peace and the Brahimi
Report on UN Peace Operationi have reflected this important evolution of
international peace operations from single function of monitoring/observing the
ceasefire to more active engagement. This new form of peacekeeping with
functions distinct from the traditional mission model has been referred to as "new
peacekeeping" (Rotner 1995) or "Second generation missions" (Mackinlay and
Chopra 1992). Though the missions that have taken place after Cold War are very
different one from another, they have been deployed under the same denomination
of Peacekeeping.
In its new avatar, peacekeeping includes multiple and diverse functions
such as Preventive Deployment, Peace enforcement, Humanitarian Assistance, and
Peace-building. Furthermore, it has expanded from traditional light armed troops to
a multi-dimensional mission with well-trained armies equipped with highly
sophisticated weapons. At the same time, the number of military personnel for
operations has also increased tremendously. For instance, in Cambodia, almost
30,000 soldiers were deployed as peacekeepers while in Bosnia, the number was
raised to 60,000 military personnel (Diehl, Paul F. et al 1998: 34). In October
2000, the surge in peacekeeping activity raised the number of peacekeeper to
54,000. The number of civilian police also increased to 5,900 and the civilian staff
to I 1,600. By the fall of 2006, the deployment number reached an all time high of
93,000 men and women. However, the operations were not completely military in
nature. Many Civilian police and diplomatic personnel, who were selected from a
variety of occupation, nations and cultures, were also included.
> - Since the end of the cold war, United Nations peacekeeping has often combined with peace-building in complex peace operations deployed into settings of intra-State conflict.
23
A significant development in the UN peacekeeping lies in the nature of
troop contributions to the missions. In fact, until the end of Cold War the UN
peacekeeping operations deployed troops traditionally contributed by the smaller
states. But since 1990, every permanent member of the UN Security Council with
the exception of China has begun to contribute troops to an overseas peacekeeping
or humanitarian mission either sanctioned or sponsored by the UN. This
development was further accompanied by the increasing role of the regional
organisation as a regional peacekeeper, which became legitimate under chapter
VIII (article 52) of the UN Charter (UNDPI 2003: 34-36). In this context, the
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) soon became one of the powerful
regional peacekeepers. And its eastward expansion already reached the former
Soviet Union's allies in Eastern Europe and started to deploy peacekeepers in the
former Yugoslavia.
However, the basis of this new form of peacekeeping operations has been
challenged under article 2.7 of the UN Charter that requires respect for internal
state sovereignty. Under Chapter VIII (regional arrangement) many regional and
superpower nations have begun to intervene in the internal problems of developing
or third world countries under the principle of the humanitarian intervention. The
UN Security Council resolutions like, 680 of March 1991 on Iraq, Resolution 794
of December 1992 on Somalia and Resolution 940 of September 1994 on Haiti are
some of the resolutions under chapter VII of the UN Charter which are based on
this principle. The USA and its NATO allies are the main peacekeepers or
mediators under these resolutions. In fact, since 1990, it has been generally
accepted that most of the expansion in the UN peacekeeping operation has been
driven directly or indirectly by the policies of the US.
It has been generally criticised that countries like USA have contributed or
deployed their troop only to those regions or conflict zones where their national
interests are present. For instance, the American interventions in Iraq, Somalia and
Central Asia have been perceived to be not merely for ensuring peace but with an
eye to the region's natural resources like oil, gas and petroleum, diamond, other
precious stone. It is in the context of these new developments that Russia
24
conceived its new approach to peacekeeping operations In the CIS under the
regional arrangements clause in the UN Charter.
3.2.3. Rise of Regional Peacekeeping Operation
One of the new developments in post cold war peacekeeping is the emergence of
regional organisations in peacekeeping operations. The traditional structure of UN
peacekeeping forces comprises a number of contingents provided from selected
countries on the request of the UN Secretary General. The contingents were
selected in consultation with the Security Council and with the parties concerned,
bearing in mind the need for equitable geographic representation. However, with
the increasing involvement of UN in the post Cold War complex emergencies, the
character of peacekeeping forces began to alter. These new risks and challenges
demanded peacekeeping forces with different characteristics than before (Alao et
a11999: 7).
In addition, due to the complicated nature of the post Cold War conflicts,
regional organisations, such as, ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African
States), NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation), CSCE (Conference for
Security and Cooperation in Europe) and CIS (Commonwealth of Independence
States) under the leadership of Russian Federation started playing an important role
in peacekeeping operations. They used their collective geographical encirclement
of the crisis zone either to exert strong pressure to support the success of the peace
process or to ensure its failure.
The shrinking of the peace-restoring efforts by international forces is one of
the important causes behind the emergence of peacekeeping forces of regional
organisations. In some cases, regional peacekeeping arrangements or forces were
formed by the states at risk such as the Russia led CIS peacekeeping operation in
the CIS. The authors of the United Nations Charter mentioned the legal basis for
regional organisations to play an important role in the maintenance of international
peace and security under Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. Under this Chapter,
article 52 gives regional organisations or agencies the right to deal with such
matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and security as are
25
appropriate for regional actions, while Article 53 talks about the enforcement
action by the regional organisation.
Table 2. UN Peacekeeping Operations in the Post Cold War (1991-2006)
Missions ·Years .;Description .. . .,', ........ '
UNIKOM, ONUSAL (UN 1991 Observatory mission in the Iraq-Kuwait Conflict and in EI Salvador.);
UNAVEM II (UN Verification mISSIOn ill
Angola)
UNPROFOR (UN force in 1992 former Yugoslavia) and UNTAC (in Cambodia);
UNOSOM I (UN ill
Somalia); UNUMOZ (in Mozambique).
UNOSOM II (in Somalia); 1993
UNOMUR (in Uganda-Rwanda);
UNOMIC (in Georgia);
UNAMIR (i~ Rwanda).
UNMOT (in Tajikistan) 1994
UNAVEM III (in Angola); 1995 UNCRO (in Croatia); UNMIBH (in Bosnia and Herzegovina).
