CANADA'S COLONIAL MISSION THE GREAT WHITE BIRD

by Andrea Bear Nicholas

Chair in Native Studies, St. Thomas University

Introduction It is appropriate to begin this discussion by recalling a story once told by an elder from southern Alberta. In outline form it is about a great white bird who regularly stole children by luring them away from their parents with a spell-binding call.1 After losing many children the people finally turned in desperation to a wolf, begging him to find and kill the bird. For days the wolf stalked the bird, and at last, managed to kill it; but instead of bringing the dead bird back to the village, he skinned it and returned, disguised in the bird's cloak of white feathers, hoping to teach the people a lesson. First, he imitated the entrancing call of the bird, and immediately the people began to gather round as they always had. Finally, the "white bird" asked the children to form a circle, the parents to form a circle around the children, and the elders to form a circle around the parents. When all the circles had been formed the wolf suddenly tore off the bird's feather cloak and warned the terrified people that only as long as they maintained their circles around the children could they prevent another white bird from ever taking their children again. For Native People this story is a clear analogy to their painful experiences with Euro-Canadian education. But it is far less a story of retribution or triumph over evil than of the ongoing need for people, themselves, to take responsibility for their children in the face of ever-present threats. With the closing down of the last of the residential schools less than two decades ago, and with the supposed apology of the Canadian Government "to those of you who suffered this tragedy" there is a tendency to assume that the great white bird has indeed been killed, and that the Canadian state has changed its ways. It is the purpose of this paper to think deeply about this story, and to illustrate that it is still vitally relevant today- that indeed, the great white bird still lives, and still steals our children.2 How do we know that this is so? The one and only test of this thesis lies in the number of Native children still being lost, even though there are no more residential schools. Today, in spite of "an upward retention trend", more than half of all Native children (57 percent) drop out of school before graduation 3 (as compared to 15 percent of non-Natives), and large numbers remain functionally illiterate for life. Native people tend, also, to show up living in poverty, on the streets, in prison, or as suicide statistics, all at a disproportionately higher rates than non-Natives. 4 These facts comprise one way that Native children continue to be "lost". Another is through assimilation, as revealed in the ongoing out-migration rates from Native communities to city streets, 5 and in the fact that fewer and fewer Native children today know their culture and language. One poignant measure of this reality is the recent estimate that at least fifty of the fifty-three languages

indigenous to Canada will disappear in the next century if present trends continue. 6 Unlike many major studies of Native education in Canada, 7 this article attempts to place colonialism central to the analysis. It aims to demonstrate that colonialism is not something that existed only at the time that Canada was a colony of either France or Great Britain; but rather, that it has continued into the present, not only as a political ideology ordering relations between Native and immigrant nations, 8 but also the primary ideology underlying the education of Indigenous Peoples in Canada today. In spite of notable work on colonialism and indigenous education, outside of Canada, 9 there has been a marked reluctance on the part of educators in Canada to address the issue here. 10 Although it has become commonplace to see the word "colonialism" in recent Canadian studies of Native education most writers relegate the phenomenon to the past, or mention it in a cursory way only as counterpoint to what they see as ideal forms of education for Native People. 11 Unfortunately, it is not enough to define traditional pedagogies and models of education. What has to happen is that the colonial element in Native education needs to be deconstructed so that the impediments that prevent us from practicing these pedagogies may be identified and rooted out. Unless we do so there can be no fertile ground on which the dreams of Aboriginal educators can take root. In the view of the great educator, Paolo Freire, it is only by unveiling the truth about reality that one can come to a critical understanding of the present and learn what needs to be done for the future.12 Some critics of this analysis might argue that a focus on colonialism in Native education arbitrarily ignores the successes in the present system, and dwells needlessly on its failures. They would point instead to such facts as the growing numbers of Aboriginal People now graduating from high schools and universities. The real problem, however, is that no system can be measured by its achievements alone (particularly when what is meant by "achievements" is unanalyzed), for it is in failures that the most can be learned. And there is a serious problem in colonial settings that rarely gets addressed: Who gets to define success in the first place? Those who have "made it"? Or those lost by the wayside?

Internalized Colonialism Fueled as they are by an inordinate drive for wealth and a belief in racial or cultural superiority, colonial powers regularly seek to establish political domination over other peoples in order to exploit them and their lands. 13 Once subjected to this oppression colonized peoples predictably experience extreme social, cultural, physical, and spiritual dislocations, which lead, in turn, to dramatically increased rates of death as a consequence. It is for this reason that the United Nations Genocide Convention defines genocide as far more than just "killing members of a group". It includes other "acts committed with intent to destroy in whole or in part a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group." 14

Colonialism works in strange ways. On the one hand, it is essential for colonizers to convince at least some of the oppressed people to accept the colonizer's values and ideology; for not only must the oppressed be made to accept colonialism, but they must also be influenced to participate willingly in it. This is where the "need" for education arises, or to be more precise, colonial "indoctrination". The irony of colonialism is that the more oppressive and coercive the colonial regime, the more intensive the indoctrination, and the more readily do oppressed people come to devalue their own beliefs, customs and languages and actually seek to emulate their oppressors in order to gain relief from their oppression. This phenomenon, known variously as internalized colonialism, oppression, or racism, 15 has been eloquently described by Dene, Steven Kakfwi, as follows:

