39

CHAPTER - 2

SLUMS IN INDIA: With Special Referance To Delhi.

SLUMS IN INDIA

Slums are found in every city due to faulty town

and country planning, and due to continuous flow of

migrants from rural areas to small towns and

cities. Unusual events, natural calamities such as

droughts and famines, floods etc. force migration

to cities. Slums of Manila produced by migration

from the countryside during the World War II find

a parallel in the settlement of thousands of

homeless who fled Pakistan during the partition in

1947.

Slums in Bombay began to emerge due to the

depression caused by the First World War and the

consequent war stimulated industries. The second

World War further added to slums. This major shift

in world order changed the character of world

economy. New Employment avenues drew thousands to

CHAPTER-II

40

Bombay." (1) The immigrants set up temporary

habitation in the chawals.

Political and administrative establishments turned

a blind eye to the housing problem of the migrant

workers. Those who bought land to build chawals

made a quick dent in the real estate market. The

private builders built multi storied chawals.

Authorised structures contained one or two · storied

buildings known as chawals for the industrial

workers. Patra chawals and Zopad-Patties emerged

as unauthorised constructions made out of sub-

standard materials, and without having provisions

of a minimum lieable settlement. When the city of

Bombay expanded, it absorbed villages which had

sub-standard houses. These settlements too are

slums today. Here again the example of Mochi Gaon

behind Moti-Bagh gurudwara is very appropriate.

(1) Singh, Renuka, "Status of Indian Women : A sociological Study of Women in Delhi", Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 1986, p.17.

CHAPTER-II

41

The largest slum having an area of 330 acres of

land, namely,· Dharavi was once a fishing village.

Now even upper middle class employees like air-

hostesses live there. Meanwhile 300,000 apartments

in Bombay are lying locked up as owners do not want

to lease them out, fearing that they would lose

their property, is beyond their reach because land

ceiling and tenancy laws prevailing in Bombay make

it impossible for landlords to get their apartments

vacated from tenants. (2)

This effectively prevents a very large number of

people from getting the accomodation they want as

it is beyond their economic reach.

Slum - dwellers constitute 20 per cent of the

population of Bombay. Compares to Calcutta

where 600,000 persons sleep in the streets and

Delhi where 150,000 squatters are without roofs

over their heads, the magnitude of the housing

(2) Raju Kane, News Analysis, Business Standard, 22 April 1994, New Delhi, p.7.

CHAPTER-II

42

problem for the poor is clearly enormous. (3)

This also reflects the chaotic pattern of relations

between owners of factories and industrial

establishments and workers hired by them.

It is no surprise that with such a large number of

users of latrines and lavatories - there are 1250

persons per lavatory. The number being so high that

people are forced to use patches of land for

ablutions in the open. Since open patches are

disappearing, people have to walk long distances to

find a place for answring the call of nature.

Children are forced to use the roadside for

this purpose. In case of Muslim women, who are

forbidden to go out due to the Purdah, one

of the rooms doubles as latrine and bathroom.

23 per cent of Madras City population live in

slums. Nearly 79 per cent of the slums are huts

made of cheap material costing Rs. 500 to 1000.

(3) P.Ramachandran, "Slum: A Note on Facts and Solutions, in Slum and Urbanisation, (ed) by A.R. Desai & D. Pillai, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1990, pp.135.

CHAPTER-II

43

A fifth of them are in existence for

about ten years or more. Unlike Bombay, more pumps

and open well have been dug in slums of Madras

situated on the sea shore. No latrine is found in

67 per cent of the slums. (4)

27 per cent of Calcutta's population live in

slums called 'bustee'. Unlike other cities, the

bustees of Calcutta are large settlements. (5)

The Official definition of the 'bustee' is 'land

given over to hut-building occupying at least 10

katta, ie, a sixth of an acre of land. These

slums have adequate water supply and drainage

system. Over the years more and more people come

over to the city from neighbouring states looking

for employment, trade and services. They share

(4) P.K.Nambiar, "Slums Urbanisation (ed) Bombay,1990, p.l89.

of Madras City",Slums and A.R. Desai & D.Pillai,

(5) K.P Bhattacharya, Shelter Problem and Policies in Calcutta, 'Urban India', Vol.7, Jan-June 1987,p.21

CHAPTER-II

44

rooms with their relatives, friends or villagers.

Most of the bustees are made of clay, tiles, AC

sheets, CI sheets, bamboo, bricks and mud with the

hope of making a 'pucca' hut in future.

