23

CHAPTER - I

POLITICAL BACKGROUND OF TRAVANCORE

Travancore and Ay Kings

Among the few maritime States of India, Travancore enjoyed

position of historical importance. In political the earliest rulers of

Travancore were the Ay kings. The Ay Kings were probably ruling over the

region around the Potiyil Hills, the southernmost section of the Western

Ghats.1 Ptolemy states that the territory of the Ays flourished in the South of

the Chera Kingdom and extended from Nelcynda to Kumari and the Pandya

Kingdom laid only ‘Past Komaria’.2 Robert Sewell opines that the Ay were

the rulers of the hill-country of Travancore.3 Ayakkudi near Aralvaymoli,

Idalakkudi and certain place-names near Amsi give some clues regarding the

Ay Kingdom of the Sangam Age.

The important Ay kings who ruled over Travancore are Ay

Andiran, Titiyan, Atiyan II and Nanchil Porunan.4 Ay Andiran is said to be

an independent ruler. His region extended over the mountainous tracts from

the Coimbatore gap in the Western Ghats down to Kanyakumari in the

1 Travancore Archaological Series, Vol. I, Trivandrum, 1913, pp. 17 - 19.

2 Rajaraja Varma M., Some Travancore Dynastic Records Kerala Society Papers

Series I, p. 27

3 Robert Sewell, Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, Madras, 1932, p. 361.

4 Sreedhara Menon A., Kerala District Gazetteers, Trivandrum, 1962, p. 104.

24

South.5 Purananuru extols him as a philanthropic king who ruled over the

region near the Potiyil Hill. He is described as Vel Ay and Mal-Vel-Ay in

Purananuru. He patronized the Tamil poets. The most important among

them were Mudamociyar, Kuttuvan, Kiranar and Odaikilar. Another

eminent poet Karikkannanar also refers to him in Nattinai, Ay Andiran

drove the Pandyas from Nanchilnad and came to prominence some time

between 96 and 140 A.D.6

Titiyan is described as ‘Potiyir Celvan’ by the poet-king

Bhutappandiyan. During his reign, the neighbouring Pandya Kingdom was

ruled by king Bhutappandiyan. The Sangam literature does not make

mention of any war between Bhutappandiyan and Titiyan. But the Pandyan

king must have come at least as far as Boothappandy, a place named after

him, and where a temple called Bhutappandisaramudaiyar was founded. So

it may be suggested that the Pandya king and Titiyan come to an agreement

fixing Bhutappandi as the western limit of Pandyan Kingdom, leaving the

region to the North and West of it in the hands of Titiyan.7 In the time of

Atiyan, the Ay Kingdom began to disintegrate.

8 Alakiyapandiyan is said to

5 Elankulam Kunjan Pillai P.N., Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1970, p. 66.

6 Pillai K.K., Suchindram Temple, Madras, 1952, p. 15.

7 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol.I, Trivandrum, 1913, pp. 19 - 34.

There is a village named Atiyannoor is Neyyattinkara Taluk even today. The older

name of Alakiapandipuram in Thovalai Taluk was also Atiyannoor. It is quite

possible that these villages were named after Atiyan.

8 Sreedhara Menon, A., A Survey of Kerla History, Kottayam, 1967, p. 65.

25

have invaded the kingdom of the Ays and defeated Atiyan and reduced him

to the position of a tributary Chief of the Pandya king. Paranar, the Tamil

poet has described this historical fight in the Ahananuru and sings of the

victorious flag of the Pandyas, flying on the top of the Potiyil Hills.9

The Ays after being defeated by the Pandyas struggled in vain

to regain their lost independence and their supremacy over the Potiyil

region. Talayalankanattu Ceru Ventra Neduncheliyan, who came to the

Pandya throne during the reign of Titiyan II, repulsed the latter in the battle

of Talayalankanam. Thus, the battle of Talayalankanam sealed for ever the

fate of the Ay kingdom.10

This heroic fight of Talayalankanam has been

briefly described by Nakkirar in the Ahananuru. As a result of the battle of

Talayalankanam, the Potiyil region was broken up into petty Kingdoms.11

Travancore and the Pandya Kings

After the discomfiture of the Ay kings, certain regions of

Nanchilnad remained under Pandya rule for several centuries. The Pandya

King Sendan (645 – 670 A.D.) invaded Nanchilnad.12

The only reliable

basis for the inference that he undertook expeditions beyond Aralvaymoli is

that Sendan assumed the surname Vanava, the distinctive appellation of the

9 Sangam Literatuer (Tamil), Ahananuru, Stanza - 162.

10 Ibid., 42.

11 Sangam Literatuer (Tamil), Ahananuru, Stanza - 36

12 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol.VI, Trivandrum, 1913, Part.1, p.100.

26

Chera. It is also inferred from certain surviving place-names that he might

have conquered parts of Nanchilnad and commemorated his victories by

bestowing his own villages and temples.13

For instance, at Talakkudi, about

three miles north-east of Kottar, there exists the Temple

Sendanisvaramudiyar. Popular tradition connecting this shrine with Sendan,

a Pankyan, is perhaps based on fact. Again, on the southern fringe of

Alakiyapandipuram is found a temple known as Jayandanarkoyil. Further, a

village in the Agasteeswaram Taluk located about five miles south-west of

Kottar is the village of Sendanputur.

The next king who attacked Travancore and places to the

North of it was Sendan’s successor known as Arikesari Maravarman (670 –

710). He achieved victories at Kottar and captured it.14

It is described in the

Commentary of Iraiyanar Akapporul. So, it is certain that he conquered

certain portions of Travancore which were not under Pandya authority. He

completed the annexation of Nanchilnad to the Pandya Kingdom.

Kochadaiyan (710 – 740 A.D.) who succeeded Arikesari is said to have

defeated Ay Vel, who held sway in the Western Ghats region in the battle of

Marudur.15

The Ay king was forced to acknowledge the Pandya supremacy.

Perhaps, Kochadaiyan extinguished the last vestiges of the authority of the

13 Ibid.,

14 Pillai K.K.,op. cit., p. 21

15 Elankulam Kunjan Pillai P.N., op. cit., p. 49.

27

Ays in Travancore and thus completely asserted the Pandya supremacy over

the whole of Travancore.