“No human being would allow anyone to suggest that they are worthless, that they have no right to exist in continuity of themselves in the future, no values worth passing on to others in the future. No people would knowingly give away their right to educate their children to someone else of whom they have no understanding, except where people have been led to believe they do not have such rights." 16

While education is the subject of this paper it is important to understand that it is indoctrination that colonizes the oppressed, and that convinces them to participate in their own colonization. It is also important to appreciate that this process is not unique to Aboriginal People, but common to all oppressed people. As Frantz Fanon has said, "the iniquitous fact of exploitation can [also] wear a black face, or an Arab one..." 17 Colonialism in Canada - Classical and Internal In Canada the history of Native education can be divided into several identifiable colonial periods that washed like waves from east to west across the land. There has been so much written about these periods that it is needless to do more than identify them here. 18 The early period, known as the "classical period of colonialism", corresponded to the era of French exploration and the fur trade. What education there was was undertaken by the Church, and the emphasis was on molding Aboriginal People into an exploitable and subservient class within, yet apart from, colonial society. 19 After the fall of New France in 1760 the territories of indigenous nations came to be incorporated within the national borders of British North America, and a second period of colonialism, known as "internal colonialism", began to take shape. One by one the First Nations were rapidly outnumbered, dispossessed, and displaced by British settlers, even though imperial authorities in England made it illegal, in the Royal Proclamation, to take Indigenous lands without the consent of Indigenous nations. 28 Under internal colonialism educational goals were characterized by efforts to assimilate Aboriginal Peoples. This new emphasis in colonial education was based on a racist belief in social evolutionism, which held that Aboriginal People

could eventually be educated out of their "savage" and "wandering ways" to become like Europeans. It also served the colonial interest in appropriating Aboriginal land. To acquire it the colonizers needed not only to eradicate indigenous cultures, but also to render Aboriginal Peoples dependent, subservient, and exploitable, ready for absorption into the lowest levels of the burgeoning capitalist society in pre-Confederation Canada. 21 Central to these objectives was the genocidal strategy of removing Indigenous children from their families and communities and training them in residential or industrial schools to become manual laborers or domestic servants, 22 and a main feature of the strategy was the explicit policy of extirpating Native languages and forcing Native children to learn English or French. 23 Since the period was also characterized by blatant racism, the opportunities for "educated" Indigenous people in the immigrant society were minimal. The few Natives who became educated were generally marginalized, unable to function in their own cultures and never fully accepted by the immigrant society. 24 That these genocidal practices were cloaked in a deceiving mantle of philanthropy is a powerful lesson to be learned from the past. Like the great white bird with its beautiful feather cloak and entrancing call, colonialism almost always appears benign. So effective is the disguise that it is rarely recognized in its time for the evil that it is. 25 With the coming of Confederation under the British North America Act, "Indians" and their lands became the responsibility of a new central government in Ottawa. Under this mandated paternalism the federal government became increasingly aggressive and coercive in carrying out its responsibilities. Shortly after Confederation the first "Indian Act" was passed, and the first Department of Indian Affairs was established to coordinate and implement the new mandate. 26 While schools in this period were still operated primarily by Christian orders they were now under contract with the federal government not only “to civilize and Christianize" Native Peoples, but also to transform them into citizens of the new nation. 27 The residential or industrial schools of the previous era now proliferated under the new federal government, and gave the period its characterization as one of the most aggressively genocidal. Indeed, new evidence has surfaced recently that in the first decades of the 1900s the federal government willfully and criminally suppressed expert advice from its own chief medical officer that would have dramatically lowered the death rate from tuberculosis in the residential schools. 28 In all residential schools the earlier policy of eradicating indigenous languages and imposing English now seems to have taken on a new urgency with the institution of harsh punishments for speaking a Native language in school. These practices were instituted ostensibly in the best interests of the children, but the damage caused by the policies, to both the Indigenous cultures and the people, has been devastating. 29 In the words of one study, this practice "represents an especially willful and encompassing attack on a culture's language, on the culture itself, and therefore on that culture's vision of reality and its world". 30 To the extent that the destruction of indigenous languages has contributed to creating serious mental and physical harm (i.e., alcoholism and

suicide) to Indigenous nations, cultures, and people, the practice, now referred to as "linguicism", falls clearly within the United Nations definition of genocide. 31 Less well known than residential schools but just as genocidal in intent were the day schools established in almost all Native communities not served by residential schools after Confederation. Since day school students remained in their own communities and attended school only by day they tended to escape some, but not all, of what has made the residential schools so notorious- the "institutionalization of personality", and the all too prevalent physical, sexual and psychological abuses. 32 Though most residential schools have now been closed (the last as lately as the 1980s), only recently has there been any real attempt to verify and document the extent of emotional, physical, and sexual abuse practiced in the schools. As a result of repeated revelations and corroborating stories there is now no question as to the genocidal intentions of the Canadian state for more than a century, So insidious have been the effects of this abuse that they have continued to manifest themselves in children and grand-children of former residential school students, even though they never set foot in residential schools. Virtually no amount of money can ever fully compensate for these horrendous effects. As for the Canadian government's "apology" (which is highly questionable), it came more than a decade after the first half-hearted apologies of the churches, and only after intense public airing of the brutal facts. And there has been no apology by the government for having waited so long. 33 Even more disturbing is the fact, as Dr. Roland Chrisjohn and Sherri Young have pointed out, both the churches and the Canadian state now engage in a rhetoric that pathologizes the survivors of residential school as victims of an illness labeled "residential school syndrome". In the words of these writers, this is nothing but a blatant attempt on the part of those responsible "to obscure [the] moral and financial accountability of Euro Canadian society in a continuing record of crimes against humanity." 34