A majority of the bustee dwellers, ( nearly 40 per )

cent, are engaged as labourers. Next come small

scale manufacturers and craftsmen who constitute

houses in the slums. 25 to 28 per cent of the

total population. 10 per cent are employed in the

clerical jobs. A small percentage constitutes

domestic servants and drivers.

About eight per cent of the bustees have separate

kitchen. A large number of people have to share

lavatories, washing places and latrines. Sharing

water tap with other households is quite common.

As very few bustees possess individual water taps.

The area of occupation is 30 to 40 sq. feet. (6)

The People who moved from Uttar Pradesh, Orissa and

Bihar in large numbers due to communal riots of

(6) Ibid. p.23.

CHAPTER-II

45

1947-48, form the largest section of the slum

population.

'KATRA' SLUMS OF OLD-DELHI:

Rapid growth of population over the last quarter of

a century has turned Old Delhi into a very

congested city. Congestion, both of houses on land

and of people within houses, obtains here in the

most acute form. As much as two-thirds of its

present population of 10.5 lacs may be deemed

to constitute 'excess population' in twenty

municipal wards of old Delhi. (7) There are

scattered slums, as many as 1787 bustees and

1726 Katras, which include 727 large houses which

are considered unfit for human habitation due to

congestion, dilapidation, lack of amenities,

unsuitable location etc. They are inhabited by

48,500 families with over 2,25,000 persons. 47.5

per cent of them live in the bustees and 52.5 per

(7) Ibid, pp.27.

CHAPTER-II

46

cent in Katras. (8}

The Katras cover an area of nearly 162 acres while

the bustees occupy about 385 acres of undeveloped

and largely undevelopable land in the outer, more

open parts.

The percentage of females in slums is 46 % which is

more than the national average of 42 % Children

of both sexes account for 25 % as against the

national average of 22 % The male working group

(15-54 years) costitute only 28 % as against 31 %

of national average.

There is not much difference in literacy rates of

slum dwellers compared to the average for the city

The slums have a literacy rate of 32 % whereas the

literacy rate in the citiesis 33 %. But figures

for levels of education gives a different picture.

One can only fault the official definition of

literacy for this contradiction. The table below

(8) Slums of Old Delhi,Survey Conducted by Bharat Sevak Samaj, Delhi Pradesh, 1958.

CHAPTER-II

47

gives the break up of slum- dwellers according to

education:

Table 2.1 Slum and Education

Formal Education 30.0 !!-0

Graduates 0.4 %

Matriculates 3.1 %

Middle School 5.7 %

Primary classes 12.0 %

Primary drop-out 9.0 %

Eleven per cent of the sample have received

technical training for specific crafts and

professions. Most of them are trained hereditary

occupations. During the last three decades,economic

and industrial development in Delhi has resulted

in urbanising large segments of population. A great

majority of the rural migrants have moved to the

city, giving rise to large number of squatter

settlements and slums. The new group who come to

the city seek entry into the development process.

They created a new type of residential settlement

CHAPTER-II

48

in contradiction to that of the old urban groups.

Since the new groups are mostly of low income

group from rural areas, they accept accomodations

that are easily available, or can be quickly made

with waste or low cost materials available in the

vicinity. They set up huts on open spaces which

are unusable or lying unused. Generally, the

operation takes place in groups, which initially

consists of relatives or kins or members from the

same caste, religion, village, district or

linguistic group. They occupy the land with the

help of local leaders, politicians, police or slum

lords. The location of these huts will reveal that

the occupants have their places of work very close

to the living place. This has happened in New

Delhi inspite of Delhi's Master Plan resulting from

continuous inflow of migrants due to 'push' factor

from the villages and 'pull' factor from the

cities. In their struggle to integrate themselves

with the developmental process their habitations

have evolved into .

CHAPTER-II

49

1) Legally notified slums, 2) Jhuggi Jhompri clusters, 3) Unauthorised colonies, 4) Urban Villages, 5) Harijan Bustees, and, 6) Pavement dwellings.

The Delhi master Plan identified the 'urbanisable

limits' in Delhi until 1981, having a physical

area of 1,100,500 acres, including areas already

built up. It was envisaged that there would be

additional development of 30,000 acres for

residential use, 4800 acres for industrial use,

1,900 acres for commerical use, 500 acres for

government offices and 62,200 acres were supposed

to be acquired, for other uses. (9)

Different agencies Developed 13,412 acres of land

developpment for residential use, which included

5800 acres of land developed by D.D.A. as

residential plots, 1,276 acres for group housing

(9) Ashok Ranjan Basu, Urban Squatter Housing in Third World, Mittal Publications, 1988,pp.101.