UN mission under the UNIKOM, ONUSAL and UNA VEM II were to monitor buffer zone after Gulf War Temporary armed component; to monitor human rights, elections, government restructuring; and to monitor general cease-fire and creation of new joint army respectively.
In former Yugoslavia the UN mission was to replace Yugoslav forces in Serbian controlled areas of Croatia. And in Cambodia the mission was to supervise government functions and eventual elections while rebuilding the country and disarming the factions.
As an observer Russia led CIS peacekeeping operation mission in Georgia
As an observer Russia led CIS peacekeeping operation mission in Tajikistan
For restoring peace and achieving national reconciliation on the basis of the Peace Accords for Angola, signed on 31 May 1991, the Lusaka Protocol signed on 20 November 1994, and relevant Security Council resolutions ...
26
UNSMIH (in Haiti); 1996 UNMOP (in Prevlaka),
MlNUGUA (in 1997 Gautemala); MONUA (in Angola)
UNOMSIL (in Sierra 1998 Leona)
UNMIK (in Kosovo); 1999 UNTAET (in East Timor)
UNMEE 2000
UNMISET (in East Timor) 2002
UNMIL (in Liberia) 2003
ONUB (in Burundi) 2004
To assist the Government m the professionalization of the police, maintenance of a secure and stable environment conducive to the success of efforts to establish and train an effective national police force, and to coordinate activities of the United Nations system m promoting institution-building, national reconciliation and economic rehabilitation ...
To verify the Agreement on the Definitive Ceasefire between the Government of Guatemala and the Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca
To monitor the military and security situation in Sierra Leone, as well as the disarmament and demobilization of former combatants. It was also asked to assist in monitoring respect for international humanitarian law.
To maintain liaison with the parties and establish a mechanism for verifying the ceasefire.
To provide assistance to East Timor over a period of two years until all operational responsibilities were fully devolved to the East Timor authorities.
To support the implementation of the ceasefire agreement and the peace process; protect United Nations staff, facilities and civilians; support humanitarian and human rights activities; as well as assist in national security reform, including national police training and formation of a new, restructured military.
To support and help to implement the efforts undertaken by Burundians to restore lasting peace and bring about national reconciliation, as
----+-pr--,~vided under the Arusha Agreement.
27
UNMIS (in Sudan) 2005
UNMIT (in Timor Leste) 2006
To support implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed by the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement! Army on 9 January 2005; and to perform certain functions relating to humanitarian assistance, and protection and promotion of human rights.
To support the Government in "consolidating stability, enhancing a culture of democratic governance, and facilitating political dialogue among Timorese stakeholders, in their efforts to bring about a process of national reconciliation and to foster social cohesion".
Sources: UN Department of Public Information, (1998) New York, and also see http://www . un.orglDeptsl dpko/missions
The Charter further reasserts that any action undertaken under Articles 53
requires the approval of the Security Council (UNDPI 2003: 34-36). But it is
important to note that this action of restriction does not apply to collective defence
operation which is undertaken in self-defence. Any coercive military action taken
outside the structures of self-defence would require approval of the Security
Council. In the same way, consent- based peacekeeping does not require Security
Council approval, as it falls under Articles 33 of Chapter VI of the UN Charter,
which provides for "resort to regional agencies or arrangements" as a first resort
for situations which may prove to be a threat to peace and security (Ibid.: 24).
During the Cold War era, some of the regional organisations played a prominent
part in dealing with conflicts and breaches of peace in their respective regions, for
instance, peacekeeping role played by the OAS (Organisation of American States)
in the Cuban crisis of 1962 as well as in Dominican Republic in 1965, and the
peacekeeping role played by the Arab League in 1976-83 during the Lebanon
crisis.
However, the nature of the their involvement often fell outside the
conceptual framework already identified for peacekeeping operations undertaken
by the United Nations, raising questions about the neutrality and impartiality by the
regional actors and peacekeepers (James 1990). None of these regional operations
28
was the result of any systematic co-operation with the United Nations. The
attempts to deal with conflict at the regional level were not allowed to be expanded
and tested in the climate of Cold War rivalry; many were marginalized, only to re-
emerge in the post-Cold War period. After the Cold War, the rise of coalition
forces deployed under the UN authority created opportunities to devise innovative
ways in which the United Nations could cooperate with regional structures in the
management of conflict and the maintenance of international peace and security.
Based on the characteristics and functions including the role of regional
peacekeepers and their force structures, Diehl, Druckman and James Wall classify
peacekeeping missions into twelve categories, which are:
a. Traditional peacekeeping
b. Observation mission
c. Collective enforcement mission
d. Election supervision mission
e. Humanitarian assistance mission
f. State/nation building mission
g. Pacification mission
h. Preventive deployment
i. Arms control verification mission
j. Protective service mission
k. Intervention mission (in support of democracy)
l. Sanctions enforcement.
4. BASIC FEATURES OF THE UN PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS
In practice, a broad consensus on characteristics of peacekeeping operations has
been evolved from time to time. Following are some of the new characteristics of
the UN peacekeeping operations.
4.1. Consent of the Parties
The main essential characteristic of peacekeeping operation is the consent of the
parties to the conflict. The consent is not only for the establishment of the
29
operation but also for the way in which it will carry out its mandate. Missions or
operations are significantly more complicated and dangerous when the consent is
only partial or limited to only one (or two) of the parties in the conflict. Therefore,
both the warring parties should be consulted about the countries which will
contribute troops to the operation. The operation must not interfere in internal
affairs of the host countries and must not in any way favour one party against
another. Therefore, the UN peacekeepers should remain neutral and impartial
between the warring parties. This is the key principle of the UN peacekeeping
operation. The warring parties' cooperation is expected to provide support to the
peacekeeper by allowing it the freedom of movement and the facilities to carry out
its task.
However, in post Cold War civil war or intra-states conflicts operated by
splinter groups, irregular militias and smaller factions do not respect the
peacekeeping tasks such as ceasefires and frequently disagree with the major
parties or act independently. Therefore, peacekeeping personnel were not able to
deal with the situation on the basis of self-defence backed by clear rules of
engagement. In such as a case, the mission mandate could switch toward peace-
enforcement, involving military operations against one or more of the parties.