The Post-War Period The period from the 1940s to the 1970s has often been characterized as a time of great strides in Native education since many innovations were made that were touted as progressive and beneficial. 35 Central to the philosophy of the period was a new policy of "integration", which arose out of the findings of a Special Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Commons. Ironically, the committee concluded that residential schools should be closed as soon as possible, not because of the practices of physical, sexual, and emotional abuse so prevalent in the schools, but rather, because the schools had failed to assimilate Native children! Ignoring the poignant testimony of survivors and the culpability of government and churches, the committee laid blame for the educational failure of the schools squarely on the segregated nature of residential schooling, which left only one solution- integration. Completely unexamined in the process was the educational goal of assimilation. Only the strategies of assimilation were to change. 36

The new Indian Act of 1951 reflected this thinking and authorized the federal government to begin striking tuition agreements with local and provincial education authorities for the integration of Native students into the public schools. By 1959 thirty -five percent of school age Native children had been integrated, and by 1969 the number had risen to sixty-one percent, for the most part, without the involvement of Native parents and leaders. A standard passage in these agreements that Native children should "be provided an education identical to that which the child would be provided...if the child were non-Indian" 37 revealed the philosophy of assimilation upon which the entire project of integration was founded. Where Aboriginal People had been seen for more than a century as needing to be brought, by way of education, to a higher stage of evolution, they would now be judged as merely another poor underclass or ethnic group needing and, presumably, wanting assimilation. With the rise of the American Civil Rights movement in the 1950s and 60s, the movement towards integration for Native Peoples took on a certain trendiness and moral idealism that further cloaked the colonial and racist motives of the Canadian state. So convinced was the federal government of the rightness of assimilation in all matters that it moved quickly to impose Canadian citizenship on all First Nations People in the early 1960s, in spite of the fact that a great many Natives strongly objected, believing the imposition of Canadian citizenship to be the ultimate act of genocide. 38 In order to avoid any unnecessary opposition to what it believed to be right (and economical) the federal government was prepared "to pay a high price for the services of [the colonized]". 39 Rather than negotiate the issue with Native communities directly, the government negotiated only with local school boards and provincial governments, and offered what can only be described as bribes to key players in the plan. For example, public school districts were offered tuition fees for each Native child equivalent to, and sometimes several times greater than, existing average costs per pupil, and they were offered generous contributions to capital construction costs in separate, often twenty-five year, agreements. Meanwhile Aboriginal opposition was effectively silenced when private contracts for busing were extended to bandleaders, and clothing and lunch allowances were made available only to those families who sent their children to public schools. By thus influencing key individuals and parties, the federal government effectively eliminated opposition, and circumvented altogether public discussion of the matter, particularly in Native communities. While oppositional voices had been silenced for the time being, there were serious problems with integration for First Nations. First of all, there was the issue of language of instruction. By continuing to submerge Native children entirely in Anglo (or French) culture for the purpose of destroying Native culture and language, the new program of integration, in fact, jettisoned the most basic principle of education, the importance of knowing the child. At best, integration offered an alien and irrelevant program, and at worst, one that was downright hostile and racist. That Native languages have suffered the worst losses since the implementation of integration has been no accident. 40 That most Native

children in the first decade of integration dropped out before graduation was also inevitable. In the 1960s the federal government commissioned a team of social scientists ostensibly to investigate, but in fact to justify, the validity of integration. It was no surprise that the study, known as "The Hawthorn Report", concluded that the high dropout rate of 97 percent for Native children in public schools was directly attributable to cultural "differences" of Native People. As a "scientifically proven" liability, indigenous culture was to be targeted anew for intense modification, if not eradication. Now fully validated, the federal government continued its integration project full steam. 41 It was not until the infamous White Paper of 1969 that Native People fully realized the genocidal intentions of government's integration policies. Where the Hawthorn Report had focused primarily on striking down barriers to Natives in economic and educational arenas, the White Pare called for the political integration of all "status Indians" as full and equal citizens of Canada through the termination of all treaties and the transference of responsibility for "Indians" from the federal to provincial governments. Across the land Native People reacted swiftly and sharply, denouncing the White Paper as a policy of cultural genocide. 42 Visibly shocked at the level of outrage against the White Paper, the federal government hastily withdrew the document, disavowing any intention of cultural genocide, and weakly insisting that integration really could occur without assimilation. In the meantime the federal government seems to have doubled its efforts signing tuition agreements for the integration of Native children into public schools across the land, still without the formal involvement of Native communities. As if to allay the fears of the chiefs, a new federal policy of "multiculturalism" was announced in 1971, which seemed to promote respect for all cultures in Canada. Where Aboriginal People were concerned, however, it was very much a reiteration of the White Paper of 1969, insofar as it purported to promote equality for all by ignoring the treaty status of First Nations peoples and proposing integration into the middle-class Canadian way of life. In effect, it came to be the official rationale (or excuse) for continuing to push the full integration of Native People into Canadian schools and society. Indeed, the school integration policy seems to have proceeded with somewhat of a vengeance after the White Paper, in spite of clear evidence that it was not succeeding. 44 While the Red Paper of 1970 publicly denounced integration as a means of assimilation, privately many Native leaders and communities seemed less convinced and did not actively oppose it. In a colonial situation the reasons for such compliance are usually not difficult to ascertain, particularly in the context of residential schools. Surely, integration was not only a huge step forward, but also a magnanimous gesture of goodwill on the part of the immigrant society, perhaps even a sign that racism was disappearing. The reality is that almost any alternative to residential schools would have looked good to Aboriginal People.

