CHAPTER 5 THE RITUALISTIC FOLK FORMS OF KARNATAKA,...
Transcript of CHAPTER 5 THE RITUALISTIC FOLK FORMS OF KARNATAKA,...
229
CHAPTER 5
THE RITUALISTIC FOLK FORMS OF KARNATAKA,
ANDHRAPRADESH AND TAMIL NADU
“Rituals are special forms of action that are intended to create higher
states of consciousness through the ceremonial use of images, statues, or
other symbolic representations of deities and other elevated spiritual beings,
including teachers.”1 Ritual can be understood as a religion, since it is
nothing other than the manifestation of myth. Myth is the narration of the
process of creation. Therefore the object of worship would invariably be the
creator; [the supernatural power that we term as god] and his aides and
perhaps the narration and the enactment of the corresponding instances and
story. It is but true that every culture experiences the act of the creator and
hence redeems the creator / god through his actions in the form of the ritual.
This leads to the fact that ritual is also regarded as an action theoretically.
Ritual is an action that can be defined as a routine, a habit that has developed
into an obsession or a mimetic action, which is just the translation of the
mind that is already constructed through the years. Thus a ritual can be
understood to be a component that is constantly related to beliefs and myths
for; beliefs and myths can exist without rituals but the vice-versa is not
possible. “Ritual is always a matter of ‘the performance of gestures and
manipulation of objects’. Therefore ritual should be interpretted only by
applying empiricism.”2 This empirical aspect is perhaps the very basis of
1 Georg Feuerstein, Subhash Kak & David Frawley; In search of the cradle of civilization Motilal Banarasidass ; Delhi; 1995, 2001, 2005 2008, ch. The spiritual heritage of ancient India, p;176-177.
230
the ritualistic dance forms that we notice even to this day. Rituals are
endowed with symbolic significances, highly systematic, well framed and
are performed at certain places at the given time of the day / month / year.
They have been in our society for so long that the culture of the community
also influences the rituals. They have been handed over to the generations
that followed as a major part of their traditional activity.
It is at this juncture that we can note that every ritual amongst the tribe
and in the rural precincts has been observed with all austerities and chastity
to appease the supernatural. Consequently the necessary actions to conduct a
ritual became and are even today the prerogative of a particular family and
are not to be observed by any or everyone in the community. This is evident
in the observance of the various ritual dances that are conducted in honour of
the village goddesses, where the festivities are conducted annually,
sometimes seasonally and otherwise. Indian societies have rituals and
behaviour associated with the ways of living. The variations in the
communities and sections in societies are rooted in their religious beliefs,
which are in turn channelised by the limitations, rules and regulations, and
suppositions of the religion.
The genesis of the pooja as a ritual is definitely a mystery for; the
Vedas speak of the Yagnas and the Natya Shastra mentions the Poorvaranga
vidhi. However many scholars adhere to the hypothesis of the Vedic origin
of the Pooja or the rite.3 This has also been explained further to be of the
2 Ramakrishna Reddy.B. Dravidian folk and tribal lore, 2001, A.K. Nambiar ch 27. Ritual and performing tradition in Kerala; P.296. 3 Natalia Lidova, Drama and Ritual of Early Hinduism, Motilal Banarasidass; Delhi, 1994, 1996, p95-96.
231
Dravidian origin with the etymology of the word offering the description
that it is the sacrificial offering of the flowers.4As a result of the various
approaches of the scholars, pooja is concluded to be the adoration of a
divine image as a major constituent of the rites in a temple. The Natya
Shastra however describes that “Without a precious offering of the pooja, we
shall not arrange either the stage or the performance.”5 Further it can be
noticed that the Natya Shastra mentions about the installation of the deities
on stage as a major part of the poorvaranga. This gradually gave rise to
sophisticated ceremonial rites in accordance with the Natya Shastra and the
Agamas. These developments lead to the technique of communicating with
the supra personal world. Consequently they found their way to the rites
connected with the drama presentations and later into the Agamic forms of
the pooja. Characteristically, self-identification with a divine being
through conventional poses and gestures not merely became an Agamic
sacred practice but survived to this day in the many forms of Hindu
ritualism.6
“The Yagnas of the Vedic period have been transformed into the
temples of today and the fact is that the Yagnas were performed at different
places and generally were not repeated in the same place. Further, Dance
became a major part of the offerings or the Shodasha Upacharas to the
deities and hence the classical dance traditions became a complementary
4 Ibid; 97. 5 Manmohan Ghosh, The Natya Shastra, Origin of Drama, Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office Varanasi 1967-2002; P; 6 Natalia Lidova, Drama and Ritual of Early Hinduism, Motilal Banarasidass; Delhi,1994,1996; ch,the ritual drama in early Hindu culture, P.107
232
aspect to rituals that were conducted in the temples. The origins of the
Yakshagana, the operatic traditional theatre of Karnataka can be traced to
the Vijayanagara Dynasty.7
“The traditional dance dramas or the Yakshagana were absolutely
patronized by the Temple and are continuing to be so at least partially. Even
to this day, the headgear worn by these artists is considered to be chaste and
is revered as a symbol of the deity. One of the traditional actors in the event
of uneasiness in his health during the course of a performance breathed his
last only after having removed the headgear and paid his obeissance to the
same.”8
In order to instigate discipline, values, develop positive nature and
attitude of mind besides rich culture, purification and refinement in the life
as well as the mind of every individual, yet another set of rites and rituals
associated with the Samskaras were incorporated by the rishis or men of
great learning. These were made mandatory for the benefit of educating the
masses and providing them with the necessary education to elevate the
society from animal behaviour to refined and cultured human behaviour.
Basically these have been structured on scientific values, incorporating deep
psychological relationships with the innerself. “A body and mind devoid of
the samskaras is like a dead skeleton with skin, flesh and organs. It lacks the
7 As quoted by Dr. Choodamani Nandagopal, Danseuse, Art Historian, Dean, Jain University, Bangalore, in a interview relating to the origins of the dance traditions in the temples as part of the rituals of the same. 8 As quoted by Dr. Maya Rao, veteran danseuse, art curator, Director of studies, College Of Kathak and Choreography in her interview relating to the query is traditional theatre a part of temple rituals.
233
flow of life that makes a man human and different from animals and
beasts.”9 These rites and rituals are performed based on the concept that a
healthy body is a requisite for a healthy mind.
There are sixteen Samskaras that are in vogue. Dance is seen to be a
major part of the Vivah Samskara as mentioned in the chapters that are
included. From the times of the Rig Veda as mentioned earlier, dance is
found to be part of the funeral or death ceremonies identified as the
Antyeshti Samskara. This is seen during the funeral processions that are held
even to this day prevalent amongst particular communities.
Our country is very well known for its rich cultural heritage and these
have bee handed down to the present by the past few generations, since we
have a cultural legacy, which has been extant since at least a thousand years.
“In all the performance traditions there is a convergence or synthesis of
music, dance and drama. As in other traditional forms of Asian performance,
the arts are a composite skills practiced by a team of artists who, through the
creation of verbal, vocal, aural, spatial, and visual patterns, create a total
performance.”10 Eventually every actor or performer possesses a thorough
knowledge of all the allied forms of the art of dancing; that is the knowledge
of the rhythmic patterns of music to which one is supposed to dance to, the
knowledge and meaning of the text of the song to which one is to dance to
and the like. The accompanying musicians are to be adepts in the art of
9 Prof. Shrikant Prasoon, 16 Hindu Samskars, Pustak Mahal, New Delhi, 2010, section 1 P,25. 10 Farley.p.Richmond; Darius.L. Swann, Phillip.B.Zarrilli, Indian Theatre Traditions of Performance, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Private Limited, Dehi,1990,1993,2007, Introduction, P; 5.
234
singing and are also expected to be aware of the patterns of movement of the
actors, the stage conventions that are followed, besides the methods of
characterization of the various characters on stage by the actors. The
presentation is thus an effort of the entire ensemble working for the success
of the same. The dance performance traditions are of a great variety
incorporating dance in its three important basic aspects namely; nritta, nritya
and natya in varying combinations besides the inclusion of the Tandava and
Lasya aspects of dance as described in the other chapters. Hence these have
eventually led to the categories in which the scripted dramas of folk origin
and themes are enacted which are often associated with dance to highlight
the climax of the plot, to enhance the portrayal of a specific character or
sentiment to be portrayed in the drama. There are also those presentations
which have the narrative type of interpretation of any plot generally choosen
from Indian mythology involving episodes from the Mahabharata,
Ramayana or the Puranas either scripted or sometimes unscripted directly
relating the close association of Indian mythology with traditional dance
dramas. These episodes have been an integral part of the presentations
passed on to the present generation of performers by means of oral tradition.
These presentations have been the prerogative of a certain family or class of
people and hence have been presented by these sections in the village
community as part of the ceremonies that are held annually or otherwise in
honour of the festivities of the Village Deity or carnivals. Interesting to note
is the fact that the aesthetics of the theatre is very closely bound to the Hindu
religion and philosophy. Theatre also preaches the three important paths to
Moksha or liberation: righteous ways of Action, Knowledge and Devotion
which is the very basis of Hindu religion and Philosophy. Eventually action
was the first to be defined. The foremost civilization; the Aryan civilization,
235
thus developed the ritual and the significance of sacrificial action in it. “The
subsequent literature and development of ritual practice in India are
evidence of the continuing centrality of the way of action in Hindu life and
worship.”11
The way of Knowledge, was well defined in the Later Vedic period
with the beginning of the Brahmanas and ending with the Upanishads. The
rasa is attributed to as one of the major components that associate the
aesthetic principle of rasa with the way of knowledge. Evidently therefore
one of the foremost means of arriving at the rasa was by theatrical
presentations which emphasised the outcome of rasa or Rasothpatti as one of
the prime aims of a presentation. The culmination of the whole presentation
however had to be the Shanta rasa or the attainment of peace.
The third path, the path of devotion or bhakti is manifest in the
devotion inspired and directed towards the incarnations of Lord Vishnu as
Lord Krishna and Lord Rama. Theatre allows a direct representation of this
way of Bhakthi, where in the actors (male) don the roles of the Lord and his
female consort and enact the devotion of the female character Radha towards
the Lord Krishna or as the case may be. “The way of devotion appeals to
the affective side of human experience; strong emotions and sometimes
ecstatic states are induced through communal singing and dancing.”
Therefore every traditional theatrical presentation whether classical,
popular-folk, ritual, or devotional, is observed to invariably start with
specific rituals that set off the performance. These are primarily observed
with the motive of sanctifying the performing area, for the successful
11 Ibid ; P, 7.
236
presentation of the performance without any major hurdles, to offer praises
to the presiding deities and the gurus who have taught and passed on the art
form to the actors who are presenting the same. Interestingly they also
render either an elaborate prayer or a simple obeissance to the presiding
deity or the gods in general to mark the closing of the presentation. These
practices have been handed over to the traditional theatrical performers by
their ancestors as part of their presentations originating from the Sanskrit
theatre which were perhaps the foremost presentations to reckon with.
“Ritual practices are understood to establish a mediating bridge between the
daily world and the “unseen” and powerful world of the gods. The ritual
specialist establishes this bridge, mediating between the tangible daily world
and the intangible other world by means of his or her ritual practices.”12
Ritual performances occur more often in either the temple shrines or
the family homes; that is in the ancestral homes that houses these traditions.