During the reign of Maran Chadayan (765 – 815 A.D.), the Ay

ruler again seems to have reasserted his independence in the neighbouring

region to the North, including South Travancore and the Pandya king had to

wage a war with Ay Vel. Later he was defeated and his country annexed.16

Not satisfied with this victory the Pandya king marched against the Ay king,

Karunadan, probably the successor of Ay Vel. The result of this battle is not

known, but it is unlikely that the Ay ruler was completely subdued by the

Pandya ruler. In this encounter, Karunadan was assisted by the Cheras, and

the Pandya army was driven back as far as Karaikkottai which is identified

with Aralvaymoli.17

It appears that Viranarayana Chadayan, who ascended the

Pandya throne about 880, had also been actively connected with Travancore.

Some of his inscriptions are found in the temple of Suchindram that was one

of the sacred places patronized by him. The fact that the Suchindram

inscriptions of his period bear the regnal years of his reign is a clear proof

that the locality was under his sway. Veera Narayana Seri and Veera

Narayana Mangalam, two villages located within a few miles of Kottar,

16 Travancore Archaeological Series, No.XII, Trivandrum, 1913, pp.188 - 189.

17 Ramanatha Iyer A.S., ‘The Aruvaymoli Pass or the Open Gateway of Travancore’,

Journal of Indian History, April, 1925, p. 7.

28

perhaps owe their names to the particular Pandya sovereign.18

Again in 900,

Raja Simha II succeeded Viranarayana and that he continued to be in

possession of Nanchilnad is attested by his inscriptions which are found in

large numbers in this region.19

However, Rajasimha’s power, and along

with it, the supremacy of the early Pandyas, was crushed by Parantaka

Chola.

Travancore and the Chola Empire

About the beginning of the tenth century A.D., South

Travancore was annexed to the Chola Empire by Parantaka I (907 – 955

A.D.). His inscriptions are found in Travancore; especially in Suchindram.20

He defeated Maravarman Rajasimha, the Pandya king. Parantaka captured

Kanyakumari and extended his kingdom up to Suchindram as is testified by

the Suchindram inscription of Parantaka Chola I, which records the gift of

fifty sheep for maintaining a perpetual lamp before the God of the temple at

Suchindram.21

But, it was only in the reign of Raja Raja I, the greatest of the

Chola rulers (985 – 1016 A.D.) that Chola authority was firmly established

over the whole of the Pandya Kingdom including Nanchilnad.22

His

hegemony was accepted even beyond the northern boundary of Nanchilnad.

18 Sreedhara Menon A., op. cit. p. 213.

19 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol.IV, Trivandrum, 1913, pp. 120 - 123.

20 Ibid., Vol. XIC., pp. 237 – 238.

21 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1913, pp. 237 - 238.

22 Nilakanta Sastri K.A., The Cholas, Vol. I, Madras, 1955, pp. 104 - 105.

29

Several inscriptions in the Cholapuram Temple near Kottar

bear witness to the Chola conquest of Travancore.23

The temple itself was

built by Arayan Madhurantaka Cholan a native of Tanjore, who after serving

as a military commander under the Cholas appears to have settled down in

Nanchilnad as a subordinate chief.24

In commemoration of his great vicoty

over the Pandyas, Raja Raja renamed Kanyakumari as Rajarajesvaram.

RajaRaja seems to have consolidated his southern conquests by constituting

the newly acquired places into a separate administrative unit called RajaRaja

Pandinadu. Kottar which was the southern most military outpost in the

Chola dominion was named Mummudicholanallur and a Chola garrision

(nilappadai) was permanently stationed there.25

Thus by the end of the reign

of RajaRaja Chola, South Travancore became an integral part of the Chola

kingdom.

Raja Raja was succeeded by his son Rajendra I. Rajendra I

made Cholapuram as his capital26

and governed the farflung provinces

through Viceroys. He appointed his son Jatavarman, the first Viceroy over

the Pandya territory, the southern part of the Pandya region, including

Nanchilnad came to be governed by the Chola Pandya Viceroys lasting for

23 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. VI, Trivandrum, pp. 1 - 6.

24 Ibid.,

25 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. I, Part I, Trivandrum, 1913, p. 2.

26 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. III, Trivandrum, 1913, p. 198.

30

nearly sixty-five years, at the end of which period this system was finally

abolished by Kulottunga I.27

Kulottunga I (1070 – 1118 A.D.) the first of the Eastern

Chalukya Chola emperors came to the throne and was closely associated

with Travancore.28

An inscription of Tirukkalukkunram refers to his

victories against the ‘Five Pandyas’ and capture of the region round the

Potiyil Hill and also the destruction of Kottar.29

He was opposed to the

sharing of power with the Viceroys and hence unified it under greater

control from the centre. He introduced a new system of opening military

cantonments at various strategic places with a view to maintain law and

order and to prevent attempts by the outlying regions at breaking away from

the empire. One such unit was kept at Kottar in South Travancore. An

inscription at Cholapuram dated in his 9th

regional year mentions ‘Kottaru

Nilappadai’.30

In the reign of Kulottunga, the Western Chalukyas and

Hoysalas achieved several victories over the Cholas and the northern portion

of the Chola Empire passed under their sway. Taking advantage of this

disaster, Parantaka Pandya overran Kanyakumari easily.31

He is also said to

27 Nilakanta Sastri K.A., op. cit., p.231.

28 Travancore Archaeological Series, No. XI, p. 293.

29 Pate H.R., Madras District Gazetteers- Tinnevelley, Vol.I Madras, 1917, p. 50.

30 Travancore Archaeological Series, No. XIV, Trivandrum, 1913, p. 247.

31 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. I, No. 3, pp. 5 - 6.

31

have occupied Travancore and even marched up to Vilinjam and Kandalur

Salai. In the words of K.K. Pillai, Parantaka did not occupy Nanchilnad, but

only marched his army from Kanyakumari to Travancore; nevertheless it

must be conceded that he captured Vilinjam and Kandalur Salai during his

march through these places.32

Depending on the Kanyakumari inscription of

Parantaka Pandya one cannot contradict the conclusion that the Pandya king

was successful in his campaign against Nanchilnad and even against

Kupaka, the Venad ruler. The loss of Nanchilnad in the South appreciably

weakened the Chola power, which was soon dislodged by the Venad

rulers.33

Travancore andVenad Rulers

The history of Nanchilnad during the transition from the Chola

authority to that of the Venad rulers is covered by a thick mist of historical

uncertainities. On the strength of an inscription on the Pandiyan Anai or the

dam on the river Parali, Nagam Aiya records also mention the achievements

of Kupaka ruler. This inscription and the records tell that a Kupaka ruler

conquered Kottar and seized the whole of Travancore in 1116.34

The later part of the twelfth century, Ravi Varma Kulasekhara

(1299 – 1311 A.D.) of Quilon, not only brought the whole of Kerala under

32 Pillai K.K., op. cit., p. 29.

33 Kerala Soceity Papers, Vol. III., Series 4, pp. 200 - 208.

34 Nagam Aiya V., The Travancore State Manual, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1906, p. 25.

32

his sway, but also took advantage of the internecine quarrels of the Pandyas

and the hopeless effect of the Cholas to push his conquests as far as the

Chengelpet District and crown himself Emperor of the whole of South India.