In retrospect it is clear that the period was one of continuing and intense internal colonialism, merely masquerading, like the great white bird, as benign and humanitarian. The fact that most Native children are now judged to have learning disabilities, and more than half continue to drop out today, nearly four decades later, is unequivocal proof that assimilation/assimilation does not work for Aboriginal children by any standard. 45 Indian Control of Indian Education? In some communities in the west there was, ironically, great resistance to the closure of residential schools beginning with a 1970 sit-in at the Blue Quills Residential School in Saddle Lake, Alberta. 46 Out of that resistance a strong movement developed for local control of residential school facilities, which inspired the 1972 policy statement of the National Indian Brotherhood, entitles "Indian Control of Indian Education" (ICIE). It addressed the concerns of Native parents who wanted their children both to succeed in school and to have a strong sense of their own cultural identity. As such, it strongly advocated the principles of local control and parental involvement. It also promoted the principle of cultural survival and was the first to advocate education in the medium of Native language. In many ways the hopes raised by this new policy became an ideal towards which many communities are still struggling to this day. 47 Although the federal government subsequently endorsed ICIE in 1973, 48 its support has been more rhetoric than substance. As one study has observed: "The deception surrounding the concept of control has been built by the federal government, which offers the pretense of free choice of control only within a carefully managed framework of possibilities." 49 Band-Controlled Schools The truth is that Indian-controlled schools in Canada are almost non-existent. In the first place, it has been enormously difficult for communities to gain even the smallest modicum of control over their own schools, 50 in spite of the fact that federal policy is now ostensibly aimed at devolving responsibilities for education to First Nations. This resistance on the part of the government has been particularly noticeable where standard twenty-five year capital agreements for off-reserve school construction locked Native communities early on into multi-year commitments to integration. But even where there have been no capital agreements First Nations communities have generally found Indian Affairs to be less than cooperative when people wanted to build or operate their own school. As a result, barely half of all community schools (429 in 1995-96) are band-operated, and where communities have managed to gain some measure of control, it is soon discovered that administration and control are two different things. While the communities do get to administer some educational monies, hire their own teachers, and develop some policies and procedures, in reality, the funds are enormously insufficient, and local decisions are heavily circumscribed by the party holding the purse strings, the Department of Indian Affairs. Where

school boards or parental groups have attempted to exert a measure of control, they are regularly stymied, either by the jungle of federal and provincial regulations or by the interference of any number of hierarchies, from the chief and council on up to the federal government. 51 There is yet another problem evident in band-operated schools. In the majority of Native communities that opted for ICIE most seem to have been forced to accept the imposition of federal and provincial pressures mandating provincial curriculum, provincial teacher certification, and the use of English as the medium of instruction (except in Quebec and the Northwest Territories). Having accepted such federal or provincial terms and conditions, most community schools under ICIE were thrust into the mode of trying to emulate non-Native schools, rather than tailoring their own program to suit their particular communities and cultures. 52 The result has been that in all but a tiny minority of "band controlled" schools outside the north, traditional culture is virtually ignored. And when it is taught, it is disembodied from the language and taught more often as an add-on to a typically non-Native curriculum (the cultural inclusion model), than as a medium of instruction (the cultural base model). 53 In structuring the process so that parents are given little or no role in the choice of curriculum, teachers, or language of instruction, both federal and provincial authorities remain effectively in control. The only concession to parents has been the choice to send their children either to a band school or to a local public school. In effect however, this has provided parents only an illusion of power which, in the end, has proven to be detrimental to community autonomy and cultural survival insofar as it sets up band schools for failure. Not only does it take away the incentive for parents to work together to improve their school, it also ensures financial instability for community schools whose funding is based primarily on per capita enrollments. 54 After nearly thirty years of ICIE it is patently clear that assimilation is still the driving force in Native education policy, even on reserve. Where band schools have survived by maintaining students (read funding), they have generally done so at the expense of their own cultural distinctiveness, by becoming more like the public schools with which they have been forced to compete. Where the band schools have failed to compete for students and lost the necessary funding to offer a viable program, most of their children inevitably wind up in the assimilative environment of public schools, anyway. 55 Many reasons have been identified for the lack of full autonomy in education. They include existing legal impediments in the Indian Act and Indian Affairs regulations, the failure of the Canadian state to uphold the treaties, the undue influence of provincial interests, and the lack of a constitutional framework and/or enabling legislation which would presumably allow full jurisdiction for education to be transferred from the federal government to Native communities and education authorities as directly and easily as it is currently transferred to provincial authorities. 56 Currently there are ongoing efforts in all of these areas - transfers of authority, dismantling of the Indian Act, challenges in the Supreme Court, new treaty making, the development of enabling legislation, and still the matter of true autonomy seems elusive.