The importance is to the shrine whose enshrined deity has a power that is
great although the physical dimensions of the same may or may not be huge.
Most often the ritual performances are associated with some type of a
spiritual power that could be the manifestation of any goddess, hero or any
person of great birth who appear in a great variety, varying in their physical
forms so much so that the form is sometimes serene, awesome or fearful.
“Whosoever knoweth the power of the dance , dwelleth in God,--- the
dance, inherited from savage ancestors as an ordered expression in motion of
the exhilaration of the soul, develops and broadens into the search for God,
12 Farley.p.Richmond; Darius.L. Swann, Phillip.B.Zarrilli, Indian Theatre Traditions of Performance, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Private Limited, Dehi,1990,1993,2007,ch; 3 Part;2, p.122.
237
into a conscious effort to become a part of those powers beyond the might of
man which control our destinies.”13
The word “Science” is derived from the Latin root ‘scire’ meaning ‘to
know’ and ‘to discern’- leading to the very fact that Science is basically
pursuit of knowledge.14 Hence it can be perceived that science has been a
quest for knowledge of how the external world works. Man always thought
of manipulating this world and the happenings in it to suit his necessities.
Consequently, the study of science by means of exploration and the
understanding of the same by introspection were limited to meet man’s
primary need. It can therefore be observed that the world over, the
knowledge base of the ancient cultures, that were dependant on the other
modes of knowledge are often declared to be mere Myths. It further leads to
the inference that knowledge sometimes is intellectual but not necessarily
rational. “Science, in one aspect, is ordered technique; in another, it is
rationalized mythology.”15 Science is seen an important aspect of the Indus
civilization. The fact that the Vedic philosophy and ritual triggered off the
birth of Science has been the suggestions of many a scientist. During the
Vedic religious practices the sky and the earth altars were correlated with the
male and female genders respectively. Eventually one finds that the
adhvaryu priest was identified as male while the neshtri priest who was
13 Curt Sachs, World History Of The Dance, Norton Library New York, 1963; P.4 14 Georg Feuerstein, Subhash Kak & David Frawley; In search of the cradle of civilization Motilal Banarasidass ; Delhi; 1995,2001,2005,2008, ch; The Birth of Science in Ritual, P;195. 15 Georg Feuerstein, Subhash Kak & David Frawley; In search of the cradle of civilization Motilal Banarasidass ; Delhi; 1995,2001,2005,2008, ch;The birth of Science in Ritual, P;195.
238
associated with the female deities and the goddesses was identified as
female. Also there was the prevalence of the practice of the copulation of the
‘chants and the prose formulae where the former represented the feminine
and the latter the masculine genders. This could have been the embryonic
stage of the view that the cosmos is the product of the divine embrace of
Shiva and Shakthi. It is interesting to note that in the present day rituals there
is the representation of the male and female genders associated with the
ritual of the Naga or the serpent worship of the coastal regions of Karnataka
the details of which have been mentioned in the following paragraphs. There
is also the occurrence of the lavish use of the fire or the Agni god, which
was perhaps the principal deity of the Vedic rituals. The altars that were
erected for the purpose of conducting rituals during the Rig Vedic period are
found to be scientific in their construction for the observations of renowned
scholars like Jan Gonda, a Dutch, speak of the occurrences of references to
certain knowledge of anatomy, embryology and medical practice. Hence
there has been always a constant effort to understand the science underlying
the practice of most of the rituals ever since. Further, in ancient times, both
Astrology and Astronomy were considered to be complementary aspects of
cosmology. Hence the planets and stars were not mere heavenly bodies that
were moving in space but were physical bodies whose qualities contributed
to both cosmological and psychological processes of the human mind. Their
movement and corresponding relationships are thought of to have a
significant effect on the lives of both individuals and nations to such a great
extent that sometimes both the psyche and destiny of the individuals are
defined by the movement of these heavenly bodies through the various
constellations.
239
The Taittiriya Upanishad speaks of the relationship between the
transcendental self and the psycho physiological structures of an individual
by expounding the theory of the ‘Kosha’ wherein the Atman or the Spirit is
encased by five layers. These are the Blissful sheath, Intellectual sheath,
Mental sheath, Energetic sheath and the Physical sheath.
The first three are however collectively considered as the mind.
The mind is an important media and significant aspect that contributes
to the rituals and is receptive of the same by means of faith. It is but the
mind that controls the actions of the body and hence eventually the ritual,
influences the mind in its conscious state in a logical manner.
Tribes can be perceived as cultures that largely belong to the forests,
to the regions that are wild, those that belong to the regions that contrast the
rural and urban cultures in their living conditions and occupations. Isolation
from the rural and urban cultures also served as a factor in preserving the
tribal cultures unaffected and unchanged through the ages. It can be seen that
the cultures have remained intact owing to their togetherness. Those who
strayed were generally banished. Some formed fresh clans having separated
from the parent tribes, thus giving rise to a great number of new groups with
varying stages of cultural development. Thus the family ties have been
fastened by age old customs consequently leading to their supreme faith in
an all powerful Providence.16 Therefore the faith of the tribe in this
Providence was seen to be manifested with great care and reverence in a
tree, a stone, an animal, a river, a hill, a forest or even an IDEA.
16 Rama Raju.B. Glimpses into Telugu Folklore, Janapada Vijnana Prachuranala, Hyderabad, 1991, P.
240
Kadu Gollas : are a tribe of Karnataka that have the occupations of cattle
rearing and raising of sheep and are so named after the gods of their
worship. Their important deities are Junjappa, Yathappa, Paatappa,
Kyaatappa, Chitappa etc. These Gollas claim to be the followers of Lord
Krishna, but practically when examined carefully they are found to be the
ardent followers of Lord Shiva. It is justified in the sense that, their deity,
Junjappa, is the messenger of Veerabhadra, who is the son of the Lord. The
community has a great number of folk songs that have been passed on to
them from their forefathers. The songs have the weddings and the initiation
of young maidens for their themes. The Kolata of the tribe hailing from
Chitradurga is played by them for a good length of nights with at least thirty
to forty varieties incorporated in them. Songs eulogizing the Lord are sung
to mark the festivities of Deepavali and Sankranthi, in the temple precincts.
They enact plays that are night long presentations, with the themes chosen
from the Ramayana and the Mahabharatha, amongst which popular are the
episodes depicting Shabara Shankara Vilasa, Girija Kalyana, Bedara
Kanappa, Krishna Parijatha and also those with the social themes such as
Sangya Balya, Kari Bhanta.
Bedanayakas : is yet another tribe of Karnataka. The other equivalent
tribes that have similar traditional traits are the Talavaars, Nayakas, Beedas,
Myaasas, Boovis, Parivaradavaru, Pallyegaras etc extant in the regions of
Chitradurga district. They have occupations similar to the Kadu Gollas but
are good at hunting. They are credited with the privilege of having served
the royalty at times of war in the capacity of Chieftains and for their
exhibition of physical bravery. As they have been a hunting tribe,
predominantly, their folklore is not very well preserved and their folk
241
literature is inspired by heroism and bravery. Although, they sing a great
number of songs with the themes relating to weddings and also enact
dramatic presentations with themes selected from the Epics.
Lambanis : they are a nomadic tribe that habitat the areas that border the
urban settlements. These are also known for their valour since they were the
tribes that assisted the Paalyegara Chieftains in their warfare. The tribe is
known to have inhabited the states of Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka
and Tamil Nadu. The night long dramatic presentation of the stories of
Seevaabhaai and Huunaasathi are quite popular among them in addition to
the legendary folk ballads that are sung by them.
Soligas : these are the tribes that inhabit the forests of Yalandur, Kollegala,
Chamarajanagar of Mysore, - belonging to the southern regions of
Karnataka. They are known for their worship of Biligiri Ranganatha. The
ballad describing the wedding of the Lord with Ranganayaki, is their most
famous presentation.
Hallaki Vokkaligas : the tribe inhabits the hilly regions, river banks and
sea shores and are spread over both the north and south canara coastal
districts of Karnataka. The Gondas, Siddhis, Atte Kunibhis and Hasalas also
form part of this group. The hallaki vokkaligas are agriculturists and their
important folklore includes Gumateya Paanga and the Hagarana. The actor
sings to the accompaniment of the Gumate that he plays and is followed by
the chorus who fall in a line. There are about six to eight performers who
don varied costumes and perform interesting roles as part of this
presentation. Snagya Balya is yet another favourite presentation of the tribe.
242
Gondas : these are a tribe from the regions of Bhatkal and Shiraliin the
north canara district of Karnataka. However the tribe is seen to inhabit the
regions of Andhra Pradesh, which has been discussed. These folks believe
in the offering of sacrifices to appease the malignant spirits and by
offering worship to them.17 The occassions for them to sing their folk
songs are the weddings, planting if the saplings, pounding of Paddy and so
on.
Siddhis : a tribe migrated from Central Africa and settled along the west
coast of India. They are to be found in the regions of Gujarath, Ahmednagar,
Goa, Andhra Pradesh, Sirsi, Ankola and Yellapur regions of Karnataka. The
occasions for dance of the siddhis are the Moharram, by those that have
taken to the Islamic faith and during the Gauri, Ganesha Chaturti
celebrations and the harvesting season by the others.
Attekunabis : they are the natives of the areas bordering the regions of
Yellapura, Karwar and Ankola. They are found to have many characteristics
in common with the Halakki Vokkaligas. Heir folklore is chiefly seen in
their harvest dance which is danced to the accompaniment of the gumate and
the cymbals.
Hasalas : found to live in te regions of Bijjala, Baaligoodu, Bilgi,
Guddekana, Sagar, Hiremane. Their prime occupation is the weaving of the
baskets and mats by women and tree climbing and gardening by men. They
are worshippers of both Lord Shiva and Rama. The most significant
occassion is the celebration of the festival of Deepavali, during which
17 Encyclopaedia of the folk culture of Karnataka; Vol I, Institute of Asian Studies Thiruvanmiyur, Madras; 1991; ch Primitive Folk Religion.
243
Bhinge songs are sung. Ganesha chaturthi and Navaratri are also celebrated
but animal sacrifices are offered to the Bhuta, Jatiga, Gama and goddess
Maremma.
Religious beliefs of some tribal communities have been greatly
influenced after their contact with men of other faiths. The instances of these
can be seen in the tribes hailing from the states of Himachal and Andhra
Pradesh who have been greatly influenced by either Buddhism or Hinduism
or both. But yet, they have retained a few tribal traits which distinguish them
from the rest of their neighbours.
Some of the important segments of folk customs are the rituals and
practices associated with festivals like Holi, Deepavali, Dasara and
Durgapooja. There are a large number of ritualistic practices being observed
by Indian folk for the sake of rains, agricultural prosperity, for warding off
contagious diseases, and natural calamities such as flood famines etc.18
The Gatha Sapta shathi of Hala traces the social life of the people of
the Andhra country. It speaks of the pleasant times, of events of heroic
deeds, martial feats, sacrifice of the self for a cause, the challenges faced to
uphold a word of honour, acts of generosity in the form of folk ballads and
songs. The work also incorporates songs sung during festivities, weddings,
lullabies, during worship and those that are rich in philosophies. Thus it
gives a very clear idea about the cultural scene that was prevalent besides
describing the vigourous and rich lives of the people who worshipped the
Nature for their Gods as seen in the Aryan cultures. The political divisions
18 Ramakrishna Reddy.B, Dravidian folk and tribal lore, Dravidian University, Kuppam, 2001, Ch. 25. Current forms of ritual traditions in Tulnadu, A.V.Navada, P.265.