Ravi Varma was also a distinguished poet and patron of letters. He was

popular as ‘Samgramdhira’ or firm in battle. The possessions of Venad,

however, were lost in the deluge of the Mohammedan inroad that swept the

Carnatic shortly after.35

But when Kampana of Vijayanagar drove the

Mohammedans from Trichinopoly and Madurai in 1371 A.D. and the

Pandyas returned to power, it became possible for Venad once again to

extend her conquests as far as Kayal, a sea-port in the Tinnevelly District in

the middle of the fifteenth century, as testified to by the Mohammedan

traveller Abdur Razzack.

Udaya Marthanda Varma surnamed Bhutalavira, who ruled

over Venad at the beginning of the sixteenth century, was a sovereign of

singular prowess and may not be aptly compared to Edward III of England.36

He ruled over large portions of Tinnevelly and exacted tribute even from

Ceylon.37

He also married a Chola Princess, just as Ravi Varma had married

a Pandyan princess in the fourteenth century and the Chola kings Parantaka I

and Parantaka II had married Kerala princesses in the tenth century. A

35 Taylor W., Historical Manuscript Translation, Vol. I, Madras, 1951, p. 226.

36 Ulloor Parameswara Aiyer S., Progress of Travancore under H.H. Sreemoolam

Tirunal, Trivandrum, 1989, p.18.

37 Ladislas Michael, Francis Xavier, Kandi, 1910, pp. 20 - 24 and William Vogan,

Malabar, Vol.I, Madras, 1951, p. 310.

33

treaty was also entered into with the Portuguese in 1516 A.D., this being the

first treaty of Travancore with a European power.38

In 1532 A.D., Achyuta

Raya of Vijayanagar over-ran South Travancore, and Venad had to make

peace with the great Hindu Empire.39

In 1544 A.D., there was another

invasion of Travancore by Vittala Deva, son of Rama Raya of Vijayanagar,

apparently for the recovery of the tribute left in arrears by Venad and with a

view to chastise her for being an ally of Portugal.40

The impending calamity

was averted by a timely peace with Vittala. When the Nayaks of Madurai

stepped into the shoes of the Vijayanagar kings after the eventual overthrow

of the latter at the battle of Talaikotta in 1565 A.D. Muthuvirappa Nayak in

1606 A.D. and the great Tirumalai Nayak himself in 1635 A.D. led

expeditions against Travancore.41

It is said that Francis Xavier, the Catholic priest and

missionary marched in front of the Travancore army with a crucifix in his

hand and his sudden appearance produced a panic in the ranks of the enemy.

The enemy was beaten back with great loss. The Maharaja received Francis

Xavier and said, “They call me the great king, but hereafter for ever they

will call you the Great Father”.42

38 Velu Pillai T.K., The Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1996, p. 156.

39 Ibid., pp.165 - 167.

40 Diocese of Kottar, Directory – 1983, Nagercoil, 1982, pp. 60 - 65.

41 Panikkar K.M., Asia and Western Dominance, Newyork, 1922, pp. 187 - 188.

42 Abraham M.V., A Concise history of Travancore, Tiruvalla, 1942, p.4.

34

During the reign of Unni Kerala Varma, Thirumalai Nayak of

Madurai sent an army to invade Travanore about the close of 1634 A.D.

Eravi Kutti Pillai, the matchless soldier, was the commander of the

Travancore army. He fought bravely to the last though he was treacherously

attacked by an assassin from behind. His head was to be sent to Thirumalai

Nayak, but one of his soldiers rescued it from the enemy and placed it before

the Maharaja. The Maharaja attended his funeral procession and then called

on the hero’s mother and consoled her. As a result of the invasion, crops

were destroyed, houses plundered and the ryots suffered heavily. The

southern parts of Nanchilnad remained under the rule of the Nayaks for

sometime more. Unni Kerala Varma granted to the English merchants a site

for a factory at Vilinjam.43

Travancore and the Feudal Nobility

The feudal nobility in Travancore had become very powerful.

The king’s power was reduced to nothing. Sri Padmanabhaswami Temple at

Trivandrum owned most of the lands in the State.44

By a settlement, the

management of the temple was assumed by a council consisting of eight

Brahmin priests and the Maharaja. The Maharaja had only half a vote while

the other councilors or Yogakkar had eight votes. The Yogakkar divided the

43 George Schurhammer, Francisce Xavier – His Life and His Times, Vol.II, Rome,

1907, pp.439 – 449.

44 Elamkulam Kunjam Pillai P.N., Chila Kerala Charitra Prasnamgal (Malayalam),

Kottayam, 1963, p.74.

35

lands owned by the temple into eight districts. Over each district a

nobleman was appointed for the collection of revenues. These noblemen

came to be known as Ettuveettil Pillamar – ‘Lords of the Eight House’ K.M.

Panikkar in his Malabar and the Dutch says: “During the reign of Rajah

Aditya Varma who ruled from 1661 to 1677 A.D. the feudal anarchy in the

State took the most violent forms. The palace of the Rajah was set fire to

and later on the ruler himself was poisioned.”45

As there was no male heir to

Aditya Varma, Umayammai, the Queen of Attingal, succeeded to the throne.

Attingal was one of the five branches of the Trippappu family. The others

were Travancore Desinganad, Elayadathu Swaroopam and Nedumangadu.46

A Mughal soldier of fortune known as Mukilan invaded the

southern part of Travancore in 1680 A.D. The invasion is known as

‘Mukilan – padai’ (Mughals invasion). The Yogakkar and Pillamar did not

oppose him. He therefore advanced on Trivandrum and encamped at

Manakad.47

The Rani herself left the capital. Thus the Mughal soldier

became the master of the country between Thovalai and Edava. The Rani

appealed for help to Kerala Varma, the Raja of Kottayam. Prince Kerala

Varma was a great soldier and great poet. He collected a large army and

defeated the Mughal chief at Thiruvattar. Mukilan fell down in the battle.