Even promising opportunities and new arrangements have been proven to be disappointing compromises. The James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement of 1975 won the concession of language autonomy, but conceded vast amount of territory along with educational jurisdiction and control to the province of Quebec. 57 Far from providing full access to resources First Nations never surrendered, for financing education and other common needs, recent Supreme Court decisions have unleashed violence and the threat of further restrictions being imposed on First Nations. Could it be that Aboriginal People are seeking solutions in the wrong arena, and dissipating our strength in the process? Could it be that we are still hypnotized by the Great White Bird? Public Schools An important difficulty with the new ICIE policy was its ambivalent nature. At the same time that it proposed the bold and radical ideas of parental control of community schools, it also bought into the erroneous belief that integration in public schools could proceed without assimilation. The most likely reason for this apparent anomaly was that at least sixty percent of Native children had been integrated by 1972, and many of the tuition agreements involved capital agreements that could not be reconsidered for often as long as twenty-five years. Hence, the new policy addressed Native concerns only by acknowledging the serious problems with integration and by suggesting only that they could be ameliorated by infusing the integration process with strong elements of community control. 58 This ambivalent position of the ICIE policy on integration was, at best, naive, for it gave the federal government another rationale, and the leeway needed to carry on with its policy of assimilation under cover of multiculturalism and integration- "the more to fool you with dear". That the ICIE policy was officially adopted by the federal government was, therefore, neither particularly generous, nor surprising. Some of the more “radical" features of the Indian Control of Indian Education policy regarding integration included giving parents a greater role in non-Native school boards and in the negotiation of joint tuition agreements. The policy also proposed sweeping new changes for integrated schools, specifically the incorporation of Native language instruction, Native counselors and teachers’ aides, as well as curriculum changes to include and accurately reflect native history and culture. Finally it proposed a massive program to train Native People fluent in their languages to become teachers, and even suggested waiving some of the government requirements for teacher certification. 59 While most recent studies of Native education credit the ICIE policy almost entirely for the improvements that have been made in Native education over the past (nearly) three decades, 60 it is impossible to forget that, overall, Native education is still in an atrocious state from almost any perspective. At this time it is incumbent on all parties involved to begin a serious process of critical self-analysis beginning with the individual recommendations in the ICIE policy regarding integration.

Considering the recommendation calling for community involvement intuition agreements, it was implemented only fifteen to twenty years after 1972, but even then the practice seems to have had little effect in terms of improving tuition agreements or requiring accountability to Native communities. At present there is no accountability from provinces whatsoever. As for the recommendation for Natives to be appointed to local (non-Native) school boards, this too has been mostly ineffective in increasing Native influence in public school policies, since most school board appointments are political, and the Native representatives so outnumbered as to render the Native influence negligible. 61 The ICIE call for a Native presence in curriculum and teaching personnel has been much more quickly addressed, but largely only in a token manner, and more or less as a means for making integration less painful and more attractive. The promised Native awareness training for non-Native staff has done little to reduce racism and ignorance in the schools, and textbooks are still replete with lies, distortions, and omissions about Native People. Meanwhile, there has been no significant increase in the number of Native teachers in the public schools. Indeed, the business of training non-Native teachers to teach Native children seems to have become somewhat of a growth industry reminiscent of the old missionary impulse. 62 The ongoing practice of labeling and stigmatizing Aboriginal children as "culturally deprived" or "special needs" through the use of standardized (culturally biased) tests has led to an escalation of various objectionable and harmful educational measures, including compensatory programs, streaming, and drugging. The abusive and indefensible nature of these practices easily rivals many practices of residential schools and lays bare the lie that Canada no longer practices cultural assimilation or genocide. 63 One of the most dramatic consequences of integration has been its role in bringing most Native languages in Canada to the brink of extinction. 64 Although integration is clearly not the only factor in language decline, it is a most significant one, considering the predominance of linguicist and Anglo conformist behaviors and attitudes in Euro-Canadian schools and society. In no public schools in Canada (outside of the Northwest Territories) are Native families offered any choice as to the language of instruction in public schools. Their children are forced to accept English (or French as the case may be) and expected either to "sink or swim" In this situation, known as "submersion" or " subtractive language learning" the mother tongue is effectively treated as a liability, and forced into attrition. Only recently has the high degree of academic failure on the part of Native children been positively correlated to the submersive nature of public school education. 65 It appears now that the measures taken in response to ICIE were mostly cosmetic, and that they were, in fact, subverted to promote the purposes of assimilation, rather than cultural survival. Essentially, they made integration appear benign while forcing no fundamental change in the assimilative design of the public schools. Where integration is concerned, most studies have followed in the footsteps of the original ICIE policy by acknowledging (still) serious problems with integration and by suggesting only certain "correctives" to make existing systems

of integration work better, i.e., stronger assertions of jurisdiction over education by First Nations, increased resources from federal government to enable more intensive teacher training, curriculum development, Native language programs, sensitivity training, etc. Few have actually questioned integration as a policy, except to admit in passing that it "is an education that is not built on the participation of Indians themselves." 66