244
and the topography of the region make it convenient to study the tribes
inhabiting the state of Andhra as two distinct divisions.1) the regions or the
forest areas and the hilly areas and 2) the people belonging to the Doab that
is the region between the Krishna and Godavari deltas. They are hence
identified as the Chenchus of Srisailam and the Gadabas, Savaras and Koyas
of Bhadrachalam and Simhachalam. There are about thirty three importantnt
tribes spread over eight major districts of this state. Of these the Khonds,
Kolmis, Nayakpods, Koyas, Kondadoras, Valmikis, Bhagatas, Savaras,
Jatayus, Gadabas and the Chenchus worship Nature as their gods and strictly
adhere to their ancient customs and styles of dress and rituals. Their
language lacks a script for writing. The traditions are ardently followed by
these tribes. There are the tribes that are known for their ballads as their
prime occupation. They include the Piccukaguntlu, Balasanta, Saradakandu,
Viramushtivaru, Bavanilu, Biramalavaru, Gollasuddulu, Dasrulu, Jangamulu
and Kommavaru.19
The myths that guide these tribes are that the Sun is to be worshipped
for he is the giver of life and happiness. While the God of rains, Varuna, is
pleased by the singing of songs. The moon is thought of having a menacing
influence on the mind.
The arts of magic and incantation have played a significant role in the
lives of these folk communities since their inception in their lives as
primitive man. On a very keen observation, it can be noticed that religion
and magic are connected. This has led to the Magico-religious activities
which are achieved by means of strange activities like the ousting of the
19 Rama Raju.B. Glimpses into Telugu Folklore, Janapada Vijnana Prachuranala, Hyderabad,1991, p.38.
245
devils or the curing of the ailments by the spirits. The incantations form a
major part of the practises like the worship of the Mother goddess, the Bhuta
and the Naga. Thus the two streams of folk rituals and folk arts have been
integrated to form the ritualistic folk arts in the cultural life of the primitive
man.20 The formal classical arts of dance trace their origin and development
to the folk arts to quite a great extent. The various elements of the religious
cults control folk life. Thus, the active practice of rites and rituals, the
arts that dramatize these religious beliefs and doctrines, and the
absorption of all these into themselves form the folk imagination and
enthusiasm. Further, it can be perceived that life itself is the inspiration to
folk art. Religion and rituals occupy the stream of life as a prominent
component. Hence it can be inferred that ritual gave birth to the arts,
which developed gradually into a full fledged art of the people. The less
stylized is thus the Lokadharmi style of art that is generally known to be folk
and the highly stylized and conventionalized style that is the one derived as
the Natyadharmi has come to be known as the classical art forms. Folk
culture is therefore one of the richest and perhaps the foremost sources for
the development of all the allied arts too. The rhythms that are played on a
variety of drums that accompany the dance, the melody of the songs, the
grandeur of the costumes and jewellery in addition to the enacting of the
story of the presentation, make the folk ritual performances a visual
spectacle that delights the devotees and also proclaims the success of the
performer. The grandeur of the folk presentations in both the audio and
visual aspects appeals to the minds and heart of the spectator with a new
20 Encyclopaedia of the folk culture of Karnataka; Vol I, Institute of Asian Studies Thiruvanmiyur, Madras; 1991; ch. Ritualistic Arts.
246
energy and life that lasts a very long time. The examples incorporating these
aspects can be seen in the presentation of the traditional theatre such as the
Yakshagana, the ritual folk presentation of the Nagamandala, the Bhuta
worship and the like. It is a fact that these folk arts cannot be confined to any
definite rules and regulations. Their classification is equally a challenging
one. However, adepts in the field have classified these folk forms broadly
into two major categories.
1) Those that are of the religious type.
2) Those, which are of the secular type.
Folk arts blossomed in many diverse ways with the evolution of the
civilization and also by giving expression to their experiences in their folk
life, thus making it a very captivating presentation. It thus gained a dynamic
structure with resources for vast growth, providing contexts of live worship,
ritual prayer, praise, narration and team music. They moved towards high
levels of achievement with diverse costumes and ornaments, enchanting
dances and much more.
The regions their culture and traditions are found to be closely knit
with the arts of the respective regions thus creating a vast variety in these
dances with a special regional flavour. Consequently, regional evaluation of
these dance forms became a necessity while studying these folk forms in
detail. The deities of worship, their diverse performances were integrated
into these regional folk forms. Also the ritualistic forms assimilated into
them the relative cult, songs, narrations, myths, accompanying musical
instruments, dance motifs, offerings, animal sacrifices and the like. These
aspects contributed largely to the regional constituents of the dance forms.
247
From the religious background have arisen the factors like the cults of
family deity, village deity, field deity or the deity of the territory, etc. The
celebrations associated with them are the very source of the ritualistic
arts. Instances of this variety of dances can be seen in the Bhuta worship of
South Canara, the Nagamandala, Karlooti, Panjurli and so on. “Among the
religious faiths observed among the inhabitants of South India, ascribed to
the Dravidian racial origins, the spirit-cult involving worship of the semi-
divine spirits appears to be the most primitive one. Though it is practised in
different parts of the Indian sub-continent including Sri-Lanka, it is the
erstwhile South Kanara district now divided into Udupi and Dakshina
Kannada districts, along with the coastal areas of North Kerala which has
well preserved this ancient form of worship in all its purity; we see this in
the music, dance and rituals as well as oracles and miracles associated in
this region with spirits as a medium of interaction between the realms of the
human and the divine.”21 There are situations where in the animals are
trained to perform during the celebrations of the religious festivals and
festivals of agricultural importance. Ritualistic art is prominently
characterised by the songs of praise and worship, bhajans and dances and the
ceremonies. “The intermingling of the rites and the songs of praise and
worship, bhajans and dances is characteristic of ritualistic art.”22 “The cult
ritual traditions are indigenous to castes or Tulu speaking agriculturists who
cultivate paddy, the toddy taper castes closely linked to them, oil pressers,
barbers, fishermen, weavers and harijan castes of impersonators of the local
21 Dr. U.P. Upadhyaya, Dr. Smt Susheela P Upadhyaya, Folk Rituals of the Tuluva region of Coastal Karnataka, Regional Resources Centre for Folk Performing Arts Karnataka, 2002, ch 1 Folk Worship,P.1 22 Encyclopaedia of the folk culture of Karnataka; Vol I, Institute of Asian Studies Thiruvanmiyur, Madras; 1991; ch; Folk Rites and Rituals.
248
deities. Some of the Brahmin communities [i.e; Vaidyas] also take part in
certain rituals.”23 The fact that the group interaction is a prominent feature
of any folk ritualistic tradition, rather than any individual’s skills, is
highlighted in the execution of these ritualistic dances of Tulu culture. “Here
we find particular importance for the rites of passage of birth, initiation,
marriage, death and similar rites. These rites have an important role in
Indian society. Songs, dances, games and drawings are associated with these
rites and they are considered as essential part of it.”24 Native ritual tradition
and intense cultural development are very evident in the practice of the
rituals as seen in the Bhuta cult, the Nagamandala and the Kadyanata, King
Cobra Worship of Tulunadu or the South Canara region of Karnataka. There
is the preservation of the native modes of worship very ardently.
‘Bhotoge’ in Tulu language, means the same as ‘Bhootu’ or an unseen
man. In the Sanskrit language ‘Bhoota’ refers to the past. It is also
synonymous with that which emphasises, is disciplined, protective super
natural force. The interval of time when this force enters into one’s body, in
his state of trance, can be defined as perhaps the best time that is meant for
the arradhana of the bhoota. There are a great number of varieties of worship
of the spirit.
Kola : this is the worship of the spirit that is generally invoked in the body
of the impersonator, after he dresses himself into the attire and dons the
corresponding make-up. This is a ritualistic ceremony that is conducted with
23 Ramakrishna Reddy.B, Dravidian folk and tribal lore, Dravidian University, Kuppam, 2001, Ch. 25. Current forms of ritual traditions in Tulnadu, A.V.Navada, P.265 24 Ibid; P, 265.
249
not many austerities. The ‘Kola’ is synonymous to the terms like Banna,
Roopa, Vinyasa, Jewellery, Mask, Vesha and Dance. Generally the act is
referred to as the Donning of the Kola or the Offering of the Kola.
Nema : this is same as the Kola. The names of the Bhoota or the name of
the place from which the spirit hails is suffixed to this term. For instance
“Kattida Nema” would refer to the worship that is performed under a
particular tree or “Kotyarayana Nema” referring to the worship that is held
within the enclosures meant for the cattle. These Nema are traditional in
their observation and are bound by a great number of austerities unlike the
Kola, in their execution. The rules and the regulations that define a Kola are
much simpler while those that are observed in the execution of the Nema are
a necessity. Once a Nema is observed it is mandatory to observe the same
every year while a Kola can be executed once in two years or could be
250
stopped completely. Eventually the Nema has a set pattern of norms that
have been put across traditionally and are therefore necessarily ritualistic in
nature rather than artistic. Boggara Neme, Moggara Neme are few of the
Neme that are generally observed.
Bandi jatre : this is the third variety of celebrating the worship of the
spirits. This forms a major part of the Bhutaaradhane. The impersonator of
the spirit, the village Headman, important and prominent personalities of the
village community are seated on this wooden cart and are drawn in a
procession in the village. The name of the place where it is held is suffixed
to the name of this ritual and hence the carnival is identified with its place of
251
celebration. Examples of this can be had in the Kapu Bandi, Mitra Nadka
Bandi and the like.
Maime : this kind of the Bhuta worship is associated with the miracles that
the spirit provides to the people in the event of its worship. The miracles are
executed in the carrying of either the carrying of a copper pot filled in with
burning cinders, burning himself by the impersonator with fire, hitting his
own self mercilessly by a sword, thus driving home the truth that there is the
presence of the spirit and that it is a powerful one is the prime idea of the
miracles that are performed by the impersonator. “The magic, the gymnastic,
and the imitative – all these entities are closely related. Here we have magic
elevated completely to worship, to devout celebration.”25
Mecchi : this means to please or appease the spirit. Hence one can associate
the actions that are incorporated in the execution of this particular worship.
There is the execution of the Urulu Seve or the offering of the rolling, all
around the shrine by the devotees as an obeissance or as a thanks giving to
the spirit, little children are also offered to the spirit in this context. This type
of worship is prevalent particularly in the regions of Bantwal, Anantaadi,
Mani, Balnaadu and Chendalike. The Ullalathi Bhoota worship is termed as
a Mechhe.
Jalata : Jaal in Tulu language refers to the open fields. Thus a worship of
the spirit that is held in the open fields is a Jalata. Some of the prominent
features of this worship are
25 Curt Sachs, World History Of The Dance, Norton Library New York, 1963; P.240.
252
1) This is exclusively performed by the people belonging to the Nalike
community.