4.2. Use of Force
The use of force by peacekeepers is limited to the purpose of self-defence only
(United Nations 1990: 5). However, under the post Cold War peacekeeping or
Second Generation peacekeeping, peacekeepers have been regularly authorized to
use force in the context of their mandate because of the more complex nature of
conflicts. The humanitarian mission in Northern Iraq (April 1991) was the first .
mission authorized to use force, not as a measure of peace eniorcement but to
guarantee the protection of the population and the delivery of assistance. The
mission to Somalia (Resolution 733) was another operation in which the use of
force was authorized in order to fulfil the tasks of disarming the fighting factions
and distributing humanitarian aid. These two cases bear out that a change in
mandate can transform the Peacekeeping missions into something closer to peace-
enforcement.
30
Following the above precedents, all other PKOs have come to be directly
authorized to use force for the fulfilment of their mandate. It became a commonly
accepted procedure, as early as 1992, as it was suggested in An Agenda for Peace.
In the Agenda, Boutros Ghali argues that the use of forces is authorised under
Chapter VII of the Charter but the troops can use force only for logical purpose and
not to bring the war to an end (Boutros Ghali 1995: 9). He further pointed out that
the UN Security Council is responsible for ensuring that the operation is given a
mandate which is clear, accepted by the parties concerned and practicable in the
existing situation. He also stresses the need for the operation to have a sound
financial basis. However, the issue use of force has remained hugely controversial
and least satisfactory as a principle in peacekeeping operations.
4.3. Multi-dimensional Function
In the post Cold War environment, peacekeeping operations were further expanded
with the increasing involvement of more non-military elements. To fulfil the
growing demand of the peacekeepers, the UN Department of Peacekeeping
Operation was established in 1992. The multiplicity of functions became a
common characteristic of the post Cold War UN peacekeeping operations. The
functions of the post Cold War peacekeeping operations can be divided into three
overlapping categories of tasks: Military, Political (governmental) and
Humanitarian (civil) (see Fig.l.).
However, the basic aims of all these three functions are:
1. the supervision of cease-fire;
2. the demobilisation of forces;
3. the return ofthe refugees and displaced peoples;
4. supervising the existing administrative structures;
5. monitoring of human rights;
6. overseeing the conduct of election and so on. (Diehl, Paul F. et al
1998: 34 and also see Hansen, Ramsbotham and Tom Woodhouse: 4-5). It was
with the same objectives or similar tasks that Russian peacekeeping operations
were conducted in the CIS.
31
Fig. 1. Tasks of the Three Main Functions of Peacekeeping:
Source: Encyclopedia of International Peacekeeping Operations, ABC-CLIO
5. ASSESSING PEACEKEEPING AS CONFLICT RESOLUTION!
MANAGEMENT
Due to the varied nature disputes, there is no single generally accepted theory of
international peacekeeping. As mentioned above, international peacekeeping
missions were the outcome of necessity to problems requiring active action. Along
the process, it became a flexible instrument of policy and has seen the adoption of
variety of methods and measures aimed at a final settlement of conflicts.
32
According to Boutros Boutros Ghali, the post Cold War peacekeeping
operation mandate includes various peace-building activities since the collapse of
the state institution (police and judiciary) damages the law and order of that
particular state. Moreover, in states where many government officials got killed or
fled the country, the societies were rendered paralysed. This was rarely the case in
inter-State wars (Boutros Ghali 1995: 9). He therefore contends that protection
should be given to all humanitarian agencies that have been entrusted with the
responsibility to provide assistance to civilian victims of war as they undertake
their tasks in chaotic and lawless conditions.
Ghali further underscores the need for unity of command. Because the lack
of co-operation and unity adds to the difficulties already inherent in a multinational
operation which further increase the risk of casualties. The commander in field
must consult the commanders of national contingents and make sure that they
understand the Security Council's overall approach as well as the role assigned to
their contingents. All the member states of the UN need to maintain rapid action
force as a back up plan for the emergency deployment when needed. The personnel
that comprise such forces must be given a standard training and should be made to
take part in joint exercises at regular intervals.
5.1. Peacekeeping and Conflict Resolution /Management theory
Paul Diehl, Daniel Druckman and James Wall classify PKO (peacekeeping
operation) as a tool of conflict containment. The traditional function of conflict
control has been extended to include peacemaking and peace-building as an
important part of present peacekeeping missions. According to them, PKO also
uses several similar conflict resolution processes or skills like negotiation,
mediation, facilitaiion, consultation, conciliation and communication (Diehl, Paul
F. et al 1998:36). Their theoretical framework of PKO as a conflict management
and conflict resolution is structured along two fundamental dimensions:
A. The role played by peacekeepers in the conflict and
B. Their bargaining orientation.
33
5.1.1. Primary Parties
However, the role assumed by conflict manager which is the peacekeeper in
conflict can also be categorised into primary parties and third parties. The primary
parties sometimes attempt to deal with the cause of conflict whereas at other times,
they may simply attempt to lower the costs of conflict to keep it from escalating.
On the other hand, they can resort to violence attempting to hurt the opponents
enough to cause them to agree. Therefore, in the primary parties' model of
peacekeeping, there is a direct or indirect participation of the peacekeeper in the
conflict. The peacekeeper's roles were coded as primary party in missions like
collective enforcement, state/nation building, pacification, protective services and
intervention in support of democracy (Ibid: 44). At the same time, in missions like
humanitarian assistance and preventive deployment, the third party roles of
peacekeeper have carried the possibilities of becoming a primary party.
5.1.2. Third Parties
In third parties model, the peacekeeper plays the role of a mediator or arbitrator. It
manages the dispute under three different ways. Firstly, it can manage if the
conflict parties ask for a third party intervention for resolving their dispute.
Secondly, it may also intervene in its own interests or to its own benefit as may be
dictated by its foreign policy. Finally, the third party may be directed to do so by
other parties such as neighbouring states who want the conflict resolved. The
traditional peacekeeping, observation, election supervision and arms control
verification are coded as third party roles of the troops.