The Hidden Curriculum A second logical line of questioning for evaluating the success or failure of integration derives from the decades old critique of public education originating within the immigrant society itself. That critique centers on what is called "the hidden curriculum" of the public schools, the curriculum that is preoccupied with teaching certain behaviors such as deference to authority, regimentation, proletarianization, and all the behaviors required for students to accept their places in life. These are not subjects graded on report cards, but they do constitute the basic, albeit hidden, curriculum of public education. 67 Another element of the hidden curriculum is the ideology of methodological individualism which views problems and their solutions as located in the personal, individual, and internal, rather than in the larger society or social system. It is this ideology that leads educators and others to “blame the victim" rather than to recognize the systemic sources of a problem and focus on change in that quarter. This ideology also forms the basis for the predominant, but false, view of society as a meritocracy wherein everyone supposedly gets what they deserve because of their own personal, individual and internal characteristics. "If you don't make it, it's your own fault." 68 Indeed, one of the most common rationales for education in North American society derives from this idea of the meritocracy, the belief that education will provide to all who enter the opportunity for social and economic mobility, according to personal, internal and individual qualifications. This rationale, however, has been exposed as one of the most persistent falsehoods in education. Rather than providing social mobility, education, particularly through its hidden curriculum and its immoral practices of testing and streaming children, is clearly the chief mechanism for maintaining the status quo- keeping the rich, rich, and the poor, poor. In a capitalist society this function of schooling is no accident. Just as schools have always been the primary tools of colonialism, they are also the primary tools of capitalism. 69 If Aboriginal People had ready access to such information in choosing between mainstream schools and designing their own, they might have half a chance to make informed decisions. Instead, such information is hidden from them, and they continue to be lured by the Great White Bird. Most of those who choose integration for their children do so out of the futile dream that public school education is the only hope for their children to avoid a life of poverty. Considering the enormously high Native dropout rate in public schools, however, this is a dream that never comes true for most. A tiny percentage may "make it" to become part of a small elite class of managers and entrepreneurs; others, if

they are lucky, may get enough training to be part of "a laboring class ready for exploitation by Native and non-Native employers"; while a growing number wind up on city streets or in worse places. Meanwhile, Native communities remain among the poorest of the poor. And the increasingly sharp divisions that appear within Native communities between rich and poor, in turn, render the communities susceptible to further outside (colonial) control and exploitation. In some kind of well-orchestrated, perverse way, all of these consequences are deliberate products of colonial design, and colonial education. 70 Only a handful of researchers have begun to acknowledge that little has changed. In their study of the rhetoric of residential schooling Dr. Roland Chrisjohn and Sherri Young, however, are blunt in their conclusions: The survey of education of indigenous peoples throughout the world, both historically and in terms of its modern practice reinforces our general point that education, when provided, is a weapon of the exploitation of indigenous peoples and their mental and physical enslavement. The phasing out of the residential schools did not bring these tactics to an end...71 The Clash Between Native and Euro-Canadian Cultures In order to bring the foregoing analysis into sharper focus it is essential to have some appreciation of the enormous ideological differences between the indigenous and western cultures and intellectual traditions, differences that are either diminished or denied by those promoting integration, assimilation or accommodation on the part of Indigenous People. It is necessary to proceed with caution in this analysis, first of all because of the danger of implying some sort of monolithic sameness among all Aboriginal cultures. Of course, there is no such thing, only some common threads. Secondly, this analysis requires looking at essential differences in terms of four categories or components of life- the political, economic, social, and spiritual- and the danger here is the suggestion that these aspects of life can be separated from the whole. They cannot, except for analytical purposes. 72 On the matter of the political, there is a tendency for people educated in the dominant society to adopt and promote western hierarchical and elective approaches to decision-making believing them to be the epitome of democracy. Most are unaware that these practices are neither innocuous, nor democratic. When imposed on First Nations they have become effective tools in the suppression of perfectly viable, and eminently democratic, traditional practices of consensus and dispersed decision-making. 73 In the long history of the suppression of indigenous political customs there has always been a more insidious intent than just the obliteration of certain political practices. The real intent has been the subordination of Native nations to colonial powers with the two-fold purpose of 1.) Absorbing and obliterating Native people and nations altogether and 2.) Appropriating their lands. As we have seen, education, or rather, "indoctrination”, has been the chief means of achieving these ends. As long as the curriculum and personnel in Native education can be manipulated from the outside then native children can be