45 Travancore Dynastic Records, Kerala Society Papers, Series 6, Trivandrum, pp.340-

345.

46 Ibid.,

47 Velu Pillai T.K., op. cit., p.217.

36

After restoring the Rani to her former position, he built two palaces at

Trivandrum and lived in one of them. But Kerala Varma was assassinated in

his palace by the agents of the Ettuveetil Pillamar. Umayammai Rani was a

famous and fabulous queen in Travancore History. In 1684 the English East

India Company obtained permission from her to build a factory at

Anjengo.48

The English had established their factories in Travancore viz.,

Anjengo, Vilinjam and Kovalam.

The Dutch East India Company which was formed in 1502 had

progressed steadily. They formed many settlements on the Malabar Coast

after driving the Portuguese from most of their possessions. In 1653, they

drove the Portuguese from Cochin. The Portuguese influence disappeared

from Malabar by the year 1663 and the Dutch became masters of the entire

commerce of Malabar. By 1664 A.D., the Dutch had concluded treaties of

alliance with the chief princes in Travancore viz., the Rajas of Kayamkulam,

Travancore, Quilon, Porakad and Kottarakarai. The main object of these

alliances was to secure a monopoly for the trade in pepper and opium. The

chief Dutch settlements in Travancore about 1667 were Quilon,

Kayamkulam, Purakad, Karunagappalli and Thengappattinam.49

48 Shungunny Menon P., History of Travancore, Madras, 1878, p.75.

49 Letter to Batavia, 12th May 1741, also Gallati, The Dutch in Malabar, (n.d), Madras,

1878, p.83.

37

Rulers of Travancore

Ravi Varma, the youngest surviving son of Umayammai Rani

having attained his 16th

year was crowned king in 1684 A.D. Two princes

Unni Kerala Varma and two princesses were adopted from the Kolath

family. Ravi Varma was an able ruler. He defeated and annihilated the

Nayak army of Madurai that attacked Travancore Kingdom.50

When the

news of the disaster reached Mangammal, the Queen Regent at Madurai,

sent her minister Narasappa with a large army to Travancore in 1697 A.D.

and Maharaja’s army gallantly defended the country.51

The Madurai army

was not able to defeat the Travancore forces. Narasappa then plundered the

outlying portions of Nanchilnadu. Unni Kerala Varma, the elder of the

princes adopted from Kolathunad, succeeded Ravi Varma. He was weak

and unpopular; the people looked upon him as a stranger. The pillamar

became so powerful that the king removed his residence to Neyyatinkarai.52

Rani of attingal a sandy spit of land at Anjengo for the location

of a factory. In 1690 they also obtained permission to build a fort at

Anjengo. The fort was completed in 1695. The acquisition of Anjengo was

a substantial gain to the English, for the place commanded the line of water

communication to the north and provided ample facilities for trade.53

A

50 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., pp.78 - 79.

51 Gallati, The Dutch in Malabar, Madras, 1878, p.83.

52 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., pp.78-81.

53 Anjengo Consulations, Vol.III A, 1750, p.3

38

depot for military stores was also opened here and before long Anjengo

developed into the most omport English possession on the west coast next

only to Bombay. It also provided a convenient foothold from where the

English East India Company could extend its sphere of influence in south

and central Kerala. However, the grant of concession to the English at

Anjengo provoked of concession the wroth of the local population and in

1697 the factory at Anjengo was subjected to a violent attack by the local

people, but it proved abortive.54

In April 1723 A.D., a formal treaty was concluded between the

English East India Company and the king of Travancore. It may be

mentioned that this is "the first treaty negotiated by the English East India

Company with an Indian State". Under the provisions of this treaty, the chief

of the Trippappur Swarupam undertook to construct a fort at Colachel for

the English at his own cost and the company undertook to supply the

artillery and ammunitions of war for the fort.55

This treaty which laid the

foundations of friendship between Travancore and the English East India

Company was signed by Prince Marthanda Varma and Dr. Alexander Orme,

the commender of Anjengo, representing the two parties. In August 1723

A.D., Dr. Alexender Orme formally communicated to the Raja the

Company's willingness to render all help to him in suppressing the power of

54 English Factories in India, 1642 - 45.

55 Kerala Society Papers, Vol.I & II, 1997, p.45

39

the pillamar and the fendal nobility.56

In 1726 A.D., the Rani of Attingal

gave the English the site for a factory at Edava. The policy of friendship and

alliance between the English and Travancore was further developed during

the reign of Marthanda Varma.

Unni Kerala Varma died in 1724 A.D. He was succeeded by

his brother Rama Varma.57

In 1726, Rama Varma on the advice of his

nephew Prince Marthanda Varma was arrived at the most important dicision

in the history of Travancore. This was to pay homage and allegiance to the

new Mughal Governor of the Carnatic and to seek his aid for the destruction

of the Yogakkar and Pillamar.58

With this object, the king went to Trichi

and entered into a treaty with the Governor of the Carnatic. He agreed to

pay an annual tribute of Rs.3000/- to the Nawab of Carnatic. The Nawab

took him under his protection and sent an army of 2000 infantry and 1000

cavalry to crush the refractory nobles. The Maharaja was to meet the

expenses of the army which was to remain under his orders. The Pillamar

and the Yogakkar fled for their lives.

In 1728 A.D., a party of men sent by the Ettuveetil Pillamar

attacked the senior Rani and her little son Rama Varma on their way from

56 Ibid., V.I., p.6, & Travancore Archaeological Report for 1923 - 24, p.50,

57 Kusuman, K.K., A History of Trade and Commerce in Travancore, New Delhi, 1987,

pp.85 – 86.

58 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p.81.

40

Trivandrum to Attingal.59

The Rani’s consort, Kerala Varma Koil

Thampuran, saved them by sacrificing his life. He belonged to the

Kilimanur House. The Kilimanur Estate was conferred upon the Koil

Thampuran’s family as a free-hold grant in recognition of his heroic services

to the Royal family. Rama Varma died in 1728. The early history of

Travancore closes with his reign.60

Marthanda Varma and the Modern Travancore

Travancore attained its territorial configuration during the

reign of Maharaja Marthanda Varma (1729 – 1758 A.D.) who enlarged the

kingdom of Venad, consolidated the royal authority, reorganized

administration and founded the modern Travancore. He reintroduced the

land tax in 1739. When the kingdom expanded and administration became

unwieldy, the Maharaja formed a ministry, headed by Dewan.