6. RUSSIAN APPROACH TO PEACEKEEPING OPERATION
Russian peacekeeping operations In the CIS are often accused by Western
countries as part of its Neo-imperialist foreign policy. They argue that post Soviet
Russia's peacekeeping operations are aimed at expanding Russian influence and
consolidating a powerbase throughout the region and subduing the newly
independent states of Trans Caucasus and Central Asia. McNeil characterises
Russian peacekeeping operation as "humanitarian intervention disguised as
34
peacekeeping missions" (McNeil 1997). However, at least in theory, Russian
peacekeeping operations were launched with the required mandate and by fulfilling
the three necessary principles of peacekeeping. Therefore, before making any
conclusion it would be important to discuss the situation which led Russia to
deploy its troops in Former Soviet republics, for better understanding of the
Russian approach to peacekeeping.
6.1. The Post Soviet Scenario in the Former Soviet Republics and its Impacts
on Russia
As mentioned earlier, tile post Cold War World has been characterised by ethnic
tensions and regional conflicts, with civil and regional wars becoming the norm as
was the case in the former Yugoslavia and Somalia (Nikitin 1996:83). The former
Soviet republics largely conformed to this norm. The greatest concern amongst the
Russian policy makers in early 1990'swas to ensure stability and survival of the
Russian Federation (RF), threatened both internally and externally by ethnic
conflicts in the CIS. Since then, Russia has been involved in peacekeeping
operations in the Former Soviet Union republics like: Moldova (1992),
GeorgialAbkhazia (1992), GoergiaiSouth Ossetia (1992) and Tajkistan (1992).
According to Holoboff, Russian approach to post Cold War peacekeeping
operations is driven by the desire to protect ethnic Russians and prevent the spread
of instability into Russia. It is also aimed at securing Russian geopolitical interests
and maintaining its position as a great power (Holoboff 1994: 156-157). This view
is premised on the existence of threats to Russian national security as well as to its
efforts of maintaining a regional power status with the civil war and ethnic
conflicts in its neighbourhood. According to Sagramoso, the proximity of the post
Soviet conflicts to the Russian Federation was perceived by Moscow as a threat to
its national security (Sagramoso 2003: 15). Moreover, the increasing influence of
the other regional powers like Turkey and Iran as well as the presence of the US
both politically and military has added to the potential threats to Russia's national
interests (Chenoy 2005: 29-33). In fact, the US has already shown its interests in
the natural resources of the region. Threats to Russia's national security exist three
ways:
35
(a) Threat from the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Central Asian
conflict zones
(b) Threat cause by large number of migrants or refugees into
Russia and
(c) A New threat arising out of the increasing presence of the US
and the increasing influence of other regionai powers.
a. Threat by Islamic Fundamentalism
The rise of the Islamic fundamentalism in Central Asian states along with
increased use of the neighbouring countries like Afghanistan by the rebel militias
as a safe haven for hideout and supply of weapons continue to pose a threat to the
region in general and to Russia in particular. The threat is enhanced in the light of
fact that the southern Muslim dominated border of Russian Federations has been
already marked by secessionist violence.
b. Massive Displacement and Refugee
As a result of large casualties in post Soviet conflicts, there was a maSSIve
displacement problem and thousands of migrants or refugees fled the country and
took refuge in Russia. For instance, since 1992 the South Ossetia and
Transdniestria conflicts turned into ugly disputes where local ethnic Russians and
civilian popUlation were victimised. This resulted to a massive displacement and
migration. This development naturally posed a threat both to its national security
and economy which was already in crisis. In the context of these developments in
the post Soviet republics, Russia sought to conduct peacekeeping operations in the
fonner Soviet space.
As far back as 1993, in an interview to Nezavisimaya gazeta, the then
Foreign Minister Andre Kozyrev admitted that 'the resultant vacuum would be
immediately filled by other forces possibly not always friendly and might be even
hostile to Russian interests' (Nezavisimaya gazeta 1993). Therefore, the protection
36
of the rights and interests of the Russian diaspora apart from ensuring peace and
stability in the region was presented by Moscow as a basic argument for the
deployment of peacekeeping operation in the CIS. For instance, in 1994 during his
New Year speech, Boris Yeltsin proclaimed that to protect those ethnic Russians
living in the Near Abroad as well as to use the necessary measure to defend them
was Russia's basic responsibility (Slates 1994).
C. Threat from the Presence of the US and Increasing Influence of other
Regional Powers
From the Russian point of view, the prolonged instability in the region has a
potential to invite those countries or regional powers like the USA and Turkey who
were already ready to intervene in the region. This increased Western interest
(including the US) in Central Asia and the Caucasus can largely be explained by
the fact that the region is rich in natural resources, especially oil and natural gas,
access to which has gained strategic importance for the West in general and the
United States in particular. For instance, former U.S. Secretary of State James
Baker states in New York Times: "Caspian Oil may eventually be as important to
the industrialised world as Middle East oil is today" (Baker 1997: 17, in Chenoy
2005:31). Further, the NATO's eastward expansion and its role of peacekeeping in
the former Yugoslavia naturally led Russia to perceive a threat to their national
interests. This politically gave an obstacle to Russia's effort for achieving the
status of a regional power and the creation a multi-polar World. Perhaps, it was
another reason behind Russia's unwillingness in the beginning to share the third
party role in peacekeeping operations in FSU and its opposition to any other
military and political presence there.
However, the deployment of Russia's peacekeeping forces in the CIS is not
only because of these above mentioned issues; it was also compelled by its national
interests in the region. Central Asia was once the strategic frontier of the former
Soviet Union in which Russia still has an interest and hence, Russia can not afford
to neglect its strategic significance in the post Cold War international politics. But,
the instability in this region with the outbreak of civil war in Tajikistan and the
second wave of Islamisation in most of the Central Asian states including
37
Tajikistan that had already started soon after the collapse of the USSR led to
Russia's fear of loosing out on this strategic frontier.