CHAPTER-II

50

schemes, and 2,516 acres for sqatters relocation

schemes. 2,300 acres was developed by CPWD and

Municipal Corporation of Delhi, and another 1,500

acres was developed by House Building Co-operative

Societies. The land developed for residential

purposes falls short of the targeted development

by about 55 per cent. The shortfall, in fact, is

rather more since out of the total land developed

for relocation of squatters, about 839 acres of

land is located in the green belt which is

beyond the Master Plans projected urban limits

and was supposed to be inviolable. (10)

While slums have developed as a consequence of

economic disparity, socio-cultural customs with

religious sanctions for a group of under-privileged

to live in slum or slum-like environment are found

in many societies. e.g., the untouchable caste's

'bustee' occupied by leather workers and sweepers,

(10) Delhi Development Authority­Colonies-Review of the problem -New Delhi-1977.

Resettlement mimeograph.

CHAPTER-II

51

whereas, lepers colonies are traditionally located

outside the main village. However, caste

differentiation is still the basis of rural

settlement pattern. In recent years changes have

been noticed as a result of preference to construct

houses on the roadside.

JHUGGI JHOMPRIS OF DELHI

The cities,

possibilities

services such

technological,

and thus act

opportunities.

irrespective of their size, provide

of varied occupation and

as health, education,,

collective

cultural,

commerical or industrial services

as focal points

During the last

of development

two and half

decades economic and industrial development in the

Metropolitan city of Delhi has resulted in

urbanising large segments of the population. A

great majority of the rural migrants have moved to

the city giving rise to a number of squatter

settlements. It is evident that the new grouped

who come to the city to seek entry in the

development process, create a new type of

CHAPTER-II

52

residential settlement in contradiction to that of

the old urban groups. Since the new groups are

mostly constituted of low income group of rural

migrants,

available,

materials

they accept wh~tever accommodations are

or can be quickly created with waste

with those that can be procured on

low costs on open spaces which are unusable or

lying unused. Generally, the operation takes place

in groups,

kins or

initially consisting of relatives or

members from the same cast, religion,

village, district or language - with the help

of local leaders and often under political

patronage. This process involves illegal occupancy

or squatting on public or private lands. A very

noticeable aspect of these settlements is their

nearness to the work places. As Delhi grew into a

modern capital city after Independence, with its

irresistible economic, social, cultural and

political pull

opportunities,

attraction for

hinterlands and

and with all kinds of work

it became the chief centre of

migrants from its

beyond ~ive. The

surrounding

inadequacy of

CHAPTER-II

53

employmenmt in rural areas and their dire poverty

have pushed them to th~ city. Further, the acute

shortage of housing in the city and perpetual

poverty coupled with complete ignorance of the

migrants about the urban way of life are

understood as the principal causes underlying the

growth of these clusters. These ugly hutment

colonies are seen almost in every part of the city.

In 1951, there were 199 Jhuggi Jhompari Clusters

comprising of 12,749 households. In 1973, the

number of clusters increased to 1373, about six

times more than in 1951, having 1,41,755 huts. In

1951, a cluster on an average comprised of a group

of 64 Jhuggies whereas in 1973, it unprised of 103

Jhuggies. The table below shows the increase of

Jhuggi Clusters in Delhi since 1951. (11) The

following table shows the growth of squatters

(11) R.K.Arora, Slums of Delhi An Overview,

Socio-Economic Survey Division, Slum & J. J.

Department, Delhi Development Authority, New Delhi,

October, 1985, pp.6-7.

CHAPTER-II

54

during the past three decades i.e. 1951 to 1983.

Table 1.3 Growth of Slums

S.No. Year No. of Squatters Families.

1. 1951 12,749

2 . 1956 22,415

3. 1961 42,815

4. 1966 42,668

5. 1971 62,594

6. 1973 98,438

7 . 1976 20,000

8 . 1980 98,709

9 . 1981-83 1,13,186

Source - Dimenions of squatters settlements in a "Super Metropolitan City of Delhi" -Socio -Economic Survey Division City Planning, DDA, New Delhi, 1985, pp.7.

According to a survey conducted in the year

1983 by the city planning wing DDA, there were 534

clusters comprising of 1,13,386 households in the

Union Territory of Delhi. The gravity of the

CHAPTER-II

55

problem is evident from the abvoe mentioned table

that the number of Jhuggies was only 20,000 in 1976

which increased to 98,709 in 1980 with a

further increase in 1981-83 to 1,13,386 Jhuggies.

