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Survey of Malaysian Law ISSN: 0217-3239 Vol.14, Issue 2, 2017 Availed online on http://puum-my.org/

Article

CHALLENGES OF ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN AND

TURKEY NEO-OTTOMAN FOREIGN POLICIES

Mohammad Mansour Azimzadeh Ardabili1, Hossein Masoudnia2, Seyed Javad

Emamjomehzadeh3, Shahrooz Ebrahimi4

Abstract: Turkish foreign policy over the past decade has been experienced

remarkable changes and developments. This new foreign policy has been called neo-

Ottomanism. Turkey after several decades' cooperation with the West, now, in addition

to maintain its ties with the West, tries to establish and develop political relations with

the countries of Middle East, in particular those in the area of the Ottoman Empire.

This study seeks to analyze the aspects of the new Turkish foreign policy and answers

to these questions specifically that what effects foreign policy of Neo-Ottomanism has

on the region and Iran and what challenges may it have for Iran? Theoretical approach

of this article is based on constructivist approach and this assumption that the new

Turkish foreign policy is a discourse redefinition rooted in way of formation and

development of its historical identity. For this purpose, inventors of foreign policy of

Neo-Ottomanism try to link Islamic historical identity of Turkey with its Western values

ruled over it. The most important identity sources of Turkey are considered to be within

its region that the country's new foreign policy reflected seriously its relations with

surrounding countries. But in spite of the positive effects of foreign policy on relations

with Iran, will entail serious normative and identity challenges for Iran.

Keywords: Neo-Ottomanism, Turkish foreign policy, the Middle East, Iran,

America, Constructivism, Identity

I. INTRODUCTION

In final decades of the twentieth century, Turkish observed Islamic tendencies in

his domestic and foreign policy. The difference of this Islamism with Islamism of other

Islamic countries in Islamic world was especially in the field of Turkey's foreign policy.

This difference in orientation of Turks to Islam was moderated (Afzali and Motaghi,

2011: 176) which was set on the agenda of AKP. A brief look at Turkey's actions in

recent years, and especially since 2002 up to present (after coming to power of Justice

and Development Party), clearly shows the changes in the foreign policy of Turkey.

Ankara is developing non-stop in obtaining better position in Islam and relations with

1 Ph.D. candidate, Department of International Relations, Isfahan (Khorasgan) Branch, Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, Iran 2 Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Administratives & Economics, University of

Isfahan, Isfahan,Iran 3 Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Administratives & Economics, University of Isfahan, Isfahan,Iran and part—time academic member of Islamic Azad University, Isfahan(khorasgan) Branch 4 Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Administratives & Economics, University of

Isfahan, Isfahan,Iran

202 CHALLENGES OF IRAN AND TURKEY

Islamic countries and this can be seen in extension of relations with Islamic countries

and the Middle East. This policy of Ankara is called "Neo-Ottomanism". Turkey after

several decades of one-sided orientation to the West now moves in direction of a middle

way and more balanced policy towards its neighbors in the Middle East and expand its

relations with the Islamic world and the West in accordance with its national interests.

Turkey requests for being in place of the ten first powers of the world by the year 2023

and this country's efforts in recent years to establish a balanced relationship with world

powers, polarization in Islamic world and resolving issues with neighboring countries

can be analyzed in this regard. Ahmet Davutoğlu as Turkey's new foreign policy

architect believes that foreign policy of Turkey is imbalanced and too much emphasis

is on relations with Europe and America and look to the West, moved away this country

from Middle East and North of Africa, i.e. the Ottoman Empire area. In his view,

Turkey has many identity indicators and must adjust its policy based on different

identities. Accordingly, Turkey must have constructive interaction with the Middle

East, Caucasus, Europe and Balkans, because orientation to one side creates an

imbalance in Turkey's foreign policy (Omidi and Rezaee, 2011: 239-240). According

to this introduction, we present the central questions of this research. This research

seeks to analyze the aspects of the new Turkish foreign policy and gives a clear

response to the question that what are the effects of Neo-Ottomanism on the region and

Iran and what challenges might it have for Iran? The theoretical approach of this article

is based on constructivism approach and this assumption that the new Turkish foreign

policy is a discourse redefinition rooted in way of formation and development of its

historical identity. For this purpose, inventors of foreign policy of Neo-Ottomanism try

to link Islamic historical identity of Turkey with its Western values ruled over it. The

most important identity sources of Turkey are considered to be within its region that

the country's new foreign policy reflected seriously its relations with surrounding

countries. But in spite of the positive effects of foreign policy on relations with Iran,

will entail serious normative and identity challenges for Iran Therefore, the purpose of

this study is to analyze different aspects and effects of Turkey's foreign policy. For this

purpose, the first part of the study deals with theoretical principles of constructivism

approach. The second part analyzes Turkey's new foreign policy constructively. The

third part will discuss its regional reflects and the final part, the challenges of this

identity politics on Iran's foreign policy will be discussed. The method of collecting

data is taking advantage of studying documents (books, magazines, local and foreign

papers) and the methods of data analysis is descriptive – analytical as well. At first the

literature and necessary information about Turkey's foreign policy and its regional

impact are collected. Then by description of this relationship from the perspective of

constructivism theory, its challenges on foreign policy of Iran will be analyzed.

II. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

As noted above, the theoretical framework of this study is based on

constructivism. Constructivism was entered into international relations through the

third debate of rationalism and radicalism. Constructivism is based on multiple main

ontological assumptions. Constructivists want to state that structures form behavior

social and political actors whether individuals or governments, "normative or

ideological" structures are as important as physical structures. Argument of

SURVEY OF MALAYSIAN LAW 203

constructivist is that systems composed of common thoughts, beliefs and values have

also structural characteristics and affect social and political actions strongly (Royce-

Smith, 2012: 284) . Second, versus the mainstream of international relations that keep

the identity of actors fixed and supposed in the international system, constructivists

(who know ontological their most important distinguishing feature emphasize on

"being constructed" the identity of the actors and know the importance of identity in

the creation and formation of interests and actions. Activists consolidate socially from

this perspective and their identities and interests are resulted from inter-minds social

structures. This means that firstly, identity and nature of interactions and relationships

between them is not unchanging; Secondly, the building blocks of international reality

are mental, intellectual and material. Thirdly, the meaning and importance of

intellectual factors are not independent from time and place (Moshirzadeh, 2003: 176).