Administration was now centralized. In addition, he shifted his capital from

Thiruvitamcode to Padmanabhapuram in 1756. Marthanda Varma

modernized administration but along with it, the State was transformed into

a ‘Hindu State’, where Brahmins reigned supreme.61

To quote the words of his illustrious descendants, the late His

Highness Visakham Tirunal Maharaja, as great in letters as his ancestor had

59 Ibid. pp. 80 - 81.

60 Kunjan Pillai, Annathe Keralam (Malayalam), Kottayam, 1965, p.37.

61 The Martas State Directory, Cochin, 1934, No.VIII, p.3., Travancore Land Revenue

Manual, Vol.IV, p.365.

41

been in arms. “Marthanda Varma succeeded to a heritage as thorny as it was

poor. The feeble rule of a series of his predecessors had fostered the greedy

of the surrounding chieftains and the turbulence of internal malcontents to

such an extent that their kingdom was almost a misnomer and their authority

little better than a mockery. But Marthanda Varma was one of those whom

the world produced, but at rare intervals. He was born to command and

conquer. He had the best of schooling, that of hardship he had the best of

teachers- foes". He was served by one of the ablest of ministers (Ramayyan

Dalwa). Sully did not serve Henry IV of France more ably and faithfully as

Ramayyan did Marthanda Varma.62

The Baron de Rosny was the very man

to remedy this state of matters; rude, obstinate and haughty, but at the same

time resolute, active, indefatigable and wholly devoted to his master’s

interests. Ramayyan was unrelenting, unsparing and often unscrupulous to

his master’s enemies, but himself was merged completely in that of his

master. He was as fearless in the council room as he was in the battlefield.

With such a minister at his right hand, and with a strong will, abiding

patience, and indomitable courage, the Raja not only won back what his

predecessors had lost, but subjugatd one after another the neighbouring

chiefs who were a perpetual source of trouble.63

62 Accompaniments to the Letters from Coromandal, 1738 – 1739, Notes on Travancore,

Madras.

63 Ulloor S. Parameswara Aiyer, op. cit, p.20.

42

The Maharaja, assisted by Ramayyan Dalawa, his trusted

minister, added Attingal to Travancore, conquered the principalities of

Kottarakkara, Quilon, Kayamkulam, Ambalapuzha (Chempakasserry),

Tekkumkur and Vadakkumkur, and severely defeated the Dutch at Colachel,

compelling them to conclude a treaty with him at Mavelikara in 1753, under

which they agreed to recede from all engagements entered into by them with

other Malabar princes and on no account to interfere in their quarrels.64

The

1741 battle fought at Colachel gave a shock treatment to the Dutch designs

in Kerala.65

The Dutch thought of packing themselves off from the Kerala

coast after this battle. This is the first defeat of a European power at the

hands of an Asian power Travancore. The Zamorin of Calicut was repulsed

and treaties were entered into with the Raja of Cochin and the Nawab of the

Carnatic. This remarkable career of conquest and annexation was followed

by consolidation and reform. The suppression of internal dissensions and

the establishment of peace had been accomplished from one end of the

country to the other, from Cape Comorin to Mamala near Udayamperoor in

Cochin, but the order thus restored could not be considered stable in view of

sedition within and jealously without.66

He resolved to signalize his reign by

a great act of State. On the 17th

January 1750, he publicly dedicated the

entire territory to his family Deity Sri Padmanabha. This epoch making

64 Velu Pillai T.K., op. cit. pp. 320-322.

65 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit, p.100.

66 Cover File No.15184, Boundary Disputes, Correspondence between Maharaja Veera

Kerala Verma of Cochin and Colonel Munro register 1811 to 1814.

43

event was one of supreme significance in his devotion. It meant the

collection of revenue in the name of God and the expenditure of the same in

the interests of the people.67

The solemn religious character thus stamped on

the constitution of the State has never been lost sight of by his successors on

the throne, every one of whom has loyally and faithfully striven to discharge

the sacred trust”.68

Travancore and the British

Maharaja Marthanda Varma was, in every sense, a great ruler,

but the crucial test of his greatness lay in the attitude of faith and friendship

which he adopted towards Englishmen. The English had established a

factory at Vizhinjam in about 1644 A.D., followed by another at Ruttera

(Valiyaturai) a few years later. In 1684, they obtained a piece of land at

Anjengo from the Rani of Attingal, where a factory was built in 1695.69

These concessions exasperated the malcontents, who apprehended a check to

her career of organized brigandage in the presence of those powerful

foreigners. They attacked the Anjengo factory in 1697 and murdered the

foreigners in 1721 A.D.70

67 Selections from the Records of Travncore, Part.I, p.16, Shungunny Menon P., op. cit.,

pp.125-127.

68 Selections from the Records of Travancore, Part.II, Trivandrum, p.16.

69 Ulloor S. Parameswara Aiyer, op. cit., p.22.

70 Anjengo Factory Records, and Diaries, Vol.V, Part.I, p.22-30.

44

The English in their turn resolved to put down all enemies and

subject the country to the ruling dynasty. A spirit of mutual attachment thus

grew up between the Maharaja of Travancore and the English East India

Company, which was strengthened by the helpful solicitude of Marthanda

Varma. In 1757, in a letter to the Governor of Madras, he is found referring

to the Company as his ‘old and faithful friend’ from whom he was receiving

great favour.71

How sincere he was in the profession of this friendship may

be seen from the solemn and prophetic death-bed advice that he gave to

Rama Varma, the heir apparent to the throne, in the very next years. He

called his heir to his bed-side and advised him with all the emphasis he

could command. There Englishmen appear to be destined to rise to such

power and glory as are hitherto unparalleled. Let it be your constant aim

and endeavor to secure their friendship and support.72

The subsequent

history of Travancore has proved how far this advice has been cherished by

the Maharajas of Travancore as their most priceless heir-loom.

His successor Karthikai Thirunal Rama Varma (Dharma Raja)

reigned during the period 1758 and 1798. During the fag end of his rule, he

entered into a treaty of perpetual alliance with the English East India

Company in 1795. It was he who permanently transferred the capital from

Padmanabhapuram to Trivandrum. He was assisted by two able ministers

Ayyappan Marthandan Pillai and Raja Kesavadhas. 71 Panikkar K.M., History of Kerala (1498 – 1801) Annamalai Nagar, 1960, p.239.

72 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p.130.