2) It is performed over a period of five days.
3) The technical aspects are of a greater importance than the traditional
aspect.
4) The decorations are necessarily to be done with the use of the tender
palm leaves and bark.
5) One can notice the use of the Shringara, Karuna and Hasya sentiments
besides the prevalence of the Veera, Bhayanaka and the Raudra
sentiments.
6) Also seen are the use of vulgar language, fights, noise and
commotion, sarcasm through songs and the like.
However, it is interesting to note that the Kola and the Jalata are
perhaps the only two forms that are complete in their worship. Amongst the
rest symbolic celebrations of the rites and rituals can be noticed.
Subsequently, all these varieties have been amalgamated to form the
present day worship of the spirits or the Bhutaaradhane. Inscriptions dating
back to as early as the Christian era 1379 in the temples of south canara
mention the worship of the spirits. The Nandalike inscription at Udyavara,
(1543), the inscription at Kapu (1499), in Udupi district, the one at Basrur
(1446), in Kundapur taluk, the famous Barkoor inscription (1566) mention
about the worship of the spirits and the spirit is identified as the ‘Daiva’,
which is seen to be replaced by the term Bhoota in the inscriptions belonging
to the period beyond the 14th century. The ‘Paadjana’ is an important aspect
of any worship that involves the spirit. Each spirit has his own specific pada
253
dana or paadjanawhich is recited during his personification and propitiation.
These are special songs and their prominent features of this being:
1) The description of the birth of the corresponding Bhuta.
2) The tracing of the growth and development of the activities of the
corresponding spirit.
3) The description of the miracles and the incredible powers of the
corresponding spirit.
The bhootas are further classified based on their origin; their hierarchy
is decided by the status that is accorded to them. They are generally of five
major types. 1) Territory or Seeme bhutas exercise their powers over the
entire territory or the country and are therefore identified as the Rajan
Bhutas or the Arasu Bhutas. The types that are to follow are all subordinate
in their status to the above mentioned category.
254
2) These are termed as the Maganeya bhutas.
3) This category is the Grama Bhutas. As the name suggests these are the
ones that empower the whole village with their miracles, protective nature
and the like. In short the Bhuta rules over the entire village it belongs to.
4) Boundary Bhutas; are those that are bound to exercise their power over a
particular boundary of any region.
5) The fifth and the ultimate category is that which is restricted to a
particular family wherein the spirit is concerned with the well being of the
family and the generations of the same. This category is termed as the
Kutumbha Bhuta.
These spirits have their respective status, place of worship or shrine,
and are housed in their respective shelters. Also interesting to note is the
Bhandara. The mask, sword, idol, and all the corresponding properties of
each of these spirits are collective termed as the Bhandara and are housed in
the shrines meant for them separately and meticulously on a swing and taken
out in a formal procession in the event of the worship of the spirit that is
observed according to the tradition. “Those communities who perform such
rituals believe that even when the ritual mask is not used it preserves some
of its mysterious powers. Therefore, it is usually kept in a ceremonial place
or it is destroyed immediately after the ritual is over.”26
26 Jiwan Pani, World Of Other Faces Indian Masks, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, New Delhi, August 1986, P.10.
255
Bhutaaraadhana : The Bhoota worship of coastal Karnataka is well
known for the halo-like structure, well decorated with costumes which
provide a magnificent and awe-inspiring look.27 It is an obeissance to the
heavenly deities. These are spirits that are benevolent. They shower their
votaries with utmost compassion and love. These spirits are believed to
guard the upcoming generation of these families, and safeguard all their
interests granting them with freedom from fear, protection from any
calamity and also vouch safe their cattle and crops.
The performers belong to the Parava, Pambada, Koopaala, and the
Nalke Paanaara communities. Each shrine is the prerogative of any one of
these cults which has been handed over to them over the generations
traditionally. It is an interesting fact that all the other cults in the village are
assigned with particular duties with regard to the celebration of the ritual and
these have also been carried out by them from the past generations as a part
of the tradition. At times, the spirits are worshipped in a separate chamber
of the house that is set aside for this purpose. Subsequently having formally
sanctified of the place of worship, the place is decorated in accordance with
27 Dr. U.P. Upadhyaya, Dr. Smt Susheela P Upadhyaya, Folk Rituals of the Tuluva region of Coastal Karnataka, Regional Resources Centre for Folk Performing Arts Karnataka, 2002, ch 1 Folk Worship, P.22.
256
the tradition. The foremost ritual that is observed on the day of the
celebration is the procession of the Bhandara. The Bhandara consists of the
idol, its mask, jewels, shield, sword and the seat that are preserved in a
separate structure through out the year. The ‘swinging cot’ as mentioned
earlier serves as the abode of the spirits. The special masks, weapons and all
the other objects associated with the worship are placed here. The Bhandara
is picked up ceremoniously and taken out in a procession to which the
devotees offer their prayers at specific points.
The festivities are either held on an altar in the open, under a tree or in an
open verandah specially erected for the purpose. The idols used for this
ritual are generally made of either wood or metal. These rituals are generally
257
conducted annually or once in six months. The entire village community
takes part in the celebration. The ritual is identified by the term ‘Koola’
which means decoration, pantomime, festivity, beauty, gorgeous attire and
the like. The performer adorns himself with a colourful headgear, mask,
dress and dances in a splendid way, being possessed by the corresponding
spirit. The time of the performance of the ritual is generally held during any
part of the year, other than the days between July and August.
The offerings vary from animals that are sacrificed to mere rice,
coconut, pancakes and turmeric water. The ritual has been handed over to
the present generations by the primitive societies of tribes. The cult has
excelled in preserving the age-old rituals intact. It can be termed as the
ritualistic theatre.28 The worship, rituals, dress, costume, colours, masks,
head gears, ornaments, narration, dance and music, methods of healing the
ailing, prophecies cited, vary from one spirit to another and hence the study
of each aaradhana is a necessity. The person who is to personify the spirit
cleanses himself and takes a ritual bath all along which the mind is prepared
to take over the characteristics of the spirit that he is to represent. He is now
ready to be made up with colours of varied types. The make up of the face
varies with the spirit concerned. There is the use of different colour
combinations and lines that are used to symbolize the dominance of the
Satwika, rajasika or Tamasika characteristics of the spirit. Thus colours are
used on his face to symbolically suggest the description of the corresponding
spirit. “This face painting demands sophisticated workmanship and it is an
admirable piece of art.29 Awe, reverence and devotion are all evoked in the
28 Ibid, P.13.
258
hearts of the devotees by the Aharya of the performer. The women of the
family to which the performer belongs sing the ballads that narrate the birth
and the great deeds of the corresponding spirit. With all these as the
preliminary activities completed, the performer is then donned a skirt made
out of the palm which is made ready for the purpose by the performer
himself. With the completion of the make up the performer now appears
before the devotees on the stage with his assistant, who also personifies the
assistant spirit. In certain cases the assistant spirit performer dances in a
comical manner. These two stand on the pedestal that has the beautiful
enigmatic drawing in front of it and dance to the accompaniment of the song
which reminds one of the Voddolaga of the Yakshagana where in the
character reveals himself after a magnificent entry into the corresponding
royal court. The singing of the song in the background stops and the priest
performs the aarati. The performer touches the aarati and this marks the
beginning of the invocation of the spirit into his body.
The anklets are artistically waved to and fro in all the eight directions
as he prepares himself to don the anklets or the bells that are placed in front
of the idol of the spirit. The devotees sprinkle flower and rice on him thus
catalysing the invocation of the spirit in him.
The spirit is now in possession of the performer and hence there is the
display of the acts like striking himself with the sword over his head, poking
an arrow into the region of his stomach, walking on fire cinders, holding the
burning torches very close to his chest, vigorous body movements,
swallowing of burning coal placing a pot containing burning fire on the bare
29 Ibid; P,28.
259
palm, and so on. Gestures are the only means through which the performer
conveys while performing these feats. The performer exits the stage and is
offered sandal paste to soothe the damages that could have happened while
performing these feats which he applies on the relative areas. The performer
carries two burning torches in his hands and goes around the shrine to pay
his respects to the eight directions. Tender coconuts are offered to the deities
of the eight directions. On his return to the performing area, he goes around
the gathering and takes note of the presence or absence of the important
members of the village. There is the expression of joy for the good deeds of
the gathered, and also the expression of anger for the absence of the
dignitaries or lapses in the ceremonies, if any. This marks the end of the first
stage of the preliminaries to the ritual.
The head gears that are fitted on to the impersonator vary. These are
generally made out of palm leaves and are designed in semi-circular, oval,
horse-shoe, square shapes and termed as ‘Ani.’ This is, further beautifully
decorated with colours, flowers and elaborate ornamentation.
The ceremony thus creates Heaven and the dance of the heavenly
beings in front of our eyes. He and his assistant reach a state of ecstasy as a
prelude to the trance and the possession of the spirit.
With an interlude of about half an hour the performer seats himself
after having adorned the Ani. The assistant embellishes himself with a mask.
This symbolizes the totem of the spirit, sometimes relating to the totem
animal of the spirit in consideration. It is made of either gold or silver in the
case of the spirit of a powerful nature, worshipped by affluent sections of the
260
community. The head gears that are fitted on to the impersonator vary.
These are generally made out of palm leaves and are designed in semi-
circular, oval, horse-shoe, square shapes and are termed as ‘Ani.’ This is,
further beautifully decorated with colours, flowers and elaborate
ornamentation. The ceremony thus creates Heaven and the dance of the
heavenly beings in front of our eyes. The head gears that are fitted on to the
impersonator vary. These are generally made out of palm leaves and are
designed in semi-circular, oval, horse-shoe, square shapes and are termed as
‘Ani.’ This is, further beautifully decorated with colours, flowers and
elaborate ornamentation. The ceremony thus creates Heaven and the dance
of the heavenly beings in front of our eyes. The performer is now handed the
sword ceremoniously and the Ani is fastened on to him. The performer
dances and leaps all the more and starts identifying him with the spirit and
claims to be the spirit himself. “Man can work magic when dehumanized,
transported, lifted by the divine out of the everyday, torn out of the normal
path of life, he walks into the void, into that expanse where the self mingles
with the infinite. Out of his transport a mastery over spirits grows in him; a
power to work in conjunction with the super human, to take control over the
261
events of which his daily life is a part.”30 The dance is spectacular,
vigourous and fantastic, to the accompaniment of the drum beat and the
tunes of the pipe. The music is so played so as to suit the exhilarated
movements of the dancer, at a very high tempo of the rhythm and high pitch
of the pipe. There is a greater exaggeration of the music for spirits of greater
ferocity. “Quick manly jumps, whirling steps by male spirits and feminine
and graceful steps by female spirits are enacted. According to his talent,
experience, skill and mental makeup a dancer can create a pleasant and
sublime scene.”31 It is interesting to note that the musical accompaniment on
the tasse, sammela and the mauri also provide the necessary atmosphere for
the possession of the spirit and its ecstatic dance. In addition to this, in
certain ceremonies there is the drumming of the tribes in unison that would
have gathered to witness the ceremonies, to which there is the dancing and
singing of the tribes around a camp fire that is lit for the purpose.