This is despite the fact that the largest

resettlement programme had taken place in 1975-77

thereby resettling about 1.50 lakh families. The

growth in 1980-83 seems to be the result of large

scale migration owing to the expanded construction

activity in the capital during the Asian Games

(1981-82) The Annexure III at Page 32 gives the

number and location of these squatter settl-

ements. (12)

SLUM CLEARANCE:

Slum-clearance, for a long time has been on the

agenda for all the state governments and the

Government of India. Slums have been shifted from

one place to another. So far solutions to

the basic problems, namely of employment close to

(12) Ibid, pp.8.

CHAPTER-II

56

the place of shelter, and provisions for basic

amenities have not been found. Dumping them on the

outskirts of the cities and towns would add to

their burden as the expenses on travelling long

distances to their places of work would slash their

wage packets. Demolition of slums in Old Delhi in

the Jama Masjid and Turkman Gate areas and

resettling the dwellers in places like Mangolpuri

by Delhi Administration in 1976 improved the

aesthetic looks of the city of Delhi. But the

spirited and violent resistance put up by the slum­

dwellers against eviction, including the loss of

life of dozens at the hands of police was not

merely a struggle for better amenities;

very much a struggle for survival.

However, to prevent a popular revolt,

it was

subsidised

bus passes had to be issued causing further losses

to the Delhi Transport Corporation which had always

been in the red. Nevertheless, thatched huts have

started reappearing in the cleared areas of Laxmi

Bai Nagar, INA Market and Sarojini Nagar.

CHAPTER-II

57

Such an experiment was tried out in 1980 in Bombay

too, which not only brought misery to countless

families, but also spoiled the fair name of the

country. (13) The experiment did not succeed due to

legal intervention.

It has been mentioned that land procured after

eviction of slum-dwellers was acquired by the

builders and large industrial houses. When the

land price rises, the dwellers of slums sell their

lands as it has happened in the case of

Shahjehanabad and Jama Masjid areas of Old Delhi.

Slum imporovement and slum clearance programme of

government has got mixed results. Sudden interest

in slum- dwellers was created by the horrible

prospects of the growth of slum population at an

alarming rate of 20% per annum. (14) The political

pressure this sizeable percentage of population

(13) A.R.Desai, op.cit. pp.148.

(14) Sabir Ali, Slums Within Policies in Delhi, Vikas Delhi, 1991, pp. 7.

Slums: Resettlement Publishing House,

CHAPTER-II

58

could exert, the scramble for resources it could

make awakened the government about the magnitude of

the problem of slums. Left to themselves, the

impoverished and underfed slum-dwellers it would

have created an explosive situation. The

administrative that followed action providing

some reliefs to slum-dwellers, contained possible

and uprisings, which otherwise would have

considerably shaken the Indian State and society

causing irreparable damage to its life process.

Resettlement policy carried out in 1976 by the

Delhi Development Authority instead of improving

the conditions of the slum -dwellers created more

slums.

SLUM IMPROVEMENT

In pre-independence period, slum improvement was

the responsibility of the owner of the slums.

From 1930s, under the Municipal or Corporation

Acts, the landlord was responsible for improvements

or the local bodies looked after the slums as they

were empowered to realise the cost for improvement

CHAPTER-II

59

from the landlords. There was little or no

provision for slums in the First Five Year Plan

(1951-56) . (15) Only in 1956 subsidised slum

clearance and improvement scheme was introduced.

Under this scheme houses were arranged for the

families whose monthly income did not exceed Rs

350, and improvement of environmental conditions \

and construction of night shelters were undertaken.

The scheme, which sought to rehouse the slum-

dwellers in small two roomed 'pucca' tenements of

about 16.66 sq meters floor area with individual

toilets, laid stress on minimum dislocation.

The ceiling cost initially adopted in Sept. 1981

varied from Rs 2700 to Rs 4000 depending on

the city concerned. The ceiling has been raised

from time to time and by 1971 it ranged from Rs

5380 toRs 8000. The night shelter programme were

never really implemented. (16)

(15) Provision Squatter Ribeiro,

of Infra Structure in Settlement: A review by

Urban India, 1980, pp.23.

(16) Ibid, pp.59.

Slum and E.F.N.