molded to a.) Know nothing of the integrity of their own political culture, b.) Become absorbed (through citizenship) in the Canadian political system, and c.) Accept as normal the political subordination of their own nations to the Canadian state. 74 It is the underlying reason that curriculum for Native children, in schools under "Indian control" is so tightly controlled by a combination of politicians, bureaucrats, and technocrats at the community, provincial and federal levels, rather than by parents and elders as promised by ICIE. For native educators and communities there seems to be very little choice. If they wish to have schools in their communities, it appears they must accept this system of hierarchical and external control, and the purposes underlying it. It is a system that forces communities to become party, however unwittingly, to continuing oppression and colonialism. 75 Political subjugation is also the reason that integration is being pushed so aggressively. Here the system works almost seamlessly. While public schools make great fanfare of welcoming Native children and posing as benevolent, they actively pursue a hidden agenda not only of assimilating First Nations children but also obliterating Native nations. The primary tool for achieving these ends is "citizenship" education which is carried out on the one hand through the exclusion of information on the distinct nationhood and political culture of Aboriginal Peoples, and on the other hand, through the indoctrination of First Nations students into the ideology and practices of citizenship in the Canadian nation, thereby ignoring the treaty and distinct nation status of these students. The consequence of this slow but relentless indoctrination of Native young people into mainstream ideology and practices can have no other effect but to confound the struggle of First Nations for political and cultural survival. 76 In the economic arena there has, likewise, always been enormous pressure placed on Aboriginal People to adopt the capitalist ideology of possessive individualism, profit making, and exploitation. Indeed, the promulgation of western economic values is central to the hidden curriculum of Euro-Canadian education. Today, however, this agenda is no longer even hidden as corporate values are now being overtly promoted in special entrepreneurial programs in mainstream schools. 77 The problem is that this economic ideology is so totally antithetical to fundamental Indigenous values of sharing, reciprocity, and cooperation, as to pose a serious threat to the entire Aboriginal way of life. 78 What is most disturbing is to see corporate values now also being implemented in First Nations schools without consideration for the threat they pose to our survival as a people. 79 Not surprisingly, this trend also reflects, complements, and promotes the growing influence of corporate interests in governments and around the world, including First Nations. 80 That so many First Nations have fallen for the ploy of corporate interests as the cure for poverty is worrisome, considering that Indigenous poverty has been the direct consequence of corporate values of profit and exploitation run amok, i.e., the theft and rape of Indigenous lands and resources worldwide. 81

In the sociocultural arena, colonial schools have also rather consciously set out to eradicate essential indigenous social values of non-interference, responsibility, community, and respect for all beings. 82 In its emphasis on (methodological) individualism, rights, competition, deference to authority, and hierarchical order, the hidden curriculum of public schools maintains a steadfast assault on the essence of indigenous social systems. 83 Indeed, whenever a Native person is taught using a language of the colonizers (English or French) as the medium of instruction, the reproduction of western social values and worldviews is virtually guaranteed through the structures, norms, and ideologies implicit in colonial languages. 84 In the matter of spirituality or cosmology most people are unaware just how fundamentally antithetical Judeo-Christian views of the world are to traditional indigenous worldviews. While Indigenous Peoples tend to view themselves and all of creation as part of an interconnected source of life, endowed with power and spirit, 85 Judeao-Christians see power and spirit as a single entity (God) existing outside of, and somehow having dominion over creation. This latter conception of the world gave colonizing powers the perfect tool of empire insofar as it offered a rationale to exploit the natural world and the natural peoples within it. Where Indigenous people stood in the way of this exploitation required that they either be killed or removed, or that their views regarding the sacredness of the land be abolished or repressed so that their lands could literally be desecrated (made not sacred), appropriated, and exploited. In this need to abolish or destroy the indigenous world-view lay the most important rationale for "educating" Indigenous Peoples. 86 That traditional Native spiritual practices and beliefs have survived in the face of massive efforts to eradicate them is credit to those "stubborn" individuals who managed to avoid or resist schooling. Indeed, there has been in recent years, an open and conscious effort in many Native communities and schools to maintain or revive traditional ceremonies and practices. 87 Still much doubt remains as to how fully the ideology of the connectedness of life and the sacredness of the earth may be comprehended by young people as long as such practices remain only peripheral adjuncts to the central "hidden curriculum" of a school, so thoroughly do schools steep young people today in mainstream economic, political, and social values. As long as this paradox remains unaddressed, the practice of traditional ceremonies in school may be more window-dressing than substance. Indeed, there is a real danger that it may be exploited by schools to give the impression of Native content, when, in fact, it is little more than a facade, colonialism masquerading in the ultimate disguise - the ceremonies of Native spirituality, itself. 88

Neocolonialism While many of the paradoxes in Native education can be attributed to the continuing reality of external (colonial) domination, it would be impossible to understand all the paradoxes without recognizing the related phenomena of internalized colonialism and neocolonialism. The reality is that when oppressed