Third, constructivists, regarding the relationship between activists and the field of

macro-social that these activists act on it (or the issue of agent and structure), the

ontological primacy is given neither to units, nor to the structure. To get rid of this

reductionism, critical theories (here, constructivism) try to act, beyond debate, "the

agent structure". They argue that the structure and agent affect each other (Hay, 2002).

They claim that agents and structures consolidate each other "mutually". Normative

and intellectual structures can condition the identities and interests of actors, but if

recognizable procedures of activists did not exist, these structures have not been existed

(Royce-Smith, 2012: 286). Fourth, although analytical unit or entity under study is

similar to the theoretical mainstream in international relations is related on government

actors, in view of some constructivists, but it seems that way to be considered

necessarily theoretically to individuals, groups, NGOs, international organizations and

actors would not be closed. Constructivists emphasize on being constructed the

concepts such as sovereignty and the role of government procedures and international

society activists its formation and reproduction. So necessarily, there is nothing in

international community essence to turn the states to legitimate actors (Moshirzadeh,

2004: 175). So, if the reader of these lines arranges all of these aspects together, he will

observe that the constructivists adopt a middle position in ontologism. By this

explanation, we will discuss how this theory is applied in foreign policy, because

constructivism at first step is a theory of international relations. Constructivism has a

significant effect on foreign policy concept and is based on the assumption that actors

create their own world and foreign policy analysis is started from state as an actor; they

interpret, make decision, proclaim and implement. Foreign policy is to somehow action

on building something that actors decide and this view shows the effect of internal

factors on foreign policy, as well as the question of why foreign policy of various

countries, despite internal differences are the same in many cases (Shafiee and

Zamanian, 2011: 127-128). Thus, as pointed out by March Merle, foreign policy

should be subject to international components and domestic index, and on this basis for

political ideology, political elites, parties, internal structure, identity indications and

legal rules, originality must be considered (Mottaghi and Poostin Chi, 2011: 14). From

the constructivist perspective, in order to understand foreign policy of countries,

alongside material structures, knowledge structures, ideas, beliefs, norms and ideas

should be considered too. From the perspective of constructivism, identities, norms,

interactions and cultures play an important role in foreign policy. Identities and


interests of states are developed by norms, cultures, and interactions and it is this

process that draws the interaction between states. It seems that constructivist theory is

the best way to define the concept of foreign policy. International System is a socially

constructed from their perspective which its characteristics are determined by

communication and interaction between its units. Constructivists' look to norms and

rules is also important and in the field of emphasis on norms have common comments

with liberals, but their striking difference with liberals is that liberals emphasize on

regulatory aspect of norms, but constructivist in addition to regulatory aspect also focus

on their development aspect, and they believe that norms emerge by processes such as

interaction. In Constructivism view, all actors rule Language and rules. Constructivism

aims to instead of emphasis on the ability of states or power distribution as a structural

feature of international system, points to identity of the states. Attitudes can influence

identities and interests and policies and a shift from abilities to identities is the things

that states can do to explain their position in the structure, so, although states act on the

principle such as self-help, safeguard of national interests and security, but If they

cooperate systematic, it will be possible that they ideas toward their identities and that

their relations with the world and international system be altered (Shafiee and

Zamanian, 2011: 127-128). Overall, it can be said that foreign policy was turned to a

mental and discourse concept from an objective concept. When we examine Turkey's

Neo-Ottomanism foreign policy and its impact on Iran from the constructivism

perspective, this question is raised whether the material elements can be marginalized

from foreign policy of a country and strategic orientations of the country be considered

merely ideological? Whether semantic column can be considered equal to material

column from the perspective of constructivism in Turkish foreign policy? At following,

these issues will be discussed.

III.NATURE OF FOREIGN POLICY OF TURKEY'S NEO-

OTTOMANISM

From the constructivist perspective, foreign policy of Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism

is a redefinition that its elite inventor has been constructed from themselves and

Turkey's position. Let's start from the principles of Kemalism foreign policy that

discourse of Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism is influenced by it at many ways. The founders

of the Republic of Turkey and at on top of them, Kemal Ataturk believe that Turkey

should keep itself as far as possible from the Middle East and its conflicts and struggles.

Thus, closeness to the West has turned to be the main priority and perhaps the only

priority of Ataturk in foreign policy. Six principles that Ataturk has offered for the new

political regime have been reflected in Constitution 1983 of this country:

republicanism, nationalism, populism, revolutionary, radical separation of religion and

state, are six principles which later became known as Kemalism. Six-principles of

Kemalism determine how to apply the power of the state over the society and its degree,

its efforts for social and economic changes in the society and the political structure of

Turkey (Kawakibi, 1996: 69). Kemalism in narrow sense is ''a name which is given to

official doctrine of Turkish political system guide in Secular republican of the country,

especially in decades 1920 and 1930, the periods after the collapse of Ottoman Empire

(Mateescu, 2006: 225). In widest sense, Kemalism as an identity-maker process in

Turkey is not necessarily a political process. But it is a social- cultural concept known


with features such as encouraging to modernization, secularism and nationalism.

(Saeed, 2000: 83). Six fundamental principle of Kemalism, the Turkish Kemalism, as

stipulated in the approved constitution (1924 ( of Turkey and words and documents

related to Ataturk and Peoples' Democratic Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi), always

has been accepted as Turkey ontology principles and as a guide to people's lives and

country's politicians during one century. The Kemalist movement in addition to its

efforts to change the intellectual foundations and look at life in Turkish society and

viewing its surrounding communities from this perspective, by change in traditional

epistemology of Turkey which was established on continuity of religious traditions, it

was targeted to use of instrumental rationality to build an advanced and civilized

country. This policy based on the theory of constructivism may be explained that

constructivism will not committed itself to science-oriented epistemology and

methodology in explaining the foreign policy; however it does not reject it.

''Constructivism in terms of epistemology, is open; i.e. constructivism can be

compatible with a set of different ways. It uses theorizing theory based on rational

selection, positivist analysis to mere description, and anything as research knowledge.''