In Georgia too, Russia's interest was on maintaining a strategic frontier and
keeping a Black Sea foothold in Georgia. While in Moldova, it (Russia) has a
focus on establishing a westward facing strategic outpost beyond its international
frontiers. Such an analysis points to the huge geo-strategic importance of the
former Soviet republics to the Russian Federation's efforts to regain the regional
power status. This is also another factor behind the deployment of the Russian
peacekeeping operations in FSU. Is this Russian effort or aim to recreate the
former Soviet republics into one entity? For understanding or answering this
question the present work examines case studies in chapter 4 and 5 on said
countries.
6.1.1. Russia's Peacekeeping Approach and its Characteristics
Different nations have different interpretations regarding what can be classed as
"peacekeeping" operations. This is an issue where major disagreement exists
between Russian foreign policy and Western foreign policy both in theory and in
execution. Nikitin points out three main differences between the Russian and
Western concepts of peacekeeping (Nikitin 1994:92). Firstly, Russia has acted
under a reduced mandate in all operations in the former Soviet Union republics.
Secondly there is no commitment to using military forces from a neutral party with
no interests at stake in the conflict so as to avoid accusations of impartially.
Thirdly, international observers should work separately, rather than alongside
peacekeeping forces. Use of belligerents in peacekeeping forces is also another
area of conflict between Russian and the Western philosophies of peacekeeping.
Under the UN and NATO peacekeeping operations the warring factions
were not allowed to participate as a legal operational force. It has generally not
been a part of traditional peace operations. In case of Russian led peacekeeping
operations particularly in CIS direct control of peacekeeping forces in a region is
exercised by a joint staff composed of representatives from Russian forces as well
as the combatants in the conflict zone. These forces also further take part in
38
policing the zone of separation and other activities (Allison 1994: 14). Sometimes,
using these peacekeeping forces is perceived to be very risky as the possibility of
being caught in the middle of renewed fighting is very high. On the other hand, it
may also provide require environment by creating cooperation between the parties
for bringing a political settlement to conflict. Russians believe that combatant
participation has the potential to build relationships and mechanisms for resolving
future conflicts. These differences in policy further help others to accuse Russia's
peacekeeping in the CIS as a neo-imperialist plan.
However, it would be wrong to assume that Russia operates with a total
disregard for World opinion or without caring for legitimacy through the UN.
Evidence shows that in 1994 Boris Yeltsin claimed that the norms and principles of
international law would be the basis of Russia's foreign policy (Ibid: 86). Yeltsin
also sought the UN recognition of Russian peacekeeping operations in the FSU.
Theoretically, it could be said that Russian peacekeeping in these regions has
differed greatly from Russian support for the UN based missions, for example in
Bosnia and Angola where Russian observers supported the UN missions.
In theory, Russian peacekeeping operations in the Near Abroad have been
conducted with tasks similar to the peacekeeping activities of other regional
organisations. The tasks were clearly mentioned in their military doctrine of 1993
as follows:
1. Separating armed groups
2. Delivering humanitarian aid
3. Maintaining cease-fire between the warring factions
4. Evacuation of refugees
5. Carrying out the provisions of the mandate and
6. To create the environment for a political settlement of the armed
conflicts (Raevsky and Vorob'ev 1994: 6 and also see Jane's
Intelligence Review 1994: 10).
39
The same tasks remained unchanged in the 1999 military doctrine too. In
fact, Russia has no separate doctrine on peacekeeping. It is the military doctrine of
1993 which provides an insight to Russian peacekeeping operations both in
international and the CIS conflicts. The nature of the Russian peacekeeping
operation III the CIS also underscores the complexity of the post Cold War
conflicts.
Furthermore, Russian conceptions of peacekeeping have differed from
traditionally accepted ones in many ways. Most of post Cold War Russia's
peacekeeping operations were conducted in "Russia's backyard," where Russia is
the strongest player in the region since Second World War. The areas of operations
or environment are very familiar to operating military commanders. Subsequently,
Russian activities were not constrained by anything besides the available means,
the resolve of the command in Moscow, and political infighting or indecisiveness
(Ibid: 5). Problems of legitimacy, rules of engagement, collateral damage, and
public scrutiny were raised but did not have a significant effect on operations as
compared to most other UN operations.
But Russian peacekeeping operations are legitimised under Chapter VIII
(regional arrangement) of the UN charter. Moreover, Russian peacekeeping
operations in CIS conflict have been deployed through various bilateral or
multilateral agreements which basically provide mandate for operation. However, a
clearer understanding of Russia's approaches to post Cold War peacekeeping calls
for a further examination of the history of Russia's peacekeeping operations under
the command of the UN Security Council.
7. EVOLUTION OF RUSSIA'S PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS
Russia has a long history of involvement in UN peacekeeping operations since
1973 but its post Cold War approaches to peacekeeping were different and
considered unique. Russia argued that it was in their national interest that they kept
themselves away from UN peacekeeping operation most of the time. Since 1990
however, Russia began to send both military and police personnel for participation
40
in new peace support operations which were conducted under the auspices of the
UN Blue Helmet programme.
However, Russia's peacekeeping operations in the former Soviet Republics
that are now independent states have been severely criticised by other regional
powers over the use of forces and mandate. Russia was further accused of
implementing a neo-imperialist plan, despite the fact that the growing danger and
the complex causes of the post Cold War conflicts demanded strong peacekeepers
possessing both a well-equipped and well-trained army. This change in type of unit
sent for peacekeeping and their command structure brought about changes in
traditional UN peacekeeping activities. For instance, both the USA and Russia
have come to use their elite forces for peacekeeping operations. Moreover, the
extensive use of military power by the world's leading nations highlight the
problematic nature of the new international peacekeeping and peace support
operations.
It would be unfair to say that the peacekeeping role played by Russian in
the recent past was new and inexperienced. Russia has a 25-year history of
participation in international peacekeeping. Although Russian peacekeeping
operations in FSU were conducted without proper UN mandate and international
support both financially and militarily, Russia as a successor to the former Soviet
Union had been playing peacekeeping role since 1973 under the UN blue cap.
Since the end of the Cold War, Russia has been regularly contributing to the UN
peacekeeping operations in different parts of the world mainly in the capacity of a
military observer.