Subsequently, there is the handing over of the sacred pot or the Badikara.
The tender areca flowers stalks, rice or paddy grains, the betel leaf form the
auspicious contents of the pot. The priest is the first receiver of the pot, who
gets possessed as soon as he is in possession of the same and begins to move
violently. The pot is offered to the performer, who is now dressed in the
complete attire, but there is the catch and chase type of dancing between the
impersonator and the priest, so much so that the movements weave into a
beautiful dance to accommodate the above said idea. Consequently they
circumambulate the shrine at least a minimum of nine times before the pot is
30 Curt Sachs, World History Of The Dance, Norton Library New York, 1963; P.49 31 Dr. U.P. Upadhyaya, Dr. Smt Susheela P Upadhyaya, Folk Rituals of the Tuluva region of Coastal Karnataka, Regional Resources Centre for Folk Performing Arts Karnataka, 2002, ch 1 Folk Worship, P.32.
262
completely in possession of the impersonator. This signifies the formal
transfer of the spirit to the impersonator. This ritual also incorporates the
retinue of the priest and the performer owing to which the performer is
dragged along on a cart that signifies the totem animal of the spirit like the
tiger, pig horse and the like. Sometimes the live totem animal or the statue of
the same is being utilised to lead the procession in the cases when the Koola
is of a greater magnitude. Next to this is the ritual in which there is the
handing over of the sword ceremoniously to the impersonator who is seated.
The sword is previously placed before the shrine for sanctification, which is
then handed over by the possessed priest to the performer. The performer
now gets involved into the characteristics of the spirit that he is to be
possessed with by means of auto suggestion and personifies the same in his
dance, movements and a hysterical frenzy which lasts for a great stretch of
time. The dance stops abruptly when the spirit is completely manifested into
the impersonator.
At this juncture there is a question and answer session, with the
mediation of the organizers. The representatives of the devotees
ceremoniously request the spirit to protect their agricultural lands and the
prosperity of their entire community in addition to which there is the healing
of the sick by the impersonator and the disputes of the gathered devotees are
addressed to and solved by means of the answers that are signified by
counting the stalks of the areca flower. The significance is that the answer is
a positive one when the numbers of the areca stalks picked and placed by
him on the palm are counted and they sum upto an odd number and in the
negative when they sum upto an even number. Prophecies for the year are
made by the impersonator. This is followed by the offering of sacrificial
263
objects to the spirit. Formerly the offering of the chicken and its blood was a
mandatory practise but of late it is observed that the spirit satisfies itself with
the pancakes and offering of the turmeric water in place of the blood of
animals. The faith and the devotion of both the gathered devotees and the
impersonator contribute a great deal to the invocation of the spirit and the
frenziful dance, healing of the sick and the splendour of the whole ritual.
“The ritual has evolved its own elaborate language of symbolic
gestures.”32 It can be observed that the various ways, in which the
impersonator symbolizes his actions in executing the facts like the descent of
the spirit from the heavens, invocation of the various ganas, the offering of
the tender coconuts to the village deity and the ashtadikpalas, in addition to
the portrayal of the emotional expressions that portray anger, satisfaction,
joy, restlessness etc. There is the imitation of the gait of the pig, and that of
the bride with a mirror in hand in certain ‘Kolas.’
The impersonators as said earlier are from the chosen sects and
families in society that are privileged to do the act. Hence they undergo a
formal training in the apt dances that are meant for the respective spirits that
they are to personify. They are also taught the making of the required
ornamentation with the palm leaves and the elaborate make up by the elder
members of the family. These children are initiated to do the act after they
attain adulthood. However, till date the personification of these spirits has
been the prerogative of the male members of the society. It has been the case
even when the spirit to be personified is a female one.
32 Ibid; P.39.
264
Nagamandala or the coastal worship of the Naga :
The people belonging to the Vedic period were perhaps the foremost
to offer their worship to the Naga or the serpent god which has continued till
the present day. Greek epics mention the practise of the worship of the
cobras as the sons of Mother Earth on festive occassions. The lavish
presence of the Naga in the precincts of temple sculpture, and the ritualistic,
traditional, worship of the Naga as seen in the ritual of the Nagamandala
stand testimony to the importance and prevalence of the worship of the
Naga. The serpent that was associated with the hills, mountain, streams and
rivers, trees, plants and creepers, came to be associated later with the
different species of the human races like the Nagas, Yakshas, Gandharvas,
Bhutas and pischas. The obeissance to the serpent eventually led to spiritual
worship.”Though serpent is worshipped throughout India nowhere is it
celebrated with such elaborate rituals as in Tulunadu.”33 Incidentally in the
later cultures of the society too it can be noticed that the serpent is associated
in their worship of the various gods as seen in the worship of Lord Vishnu
represented as AnantaPadmanabha, as Ananteshwara, in the worship of Lord
Shiva and Shakti. The prevalence and importance of the serpent god can also
be inferred from the representation of Lord Ganapathi, who adorns the
serpent as a sash and is thus revered. The temple sculptures as mentioned in
chapter one invariably had the Yaksha and the Yakshi which are none other
than representations of the serpent god in the Human form. Amongst the
primitive tribes the serpent was thought of as the symbol of fertility and
prosperity which led to their worship. Historical evidences of the worship of
33 Ramakrishna Reddy.B, Dravidian folk and tribal lore, Dravidian University, Kuppam, 2001, Ch. 25. Current forms of ritual traditions in Tulnadu, A.V.Navada, P.266.
265
the nagas can be had from inscriptions and the representation of the serpent
in various ways in the sculptural decorations of the temples and monuments
of the dynasties that ruled our country. The very first instance of the
inscription that is extant is that belonging to the Soma dynasty.34 The fact
that the Buddhist cultures also supported the worship of the serpents can be
had from the inscriptions executed during the times of the Banavasi rulers
belonging to the 3rd century in their Buddhist Viharas. The most famous
Barkur inscription of 1458 also testifies the fact that the worship was quite
an important aspect of the Buddhist culture. The Barkur inscription of 1402
relates, for the very first time the terms ‘Mandala’, ‘Yakshi’, ‘Yakshas’ and
Nagas, which are the terms that are generally associated with the serpent
god. The huge Naga motif in bas relief in the ceiling of the cave temple at
Badami also adds to the fact that the Chalukyas of Badami were followers of
the tradition of the worship of the serpent god. An interesting fact is the
representation of the serpent god in the form that exhibits no limbs that there
is the representation of the god with just heads and no hands and legs. This
corresponds to the Brahma Yaksha or the creator of life that is the god of
fertility and is a prominent belief prevalent amongst the cultures that
represent the Tulu people in the regions of South Canara and is identified as
Naga Berumal. The worship of this serpent is thus seen in innumerable
forms in the south Canara districts of Karnataka. In the coastal regions of
Karnataka the practise of propitiating the spirits and their worship has been
in vogue and is performed in an orderly and organized way. As part of the
reverence to the spirits, the Naga worship is also organized. These rituals
34 H.C Boralingiah, Janapada kalegala Kosha, Director of Prasaranga, Kannada University, Hampi, 1996; P,51.
266
were initiated to appease the serpent and sometimes, also to stop the spread
of the venom in the event of a bite.
An incredible offering to the serpent god is seen in the worship that
corresponds to the Naga Mandala. The very prominent aspect of the worship
is the communion of the Naga Patri and the Naganartaka, which are
personified two male performers, who are believed to be possessed by the
Yakshi. The offering to the god is made through a beautiful series of dance
movements that are exhibited by both of them all through the night. It is
however associated with the strong belief that the participation in the ritual
leads one to ward off the skin diseases of the greatest order, brings marital
harmony to the disturbed couples, provides progeny to the childless,
prosperity to the downtrodden, thus providing in the real sense both
prosperity and fertility. It is therefore a votive offering of a whole
community to appease and applaud the snake god. The worship gets its very
nomenclature from the Mandala or the beautiful drawings that are drawn for
the purpose on the chosen day in a huge enclosure, with an altar, erected for
the purpose. It can be inferred that the origins of the worship must have
come down to the Vaidyas or the Brahmin community during the Vedic
period. “The Vedic rituals were generally performed at an altar, built with a
specific number of bricks that had not only ritualistic but astronomical and
calendrical equivalences. Thus the altar design was based on numbers that
reconciled the lunar and solar years.”35 Prior to this, the Nagas must have
been a tribe that offered their worship to the serpent god as symbol of their
community. The rites and rituals thus arbitrarily date to the 7th and 8th
35 Georg Feuerstein, Subhash Kak & David Frawley; In search of the cradle of civilization Motilal Banarasidass ; Delhi; 1995,2001,2005,2008, ch; The birth of Science in Ritual, P; 201.
267
centuries. The rite can be traced as a continuous activity after the 13th
century on the basis of the Barkur inscription.
The preliminaries and all the necessities to initiate the worship are
initiated by the people belonging to the Brahmin community irrespective of
the community to which the person who owes to offer the same belongs to.
Separate altars are also set up for the people corresponding to the class they
belong to, to facilitate the preliminary offering and services to the serpent
god, which is followed by the Naga Mandala ritual that is conducted late in
the evening. The major altar that is erected for the purpose is the most
sanctified and perhaps the highly decorated one. It is on this altar that the
elaborate mandala or the image that initiates the all night ritual is drawn, in
the prominent colours adhering to the norm. the drawings of the serpent with
several hoods in odd numbers of three, five, seven The dimensions of this
altar are previously decided. The altar is identified as the Bana. It is so
erected that the devotees can seat themselves all around and view the
proceedings on all sides of the altar uninterrupted by columns or otherwise.
The designs on the floor include the picture of the parrots and the like made
out of the lotus buds. These are thought of to be the seat of the other Gods
who will seat themselves to watch the proceedings. The picture that is drawn
is considered as a single Mandala when it incorporates sixteen intertwined
figures of the serpent as in the Pavitra and the serpent in this case will be
visualized and drawn with fourteen hoods, while it is termed as the ardha
mandala when the Pavitra or the intertwined figures of the serpent are eight
and the serpent god is visualized as a seven hooded serpent god and it is
termed as quarter or Kaalu mandala when the design incorporates a
minimum number as least as four of the Pavitra motif are incorporated and
268
the serpent is visualized as one with five hoods. Consequently the design is
seen to be of the chauka or the square shape or the ashtakona or the polygon
with eight sides or the Shadaala kona corresponding to the number of the
pavitra motifs and the number of hoods. The outer most outline of the whole
figure or design is made with yellow. However there is the prominent use of
five colours. They are Red, Black, Yellow, White and Green. The seven
hoods are drawn elaborately with the body coiled.
The form of the Naga is generally drawn with yellow, while the eyes
are painted in red; the intertwined ‘Pavitra’ motif has the outgoing and
incoming lines outlined in black, while white is used to dot the lower limbs
of the Naga. The motif is embossed with green, white, yellow, black, red
representing the hood. On the sides are drawn and painted the off springs or
the young ones of the serpent, besides which are the figures of Lord Ganesha
and Brahma Yakshi. All around this beautiful, huge, colourful mandala are
placed stacks of the Hingara or the areca palm flowers, tender coconuts,
areca nut, beetle leaves and fruits. It is customary to find sixteen oil lamps lit
and placed around the mandala.