(Moshirzadeh, 2010, 129) In other words, in view of constructivism, ontology cannot

be combined with timeless epistemology laws. At epistemology, that kind of ultra time

and place (like fixed rules on water boiling " regarded by positivists, is not emphasized

by constructivist.'' Choosing modernization approach by Kemalists led to change of the

country from traditional methods and laws that were more based on imitation

epistemology, to modernization. Kemalist's reforms goal with changing in

epistemology of social life of Turkey was the realization of a modern Turkish state and

society. At onset of new millennium, Turkey felt the need to redefine its position on

the world map. Discourse of Neo-Ottomanism is a new redefinition of the role of

Turkey. Diversification in foreign policy through maximizing strategic interests was

one of rare orientations seemed that the state and government institutions have national

consensus about it. This new approach over foreign policy focuses more on neighbors,

security of Black Sea and dynamics of the Middle East (Nigar Goksel, 2008: 14). In

this regard, based on the doctrine of strategic depth of Ahmet Davutoğlu, Turkey by

balancing international and regional in addition to tendency toward America and efforts

to join EU by getting away from some policies of previous state, politics has focused

on East's broad and comprehensive relations with all its neighbors. Turkey based on

conversation of Neo-ottman rather than merely follow extension of "global plans" it

must make its policies and be known as a country that has cultural relationship with its

region. According to Davutoğlu's beliefs, Turkey has a strategic attitude for the future

of its region. This attitude is based on common security frameworks, political

discussion, economic interdependence and ethnic and cultural balance. In other words,

his attitude to Turkey is as a significant regional player (Mofidi Ahmadi, 2010: 1078).

As can be seen, identities and interests of the foreign policy of Neo-Ottomanism are

created by norms, interactions and cultures, and this process leads to formation of

interaction between it and other countries. Turkey's Neo-Ottoman by enjoying the

cultural-historical depth of the Ottoman era imagines itself at the geopolitical center

and Geo-culture of the Ottoman era and additionally, draws the boundaries of its

identity not only within the boundaries of current Turkey, but also within the borders

of Ottoman era in authority era. After parliamentary victory of Justice and


Development Party in 2011, he congratulated Tayyip Erdoğan of this victory to the

people of Jordan, Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, Sarajevo and Cyprus and takes into account

this victory as belonging the people of Nablus, Jenin, Ramallah, Gaza and Jerusalem.

Davutoğlu more explicitly describes new international borders of Turkey. In his speech

in "Chanak castle'' said: independent countries from ottoman, once again will be unified

with us and in 12 next years, we will become a universal state". Davutoğlu's words

expressly states that Turkey's Neo-Ottoman does not seeks to define a trans-identity

based on joint Geo-culture between a range of countries, but seeks to define a common

identity with common borders. He said in the third of March 2013: the last century was

only a parenthesis for us. We will close this parenthesis. We do this without war or

assign someone an enemy and without violating any boundaries and once again we

connect Sarajevo to Damascus and Benghazi to Erzurum and Batumi. ... May be they

are different countries from your view, but Yemen and Skopje were part of a single

country 110 years ago, and also, Erzurum and Benghazi (Madadloo, 2013). Neo-

Ottomanism approach seeks to end conflicts and promote stability in Turkey,

replacement of conflict with cooperation, finding innovative mechanisms and networks

for solving regional conflicts, encouraging positive change in the region and

developing links between discussion culture and mutual understanding. Moreover,

Turkey simultaneously seeks to increase political and economic influence in regions

where the historical past was a part of dominance of the Ottoman Empire (such as

Balkans, Central Asia and the Middle East). Before these changes, Turkey as a member

of NATO was known in an unstable but strategically important sector in the world

where has been established by military force and Kemalist structure. This structure was

based on classic hard power tools and was more a reactive rather than active and also

foreign powers like the United States had considerable influence on it. According to

Davutoğlu, after the events of 11 September, the new vision of geography, made

redefining of Turkey necessary. New Turkish position should be based on both

geographical and ideological base. Turkey's central geographical location of any

similar country similar is different because on one hand Turkey is an Asian, European

country, and on the other hand it is close to Africa through the Eastern Mediterranean.

Turkey has a special position to influence nearby regions such as the Middle East, the

Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, countries bordering the Mediterranean and the

Black Sea. Studying Turkey's future perspective document 2023 shows that Turkey's

new elites know the role of the country in new structure of international system. They

believe that the fundamentals of this restructuring are economy and security in the

shadow of global needs to energy and raw materials, global trade expansion in the

shadow of open rules of free market and maintenance the financial stability at global

level, reducing poverty and increasing public welfare. Four main factors of political

position of Turkey include several ideas of elites as follows: 1) Integration with Europe;

2) Regional strategic cooperation with America rather than full political and strategic

partnership. Political relations of the two countries should be based on strategic

cooperation in the field of social, energy, trade and security; 3) Diplomacy of values

with region: Turkey should associate with regional countries based on diplomacy of

values. Because of religious differences, Turkey cannot be a complete political model

for the countries in the region. But it can be a sample on contemporary values such as

increased human development index and international legal norms. Turkey can


Transfer these values through diplomacy values to countries in the region; 4) regional

and global political construction with international organizations: Turkey should policy

make and intervene regional and global issues in international organizations in which

it is a member. Turkey should increase its participation in international entities, be the

founder and leader of regional entities and participate on their management body.

Turkish security position consists of four factors: 1) regional cooperation with United

States to deal with regional security threat, Turkey should be a constant power rather

than an intervention power in coalition units created by United States; 2) cooperation

with Europe; 3) Turkey should act as a deterrent power and a source of stability. The

most deterrent power is the expansion of bilateral relations with countries of the regions

in order to provide transport security and security of region's vast energy resources; 4)

policy-making and being active in international organizations such as NATO security.

The economic, social, trade and energy, position of Turkey in the world will be also

consisted of the following factors: 1) business and economic partnership with Europe

and turning to be the fourth thoroughfare of energy supply in Europe; 2) regional

cooperation with America: Turkey must strengthen itself in the fields of direct

investment and financial investment of its economic ties with America; extension and

enrichment of East-West energy corridor is another aspect of cooperation between the

two countries; 3) multilateral business and economic diplomacy with countries in the

region: nearly countries in the region have an important role in Turkey's business and

economic global position. In the process of moving towards globalization, Turkey

should increase its business and economic relations with the countries of the region.

Turkey decided to be appeared as a regional service center, and energy and water

supply bridge in its area; 4) bilateral relations with other countries (Mofidi Ahmadi,

2010: 1078-1080).