CHAPTER-II

60

During the Second Five Year Plan (1956-61) and the

Third Five Year Plan (1961-66) the scheme was in

the central sector, though the actual execution was

entrusted to the state governments, and in April

1969 it was fully transferred to the State

Governments and the role of the Central government

in this programme renamed only of an advisory

nature. (17)

In the Fourth Five Year Plan (1969-74) ,a total of

Rs. 34.32 Crores was allotted to the states for

slum improvement,whereas during the period 1956-

1971,the total tenements constructed in the country

under the scheme were just 89,000. It was less

than half per cent of the total slum dwellings

required in Class-! towns. More importantly,

tenements remained by and large beyond the reach

of slum-dwellers; even after subsidy, the rentals

were beyond their paying capacity. (18)

(17) Ibid,pp.60.

(18) Ibid,pp.61.

CHAPTER-II

61

In April 1972, the Government of India introduced

a Central Scheme for environmental improvement in

slum areas, and financial assistance was given to

the state governments for undertaking slum

improvemnt programmes in cities with population

of eight lacs and above, namely Calcutta,

Bombay, Delhi, Madras, Hyderabad, Bangalore,

Ahmedabad, Kanpur, Poona, Nagpur and Luknow. In

1972-73 the scheme was extended to Indore, Jaipur,

Srinagar, Patna, Cochin, Ludhiana, Cuttack, Gauhati

and Rohtak so as to give a wider statewise

coverage. (19) By the end of March 1974, only about

Rs 20 crores was distributed to the state

governments under this scheme to benefit

population of 330 million. The Scheme was

financed by the state governments as part of

Minimum Need Programme and the coverage of

scheme increased to all the cities with

population of 300,000 and above. (20)

(19) Ibid,pp.62.

(20) Ibid.pp.64.

CHAPTER-II

a

also

the

the

a

62

The Sixth Five Year Plan ( 1978-83) recommended Rs

140 Crores for the scheme in the State Sector, and

it was envisaged that this would cater to about

nine million slum dwellers. The scheme continues

to remain in the state sector, though the cities

and towns where the scheme is to be applied have

not been indicated, it is generally understood that

State Governments would give preference to about

200 Class I Cities (cities with above 1 lac

population) (21)

The three basic strategies now available for

housing the poor in urban India are: ..

a) Slum removal and housing at or near the cleared

sites.

b) Environmental improvement of Slums i.e.,

upgrading of slum and squatting settlements

over and above mere sanitisation.

c) Open developed plots i.e., comprehensive

sites and service programmes both for

rehabilitation and for new migrants.

(21) Census Report-India, 1981.

CHAPTER-II

63

In earlier years in India the main thrust was on

slum removal and re-housing. But it has not proved

very successful.

Delhi:

Strategically situated on the Yamuna River and

commanding the gateway to the fertile Indo Gangetic

plains, Delhi stands as the capital of India. It

has witnessed the rise and fall of many imperial

cities in the past, and Delhi's history is found

in the numerous relics and monuments that lie

scattered all around. (22)

Delhi has been the site of a capital city from the

earliest times of Indian history. (23) It has been

(22) The Handbook of India, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt of India, 1972.

(23) H.D.Birdi, "Slums and Law- A Comparative study of Indian and Foreign Law", ISSD, Delhi, 1982, pp. 9.

CHAPTER-II

64

the capital of mighty Empires and Kingdoms. It is

of great historic and political importance. Delhi

has the mausoleums of atleast eleven well - known

Emperors of India, and tombs of about half a dozen

minor ones. (24)

Pandavas of Mahabharata are believed to have set up

Indraprasth, the first city, on the banks of

Yamuna. Currently Din-Panah, now known as Purana

Quila, is beleived to have occupied the erstwhile

Indraprasth.

The glory of Indraprasth suffered due to lack of

any mention to it, or to Dilli, by Greek writers

who visited India, or invaded it in the first

century. Secondly, Ashoka did not find Indraprasth

worthy of an Ashoka Pillar, though he had erected

one at Mehrauli. Thirdly, Chinese visitors to

India (390 and 645 AD) do not mention Delhi at all.

There were Seven Delhis:

(24) Thapers, 'Delhi Pocket Guide, India

Industrial Directory, pp.4.

CHAPTER-II

65

1) Lal Kot of Anang Pal (736 AD) belonging to the

Tomar Dynasty (25) .

2) Raipithora of Prithviraj Chauhan (1100 AD).

3) Fort of Siri of the Khilji dynasty (1290 AD).

4) Tuglakabad founded by Ghias-ud-din Tuglak

(1321 AD) .

5) Din-Panah of the Moghul Humayun (1530-1540 AD).

6) The walled city of Shahjahanabad of Shah Jahan

(1636-1658 AD)with a capacity to accomodate

60,000, having a great mosque called Jama

Masjid.