It is also interesting to note that there is the incorporation of the
Vishnu Pada, which in reality is the representative of Lord Vishnu, drawn
right below the hood of the Serpent Lord. A little above the hood, is the Halo
that is elaborately drawn, under which is the Brahma Kapala, the
representation of the Yakshi in the form of the conch and that of Lord
Ganesha in the form of the Swastika. There is the stacking of the Areca palm
flowers to a height of at least about three to five inches, on the outermost
side of the mandala, on all sides of the altar. As a prelude to the evening’s
and night long performance of the Nagamandala the Ashlesha bali, the Naga
269
samskaras, the Vatu Aradhana and Dana samakaras are performed during the
day. On this day are also performed the Gana Homa, Chandika Homa,
Godana and the Bhudana rituals.
The actual performance on this altar begins past midnight. The Naga
Patri, Naga Vaidya, the Dakke players accompanied by the priest and the
other accompanying musicians reach the altar, at this point of time. The
priest conducts a pooja which is of a very brief nature. The fact that the
Naga Patri is already possessed by the Naga Yakshi, is very evident in his
movements. He holds two handfuls of the areca florescence, which he
smears on his face in a state of trance. His movements are explicit and one is
reminded of the serpent by each move of his. The Vaidya mela enters the
scene at this juncture. The mela includes one Ardha Nari Vesha, who plays
the Brass Dakke and sings along with keeping the rhythm on the percussion
instrument, in harmony with the other wooden Dakke players, two singers
and one playing the brass cymbals. This Ardha nari veshadhari executes
beautiful dance movements, sometimes singing along too but constantly
keeping the rhythm on the instrument and at times executing complicated
rhythms.
The ardha nari vesha has a simple costume that is very close to that of
the costume that is adorned by the Sthri veshas of the Badagatittu style of
Yakshagana. He is decked with ornate anklets, bells on the ankles as
adorned by the Yakshagana performers, beautiful armlets, a sleeveless top
over a dhothi made out of a checkered saree of red colour as seen in the
Yakshagana, with a beautiful head dress or the turban with a lining in gold
which is decorated with an ornament. The ardha nari vesha is always
accompanied by the Naga – Patri as he moves. They stand facing each other
270
and are sometimes with their back to each other. The Naga Patri, has both
his hands filled with the areca fluorescence.
The patri donns a red dhothi, his hair is disheveled, the face is
smeared with the areca florescence imitating the serpent god in his
countenance at the very first glance and predominantly exhibiting the raudra
sentiment throughout the whole ritualistic performance.
Initially the patri moves with a gait that is very majestic and subtle.
Later, as the dance proceeds, the possessed patri’s movements become
vigourous and they resemble the movements as if they are those of a serpent
in many respects, all along keeping to the rhythm that is being played by the
accompanying musicians. Simultaneously, water is sprinkled on the areca
florescence that is held by him which is smeared by him repeatedly on to the
face and sometimes to the fore part of his body too. “Every dance is and
gives ecstasy.”36
Leaps and jumps are also executed by the patri in his state of trance,
when the Ardha nari patri leaves the mantapa for a brief interlude which is a
traditional part of the whole ritual. The dance of the couple is seen to
develop after having danced around a number of times around the mandala
on the altar. The most interesting motif is the intertwining and unwinding of
the couple, directly indicating the idea of fertility and explicitly imitating the
moves of a serpent couple in this regard. “The Chinese crane dance was, like
the Hellenic, a round dance, and it belonged to the cycle of vegetation rites
designed to obtain rain, fertility, and regeneration.”37
36 Curt Sachs, World History Of The Dance, Norton Library New York; 1963, P50
271
The mandala as drawn for the ashlesha bali.
The drawing of the Naga Mandala Motif on the altar in progress.
37 Ibid; P,239.
272
The dance of the Naga patri and the Ardha Nari Patri.
Yet another instance of the dance.
273
The most interesting fact is that a lot of the movements and dance
that is executed by the ardha nari vesha, besides his singing of the
padjanas and the playing of the Dakke or the percussion instrument
have a great semblance to the movements and motifs that are executed
in the Yakshagana traditional theatre of Karnataka. The fact that the
Yakshagana must have originated from these ritualistic traditions is
very evident. The padjanas are generally in praise of the serpent god
and are rendered in the fashion that the Bhagavathas of the
Yakshagana follow. There is also the interplay of a great number of
sentiments in the Nagamandala, thus indicating the rich cultural
tradition which it is preserving in the form of a ritual that is both
entertaining as well as of great psychological importance in warding off
the difficulties of the people. “The three other dances that are said to be
have brought in by Thaletas of Crete- The PAIANS to Apollo, which was a
magic dance originally against sickness and death.”38 The incorporation of
the Mandi movements of the Yakshagana is also found to be exhibited
in the dance of the ardha nari vesha.
The elements of the Ottan tullal, certain features of Kathakali and
Koodiattam, the traditional dance forms of Kerala, graceful movements of
Mohiniattam, the classical dance form of Kerala, in the graceful movements
of the ardha nari vesha are found to be part of the Naga mandala on
analyzing the same very meticulously. However the dramatic element on an
elaborate scale is certainly absent and Raudra is the predominant sentiment
that is evidently seen in a major part of the ritualistic dance that is presented.
38 Ibid; P, 240.
274
In the Bhuta worship it can be seen that the performer is seen to be one with
the spirit or the bhuta as the ritual progresses, so much so that he identifies
himself with the bhuta and addresses the gathering as if he is the spirit
himself. Consequently, there is the absence of the Psychic distance that is
generally an important element in the execution of any character in the
present day presentations in the theatres of today. The impersonator thus
becomes the spirit from head to toe after donning the Mask and the
jewellery, and after being handed the accessories of the corresponding spirit.
The accessories include the shoulder ornaments in certain cases; the mask is
either made of a metal or made of wood and in certain cases prepared out of
the areca bark. The Karlkudka, Karlooti, Panjurli, adorn the masks of metal
in the absence of which the mask is made out of bark.
Kodamanthia, Mallaraya, Jamadi, Lekke Siri, are some of the
important spirits that also use metallic masks.
Anantanadiye and Ullalthige emply two varieties of masks they are
identified as sandalwood mask and golden tongued silver mask.
Mask of one particular spirit cannot be used on any other spirit.
These masks are fitted with certain special features. The execution of
the fearful expression, prowess, and cruelty by means of grotesque features
forms the primary requisite of these masks. These could resemble either the
face of a man or that of an animal. They are thus generally designed to be of
huge dimensions and are hence broad and big. The sight is focused with
huge eyes; tongue is protruded with carnivorous teeth and an open mouth.
275
Since the very purpose of the mask is to create an atmosphere of fear and
prowess, the female spirits are also quite often seen to sport a huge
moustache which is not considered as a bad taste.
Masks are fearful in their representations as animals, as in the case of
the Panjurli, represented by the Pig mask, the Pili, by the Tiger, and the
Mahishanadaye, by the mask of the Ox. These spirits thus employ the masks
of these animals and are hence fearful in their presentation.
There are also instances when these masks are sometimes worn over
the forehead that is on the head by the impersonator. Symbolic colours are
painted on the face and the body of the impersonator in certain spirit worship
wherein an external mask does not find its necessity and presence.
“There is yet another kind of the mask that ceases to exist when
removed from the face of the performer, since the face provides the
foundation and is also the integral part of the mask. In this context the face is
painted with colour as mentioned in the chapter discussing the masks. Here
the dramatic experience to the artist or the one who dons this mask is
invariably, more intense. Painting of face in the primitive ritual dance or the
use of animal and spirit masks is basically disguise.”39 “Just as the soul [of a
man] after renouncing the nature proper to one body assumes another
character related to the body of another animal, so a person having [a
39 Jiwan Pani, World Of Other Faces Indian Masks, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, New Delhi, August 1986, P.38.
276
different] colour and make up, adopts the behaviour connected with the
clothes he wears.”40
Tribes that were closely associated with the Buddhist religion also
have been found to have employed interesting ritual masked dances. Hence
it can be inferred that irrespective of the religion that was practised there was
the use of the masks in ritual and dance from the time man danced. The
prime reason for having employed these masks in the spirit worship as
mentioned earlier was to create a feeling of fear, awe and prowess in the
minds of the onlookers. Besides this the onlooker involved himself so much
into the worship that he became a wholesome part of the entire activity. The
padadanas which are recited during the ritual appear to be mainly for the
purpose of achieving the audio and visual fixation of the image of the
corresponding spirit in the minds of the hundreds of people participating in
the ritual by assembling at the place of worship.
The magic spell of the ritual is not limited only to the wearers of
masks; all the participants of the ceremony feel the presence of the
divine beings summoned by the magic power of the mask.41
Weapons are held in the hands primarily to create the idea of the super
natural element and the super human concept. The sword, bow, arrow, whip,
fire torch, a vessel containing burning cinders, a dagger; and all those
weapons that support the idea of the fierce and the extra terrestrial element
40 Manmohan Ghosh, Natya Shastra, Chowkhamba Sanskrit series office ch 23, Costumes and Make up, P.423 -424. v 84-85. 41 Jiwan Pani, World Of Other Faces Indian Masks, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, New Delhi, August 1986, P.2.
277
are held as part of the ritualistic presentation. Similar to the masks these also
add on to the prowess of the spirit in consideration. During the performance
of the spirit worship and the performance of the impersonator, the dance
with the sword in hand is termed as the ‘sadhago’. The dagger or the kadtale
symbolizes the bravery and energy of the spirit. The impersonator
brandishes the sword, moves it to and fro and executes the dance movements
to ward off the evil. The purpose of these weapons is also to highlight the
miracles that the spirit can perform and the sanctity of the spirit in
consideration. Eventually it can be inferred that there are distinctly two
aspects to the spirit worship. One of them being the ferocious aspect and the
other being the one that brings in serenity. The former is seen in the use of
the above mentioned weapons while the latter is seen in the gifting of the
solutions to problems, epidemics and the like.
The dance accompanying the burning fire torches in hand is similar in
its execution to the ondane hejje, eradane hejje; that are in vogue in the
Yakshagana. The dance is sometimes around the entire area of the ritual
incorporating in particular the area around the sacrificial offering that is
meant for the spirit. Also seen sometimes, are the motifs of the hunter’s
dance with the fire torches held in the hands. The dance is many a time of
the graceful nature too with the to and fro movements and spinning being
incorporated. However the dance is definitely incomplete without the
execution of the leaps jumps and energetic dancing. The indispensable
musical instrument that is used as a major accompaniment to the whole
performance is the Tembare’. The rest of the musical instruments are
optional.
278
The Kallakuda or Karlooti are famous spirits in south canara. These
two spirits are identified to be siblings that are brother and sister. They are
worshipped once every year. The backward tribes adorn this spirit. Red
flowing cloth, belts on the arms, waste, a chain, palle, nevala, anklets,
ornaments on the head, leaves of the coconut palm, form the costume and
makeup of those who dance these. The Kallakuda is also known as
“Posabootha” and the Karlooti is known as “Sathyadevatha”.