IV.TURKEY'S FOREIGN POLICY NEO-OTTOMANISM

REFLECTIONS ON THE REGION

In the light of foreign policy new approach, Turkey has tried in recent years to

transfer its growth and development position into civilization as a country in Islamic

civilization and also modern and democratic, and among Muslim countries as is known

as a large modern country (Omidi and Rezaee, 2010:242). So, even though Turkey's

elites' Neo-Ottomanism policy formed based on a kind of new identity-seeking, one of

its objectives is retrieval of regional identity based on combination of latitudinarian

Islam's thought with modern achievements that has a strong social originate in Egypt,

Tunisia, Morocco, Syria and Arab countries; this retrieval of regional identity, at first,

makes Turkey the central actor in the region, and in other words, all countries in the

region such as Iran, Hamas and Arabic countries tries to resolve their problems with

the world through the diplomacy channel of Turkey. This view has economic and

cultural advantages for Turkey. An economic advantage of Turkey's presence is in the

regional market, so that after Ikhwan contract that was signed between Turkey and

Syria, large of Syria market was deposited to Turkey. Many countries in the region,

considered Turkey as their desired model, some of opposition leaders of the region such

as Syrian opposition calls like Turkey model as a successor model in its country

(Hosseini, Ebrahimi and Shah qhale, 2012: 76). Islamists by drawing the theoretical

model ''zeroing problems with neighbors and adopting doctrine ''strategic depth'' have


begun their intervention in the Arab world after victory in elections in Turkey at 2003.

Intervention in Middle East especially Arab world is based on opinions of Davutoğlu

who wants Turkey to be an actor in Arab world. ''Turkish politicians believe that due

to strategic depth of this country, it is required that Ankara has more presence in Arab

world. In fact, this theory on one hand, is along historical and religious interest of

Justice and Development party elites and on the other hand, supplies security benefits

of the country.'' (Heidari and Rahnavard, 2011:12) Turkey in recent years was as

regional crisis mediator to show the importance of multiple regional identities of this

country and its unique geopolitical position. This matter includes mediation among

Lebanon, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan and India, Hamas and Fatah, Syria and Israel

and Syria and Iraq groups. These diplomatic activities were good reasons for selection

of the position of Turkey as a non-permanent member of Security Council for the years

2009-2010. So Turkey's foreign policy was developed based on objective and

normative criteria and in analysis of Turkey's foreign policy of political system from

the perspective of its identity, its sources of identity in society and history must be

addressed in order to prove its context. One of the most important sources of identity

of the region was Middle East. According to constructivism, Turkey's foreign behavior

are not only based on objective factors, but also rather on the basis of norms that Turkey

has a direct impact on the interests and identity of Turkey. These norms play restrictive

roles for governments and are considered as benchmarks for behavior.

In an overall assessment, regional reflections of Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism

approach can be summarized in the following:

(i) Take into consideration the East rather than the West: Turkey by creating

balance in international and regional policy and at the same time, and efforts towards

membership in EU, by getting away from some policies of previous state, politics has

focused on East's broad and comprehensive relations with all its neighbors.

(ii) Efforts to resolve Kurds' issue in region and attracting the region's

Kurds to themselves: this politics can be seen in Iraq's Kurdistan explicitly in foreign

policy change of Turkey's foreign.Turkey's approach for Kurdistan until 2008 was

based on "red line policy" which based on, Turkey opposed to any autonomy of Kurds

in Iraq and its relationship with Kurdistan was through Iraq's central government. But

from this year onwards, red line policy of Turkey for Kurdistan changed and a new

period were established in relations between the parties. Turkey's close relationship

with KRG, granting nationalization to Iraq's Vice President and tensions in Baghdad-

Ankara can be enumerated in this regard.

(iii) Efforts to establish diplomatic relations with Armenia: Turkey's foreign

ministers and Armenia acted out to normalize diplomatic relations by signing an

agreement memorandum in November 2009 by mediation of America, Switzerland,

Russia and France. In view of Washington, the more active Armenia on equations of

the region and less dependence to Iran and Russia deteriorate, this Christian country

with many cultural and civilization similarities with the West and enjoyment of a

strategic status, may become closer to the West which the first step of this politics was

begun by Washington by putting pressure on Ankara to improve relations with Yerevan

and opening the border, in order to be able at next steps to participate Armenia in

political and security equations of the West. On economic aspect, improving relations

between Armenia and Turkey will have the advantage that Nabucco pipeline has been


designed to aims to bypass Russia and Iran, to pass it through Armenia far shorter. Thus

we see that a set of Turkey's interests, Armenia and the West taken place in a more

complex game than by Soviets that aim to press Saakashvili Westernized government,

have agreed on improvement of relations between Yerevan and Ankara. (Koozegar,

2009: 19-21)

(iv) Efforts to catch the leadership of Ikhwan movement: Justice and

Development Party led by Tayyip Erdoğan cannot behave as secular parties and secular

in Turkey and expect survival, because its identity is articulated in line with the original

Ikhwan beliefs.When Arabic development has begun in North Africa, based on

neighborhood theory and its spread to other countries, Turkey had common look into

Ikhwan activities of Pasa Mubarak. Turkey's view to Egypt Mohamed Morsi was an

Islamism view which follows a Neo-Ottomanism approach. They also placed tune-

singing at the head of their activities in new government of Egypt. So, the issue that

Tayyip Erdoğan or Oghlu pursued, its root has risen from Ikhwan activities, hence they

seek modern or reformative Ikhwan. Turkey continued the activities of Ikhwan after

Morsi, but the organizational structure of Arabic countries, especially with a focus on

Saudi Arabia or Egypt, did not accept this approach. Then, they wanted to control it.

Turkey aimed to raise the Muslim Ikhwans and its leadership to play a role in the future

of the region. Role those reformists Ikhwans follow in Turkish style, not Egyptian or

even Tunisia or Libya-style. Therefore, reformist Ikhwan looks for an alternative in

order to follow its activities due to limitations and this is possible only in Turkey. So,

it can redefine itself in Turkey in various areas and play its political role. Turkey seeks

to redefine the Ikhwan and based on reformist Ikhwan, follows its Neo-Ottomanism

policy. On one hand, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain and other countries want to eliminate

the risk of Ikhwan. However, Qatar is different as a regime that has reformative and

more modern approach among Arab countries. Saudi Arabia seeks to remove Ikhwan

that may be a danger for the monarchy and the country that serves as an older brother.