7) The New Delhi.

Generally,only seven cities of Delhi are mentioned.

The area extendeds from the present Old Delhi to

Qutab Minar in Meharauli in South of the town. (26)

Through the ages, the population of Delhi has been

(25) Gazetteer of Delhi District, 1883-84, Punjab Government, Ch-VI, pp. 188.

CHAPTER-II

66

steadily growing as seen from the following

table. (27)

1941 to 1951 witnessed a dramatic increase in

population of Delhi due to immigrants, as a

consequence of partition of India. While the total

population increased by 90 per cent, the urban

population increased by 107 per cent, raising the

immigrant component of Delhi to over 44 per cent.

(26) Delhi-History and Places of Interest, Delhi Gazetteer, Delhi Administration, Delhi, 1970, pp.1.

(27) Quarterly Digest of Economics and Statistics Delhi Administration, Sept-Dec., Vol.XXV,1977.

CHAPTER-II

67

Table 2.1

Population of Delhi(Urban) 1901-91.

year total urban --------------------------

1901 405819 208575

1911 413851 232837

1921 488452 304420

1931 636246 447442

1941 917939 695686

1951 1744072 1437134

1961 2638612 2359408

1971 4065698 3647023

1981 6196414 5768200

1991 9420644 8471625

(*) Census of India 1991, Final Population for 1981: Rural- Urban Distribution of 1991.

Totals Paper-2

(**)Census of India, Series -I, Paper-1 of Vol II, p.19.

In Delhi, the noticeable feature

1992,

is the

combination of very high population density in

relatively small areas and relatively low

population density in the large areas. In New

CHAPTER-II

68

Delhi, this phenomenon is accentuated. Along with

this, Delhi is surounded by areas of temporary

settlements. There is cheap and efficient slow

moving means of transport like rickshaws for short

distances and motorised vehicles for bulk and long

distance movements. Land use in Delhi is for

industrial, commercial and residential purposes.

The most important feature of residential

development is the great range in population

density.

Gross densities in Delhi range from an average of

13.16 persons per acre in New Delhi to an average

of 213.34 persons per acre in Old Delhi. (28).

The attraction of Delhi for immigrants from all

the states of the country due to regular employment

vacancies advertised in newspapers for low level

jobs in Indian Government's bureaucracy. The

(28)Singh, Renuka, "Status of Indian Women A Sociological Study of Women in Delhi", (Ph.D. work) Jawaharlal Nehru University,New Delhi, 1986, pp.17.

CHAPTER-II

69

location of offices of various ministries and

public sector undertakings, including some offices

that should not have initially been locat in Delhi

like Directorate of Lighthouses and Lightships,

Coastguards, Beas Construction Board, Brahmaputra

Board, Dept. of Ocean Development, Electricity

Board of West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh and Bihar

etc. have also added to the problem of congestion

and population increase and burden on the civic

services.

Growth of illegal industrial units, and even

industrial estates, have helped in the haphazard

growth of the city. The consequent construction

activity to build multistorey buildings, and flats,

drawn labour from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa

and Rajasthan producing temporary slums close to

sites of construction. The building of fly-overs

also used up public land.

The post partition refugees were given plots over

which they initially built ramshackle abodes.

CHAPTER-II

70

No planning of any sort was resorted to.

The buildings touched each other and grew into

modern colonies.

With the passage of time the multi storeyed

buildings came up on empty grounds near now

historical places of Lutyens. Meanwhile,Cooperative

building societies got land all around East, North,

South and West Delhi. The destruction of green

cover in such large areas played havoc with the

local eco-environment. With not enough water to

grow trees in the colonies, Delhi is becoming a

dustbowl, though some land developers are taking

care to have green surroundings in the colonies

that they develop.

In keeping with the development around them, the

urban villages like Munirka, Ber Sarai etc. have

built multi storey houses to meet the rising demand

for housing. No wonder, people who have come as

immigrants are gradually veering round to the view

that returning to their native places would be good

if work was available.

CHAPTER-II

71

Consequent to the haphazard material development,

Delhi faces crisis on all fronts, i.e., Civic

amenities, Power, Transport, Environment, reduced

employment opportunities, lack of space to put up

housing, gallopping rise in unauthorised squatter

settlements and slums, pollution, Law and order

and break up of traditional familial ties.

There has been sudden inflow of money into the

hands of the upper class, when the value in real

terms of lower classes' income fell. This brought

about apparent widening of the gulf between the

rich and the poor, making the traditional saying

'Rich becoming richer and poor becoming poorer'

appropriate.