Kuppe panjurlee is another form of bootha worship, where in the
person possessed at the time of worship of this spirit goes into a state of
exhilaration. He leaps and dances every time he speaks since he is in a state
of ecstatic trance. He performs the pooja, sings, blesses does all the activities
with a Kuppe or a Jump or a leap. The Veshadhari is hence identified as
Kuppe panjurlee. “These dancers are possessed in the real sense. They not
only undergo a narrowing of consciousness- a spirit, a devil, a god has taken
over control of their body and has transformed them.”42
Amongst the ritualistic, ancient and traditional, theatrical forms that
belong to the state of Tamil Nadu, Therukkoothu plays a very significant
role in the development and socio- religious affairs of the community that
practices the art presentation. The audience is seated on all the three sides of
the performing area, while the fourth side is meant for the accompanying
musical orchestra or the Pinpattu, meaning background singers. It is an art
sophisticated in its elevation and aesthetics. The art form has been equated
by many a scholar to the Kathakali art form of Kerala and the Yakshagana of
Karnataka for its aesthetics, origins, style of presentation and the like.
42 Curt Sachs, World History Of The Dance, Themes and types; Norton Library New York; 1963, P50
279
“Considering the nature of the Therukkoothu, i.e; as a ritual performance,
there are some studies which show its ritual significance.”43 The connotation
of the word Therukkoothu is theru in Tamil means ‘street’ and Koothu
stands for ‘play.’ This theatrical presentation is operatic in its nature and is
perhaps one of the foremost presentations amongst rural folk entertainments
in Tamil Nadu since quite a few centuries. In Tandaimandalam, of
Villipuram district, Gingee taluk, Nallanpillaipetral village, one finds deep
rooted significance to the cultural practices of the people of Tamil Nadu.
The chief participants in the Therukkoothu performance include the people
belonging to the castes of the Thuluva Vellala Mudaliar, Vannan and Asari
communities. These are found to be the chief inhabitants of
Nallanpillaipetral village. The people themselves have categorised the
tradition of Therukkoothu as Carnatakam and Vegujavali, meaning classical
and non- classical respectively. The Nallanpillaipetral village also invites
troupes from the neighbouring areas to present the performance on certain
occassions while the local people also present the same during the
corresponding festivals and major occassions meant for the same.
The Vannan or the washerman cult is thought of as the most important
repository of this art form. This community of Vannans is responsible in
more than one way in the presentation of the performance. They are the
actual actors of the Therukkoothu and also are the providers of the Make-up
and costumes. The lighting that is provided to the performance is by means
of torches that are lit by fire and are dipped in oil for the same and are also
43 Ramakrishna Reddy.B, Dravidian folk and tribal lore, Dravidian University, Kuppam, 2001, Ch..26, Folk Performing Tradition in Tamil Nadu with reference to Therukkoothu, A. Chellaperumal, p, 280.
280
the responsibility of the Vannans. The play begins with an invocation to
Lord Ganesha, to which an actor donning an elephant mask, dances to the
accompaniment of the musicians. The performer is then seated and
worshipped by the priest. Following this all the other deities are invoked.
Each character of the presentation is introduced after the said invocation of
the deities. The singers in the background also provide the introduction of
the various characters by means of their songs. The prelude to the
performance includes the procession of the idols that are meant for worship
along the streets of the village. The costumes are skirts made out of the straw
of paddy over which the saree is wrapped and in certain situations there is
the use of sarees to form a multilayered half skirt to depict the various
characters. The performing area of the Therukkoothu is called as the sabai.
The audience is seated in order of their hierarchy. It is a primarily male
dominated art form for all the male as well as the female roles are played by
the men alone. These performances are organized during that period of time
when the agricultural activities of the people are of not much magnitude.
There is the rehearsing for the performances with the guidance of the chief
priest prior to the staging of the play. Therukkoothu is considered as an
act of devotion to the local deity to which it is traditionally linked.44
“The Therukkoothu is primarily performed as a ritual propitiation of
the village deities or as a ritual marker in important rites of
passage.”45Therukkoothu is less stylized and codified in comparison to its
counterparts and is often termed and identified as a folk theatre. It is also
44 Shovana Narayan,Folk traditions of India, Shubhi publications, Harayana, 2004, P.285. 45 Farley.p.Richmond; Darius.L. Swann, Phillip.B.Zarrilli, Indian Theatre Traditions of Performance,Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Private Limited, Dehi,1990,1993,2007,Ch; p.309.
281
interesting to note that the presentation of this dance involves the use of the
curtain as seen in the execution of the Yakshagana and the Kathakali Dance
dramas, to conceal the identity of the character’s first entry on stage and thus
maintain the suspense and interest of the audience. The fact that
Therukkoothu is a ritual theatre has been a study of great interest to many
scholars and the occurrence of the idol of deities in the villages, resembling
the Kattaiveshams of the Therukkoothu stand testimony to the fact that the
ritual is very popular amongst the masses. The faith in the miraculous
solutions found to problems that are otherwise puzzling has catalysed the
beliefs of the masses so much so that a votive offering is made and the play
of Therukkoothu is arranged, whenever there is a drought or failure of the
282
monsoons. However it is interesting to note that it is the prerogative of
particular families to play particular roles through generations. Often a
particular family is allotted these roles which are well rehearsed, and aptly
presented in a performance and hence well appreciated by the masses. The
themes are mostly those, chosen from mythology and the great epics, and are
presented with utmost sincerity, honesty and devotion. However, although
not very often, themes that relate to social problems, pertaining to the
village, are also enacted eventually leading to the resurrection of the
problems.
Baalesaantu :
This is a dance of the whole community of the Marathis inhabiting the
coastal regions of Karnataka, generally identified as South Canara. This is
danced on the full moon day in the month of Mayi, in the Tulu calendar. It is
performed any where between seven to eleven number of days, but the
celebration has to be for an odd number of days. After conducting the
required consecration, the priest installs a stone, on the evening of the day
preceeding the day of the actual ritual, to represent Lord Ishwara or Lord
Bhairava. Lord Ganesha is invoked symbolically and prayed to for a
successful dance ritual of the Baalesaantu. The dancers repeat the refrain
after the priest and go around the stone thrice and proceed to the local
temple where they dance as an offering to the deity. The role of the Koraga
is danced by that dancer whose body is smeared with black soot, wrapped
with a black sheet of cloth around the waist and wears a cap made out of the
areca spathe. He holds a flute in one hand and a stick in the other. The
Korappolu is the female counterpart of the Koraga. She wears a worn out
black blouse, her face is painted in black and also sports two braids of
283
plaited hair. The other members include two persons who execute the role of
the sanyasis, who are entirely wrapped in dry plantain leaves, yet another as
Adiga, who bears a portable idol of the goddess of Shringeri. The group also
includes the priest, a bhuta and his assistant, a sooth-sayer playing on his
small drum, a monkey trickster and an ordinary citizen, two men to represent
the Muslims in the traditional rather colloquial dress of the Marathis wherein
a lungi is worn upto the knee length, a rolled up sleeved shirt a talisman tied
around one of the arms, sporting a beard, protruding teeth and a hat, besides
huntsmen clad in woven leaves of trees. The group also incorporates
members in modern attire and masks. Hence although they are supposedly
fifteen to twenty members in the group, there is no fixed number to the
group and varies to suit their availability and convenience.
The dance is conducted in an organized manner in the sense that the
group arrives in the courtyard of the house of the villagers. At this point the
Koraga couple addresses the landlord to which the latter lights a lamp and
284
opens the door. This marks the beginning of their dance which a similar
motif that was mentioned earlier. Having completed the three circular rounds
in their movements they line up aside and make way for the others to dance.
Each of these characters now comes forward to present a sequence of dance
and dialogue.
The foremost amongst them is the Adiga who carries the idol of the
goddess and dance that is similar to the procession of the idol around the
temple deity after which he puts down the idol on a wooden seat placed in
one of the corners. The person characterizing the priest performs worship
which is followed by the actions of the bhuta and his assistant. The spirit
impersonator imitates the ritual dance of the spirit, the miracles that are
exhibited by the Bhutas, ending with a benediction by the assistant. These
are the ritualistic aspects of the Baalesaantu. There is the humourous
conversation between the sanyasins and the koraga and korapulu couple. The
next performance is by the Muslim characters who sing the Maapille Pattu
and dance to it. The city dweller holds a dialogue with the spectators and this
is followed by the dance of the hunters to the popular folk refrain “shivanu
bikshege banda.”
The dancers dance for about half an hour after which they are gifted
by the landlord and the group moves on to the next house where the entire
dance sequence is to be repeated.
At day break the group returns and the symbolic way of driving off
the evil is performed by encircling the poison-nut tree thrice or by encircling
a coconut around the head of every individual performer and breaking the
same under the root of the tree.
285
Goondolu dance :
The Gondaligas are a group of singers of North Karnataka; conduct a
ritual that is similar to that of the Goondolu of Tulunadu. The deities
worshipped by Gondaligas are Tulajabhavaani of Tulajapura,
AmbhaBhavani of Kolhapur, Renuka of Mahur. The gondola is performed
on auspicious occasions such as Navaratri, Deepavali, weddings and thread
ceremonies. “The Gondulu of Tulunadu is performed by an impersonator
who calls himself Parashurama.”46 The Gondolu dance forms an important
part of the ritual. The sequence of the dance and the movements are quite
highly organized. The principal performer dances to the beat of his drum in
front of the seat of the deity and sings in praise of Lord Bhairava. There is
the dance of the torch bearers as well in tune with the dance of the
impersonator of Parashurama.
The songs also contain the theme that describes the miracles that can
be conducted by the goddess Amnooru or Mammaayi. She is thought of to
be the force that can unleash pestilence or rather control the same too. The
ritual therefore a way of appeasing the Goddess after pestilence has broken
out. The dance in the Gondolu ritual is called Goondolu Nalike. Both
Mother Goddess and Bhairava are worshipped in the Goondolu ritual.
Kangulu :
The members of the Godda community generally perform this dance.
It used to be a very popular dance in the past few years. It is a seasonal
dance and also performed in the month of Maayi on the fullmoon night. The
46 Dr. Ashok Alva, Olasari, Regional research centre for performing Arts, M.G.M. College Udupi, 2001, P, 15.
286
ritual generally lasts about three days and three nights. The number of
dancers are generally anywhere between four, six, eight or eleven as
practised traditionally. The dance is performed in front of the shrines of
Bermeru and Khadgeswari of Kallatte regions. The chieftain offers the
prayers to these shrines for the well being and uninterrupted dance and
formally fastens the turban on the head of the chief performer. The Tiri
eeruni or the offering of the tender palm leaf garment to the dancers is also
performed by the chieftain, wherein the dancer is completely covered with
tender palm on the shoulders, waist and the head too. These performers are
now identified as Kanguludu Sirikulu. There is a Koraga character as seen in
the other dances of this region. The koraga wears a conical hat made of the
areca spathe over his head and carries a flute and a staff in both his hands.
He also carries a basket made from bamboo or twigs on his shoulder. He is
the one who personifies the deity of this community. The dance commences
after the dancers are ready in their attire. The chief dancer is handed a bell
and all the dancers make a small offering of their dance in front of the
shrine. Further they move on to the house of the Landlord, who opens the
door after having lit a lamp. The dancers perform in the courtyard of his
house and further move on from house to house till daybreak.