However, in the future, we will witness regional rivalry among Saudi Arabia, Turkey

and Egypt, so that in the future, on the one hand, Turkey be able to come along with

Egypt and the reformist Ikhwans have activities in Egypt, but reduce the role of Saudi

Arabia. Even in the future, their least demand can be a change to the structure of the

state, government and politics in Arabian Peninsula (Bakhshi, 2014).

(v) Strengthen ties with Russia: with arrival of the AKP in 2002, Turkey and

Russia agreed on some areas due to multiple meetings between senior officials of both

countries. Especially in the field of energy, more than 70 percent of Turkey's gas is

supplied from Russia, and between the two countries, a dedicated gas pipeline called

"Blvatrym" in Black Sea, has been installed. The two countries signed a separate

agreement to expand energy business that can make Turkey a key country to expand

Russian gas transit to Europe. The volume of trade between the two countries has

reached to an unprecedented level (Karami, 2011: 64). In general, it should be noted

that in the current situation Moscow and Ankara want to redefine their relationships .

Given the poor backgrounds of relations between Turkey and Russia it should be

considered that the relations between the two countries in recent years in both political

and economic growth have been different; this means that in economic issues and

particularly in the field of energy, we had significant growth, while in political context


in spite of many sharings, fear and competition govern the relations (Hosseini,

Ebrahimi and Shah Ghale, 2012: 81-82).

(vi) Activation of Turkey's regional policy in Middle East:

Revival of relations with the Arab world

Mediation in the Arab-Israeli peace process with sympathetic to the Palestinians.

Getting closer to Iran.

Turkey in recent decade had become one of the key and influencing players in

the Middle East. This policy can be followed sensibly in Turkey's relations with Syria

before the uprising known as the Arabic development. At decades 1980 and 1990 the

two countries have experienced tense relations, but Turkey's threat to invade Syria,

providing continuation of Damascus support from ''PKK'' in October 1998 reached the

crisis in relations between the two countries to its high level. Syria, versus Turkey's

military superiority withdrawn its positions and retreated to expel Abdullah Ojalan, the

leader of "PKK" and closing training camps of this group. This shift in Damascus

position paved the way to gradual improvement of relations. Between the years 2002

and 2009, the two countries signed nearly 50 cooperation agreements and announced

the establishment of Supreme Council of strategic partnership. In addition, Turkey and

Syria conducted the first joint military exercises. In 2010, Turkey and Syria signed the

historical agreement of the struggle against terrorism and in 2011; Turkey became the

biggest trade partner of Syria. Turkey's position on Middle East peace process is to

support the principle ''land for peace'', the roadmap and peace initiative of Arabs.

Turkey supports the resolutions 1397, 338, 242 and 1515 of UN Security Council. It

opposes town construction in occupied territories. It identifies return of Golan to Syria

as contextualization for peace between Syria and Israel. And it believes that the justly

and lasting solution to end the conflict in the Middle East is to create and government

beside secure and recognized borders. Despite Turkey did not obtain any result in the

region from its many efforts to develop peace in the region, what it earned itself was

introducing itself as a major valid and effective player, as well as a benevolent mediator

in the region and enjoyment this role in providing maximum of its own national

interests. (Agha Alikhani, 2011: 54) Generally it should be said that the constructivism

of the relationship between structure and agent is mutual and consolidative and

emphasizes their bilinear. In this respect, Turkey has integrated in particular distinctive

material and normative structure in the region and Turkey's elites try to consider

effective potential of its country on this structure. In view of Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey

is the only country in the Middle East that can interact with some opposite countries

such as Iran, Israel, America, Europe and Arab and this represents the soft power of

Turkey which the country has less such capability. Turks believe that Europe must be

forced to beg Turkey to compensate for its historical humiliation, because Turkey is

located in a politically sensitive and energy area and it is Europe that needs Turkey.

Turks believe that Turkey has soft power to manage issues of Islamic world and the

West must believe it, because Turkey is among 50 first countries, in terms of having

majority of Muslims and is the only country that is a member of NATO and negotiates

to join the EU (Omidi and Rezaei, 2010: 242). Moreover, the most recent aspect of

Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism foreign policy should be traced back in recent crises in Arab

world. By the start of 2011 and developments in Arab world that has been known to

Arabic spring, according to the formation of a positive attitude toward Turkey in Arab


world, Turkey has taken a more active role in the development of Tunisia, Libya, Syria,

and in particular Palestinian issue. Influenced by these developments in one recent

decade, Turkey's relations with Arab world spread significant rather than before, along

with the policy of attitude toward the East. But the Arabic Spring developments

provided special complexities for Turkey's foreign policy on the region, for, Turkey

developed political and economic relations with sovereign states of the region, which

could not develop the same relations with oppositions and opposite people groups

simultaneously. Due to the process of Turkey's foreign policy developments in recent

years, it seem that in states that the perspective of debilitation and collapse of the regime

have been revealed, Turkey has tried to host opposition meetings and cooperation with

international powers such as NATO and Security Council to provide an opportunity for

the future of its relations with these countries. But in countries where developments are

not serious or the chance of regime to prolong its rule appears to be fairly definitive,

Turkey adopted a cautious stance, and tries to maintain its interests and relations and

to continue the good relations. Although in general it emphasizes on reforms and

attention to people's wishes and opposition groups. However, some experts in Arabic

countries, the most important challenge of Turkey's foreign policy in the region and

Arab world that the future may be subject to restrictions on expansion of ties between

Turkey and Arab world, knows formation of Arabic religious bloc and increase the role

of Egypt and the history of Turkey's Ottoman in the world that beside to challenge of

zero problem with neighbors in Arabic spring changes which is based on forming and

planning with the states or opposition groups can be analyzed (Heidari and Rahnamood,

2011: 157-158).

V.NEO-OTTOMANISM OF TURKEY'S FOREIGN POLICY AND ITS

CHALLENGES FOR ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN

Appearance of new Ottomanism can be found in linking the Islamic identity,

Eurasian and European of Turkey and persuasion of the country to improve relations

with all neighbors, including Middle East countries. Fall of Iraqi regime has provided

a favorable environment for Kurdish nationalism in Iraq, Turkey continued more

activities to find anti-kurdish allies in Iran and Syria and the relationships of Ankara

with Tehran and Damascus significantly improved (Omidi and rezaee, 2011: 246). Due

to that, in recent years, the relations between Iran and Turkey have been growing; the

relative stability on the relations between Iran and Turkey would overcome

misunderstanding and providing an appropriate context for mutual confidence.