Future of the youth was affected by uncertainties

of employment and even training in vocation of

choice not being available in the educational

institutions; and disappointment due to intense

competition for seats in institutions of higher

education have added to social tensions at all

levels. The final crunch came in the form of

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72

rising cost of living due to fall in the value of

currency.

This was the situation of Delhi at the time of this

study.

Housing Shortage:

When did the housing shortage emerge? How did it

rise? Slum is a product of the Bourgeoise Social

Order and it is found in a society in which a large

number of workers are exclusively dependent upon

wages, that is to say, on the sum of food stuff

necessary for their existence and for the

propagation of their kind, in which improvement of

the existing machinery continually throw masses out

of employment. In such a situation violent and

regularly recurring industrial vaccillations

determine, on the one hand, the existance of a

large reserve army of unemployed workers, and on

the other, drive large masses of the workers

temporarily unemployed into the streets. Thus the

workers are crowded together in the big towns at a

quicker rate than dwellings come into existance for

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73

them under existing conditions. There must always

be tenants even for the infamous pigsties. The

house owner in his capacity as a capitalist

exploits the situation ruthlessly by expropFiating

abnormally high rent from the hapless

workers. (29). Engels further adds:

"By Haussmann I mean the practice which has now

become general of making breaches in the working

class quarters of our big towns, and particularly

in those which are centrally situated, quite apart

from whether this is done from considerations of

public health and for beautifying the town, or

owing to the demand for big centrally situated

premises, or owing to traffic requirements, such

as the laying down of railways, streets etc. No

matter how different the reason may be, the result

is everywhere the same: the scandalous alleys and

(29) F.Engels, Volkstaat, Leipzig, Organ of the German Social Democrat Party, 1872.

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74

lanes disappear to the accompaniment of lavish self

praise from the bourgeoise on account of this

tremendous success, but they appear again

immediately somewhere else and often in the

immediate neighbourhood." (30)

Vivid description of the emergence of slums in

England is a testimony Engel's view. He writes:

"· .. a group.of houses situated in the valley bottom

of the river Medlock, which under the name of

Little Ireland was for years one of the worst

blots on Manchester. Little Ireland has long age

disappeared and on its site there now stands a

Railway station build on a high foundation. The

bourgeoise pointed with pride to the happy and

final abolition of Little Ireland as to a great

triumph. Now last summer a great inundation took

place, as in general the river embanked in our big

(30) Ibid, pp.28.

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75

towns cause extensive floods year after year owing

to easily understood causes. And it was then

revealed that Little Ireland had not been abolished

at all, but had been simply shifted from the south

side of Oxford Road to the North Side, and that it

still continues to flourish." (31)

Investigative reports about the flood revealed

that low lying areas, places where one expected

sanitary officials cleaning up the stinking walls

and disinfecting houses, were occupied by poorest

of the poor. A woman who lived with seven of her

children was of the opinion that the place was not

fit even for pigs to live in. But on account of

the low rent, she had taken it. If this was the

situation in England, perhaps much worse could

happen in India , because industrialisation in the

U.K. and India has never been the same in terms of

its scale and quality.

(31) ibid,29.

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76

HEALTH AND SANITATION:

Slums are areas inhabiting people with low income,

low literacy and low standard of living. Slum-

dwellers thus remain at the subsistence level. The

relationship between income, nutrition and health

is clearly evident in case of the slum dwellers.

Socio-cultural milieu and environment also

commensurate with structural realities of slums as

a social formation.

Slums are suffering from insanitation, unsafe water

supply and other deficient civic services which

lead to higher morbidity and mortality rates. In

Delhi the slum people have complained of stomach

disorders, fever, measles, malaria, typhoid and

tuberculosis. Such ailments appertain to the

poorest of the poor in urban areas more often than

the better off sections of society. Mortality

could be due to delayed treatment caused by high

cost of medical treatment, or non availability of ~

hospital facility to the people. Invariably, the

slum - dwellers fall prey to quacks. Superstitions

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77

also play a role in raising the mortality rates.

A study in Delhi shows that a vast majority of

child deaths are in the age group of 1 to 5 years.

However, the following points may also be noted:

a. No reliable data exists regarding the problems

of health and nutrition among slum-dwellers

to do a scientific analysis of the situation.

b. Up-to-date records of morbidity pattern are

needed to monitor changes effectively.

c. Comparative studies should be made of health

and nutrition in slums which have undergone

environmental improvement and slums which have

not, to compare the impact of such programmes.

d. Lack of mortality-rate records regarding

rates of mortality, especially infant

mortality and child death rates,

prevents formulation of policies;

especially adoption of small family norm.