45

Balarama Varma (1798 – 1810 A.D.) the weak successor of

Karthikai Thirunal Rama Varma came under the influence of the three

ministers, Jayanthan Sankaran Nambudiri, Sankaranarayana Chetti and

Mathu Tharakan.73

These ministers raised forced contributions from the

people to improve the finance of the State. The most important event that

occurred during this period was the rise and fall of Velu Thampi. Velu

Thampi supported by large body of men revolted openly against the practice

of exhorting money from the people. As a result, the Dewan was suspended.

Velu Thampi became the Dewan of Travancore in 1801. During this period,

a revolt in the barracks forced Travancore to conclude a modified treaty of

alliance and friendship with the East India Company and to become a

subsidiary ally.74

As per the treaty of 1805, Travancore had to pay a tribute

of Rs. 80,000 annually to the Company. The insistence on prompt payment

in spite of a bankrupt economy forced Velu Thampi to raise the banner of

revolt along with Paliath Achan, the Dewan of Cochin who also came into

conflict with the Resident on grounds of interference of the company in the

internal affairs of his State. The uprising was crushed and Velu Thampi

committed suicide in 1809.75

With his death, Travancore practically lost its independent

status even its army was disbanded. From then onwards the British interest

73 Panikkar K.M., op. cit., p.240.

74 Sobhanan B., Dewan Velu Thampi and the British, Trivandrum, 1978, pp.52-57.

75 Agur C.M., Church History of Travancore, Madras, 1903, pp.528 - 529.

46

became the main plank of the administration. All succeeding Rajas and

Dewans were satisfied with one aspect of sovereignity, viz, the internal

sovereignity.76

It was in the year 1810 that Colonel Munro took up office as

British Resident in the court of the Raja of Travancore. He was expected to

render yeoman service to the cause of the consolidation of British power in

Travancore and this was expressed by A. Falconer, the Chief Secretary to

the Madras Government, in his letter to Colonel Munro informing him of his

appointment as Resident on 23rd

March 1810, “The nature of the past

transactins and the existing state of affairs in that quarter render the situation

of the Resident in the court of Travancore in a high degree important,

difficult and delicate, and His Lordship in Council is satisfied that, in

selecting an officer possessing all the requisite qualifications for an office so

arduous, he fully provides for the public interests in confiding his trust to

you”.77

Within a few years he had by cautious, enlightened, intelligent, and

liberal policies thrust Travancore on a new course. His period was one of

great activity and progress to which the people trace the origin of everything

good in the state and considered it the golden age of Travancore.78

76 Company Government Proclamation, dated 17

th January, Fort St. George, 1809.

77 Ulloor Parameswara Aiyer S., Colonel Munro, Kerala Society Papers, Vol.II, Series 7,

(November, 1931) p.41.

78 Ibid.,

47

When Munro came to Travancore in Octorber 1810 A.D., he

found the Maharaja Balaramavarma, a weak ruler, overshadowed by

Ummini Tampi, who had been appointed Dewan on 15th

March 1810 A.D.

He saw that the country was in a state of extreme anarchy and confusion.

No progress had been made nor any disposition manifested to secure by a

system of Judiciary and retrenchment the means of retrieving the Rajas

affairs.79

The State had to pay a heavy debt to the Company towards the

expense incurred by the military operations of the Madras Government

consequent on the insurrection of Velu Thampi in 1808 – 1809 A.D.

Besides, even the annual subsidy due to the Comapany had fallen into

arrears.80

The Dewan Ummini Tampi, failed to adopt measures for tiding

over the crisis and the immediate interference of the paramount power was

becoming increasingly imperative.81

The death of Balaramavarma on 7th

November 1810 A.D. made Rani Lekshmi Bai ascend the throne in 1810,

which ushered in a new change.82

Her Highness Lekshmi Bai

Her Highness Lekshmi Bai commenced her reign in a manner

quite different from that of her predecessor, and which could scarcely have

79 Minutes of Evidence taken before the selected committee on the Affairs of East India

Company (ordered by the House of Commons to be printed, 16 August 1831) VI –

Political, p.275.

80 Ibid.,

81 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p.363.

82 Gopala Panikkar P.T.K., Malabar and its Folk, Madras, 1900, p.101.

48

been expected from two persons of her age and sex. Though young, Her

Highness was possessed of a cultivated mind, was gifted with a sound

judgement, had sagacity to discern what was good for her kingdom, and to

adopt such measures as were calculated for its improvement. She possessed

an additional advantage in being wedded to Rajah Raja Varmah, Koil

Thampuran of Changanacherry, who was an accomplished Sanskrit scholar,

well versed in the institutes of Manu, as well as in all the Puranas.

Thampuran, who was only a year older than his royal consort, was the best

counselor of Her Highness in all matters, both domestic and public.83

Her Highness's good qualities are too numerous to be

described here, and the writer thinks that he would not be to do justice in the

narration, where he had to undertake such a task for, his inquires lead him to

the conclusion that a full volume might be written regarding the life and

career of this accomplished Rani, though her reign lasted only for a short

period.84

Her Highness, young as she was, had observed the weak points of

her deceased uncle’s character the self-interested proceedings of Dewan

Ummani Thambi, the disorganized state of the Government resulting from

the mismanagement of affairs, and therefore Her Highness was most anxious

to correct these evils, and which alone she knew the credit of her

Government could be regained and the welfare of her subject promoted.

83 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p.65.

84 Ibid.,

49

With this view, Her Highness resolved to entrust the Government of her

kingdom into the hands of Colonel Munro, the Resident of Travancore.85

Rani Lekshmi Bai commenced her glorious reign in a manner

quite different from her predecessor.86

She declared her perfect reliance on

and respect towards the Company and placed herself under the guidance and

support of it whose bosom had been an asylum for the protectin of an infant

like Travancore. Since the time Sri Padmanabha Swami had effected an

alliance with such a respectable company of the European nation.87

Rani

Lekshmi Bai entrusted everything connected with Travancore into the hands

of Munro and called him her elder brother,88

which changed the course of

the history of Travancore.

Ummini Thampi

After her accession to the throne, she wanted to dispense with

the services of Ummini Thampi, the Dewan whose incapacity and vices

brought the affairs of the country to the greatest disorder and confusion, and

had destroyed and ruined the inhabitants by his injustice and extortions.89

She wrote a letter to the Resident censuring the Dewan: "The Dewan

85 Taylor W., op. cit., p.201.

86 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit. p.363.

87 Memorandum delivered by the Principal Tampuratty to the Resident, For.Pol.Proc.,

Fort William, 10th January 1815, Sl.No.377, No.6, FF.128-29.