Cooperation between Iran and Turkey in political, security, economic and cultural areas

have been expanded and future long-term cooperation in the field of security, fight

against terrorism and the construction of natural gas pipelines are considered by the

two sides. Political situation in north of Iraq and the future of Kurds of this country is

another area of cooperation between Iran and Turkey. Iran and Turkey are highly

opposed Israel's dominance on north of Iraq and separatism of Kurds from Iraq's central

government. Expanding the volume of trade and business exchanges between Iran and

Turkey in recent years is not hidden to anyone (Naghdinezhad, 2008). But despite these

positive effects, Turkey's foreign policy had disputing discussion over Iran and its

foreign policy on the region. Based on constructivism theory, influencing variables on

divergence process of two activists are examined in different identity, cultural,


historical and ideological formats (Abbasi, 2013:11) Thus, from a constructivist

perspective, some of the most challenging areas of foreign policy of Turkey's Neo-

Ottomanism will be analyzed for Iran.

(i) Development of Western model of democracy and human rights

In analyzing the foreign policy of Turkey and Iran, the relativistic conception of

democracy and human rights must be considered. Relativism is a belief that values are

relative and subjective and does not believe in any objective and absolute value that

can be proved by reason and science. They extend this perception to concepts such as

democracy and human rights. Democracy and human rights are defined concepts such

as water, soil, rocks that are regardless of ideology and worldview to be interpreted.

But as injustice and justice, are concepts that would be affected by the view of

interpreters to the world, the universe, the fate of humans. Accordingly, developing

countries accuse the West and which is relied on universal western of democracy and

human rights to development to the rest of the world. Relativists argue that despite

common conditions differ greatly among communities; we require attention to different

perceptions of human rights. Relativists accuse universal approach to cultural

imperialism (Christie, 1995: 206). According to this analysis, the basis of constructivist

and Identity analysis of human rights and democracy is provided. Democracy and

human rights are deemed a framework to organize relations between government and

humans. In other words, human rights and democracy are developmental rules that

define a part of the legitimacy of identity and activism of the states. As sovereignty has

identity-creative role for the states, discussion of democracy and human rights

dominant on it acts, as a part of discussion that defines the identity of states, and can

cause states to have different identities from the international view (Moshirzadeh and

Masoodi, 2009: 266). Accordingly, Turkey develops a type of formulation of human

rights and democracy in the region and Iran which is seriously opposite to Iran in

dominant perception and interpretation. Perception of Justice and Development Party

from Islam is to somewhat different from Iran. This party is primarily dependent on the

religious intellectual movement in Turkey which its perception from Islamic principles

is different from interpretations of traditionalism. The feature of this movement is

introducing "Rahman and Rahim" Islam that all human beings possess natural rights

and human dignity. In This interpretation of Islam, violence, blind assassinations, and

absolute thinking have no place. Islamic intellectual in Turkey linked skill and realism

religion between Islam and modernity, and make modernized foundations and

principles, Turkey or native. Slowly significant parts of Turkish people convinced that

it is possible to be both a Muslim and a true Turkish nationalist and believe in modernity

bases in politics and economy (Yazdi, 2003). Turkey on the basis of its approach and

far from the ideals of political Islam tries to improve the status of democracy and human

rights in Middle East using the dominant liberal and Western model. Turkey works out

both in terms of thinking and policy making for this purpose. Turkey in new foreign

policy especially in recent years and during the developments so-called Arabic uprising

takes position in favor of neighbor countries' people and tries for foreign policy to

become "democratic" in Middle East that can be a reflection of the country's efforts to

move other countries toward liberal democracy; a process that is now current in the

country. So, Turkey tries to introduce a moderate, modern and democratic model to the

region and claims leadership of Middle East towards liberal democracy and human


rights. As noted, human rights and democracy is normative and identity discussion and

formulation of conversation of Turkey of it is in conflict with the political Islamic

concept of Iran is. Iran is adhere to a kind of interpretation of human rights and of

democracy that stems from Islam, and in many ways tries to develop Shiite

interpretation of Sharia-based rules. Then, it is possible that Iran is not adhered much

Western pattern from democracy and human rights. As a result, it should be said that

political Islam of Iran offers special interpretation of human rights and democracy,

which has clear identity boundaries with interpretation of Turkey's dominant secular.

Therefore, foreign policy of Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism, efforts of this country to

influence on the region's countries and Iran and promotion of common liberal

interpretation of human rights and democracy to them may result in negative effects on

Iran. This matter in rise of Arabic developments of the region and Turkey's support

from Syrian oppositions that has strategic relations with Iran is clearly visible. Iran and

Turkey have particular views on issues and regional developments that are in line with

the strategic orientation of the foreign policy of each country. At This framework it is

natural that the understanding of two countries of developments in Arab world and its

consequences reflect their future attitudes, hopes and planning. Turkey's view about

revolutions of Arab world is based on the idea that the countries of region will move

towards democracy and this is inevitable. In line with this idea, Turkey acts out to

support demands of Arabic countries' people and emphasizes that this demands are

values such as democracy, freedom and human rights in that Turkey believe. As a

result, in Turkey's perspective until there is real will for change, radical reforms are

possible in any regime. Positioning and Turkey's performance in recent years reflect

the efforts of the leaders to lead the Muslim world and providing an alternate model of

political Islam that is different from perceptions of Islamic Republic of Iran of Islam.

In this context, emphasis on Islamic identity of Ankara government and its deep ties

with the Islamic world and improvement of Muslims attitude to Turkey, on one hand,

and closeness to West and Europe, on the other hand is taken into consideration

(Masoudnia and Najafi, 2011: 150).