The Russian history of peacekeeping began in Cairo (1973) when 36 Soviet
military officers were sent as military observers under the UN Truce Supervision
organisation in the Middle East (UNTSO). It was a direct result of the Vladivostok
Agreement signed between the erstwhile Soviet Union and the USA for monitoring
and containing the Arab-Israeli war of 1973 (Yerrnolaev 2000). Before this, neither
any written history nor the UN records highlighted Russian involvement in any UN
peacekeeping activity. It was a time when both the super powers, USA and USSR
maintained a buffer zone. Both super powers also tried to advance their national
41
interests by different means. However, during this period the Soviet Union neither
devoted any serious attention to the issue of training cadres for peacekeeping
operations nor developed any military theoretical thinking about the conduct of
peacekeeping activities.
Table 3. Russian Peacekeeping Missions 1973-1995
LOCATIONS YEARS ' ..
In Cairo
Namibia Angola
Cambodia,
and
in Iraq-Kuwait,
and Western Sahara
Mozambique,
Cambodia
South Ossetia and Abkhazia
1973
1989
1991
1992
CONFLICTS:~>i:\ ·REMARKS ...; .... :<:.;: .:'
Yom Kippur War As an observer under the UNTSO, (Egypt-Israel conflicts) and to assist the UNEF II In
monitoring the Egypt-Israeli border and maintine a buffer zone.
Namibian Independence struggle
Under UNT AG, Soviet Union took part as a military observer in order to ensure Namibian independence trough free and fair election.
Fall of the Khmer Participated in UNAMIC by Rouge; contributed the military personals to
mine awareness training to civilian population.
Gulf War And
Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara
Participated In monitoring the withdrawal of the armed forces that were deployed in it assigned zone during occupation under the UNIKOM.
Contributed the military personal as a military observer under the MINURSO.
Mozambican Civil War It military personal were participated In ONUMOZ to monitor the withdrawal of foreign forces and maintain the cease fire.
Fall of Khmer Rouge
South Ossetian Abkhazian War
42
War,
Both Civilian and Military personals were the part of the UNT AC with the task of organising and conduct of election.
As a mediator
Georgia Abkhazia
Rwanda
Haiti
Tajikistan,
In Abkhazia
Bosnia Herzegovina Angola
Angola
Guatemala
Sierra Leone
Sierra Leone
East Timor
Democratic Republic Conga
Eritrea Ethiopia
East Timor
Liberia
1993
1994
and 1995
1997
1998
1999
of
and 2000
2002
2003
Abkhazian War
Rwanda Genocide
1991 Coup and military rule in Haiti
Tajikistan civil war
Abkhazian War
Bosnian War
Angola Civil War
Angola Civil War
Guatemala Civil War
Its military and Police personal were also the part of the UNOMIG.
Contributed both the Military and Civilian troops as a part of the UNAMIR
Under the UNMIH, Russia contributed its military personals to sustain a stable democratic government. As a regional peacekeeper under the CIS collective peacekeeping operation
As a regional peacekeeper under the CISPKF mandate.
Contributed both the Civilian and Military units and took part 10
UNMIBH.
lSI troops and 7 Civilian Police took part 10 UNA VEM II for restoring peace and achieving national reconciliation.
Military personal were contributed and took part the MONUA.
Military observers and Medical personals took part in MINUGA
Sierra Leone Civil War Russian military personals were took part UNOMSIL to monitor the military and security situation.
Sierra Leone Civil War Both the Civilian and Military
Indonesian invention and occupation
Second Congo War
personals were part of the UNAMSIL
Contributed both Civilian and Military personals in UNT AET
Its Military and Civilian personals were contributed and taking part in MONUC
Eritrea - Ethiopian War Military personal were the part of the troops in on going UNMEE.
Indonesian invention and occupation
Second Liberian War
43
Contributed its Military personals and Civilian Police as a members of UNMISET
Under the UNMIL, Russian Military and Police personals as a part of the peacekeeper has been monitoring the cease fire agreement.
Burundi 2004 Burundi Civil War Only the military personal were contributed to ONUB
Cote' d'Lvoire Civil War In Cote' Its military personals were part of d'Lvoire the UNOCI
Sudan 2005 Second Sudanese Civil Contributed both the Military and War Police personals to UNMIS.
East Timor 2006 2006 East Timor crisis Contributed its Police personals in UNMIT.
Sources: 'Lists of the United Nations Peacekeeping Missions' (Website) http://en.wikipedia.org/wikifList_oCaltUN yeacekeeping_ missions
Since 1990s, Russia began to contribute military and police personnel for
participation in most of the new peace support operations, conducted under the
auspices of the UN, by the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), the
Organisation for Security Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), and the Commonwealth
of Independent States (CIS). Therefore, it may be said that until 1973 Russia did
not have any practical experience of peacekeeping. From 1973 to 1998, Russia
participated in eleven out of 48 UN peacekeeping operations. Hence, the
contemporary history of Russian peacekeeping can be analysed in four phases of
evolution i.e., 1989-1992, 1992-1995, 1995-1996 and 1999-till date.
7.1. First Phase (1989-1992)
By the late 1980s particularly soon after Perestroika, Russian attitude toward the
international peacekeeping took a new tum. Kremlin recognised the legitimacy of
'classical' UN peacekeeping and began to participate in a number of newly
established UN operations (Ibid.). For example, from April 1991 to 1993, Russia's
UN military observers participated in the UN Iraq-Kuwait Observer Mission
(UNIKOM); in the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara
(MINURSO) and in the UN mission in Cambodia (United Nations 1998a).
However, it was only in 1992 that Russian peacekeeping operation was introduced
for the first time in FSU when the conflicts in South Ossetia, Moldova, Tajikistan
turned into ugly violence and posed a threat to its national security due to their
proximity to Russia. In June 1992, under the bilateral agreement signed between
Russia, Georgia and North and South Ossetia, Russian peacekeeping forces were
44
deployed to separate the warring factions. It was soon followed by peacekeeping
missions in Transdniestria and the Tajikistan conflicts under the CIS peacekeeping
operation mandate and a bilateral agreement with Moldovan government to
negotiate a ceasefire.