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78

e. Comparative studes of nutrition and diet at the

micro level are needed for the effective design

of supplementary feeding programmes for

children and non-formal education regarding

nutrition.

f. Epidemiological studies of slums would give

information for those organising and delivering

health services to the community. (32)

MORALS:

Crime, Prostitution, vice and moral evils exist

primarily due to poverty. Inadequate housing has

further accelerated the causation of crime,

particularly among the delinquents. Singh and

D'Souza (33) observe: "A high incidence of deviant

behaviour, crime, juvenile delinquency,

prostitution, drunkenness, drug usage, mental

disorder, suicide, illegitimacy and family mal-

(32) Karl Marx, Das Capital, Peoples Publishing House, Moscow , USSR.

(33) Singh and de Souza, Urban Poor, Manohar

Publications, New Delhi, 1980.

CHAPTER-II

79

adjustment have long been associated with slum

living."

Durkheim was one of the first thinkers to state

clearly that urbanisation inevitably results in a

high rate of crime and juvenile delinquency, and,it

has been validated by subsequent researches. Crime

is found more in urban than in rural

environment. (34)

Larger industrial and commercial centres have

higher crime and juvenile delinqency rates than

smaller, more isolated and more stable

communities. (35)

Poverty is accepted as a potent cause of deviant

behaviour. Association and environment play an

important part in the causation of crime. (36).

(34) Clinard, Marshal, B. (ed) Slums and Community development,Experiments in Self-Help,The Free Press,New York,1970.

(35) U.A.Attar,Urbanisation and Crime,op.cit,Social Welfare, June 1978.

(36) M.A.Elliot, Crime in Modern Society, Harper & Bros, New York,1952, pp.347.

CHAPTER-II

80

Clyde N Vedder and others, however, do not agree

with the theory of causal relationship between the

high delinquency rates of slum areas, and its

neighbourhood. They, however, agree that

neighbourhood characteristics are important to

understand the high rates of delinquency. Whether

or not there is a causal relationship between

these characteristics and delinquency remains

uncertain. (37)

Slum is an area where vices are found as much as

one finds them in non-slum area. A brief look at

the criminals lodged in the nearest jails would

show that the slum-dwellers are not the significant

or dominant group from among the imppisoned

convicts. However, unreported crime,delinquency and

social evils like alcoholism, drug-addiction and

prostitution may be found more mainly because of

the appropriation of the slum-situation by

(37) Clyde B Vedder and others, Criminology- A book of Reading,Holt,Rinehart and Winston, New York 1953, pp.7.

CHAPTER-II

outsiders

criminals.

such as toughs

81

and professional

SOCIAL GROUPINGS:

Slums have clearcut social division and groupings

based on kinship, language, religion, caste and

Each group, which is culturally occupation.

distinct, has its customs, has specific food

habits,

dominated

festivals etc. Generally,

numerically by members of

slums are

a caste,

community, district(s), region, linguistic group

etc. In case of a slum having multiple identities,

segregation and separation based on the above

criteria is a normal way of having social ties.

of social

slum(s) .

However, there are always common bases

activities as they all belong to the same

Such a commonality springs up from their nearly

common existential basis mainly in material terms.

As such slum refers to a class situation of the

pauperised proletariat, of the poorest of the poor.

71 % of the sample family members are dependants,

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82

i.e. 50% of the males and 96 % of females. 2 % are

earning dependants who depend partly on the main

bread winner of the family. For the city as a whole

the figure is 34 % as against 29 % for the slum

dwellers. (38)

Anti-Social activities are found in slums, but

they are not significantly higher than its

incidence in other upper class areas where the

problem is not of bare survival. Slums play an

important role in the functioning of the city's

economy. It can safely be said that the economy of

a city may come to a halt if the slum dwellers are

completely removed. Economic weakness and their

numerical superiority make the slum dwellers a

significant and politically powerful segment of

urban society.

(38) Sabir Ali, Slums Within Slums : A Study of Resettlement Colonies in Delhi", Vikas Publishing House, Delhi, 199l,pp.20-21.

CHAPTER-II

83

There is sufficient interaction between the upper

class people and the slum-dwellers who work for

them in various capacities. While there is an

element of antagonism, there is also a sense of

mutual respect based on symbiolic relationship.

Such a relationship may be explained in Marxian

terms as 'unity of the opposites'

CHAPTER-II