(ii) Iran's nuclear program: Constructivists leave objective view at threat and national security and offer the

perception of threat and constructed security. Iran's nuclear program and its

interpretation as a threat by the dominant players of structure of international system

reflect the constructed and redefinition of threat and security in view of foreign policy

officials of Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism about Iran, because Iran's peaceful nuclear

program has been verified at different times of by international entities and Iran has

stated several times that it does not follow such security strategy. So, objective threat

from Iran and specifically its nuclear program do not understand other countries. In this

context, identity tags on Iran in the field of proceeding proliferation of nuclear weapons

has affected identity boundaries, shaping the perception to Turkey's agents of threat

and creating danger identities from Iran. So, despite Turkey's close relationship with

Iran, nuclear program and Iran's acquisition of nuclear weapons threatens its own

existence. Turkey's approach in recent years has shown that this country while fears of

Iran's access to nuclear weapons, and its realization has been defined as the defeat of

Turkey in achieving the objectives in neo-Ottomanism policy framework, however,

despite using intelligent and soft tools and encouragement others to these tools for


settlement of the nuclear issue, does not seek war against Iran. Reflecting on Turkey's

foreign policy towards Iran's nuclear program, indicates that Turkey's view has

paradoxical nature over Iran's nuclear program, which means that on one hand, Turkey

tries to use this matter by playing the role of mediator actors in negotiation between

Iran and group 5+1 to realize the goal regional player, but on the other hand, since one

of central goal of Turkey within the framework of doctrine of neo-Ottomanism is

becoming a regional superpower, the country is concerned about that Iran through

nuclear weapons changes the balance of power in the region, and a country wins when

it has different attitude to Islam with Turkey. Therefore, on one hand, Turkey tries to

become a regional player by mediation, and on the other hand, by knowing Iran's

nuclear program, prevent any change on the balance of power in the region in favor of

Iran and against itself (Masoodnia, Najafi and Forooghi, 2012: 81).

(iii) Intervention in Middle East

One of the main axes of new Turkey's foreign policy is emphasis on its historical

identity, i.e. Middle East. This emphasis in many cases may have challenges and

negative impact on foreign policy of Iran. An obvious example of this challenge can be

seen in Syria. Syria has continued its relations with Turkey from one decade before

relations. So, initially the two countries decided to establish the Supreme of strategic

partnership and also canceled the need of issuing visa for travel of each other's

nationals. At next stages, Turkey's government even attempted to mediate between

Syria and Israel. But by beginning of recent developments in Syria, Turkey initially

adopted a mediatory policy and with supporting reforms in Syria and even

recommendation to Bashar Assad to implement the reforms, in order to control the

situation, has ask the parties to restraint and appeasement. A bit later, Turkey called

Syria's development, inhuman and asked Bashar Assad to leave power, and in line with

its new policy not only allowed Syrian opposition to pass cross its territory to carry

weapons inside Syria, but also it progressed to a military conflict with Syria. Generally,

it should be said that the weakening of Syria and collapse of Bashar Assad's regime is

as loss of one of Iran's strategic allies. As noted above, Turkey began its relations with

Iraqi Kurdistan since 2007. A redefinition of Turkish rulers for renewing relations with

Iraqi Kurdistan and continuation of developing the relationships with them might affect

relations between Kurdistan and Iran. It should not be forgotten that Iraqi Kurdistan is

one of Iran's traditional zones of influence of Iran that its relations history predated

even to the era of Pahlavi and Iran's overwhelming support of Kurds in their recent

clashes with ISIS clearly proved this issue. Another area is concerned to Lebanon and

Palestine. All analysts of Muslim world know that the key of developments of Islam

world is Palestinian issue. This view derives from the history of changes in Muslim

world in twentieth century. Moves such as actions of Jamal Abdel Nasser, Gaddafi, and

Saddam and . . . who dreamed to achieve the leadership of Arab world testifies this

(Masoudnia and Najafi, 2011: 152). Although Turkey's measures to have active role in

Lebanese politics did not succeed, the increase in the country's influence in Palestinian

political arena is evident. Turkey's influence in Palestine, especially after the attack of

Israel to the Gaza Strip became more pronounced. This incident led to the known

protest of Tayyip Erdoğan in 2009 at Economy World Forum in Davoos through a

panel discussion by Shimon Peres. After the protest, Israel attacked on the Turkish ship

carrying humanitarian aid to Gaza Strip. Thus, due to the influence of Turkey in


Palestine, it is expected that due to different perceptions of Iran to resolve the

Palestinian issue, this matter will affect the relations between the two countries.

(iv) Coalition of Turkey and Arab states against Iran, and joining Turkey to

Sunni axis in the region After the so-called Arab Spring developments in Arab world, the strategy of

rebalancing Turkey regarding the development of the region has been changed and

Turkey aims to strengthen actively the Sunni axis and taking role in its framework and

this approach of Turkey and, especially about the Syrian crisis is clearly visible.

Destruction of relations between Iran and Turkey and the gap between the two countries

will lead to more closeness the Turk party to Arab Union and Persian Gulf Cooperation

Council which will ultimately lead to the strengthening the Sunni axis of the region and

will have entirely loss for Iran and the Shia axis (Arab, 2012). Turkey formally since

2008 has entered this area by signing strategic political, economic and security

agreement with Persian Gulf Cooperation Council. The treaty in its kind was the first

treaty between Persian Gulf Cooperation Council and other states. On other hand, the

perception of Islamic Republic of Iran of this treaty was the desire of Gulf Cooperation

Council to create a strategic balance with motivation against Iran. This matter has

greatly caused concern for Iran to Turkey's actions in Persian Gulf. It seems these

concerns of Tehran are logical, because from views of Arabic countries of Persian Gulf,

the strategic partnership with Turkey can balance Iran's power in Persian Gulf. In this

regard the Arabic countries of Persian Gulf planned on the agenda of Turkey's

membership as an observer member in Arab Union, supporting the country's efforts to

mediate between Syria and Israel and strengthening cooperation with NATO

(Masoudnia and Najafi, 2011: 152).

(v) Triangle of Israel, Turkey, Azerbaijan against Iran

One of reflections of Neo-Ottomanism of Turkey's foreign policy can be

accompany of this country with Israel and Azerbaijan. The target of this convergent

triangle is against Iran whether we like it or not. The secret agreement of Israel

government and Azerbaijan government that the news disclosed in Foreign Policy

magazine in March 2012 represents hostile position of Azerbaijan versus Iran and is

evaluated very dangerously. According to the agreements, the Azerbaijani government

places an air base near Iran's northern borders. This matter increases the risk of an

Israeli military attack Iran's nuclear installations. Military expansion of Israeli in

Azerbaijan will increase tensions between Iran and Israel and will make it more

complex (Arab, 2012). Azerbaijan since its independence in 1991 has shown that it is

the closest friend of Israel in Muslim world. Participation on Turkey as the most

important ally of Azerbaijan on this anti-Iran axis can have negative effects on the role

of Islamic Republic of Iran in the region. For example, military cooperation with Israel

can be mentioned. Sandy Times English newspaper in April 2013 released news, that

Turkey's government wants to provide a base for attack Iran's nuclear installation. In

this report stated that ''Yakoof Amidor'', the chairman of the Security Council Israel

regime plans to get permission from Turkey to use air base at a distance of 1000 miles

from the Iranian border by offering delivery numbers of missiles and advanced military

technology to the country. Despite Turkey's reaction to reject the news, but the

government did not completely reject the military cooperation issue with Israel against

Iran and only denied it "at the present stage"; in other words, this perspective that this


cooperation will be take place in future, exists (Tabnak, 2013). It seems that after

cooperation close of Baku with Israel and releasing occasional news about the

possibility of assigning a base on its territory to Israel, this time we see that after

reaching the relations of Ankara-Tel Aviv to ''desired stage'', anti-Iranian actions on

Turkey is also intensified. This approach clearly threats Iran's national security, and

from identity view, it will cause strengthen of discussion axis of Western-Israel peace

of the region against Iran.