7.2. The Second Phase (1992-1995):
Since 1992, Russia started expanding its contribution to international peacekeeping
both by sending military and police personnel to international peacekeeping
missions in FSU and in other parts of the world. In the ethno-political conflicts of
the Balkans states, particularly in Bosnia, Russia sent their First Airborne Battalion
as a part of UNPROFOR. Again in 1995, under the UN mandate, Russia sent its
peace enforcement troops in Croatia. In 1995, Russian military took part in the
NATO-led peace support operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Yennolaev 2000).
In addition, Russian military also participated in two other UN missions -
the UN Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) from December 1992 till
December 1994, and the UN Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) from
October 1993 till March 1996 (United Nations 1998a). During this phase, a sharp
criticism became a common response towards the Russian peacekeeping operations
in the CIS. It was a time when traditional peacekeeping did not enjoy any more
relevance in the complex nature of post Cold War conflicts. The announcement of
new Military Doctrine of 1993 clearly acknowledged the growing enthusiasm of
the role of Russian peacekeeping in the CIS. In the last two phases, Russian
peacekeepers became actively involved in the CIS peacekeeping operations in
former Soviet republics.
8. STRUCTURE OF RUSSIAN PEACEKEEPING FORCES
A feature of the post Cold War peacekeeping operations is that the consent of the
warring factions seems to count much less in comparison to the previous era.
Changes were thus introduced in the structure of the peacekeeping forces to meet
the new requirments. As different from the traditional structures, elite forces got .
included in peacekeeping operations. For instance, elite forces like the US Army
45
Rangers and the Russian Airborne Forces were used in the post Cold War
peacekeeping operations (Raves~y and Vorob'ev 1994: 3). This is because of the
increasing complexity in nature of the root causes of the conflicts as also the
growing danger of intra-state conflicts. It is under this context that Russian
government has included its elite forces which were drawn from the Ministry of
Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Defence.
Most of the Russian peacekeeping forces till 1999 were the former Soviet
armies. For instance, 201 5t Motorised Rifle Division (MRD), (l49th Motor Rifle
Regiment, 1915t Motor Rifle Regiment) the core peacekeeping forces in Tajikistan
is part of the former 40th Soviet army (Orr 1998: 151-152). In Georgia, the role of
the peacekeeping is played by the 2ih and 45th Motorised Rifle Divisions, which
previously served in Czechoslovakia and Hugary and Afghanistan (Ekedahl and
Goldman 2001: 272f). The 14th Army undertook the role in Moldova. The common
problem with these forces was the lack of skill on peacekeeping operation since
they were not trained for it. They did not possess any special training on
peacekeeping. The Volga and Urals Military Districts were chosen as the central
base for the Mobile Forces just because of the proximity to the former Soviet states
and because of it strategic location.
Therefore, lack of training on peacekeeping activities has remained one of
the major drawbacks of the Russian armed forces engaged in the FSU. Moreover,
insufficient funding and problems arising out oflow morale due to non-payment of
arrears and other personnel issues were other shortcomings of the early 1990's
Russian peacekeeping forces in the CIS (Makros and Saunders 2001: 50). After a
prolonged debate over two models, one proposed by the then Vice President, A.
Rutskoi and the other by the Lieuutenant-Clonel, O.Vladykin, Russia adopted the
second model of Mobile Forces structure. The Mobile Forces was divided into
'Immediate Reaction Forces' (IRF) and 'Rapid Deployment Forces' (RDF)
(Raevsky and Vorob'ev 1994: 19). It is noteworthy that the Russian Mobile
Forces has more powerful fire support than the NATO's forces. The following
figures 2 and 3 shows the proposed structure of the Russian Mobile Forces.
46
Figure 2. Rapid Deployment Forces (RDF)
Name of Forces .. Number ..
Brigades 4-6
Artillery Brigades 1
SAM 1
Assualt Helicopter Regiment 1
Aviation Squadrons 2-3
Air Assualt Battalion 1
Reconnaissance Regiment 1
Assualt Crossing Battalion 1
Expanded Engineer-snapper Battalion 1
Chemical Defense battalion 1
Signal battalion 1
Artillery command and control 1 battalion
Medical regiment 1
Material support Brigades 1
Service regiment 1
Source: ARaevsky and l.N. Vorob'ev, 'Russian Approaches to Peacekeeping Operations,' New York, UN Publication, 1994,
However, along with the establishment of the Russian Mobile Forces which
contains Rapid Deployment forces (RDF), Immediate Reaction Forces (IRF),
Russian military has begun to maintain two different types of training for
peacekeeping forces:
1. UN peacekeepers: the combined forces of the airborne and
motorized rifle divisions designated for deployment to the UN
peacekeeping operations. The troops are trained at the Vystrel
Academy near Moscow for a period of two to three months.
47
Figure 3. Immediate Reaction Forces (IRF):
Airbone division 4-5
Independent Airbone brigades 8
Light motor-Rifle brigades 6
Independent Spetsnaz 1
Air defense brigades 3
Independent Helicopter regiments 12
Satcom I
Interceptor aircraft regiments 5-7
Bomber aircraft regiment 5
Close Air Support aircraft regiment 2
Military Transport Aviation division 4
Independent Naval airbone assault 2
battalion
Naval infantry assault battalion 6
Source: A.Raevsky and LN. Vorob'ev, 'Russian Approaches to Peacekeeping Operations,' New
York, UN Publication, 1994,
2. The for~es for other peacekeeping operation such as operations in
the CIS. This troop is led by the Airborne Forces (VDV) (Ibid).
VDV forces are equipped with light armor, which are deployable by
standard military transport aviation and have maintained a high
level of discipline, training, and combat experience. The Volga
military District is the training centre of this peacekeeping force.
The new tasks of peacekeeping forces (mobile force) have been given the
same functions as those of the post Cold War the UN peacekeeping forces, such as:
1. Providing medical assistance
48
2. Regular patrolling to separate warring factions
3. Arresting offenders and confiscate weapons and ammunition
4. Helping in reconnaissance work of all kinds etc.
However, Russian peacekeeping units are far more heavily armed than the
international standard practice for peacekeeping units. The inclusions of their elite
forces in peace support operations continue to be a matter of concern in the eyes of
critics who see it as a tool of neo-imperialism inherent in Russia's foreign policy
toward the CIS.