88 Letter from Colonel Munro to the Chief Secretary to the Government, Fort St. George,

dated 12th October 1812, Ibid., pp.128-29.

89 Letter from Rani Lakshmi Bai to Colonel Munro, Fort William, 17th July 1818,

No.F.104.

50

appointed for the affairs of the country should in all his proceedings

manifest attachment to the Rajah, to me, and to the people – but he acts

contrary to this principle – in a manner calculated to inspire fear and distrust

both in my mind and among the people. On this account, it is incumbent on

the Company to sanction such as arrangement as may conduce to my

satisfaction and to the prosperity of the country”.90

She complained to the Resident that the Dewan was

endeavouring to excite disorders and troubles. She sent a letter on 15th

April, 1811 A.D. requesting the Resident to protect and help her. She

concluded the letter evoking sympathy, thus: “As I am a woman, it is not

becoming to write more: but I earnestly trust that my wishes may be taken

into serious consideration, and the present Dewan may be removed from

office”.91

Munro felt that the removal of Ummini Tampi was essential to the

restoration of order and improvement of the State. Therefore, he took steps

to that end. With the approval of the Madras Government, the Dewan was

relieved from office. The Rani then requested Munro to assume charge of

the administratin and conduct the duties of the Dewan along with that of the

90 Memorandum delivered by the Principal Tampuratty to the Resident. 10

th January

1815, No.6, p.129.

91 Letter from Rani Lakshmi Bai to the Resident, dated 6th April 1811, 24 July 1812,

No.16, pp.87-88.

51

resident. She dismissed Ummini Tampi and in his place appointed Colonel

Munro as her Dewan.92

Colonel Munro - the first Resident

Colonel Munro found no person qualified for the office of

Dewan in the State. The British Government repeatedly declared their

anxiety to rescue Travancore from the difficulties in which it was involved,

and to maintain the integrity, independence and dignity of the State as a

British ally. Munro was sincerely solicitous to second these benevolent

views.93

Therefore he found nothing unjust in assuming the powers of

Dewan, and he thought of using that power to conduct the affairs of

Travancore to the object of promoting in common with the interests of

England, the permanent prosperity and happiness of the people of

Travancore.94

Likewise, the arrangement announced by the Supreme

Government of assuming, the entire management of the revenues and

administration of the country was to him harsh and severe step considering

the interests of Travancore and England wanted to avoid it. “It appeared to

my judgement that the temporary employment of the Resident as Dewan

was the most efficacious and unobjectionable measure that would be

adopted for that purpose. It would combine the requisite degree of authority

92 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., pp.528-529.

93 Letter from Colonel Munro to the Chief Secretary to the Government, Fort St. George,

dated, 7th March 1818., Ibid., 17

th July 1818, No.20 F.31; Letter from Rani Parvati

Bayi to the Resident, dated 26 Tye 992 (1817). Ibid, p.106.

94 Ibid.,

52

in the executive administration with the preservation of the general form of

the Government, and the power and dignity of the Rajah, and could be

discontinued at once when the objects of its adoption had been fulfilled."95

The persuasions of the Rani went beyond all expectations. She

had stated in her letter to Munro, requesting to assume the administration,

that, there was no person in Travancore that she wished to elevate to the

office of Dewan and that her own wishes were that the Resident should

superintend the affairs of the country as she had a degree of confidence in

his justice, judgement and integrity, which she could not place in the

conduct of any other person. She added that she regarded the resident as her

brother and was convinced that the Resident should always act for the good

of herself and her people.96

There was no alternative for Munro except to take the entire

administration of Travancore on his shoulders. In the words of Munro: “I

know no person in the country qualified for the situation of Dewan, and the

history of the transactions in Travancore for the last ten years would not

admit of my placing much confidence in the conduct of any Dewan that

might be nominated to office, for of two Dewans appointed by the British

influence, one was guilty of open rebellion against its authority and the other

of numerous instances of mismanagement and oppression. It appears

95 Letter from Rani Parvati Bayi to the Resident, dated 26

th Tye 992 (1817) FF.31-32.

96 Nagam Aiya V., Kerala Society Papers, Vol.II, series, 7th November, 1931, p.69, op.

cit.,Vol.I, p.485.

53

therefore to be desirable that the office of Dewan should be discontinued,

and that the Resident should superintend the administration of affairs, if that

measure should be agreeable to the wishes of Her Highness the Rani and of

the people. I had the best reasons for knowing that the measure would be

highly acceptable to Her Highness and to a great majority of the people and

its adoption was further recommended by a variety of considerations drawn

from the past history and actual situation of Travancore. The history of this

country exhibits a course of low intrigues, a jealous policy which could not

be effectually suppressed under the administration of a Dewan and which

might not only influence the Rajah’s conduct, but foster a spirit of

turbulence and faction in the country. The administration of Travancore has

been capricious, oppressive and cruel and could not be radically corrected

while it remained in the hands of a person located under its operation, and

familiarized to its vices. The situatin of the country full of abuses, would be

ameliorated, the attachment of the people secured, and future commotions

prevented by the justice, moderation and humanity of an authority

possessing the confidence of the Rani and acting under the immediate

direction of the British Government. The introduction of this arrangement

so conductive in my judgement to the future prosperity of Travancore was

facilitated by exisiting circumstances for the evils long suffered under the

Dewan and a general aversion to the administration of Ummini Tampi

rendered the people desirous of being placed under the protectin of British

54

Justice”.97

The combination of the powers of Resident and Dewan in

Colonel Munro gave him a free hand to use his sharp-edged zeal for social

reform which was very much needed in Travancore.98

A very keen observer of men and things, Colonel Munro

studied the character of the people of Travancore and formed his own

opinion about them. It was in no way a favourable one at the same time it

was injurious to Travancore’s prestige and dignity to a very great extent.

The undisputed success of Munro in Travanore lay in his correct

understanding of the people and affairs of the State.99

He thought that it was his duty to change this set up, which

came into being as a result of long course of internal misrule and agitation

and continued alternations of sanguinary and unqualified tyranny on the part

of the sovereign and of turbulence, treachery and revolt on that of the

people.100

He stepped into the arena to lay the foundation of a modern

Travancore, entirely different from that of the past, with a correct

understanding and proper assessment of the character and manners about the

people.101

97 Nagam Aiya V., op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 458-59.

98 Cover File, 13401, Education “Sastri” and ‘Upadhyaya’ Examinations, 1814, p.3.

99 Pillai K.K., op. cit., p.50.

100 Letter from Colonel Munro to Chief Secretary to Government, Fort St. George, dated

7th March 1818., Ibid., 17 July 1818, No.20, pp.22-23.