(vi) Maintaining relations with America

Turkey has close ties with West and particularly America. This convergence from

constructivist perspective may be rooted in identity discuss and values ruling Turkey.

Turkey's political system is inspired by Western values, and democracy and human

rights can be seen as factor linking it with America. Giving these explanations, the main

interests of Turkey in maintaining strategic relations with America can be summed up

as the following cases:

Necessity of economic and financial support of America, especially financial entities

such as global Bank and International Monetary Fund which had a role in resolving

financial crises of Turkey;

Maintaining proper position in NATO and European collective security system;

Forcing Europe Union to accept Turkey's membership;

Using military power and knowledge of America for modernization of military

defense system to maintain military superiority of Turkey to its neighbors;

The presence of Turkey in shaping the future of the north of Iraq and the Kurds issue;

Entrance to capitalist system and global economy;

Use of America's credibility for economic privilege of the region such as the oil

pipeline of Baku-Jeyhan;

Turkey's requirement to America versus Russian hegemony in the region;

Inhibition of Kurdish ethnic conflicts;

Enjoyment from the support of America in political, economic, cultural and ethnic to

central Asia region and Caucasus (Afzali and Mottaghi, 2011: 195).

As the result of these relations, America extremely puts Turkey under pressure

to end its broad and deep relations with Iran. Now, Turkey and Israel are still the most

important allies of America in Middle East. Becoming volunteer to accept the missile

shield, accompanying NATO in attack Libya, the pressure and threat from Syria, are

prominent examples of loyalty to this alliance. Understanding the strategic concept of

membership in NATO and Ankara's coordination and cooperation in various fields with

Washington shows the special position of United States in determining Turkey's

strategic policies. Aids of International Monetary Fund and the global Bank that are

under America's influence were important factors in economic growth of Turkey in

past decade. Generally, it should be noted that alignment of Turkey with America is

resulted from Turkey's position and America's expectations. This matter in general

framework should define the future of Middle East changes in a way that Turkey

intends to be in a position where be the referent of involved parties, opposition groups

and countries in crisis. In other words, nation-states and national and international

actors defined such role for themselves, they also move in this direction (Hosseini,

Ebrahimi and Shah Ghale, 2012: 81-82).


CONCLUSION The aim of this study was to analyze the aspects and different effects of new

Turkey's foreign policy. In the next stage, the effect of this new approach of Turkey on

Iran's foreign policy was important for this study. For this purpose, at first, the

theoretical foundations of constructivism approach have been studied and then based

on it; the nature of the new Turkey's foreign policy was analyzed. It was argued that

constructivists despite of differences in several ontological statements and assumptions

have common attitudes. First, normative structures and ideas, norms and shared inter-

minds values influence and play an important role in international politics and foreign

policy of countries; second, the intellectual and normative structure establishing and

formative role in shaping the identity and interests of countries; and finally, intellectual

- normative structures and countries mutually consolidate each other (Dehghani Firooz

Abadi, 2009: 43-44). Accordingly, and in particular, based on the second assumption

it was tried to analyze Turkey's new foreign policy. It was noted that the new Turkey's

foreign policy or an approach known as Neo-Ottomanism is rooted in the historical and

contextual process of providing interests of this country that returns to the way of

creation and development of identity. Neo-Ottomanism approach tries to create

consistency between historical, identity sources of Turkey and current values of the

country. These sources are rooted in space capacity of Middle East. Accordingly, it is

the architect of the new Turkey's foreign policy, namely Davutoğlu, talks about deep

doctrine of strategic depth. Now, this country tries to achieve a better position in

Muslim world and developing relations with Islamic countries and Middle East. Turkey

with multiple identity indexes assumes that it should set its policies based on this

diverse identity. So, Turkey must have constructive interaction with Middle East,

Caucasus, Europe and Balkans, for orientation to one side creates an imbalance in

Turkey's foreign policy. This new foreign policy of Turkey has serious repercussions

on its relations with the countries of the region, including look to the East rather than

West; Efforts to resolve the Kurdish issue in inside and absorption of Kurds in the

region towards them; trying to establish relations with Armenia, and to strengthen

relations with Russia; becoming active of Turkey's regional policy in Middle East;

revival of relations with Arab world; mediation in the peace process of Arabs and

Israel; and getting closer to Iran. In addition, the development of foreign policy despite

of its positive impact on relations with Iran will have serious identity and normative

challenges for Iran. Turkey develops a formulation of human rights and democracy in

the region which is in serious contrast with dominant interpretation of political Islam

discourse. And also, this country while is concerned about Islamic Republic of Iran's

access to nuclear weapons and the realization of it means Turkey's failure to achieve

its determined objectives in the context of Neo-Ottomanism politics, however, using

intelligent and soft tools and encouragement and persuasion others to these tool for

resolving the nuclear issue, will not follow the war against Iran. Anyway, Turkey with

discussion on West's Iran-phobia, despite close ties with Iran, developing regional

influence of Iran and propagation of identity concepts of Islamic Revolution discourse

considers a threat, so one of the main axes of new Turkey's foreign policy is its wide

influence and enhance its role in Middle East, this approach can in many cases have

challenges and negative impacts on foreign policy of Islamic Republic of Iran and

affect regional influence. Finally, it must be said that Turkey does not ignore its new


foreign policy from its relations with America and the West, America where is in

conflict discussion with the Islamic Republic of Iran more than three decades. The

effect of this factor can be seen in cases such as welcome to missile shield of America

on its territory, accompanying with America for reducing the regional influence of Iran

and weakening the resistance and intervention of Syria.

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