9. PROBLEMS OF RUSSIAN PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS
The complexity of the conflicts wherein Russian peacekeepers were deployed
resulted in high casualties among the Russian peacekeepers till 1999. Since 1992 to
mid 1994, 105 Russian soldiers got killed in the CIS and almost 200 were wounded
(Russia TV channel in SUI1954 SV3, 1994). To make matters worse, the Russian
peacekeepers were undermanned. As a result, many volunteers were recruited even
from outside the Russian Federation (particularly from the host countries where the
Russian armed forces had been deployed), e.g., the recruitment of Georgian
citizens for border troops to serve in Russian units (Lepingwell 1994: 69). These
soldiers were the ones who were mainly involved in supplying arms and
ammunitions and providing support to the warring factions and thus involving
themselves into the conflict in ways determined by ethnic solidarity and sympathy.
The lack of an effective command of the armed forces has been
acknowledged during the first four years of Russian peacekeeping in the FSU.
Moreover, Russian Diplomatic efforts to obtain the UN and other international
financial support for peacekeeping operations remained unsuccessful. Hence, the
Russian Federation alone has carrying the financial burden of the expensive
operations in the FSU with its huge army. Due to such problems, Russian
peacekeeping operations have remained prone to allegations of having ulterior
motives or hidden agendas, particularly from Western countries as well as from
other CIS member-states.
49
10. THE CIS COLLECTIVE PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS
The collective peacekeeping missions of the Commonwealth of Independent States
(CIS) are formed on the basis of the Treaty of Collective Security which was
signed in 1992 in Tashkent by six states - Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,
Russian Federation, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Later it was joined (mid 1990's) by
Azerbaijan, Georgia and Belarus. The deployment of the CIS Peacekeeping
operations requires a mandate from the Council of Heads of the CIS which include
the CIS Foreign Ministers or their Plenipotentiary representatives. This Council of
the Heads of the CIS states appoints the commander in chief, who has direct
control over any specific operation of peacekeeping units.
Like the UN and other regional peacekeepers, the CIS Peacekeeping
operations also have had a task of monitoring the ceasefire between the warring
factions, providing the humanitarian aid to the civilian population, securing
unimpeded access of humanitarian aid. They also protect refugees and undertake
re-settlement programmes both for refugees and other conflict tom civilian
population, though the lack of specially trained soldiers for peacekeeping missions
has been the main characteristic of the CIS peacekeeping operations in 1990's.
Since, the Russian Federation is the only country within the CIS which has a
capacity to provide military contingents for peacekeeping operations, the CIS
peacekeeping operations have been dominated by the Russian forces. Due to such
dominance, there has persisted a fear among neighbouring states that Russia might
be attempting a reintegration of these states into a new Union. This suspicion has
also served as the source of the accusation that Russia is pursuing an imperialist
agenda behind its peacekeeping operations.
11. CONCLUSION
Peacekeeping continues to be one of the most visible measures of the peace
operations of the UN. Simultaneously, international peacekeeping is in a state of
crisis in terms of finances, doctrine, co-ordination, and quality troop contributions.
Further, the end of cold war marked the beginning of a new phase in the theory and
practice of modem peacekeeping with an increase in the role of civilian personneL
so
On the other hand, some troop contributing countries have been hesitant to
participate in peacekeeping operations since the rise in causalities of peacekeepers
has been a major concern to all.
The extensive use of military power by the world's leading nations
highlights the problematic nature of the new international peacekeeping and peace
support operations. The nature of the conflicts has also changed from inter-state
disputes to intra-state conflicts. So, in the present context, it is apparent that
Boutros-Ghali's An Agenda for Peace and the related definitions on non-use of
forces are no longer relevant to the realities of intra-state conflict. The absence of a
genuine peace agreement has become a popular nonn in the present situation.
Moreover, the neutral stand of Third parties and the consent of the parties in the
dispute have become less absolute.
As a result, despite several UN peacekeeping efforts to stop conflicts, post
Cold War world has witnessed an increasing number of conflicts where the
casualty of both peacekeepers and civil population remains very high. The regional
organisation has also increased its role as a peacekeeper in this post Cold War
environment. The time has come for cooperation between the UN and regional
organisations for peace support operations given the complex nature of the present-
day conflicts coupled with of the problem of international terrorism.
In the case of Russian peacekeeping operations, it was the proximity of the
conflicts in the CIS and· their increasing threat to the Russian national security as
well as a to its national interest that led the Russian Federation to continue to
deploy their annies in FSU despite the several agreements signed for the
withdrawal of its troops. The Russian peacekeeping operations in CIS conflicts
was operated in the same fashion and style with that of the post Cold War UN
peacekeeping operations and is legitimate under chapter VIII of the UN charter.
The military measure was one of the major characteristics of the Russian
peacekeeping operation in FSU until 1999. But in theory, the Russian
peacekeeping operation was deployed with the similar tasks as it was with the
peacekeeping activities. The Russian Military Doctrine of 1993 provides an insight
to its peacekeeping operations both in international and CIS conflicts. The nature
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of the Russian peacekeeping operations in FSU, like other international peace
support operations in various part of the world, acknowledges the same complexity
of the post Cold War conflicts.
It is a little immature to conclude if the Russian peacekeeping operations in
FSU are part of a neo-imperialist policy. But it is true that Russian Federation has
been trying to regain regional power status in this post Cold War period.
Furthermore, Russia has also been using the ethnic Russian diaspora in the former
Soviet Union as a tool in pursuing this status. Accordingly, since the early 1990's,
Russian peacekeeping operations became part of its foreign policy towards the
CIS.
However, despite the complex nature of the rationale and ambitions behind
Russian peacekeeping operations, it would be crucial that Russia and the
international community join hands to maintain peace and stability in the world,
particularly given the problem of increasing threats from international terrorism.
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