The Koraga offers a black tilaka or the mark on the forehead of any
ailing person during these performing sessions. It is believed that the ailing
person will be relieved of his illness since the Koraga is thought of to be
having the power to ward off the evil caused by spirits. It is also considered
to be the time when votive offerings can be made to the Koraga and fulfilled
in place of the deity. The dance sequence concludes only on the next
evening and is
287
resumed in the nights. The last day marks the ritual of the discarding off the
costume formally. This ritual is performed on the outskirts of the village. On
this day, the impersonator of Koraga gets possessed by the spirits of Niica,
Jumaadi, and Banta. These express their satisfaction of the services that have
been offered and make assurances of the safety of the village in the event of
any calamity, and the prosperity of the village. Having done this the dancers
288
discard their costumes in the centre of the junction of three roads after
breaking a coconut at the place, offering a piece of jaggery and leave the
area without bothering to look back to denote the warding off the spirits that
they were impersonating.
Mahishanadaye : ritual of Buffalo worship :
It is a common practice for the Tulu people to worship animals as deities.
One of the most common animals that is worshipped is the Buffalo.
Mahishanadaye is the bhuta form of the Buffalo. In the Mahishanadaye
shrine there are masks and images of the buffalo or the bullock. There are
several versions of the Paaddana releting to Mahishanadaye. Each version
describes the origin of the deity in a different way. One of the supernatural
accounts of the origin of Mahishanadaye is the union between the divine
Ishwara in the shape of a white lotus and Abbaga, a mortal leading to the
birth of Kumara. Kumara gets killed by a buffalo. Kumara is grafted with the
head of the buffalo on to the trunk of Kumara, resulting in the strange figure
of Mahishanadaye. Thus Kumara begets a supernatural aura.
The different Paaddanas reveal some of the characteristics of this deity:
1. He has a human body and the head of a buffalo.
2. The child has a horn on the forehead by virtue of his birth and hence is
often addressed as Baale Kanjige Kumara.
289
3. A soldier killed in the battle-field attains divinity by the blessing of his
mother.
4. He appears as a buffalo-calf to Abbaga-Daaraga when they cross a stream.
5. He is Kumara appearing as a four footed animal and helping the twin
sisters to find their way to Nandolige.
6. Mahishanadaye appears as a poor Brahmin with a horn on the forehead.
7. Mahishanadaye has forms like the buffalo, bull or calf.
The ritual of Mahishanadaye is as interesting as the paaddanas.
The make up of the Mahishanadaye impersonator is quite simple.
There is nothing that symbolizes the bullock or the buffalo. However the
performer sports mask made of bronze or sometimes made of areca spathe.
The mask resembles the head of the buffalo or the bullock. The wearing of
290
the mask instigates the performer to get into the prowess and grunting of the
buffalo.
The movements of the performer resemble those of a buffalo or the
bullock. The possessed impersonator expresses everything that he intends to
in the event of the ritual performance by means of grunts and does not, on
any accord speak. The offerings made during the ritual also correspond to
the feed of the buffalo. Hence he is offered and receives cooked horse gram,
coconut, banana and grass. It is an interesting fact that the buffalo is
considered as one of the important objects of worship and ritual amongst the
Tuluva people while it is considered an inauspicious animal amongst many
of the other cultures even to this day.
Panjurli:
Panjurli is one of the most powerful spirits worshipped throughout the
Tulu speaking regions. It is the deity that represents the boar the most
common predator that destroys the crops. It is worshipped by the public in
shrines as well as by the family gatherings as a family deity in their
households. There different forms of the Panjurli and are termed as Annappa
Panjurli, Kuppe Panjurli, Baggu Panjurli, Malaara Panjurli, Botti Panjurli,
Angana Panjurli to mention a few. The ceremony is a night long one with
offerings of cock, rice and the like. The specialty of the Aharya is seen in the
head dress which is circular in shape and has a mask of the pig. The hair is
let loose, the make up
291
is elaborate and the performer wears a palm leaf skirt. A great number of
dance movements are executed by the performer and a divine message is
also conveyed at the end of the possessed dance. The make up is so designed
on the forehead with vertical lines, and colours that they resemble the horn
of a pig.
Jumadi :
This is also celebrated with different versions and is very popular
amongst the Tulu speaking community. The spirit here is considered to be
the incarnation of Mother Goddess. The actual impersonator is seen to be
dressed as half female and half male since attributes include a white
moustache as well breasts, which is seen in the idol too. The Kola is
performed with great pomp and show. The performer is adorned with a
square shaped head dress and elaborate ornamentation. He performs the
dance with violent movements and is assisted by yet another performer who
is identified as the dumb servant spirit. This assistant spirit relegates the
audience through humourous gesticulations and light behaviour.
292
Ullalthi :
This spirit propitiation is very popular amongst the southern part of
the Tulu speaking regions. Ullalthi is considered to be the incarnation of
Parvathi the Mother Goddess. The belief is that the spirit displayed her
presence by letting the royal elephant loose which eventually ran amok
during the rule of the Banga dynasty. To appease the spirit the King got a
shrine at Kutrottu built which is still preserved. In Ananthadi the spirit is
seen in a red sandalwood mask, while a silver mask is used to mark the
festivities. Here the impersonator dances with burning torches in his hands.
The head gear is horse shoe shaped and the tongue made out of the areca
spathe is long enough to touch the ground. The head gear, mask and the
ritual varies from place to place. Elsewhere, at Balnad one can see the
impersonator holding the Kalasha Kannadi: an auspicious tray containing the
mirror, water filled pitcher, the coconut and other objects of the ritual and
dancing the dance of a bride.
Lakkesiri :
This is the spirit of Rakteswari, the incarnation of Goddess Durga,
who killed the demon Raktabijasura. Lakkesiri is worshipped in a pillar
shaped granite structure with a triangular summit. The impersonator here
dances wearing a square shaped head gear made of tender coconut leaves. A
very short ritual is observed in this case.
293
Kodamantaya :
This is a Rajan Daiva or the royal spirit since it is patronized by the
kings and the like. The Kodamantaya shrines at Uppinangadi, Perinjeguttu,
Polali and Ekkar are well known for their annual festivals celebrated with
great fervour. The impersonator here is seated on a cart which has the figure
of the tiger on it and taken in a procession. The head dress is huge, with rich
ornamentation and is semicircular in shape. The performer exhibits varied
movements in his dance during the night long ceremony.
Bobbarya :
Bobbarya is known as the Lord of the seas and he is worshipped by
the community of fishermen. The most fascinating fact about this spirit is
that the spirit is believed to be born of a Muslim father and a Jain mother.
Bobbarya is worshipped in a shrine that resembles a pillar like structure with
a platform of stone that serves as an altar. A mace is placed in the shrine as
the weapon of the spirit. The Kola is celebrated in the varied regions of the
coastal area. The impersonator wears a special crown as a headgear while
performing the dance in his possessed state. The performer circumambulates
the temple with a mace made and moulded out of a dish that is prepared out
of rice and coconut. The procession then proceeds towards the sea shores
with the impersonator to obtain the blessings of Bobbarya for a good catch
of fish.
294
.
295
These are some of the spirit propitiation and the ritualistic dances that
have been observed in the coastal regions of Karnataka. The Therukkoothu
of Tamil Nadu is also a significant ritualistic dance tradition which leads to
the inference that the two aspects; that is ritual and dance are complementary
to each other as mentioned earlier.
The Cindu Madiga is a sub caste of the Madiga community in the
Andhra country. “Cindu as a qualifying denotes a group of Madigas who
perform the cultural text of Madigas by a way of dance form.”47 The
connotation of the word Cindu would be a vibrant step patterned in a
stylistic expression, which creates movements that are circular and look like
dancing. The performances of Cindu Madigas include typical dances with
47 Ramakrishna Reddy.B, Dravidian folk and tribal lore, Dravidian University, Kuppam, 2001, Ch..8 Ritual performance and theoretical validity to folklore: the case of Andhra Pradesh, Y.A Sudhakar Reddy, P, 300.
296
Cindus accompanied by the overall narration in the theatrical forms. The
episodes are choosen from the epics and the presentations are termed as
Bhagavathams and Yakshaganams. “ Apart from these, they also enact the
ritual performances known as Jambapuranam and Yellamma Vesam that are
semi theatrical in nature.”48 In accordance with the traditional norms the
Cindu Madigas take the role of priests to perform certain purification rites
that prelude the performance.
The Cindus also have the prerogative to perform the role of the village
Goddess, Matangi or Yellamma. In this instance the impersonator is a
female whose life is dedicated to the Goddess Yellamma and married to her.
She is identified as Basavi or Jogini. The system is popularly known as the
basavi system. She is the privileged woman who is approached by the
village community to perform the rites of purification preceeding all the
festivities in the village.
Yet other celebration of a ritual through dance is the Yellamma
Vesham. She is considered to be the deity of the clan of Madigas. The belief
goes that Yellamma is enraged and on pacification she goes about whipping
and blessing the gathering. Make up or attire forms the major part of the
Yellamma Vesham. She is adorned with leather shell decorations. The head
is also ornamented with a shelled head gear. In the right hand she holds a
sword and in the other a ladle. After the make up and costuming is complete
the performance begins. The other character who performances along with
the impersonator of Yellamma is Potharaju, who is simultaneously prepared
for the performance at yet another location in the same village. He carries a
48 Ibid; P, 300.
297
whip in his hand as an important stage property. After having made both of
them ready they are brought to the venue of the presentation.Yellamma
impersonator is offered toddy and jaggery to intoxicate her and alow her to
get possessed by the Goddess, by Potharaju as part of the performance. The
elders of the Cindu Madiga community then fasten a Yellamma Yantram on
the forehead of the impersonator when she gets possessed. She moves in a
furious mood, possessed by the goddess from house to house where she is
appeased by the dance of Pothraju, who offers her gifts that are offered from
every household.
There is the enactment of the story of Jambapuranam which is a myth
associated with the caste that goes on till midnight although it begins in the
evening as early as Four o’ clock, following which she visits the households
in the village.
After having visited every household in the village she is brought to
the centre of the village where she is to be offered a sheep. Pothraju now
dances violently to the accompaniment of the drumbeats and at one point
slits the throat of the sheep with his teeth and offers the same to the
impersonator of the Goddess. At this point the elders of the village make on
offering of cash to the Goddess to ward off the evil that can befall them by
her wrath. Following this is the sprinkling of the cooked sacrificial animal,
by the assistant spirit or bhootam, who is identified as Bhuta Poligadu.
Further there is the dance of Pothraju in front of the Goddess, in a violent
form after having donned the intestines of the sheep around his neck and
placing the lungs of the same in his mouth. Yellamma also dances at this
juncture and is warded off the evil eye which marks the end of the ritualistic
dance. The performance is held for two days. One of the performances is
298
dedicated to the villagers while the other one is dedicated to the Cindu
Madigas. They collect gifts in kind and cash and hold these ritualistic
performances over several villages. It is a fact that the Cindu Madigas share
the income out of this performance with the whole community in the village
as it is their only means of livelihood.