101 Ibid., pp.35-36.

55

The savage idea of suppression did not appeal to Munro. He

approached problems in a very liberal, enlightened and humanitarian

manner: “The principle of my proceedings was to conciliate both the Rajah

and the people, and this could be accomplished only by conferring authority,

dignity and revenues should be maintained unimpaired and especially that

the burdens of the country should be speedily removed and to please the

people it was requisite that the oppressions, the onerous imposts, and

ruinous monoplies under which of course decrease the revenues, and paying

the means of debt.”102

But it was not an easy task for him to attain all that

was in his mind. He was confronted with a government which was feudal in

character and outline. It was not of the people, by the people and for the

people, but of the privileged, for the privileged and by the privileged.

The Raja contended himself mainly with the protection of the

Kingdom from external enemies while real power was shared among a

number of petty chiefs. The supreme feudal lord was the Raja whose

authority was limited and controlled by the feudal aristocracy.103

Their

power consisted in the number of their followers and dependents who were

at their reach always.104

In the old feudal days, the political and social

powers were blended and chieftaincy was the symbol of this combined

102 Padmanabha Menon P., History of Kerala, Vol.I, Ernakulam, 1924, p.256.

103 Ward and Conner Lts., Memoir of the Survey of Travancore and Cochin, Trivandrum,

1994,, Vol.I, p. 95.

104 Gopala Panikkar K., Asia and Western Dominance, Newyork, 1922, pp. 187-188.

56

authority. The chieftains exercised such power that they could give life or

death. People paid dearly for their delinquencies. On the slightest

provocation and often at the despotic aim of those in authority they were

decapitualated.105

The feudal chieftains who were mostly Nairs106

had

separate estates and rights set apart for them by their feudal lords in return

for services they were obliged to render the latter when required. “The

chiefs held their lands on feudal tenure undertaking to follow their liegelords

at the head of their men to defend them whenever necessary. The whole

Nayar community formed the milita of the land, liable to be called for active

service by the feudal chiefs at any moment. There were no standing armies

then.”107

This reservation of rights, privileges and liabilities made the

feudal chieftains big land owners invested with powers of oppression and

domination in the country. Thus through the powers which they wielded as

landlords, the chieftains managed to indulge in an effective exercise of an

unquestioned social supremacy inside their feudal jurisdiction so that, it is

tempted irresistibly to reflect upon the likelihood of safety remaining for

such downtrodden people if the scepter of political authority were also

wielded by such despots.108

105 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Society, Vol.LXXXII, 1952, p. 76.

106 Ibid.,

107 Padmanabha Menon K.P., op. cit., Vol.I. p. 263

108 Gopala Panikkar K., op. cit., p.101.

57

The powers of feudal chieftains penetrated even in the

personal matters of individuals. The people belonging to lower classes were

not allowed to raise their buildings beyond the first floor. Certain kinds of

conveyances such as the palanquins and dholies were exclusively reserved

for the carriage of feudal heads or chieftains.109

Colonal Munro understood

that the power of the sword and the severe exactions often made the people

turbulent, of the governmental authority was over and above them which

oppressed their plans and movements.110

There was insecurity of person and

property. The cry of the people was not as regards equality of rights and

representative institutions, but for the preservation of the most fundamental

elements for human existence – life and property.

Colonel Munro had the distinction of being the most loved and

venerated of the British Residents in Travancore. The reason for that love

and veneration lies in his reformist policies and humanitarian activities in a

period of great political and social tension. His idealism, his

resourcefulness, his championing the cause of the common man and his

extreme resentment against the privileges enjoyed by a few feudal barons,

earned for him the respect and adoration of the great majority of the

people.111

He performed the arduous task of raising Travancore from the

109 Ibid, p. 98.

110 Ward and Conner Lts., op. cit., p.95.

111 Letter from Rani Parvathi Bayi to Colonel Munro, the Resident, dated 26

th Tye 992

M.E.

(January 1817). For.Pol. Proc. Fort William, 17th July 1818, No.20, FF.106-11.

58

state of declension into which it had sunk and established the fame and

authority of the British. As the Resident and Dewan of Travancroe, he

brought peace and prosperity, and introduced a progressive government,

which helped her to attain eminence and popularity. He started a

reformation in the ideals and administration which earned for him the

people’s gratitude. The imperishable name he left in their hearts for justice

and probity made even the ignorant peasant call him ‘Munroe Sahib’.112

Colonel Munro was the first Resident who established the fact

that a Resident had a mission to perform in an enlightened way. “The

natural tendency and bias of the Government leads to cruelty and oppression

and this must be counteracted by the moderate and wise but vigilant form

and unremitting exertion of the Resident’s influence and Counsels. On this

depends in a great degree the efficiency of the whole system. His

administration thus conferred great and unnumbered benefits to the State and

the people".113

In a wider sense Munro set in motion forces for long term

social and political change. To the people of Travancore he was a symbol of

Travancore’s social awakening and the outstanding spokesman of equality

and freedom. He had heralded a new society – liberal, humanist and

112 Nagan Aiya V., The Travancore State Manual, Vol.I, p.467, The Common People

speak of Munro Munrole sahib with respect in Malayalam.

113 Letter from Colonel Munro to Chief Secretary to Government, Fort St. George, dated,

7th March, 1818, Ibid., 17 July 1818, No.F.85.

59

equalitarian. An elightened administrator, he had fathered important

reforms and changes in Travancore. Above all, he was a man who, with all

his mind and heart loved Travancore and her people. And they, in turn,

were indulgent to him and gave him love most abundantly and

extravagantly.114

He undertook a state tour and personally assessed the

performance of the officers. The system of recruitment of officers for public

services was improved. The economic status of the State was also improved

by abolishing the unnecessary establishments and expediting collections of

long fallen arrears of taxes and simultaneously the oppressive taxes were

abolished. An effective system of accounting and audit was introduced. He

built up a centralised system as it was in practice in Madras Presidency. The

reforms of Munro considerably influenced the future political system of

Travancore.115

Rani Lekshmi Bai died and was succeeded by her sister Gowri

Parvathi Bai (1815 – 1829 A.D.) during whose regin also Colonel Munro

continued to be the Diwan; she too opened a period of administrative and

social progress in Travancore.116

114 Augur C.M., op. cit., pp.528-529.

115 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p.291.

116 Velu Pillai T.K., op. cit, Vol. III, pp.37 - 46.