people are educated in the institutions of the colonizer, they are often easily co-opted, however unconsciously, into working in the interest of the colonizer. Today it is not likely that any teacher, Aboriginal or not, would openly advocate the eradication of Native language or culture, yet the effect can be the same when a Native teacher in training is immersed in the ideology of the dominant culture and trained only to use English or French language curriculum in a Native school. When that teacher returns to teach his/her own people the cultural reproduction of mainstream ideology is assured, and the unspoken, but clear, message couched in an English or French curriculum and language of instruction that Native languages are neither important nor useful. It is such subtle ways that the old colonial agendas of cultural and linguistic imperialism are maintained today. 89 Without the support and cooperation of co-opted individuals (known also as neo-colonial elites or compradors), the colonization of Native peoples could not have occurred in the past, and could not continue in the present. It is the very means by which the colonizing power (i.e. Canada) continues to maintain power and control over the colonized and their education systems, with the added advantage of not appearing to be doing so. It is an essential way in which communities are deterred from exercising the full range of options before them. 90 It is largely because of neocolonialism that many communities under the Indian Control of Indian Education have accepted or even insisted on Euro-Canadian teachers, curriculum and language of instruction for their schools. The sad irony is that in doing so, these schools have become almost mirror images of non-Native schools, and just as assimilative and genocidal. It is in this way that the ICIE dream of Native schools as vehicles for cultural survival has been undermined, and even perverted. 91 A large part of the blame for this phenomenon of neocolonialism must be laid at the feet of Native teacher education programs (NTEPs), which proliferated universities across the country in the wake of the ICIE policy. Though begun with the laudable intention of increasing Aboriginal participation in formal education, these programs played an integral role in the process by which Native teachers-to-be often became unwitting participants in the colonial agenda of assimilation. This outcome, however, was virtually unavoidable considering that universities have always been institutions of the immigrant society, which is predominantly Anglo-conformist and linguicist. As Dr. Roland Chrisjohn has pointed out, "...existing Canadian colleges and universities 1) unquestioningly assume the ideology of western civilization and 2) enforce adherence to that ideology in both subtle and obvious ways." 92 Except for the NTEP in Iqualuit, which offered Inuktitut as the language of instruction, 93 most NETPs provided virtually the same training as that provided to non-Natives. Somewhat later many NETPs began to incorporate courses in Native languages, culture and pedagogy as part of the program of study, and some even conducted courses in the communities; but still, the cultural content was little more than an add-on to a fundamentally Euro-Canadian curriculum. 94

A prime example of the institutional racism inherent in most Canadian universities is that until recently there were no NETPs outside of the north, which offered training for teachers to teach in the medium of an indigenous language. The consequence has been that even native teachers fully conversant in their own languages and cultures are being indoctrinated to utilize primarily Euro-Canadian methods, curriculum, and languages in their teaching. 95 Considering that such learning is also laden with a hidden curriculum of alien values and ideologies antithetical to the most fundamental Native values, the genocidal nature of such Native teacher-training practices, as with most university programs for Native People becomes clear. 96 By understanding the workings of neocolonialism it is possible to begin to comprehend why Native education continues to be such a dramatic failure. First of all, the institution of education in North America has been so successful in reproducing the dominant culture and its unequal social system that precious few, even in the immigrant society, ever consider alternatives, and when they dare to do so they are branded as radicals or misfits, and marginalized. 97 Secondly, there is an elitism about education that leads people to relegate decision-making and positions of authority in education to those already educated in the system. This tendency has a way of limiting the voices that are heard either to those who are the most indoctrinated, or to those with the greatest vested interest in not changing the status quo, the colonial and neo-colonial elites. As such the voices of the community people generally do not get heard. 98 Even though some NTEPs may consciously address these contradictions the problem is that Native teachers will still be assimilated to varying degrees as long as institutions that are essentially Euro-Canadian continue to provide the bulk of teacher-training. There is also the problem that even where courses in Native culture are taught in teacher training they tend to be taught more as subjects, than as medium through which teaching and learning ought to occur in a Native community. In this way they ensure that Native culture in community schools will, likewise, be marginalized and treated as an add-on at best -- the cultural-inclusion model as opposed to the culturally-based model of education. 99

Towards Liberation For Aboriginal People to understand their oppression and the role they play in it is the first step towards liberation. In the case of Native teacher education there is no more poignant acknowledgment of this necessity than the remark of one Native educator who noted a few years ago that the worst decline in the languages indigenous to Saskatchewan had occurred during the previous twenty years, the very period that he had been involved in Native teacher training, and the very period that newly trained Native teachers had taken charge of education in their communities. That the same can be said of Native languages across the land is a huge indictment of the NTEPs. 100

To recognize that the destruction of our cultures and languages still goes on today is to recognize that colonialism still exists as part of a world system that exploits the lands and labors of Indigenous Peoples all over the world. Not to recognize colonialism, teach about it, work to expose and dismantle it, is to ensure that it will survive. 101 It is no coincidence, then, that the wealthy few, who alone benefit from colonialism also loudly deny its existence. Their strategy to ensure that they can continue to exploit the lands and labors of others is not only to deny is existence, but also to make most people believe, by way of "education" and propaganda, that they are powerless, dependent, and through some internal fault of their own, deserve to be exploited. Indeed, it is the drive of the wealthy and powerful to maintain their wealth and power that gave rise to the Ideology of the Meritocracy in the first place. Just as racism was overtly used in the past to justify the exploitation of millions of people, so is the Ideology of the Meritocracy openly employed today to rationalize the gross inequalities that still exist in society. 102 A starting point in the struggle of Indigenous Peoples for liberation, therefore, is not only to understand this connection between colonialism and the Ideology of the Meritocracy, but also to expose that ideology for what it is -merely ideology. One criterion advanced by William Ryan to expose that ideology in the workings of social programs is whether or not decision-making is done by a "few experts" or by "the population that is supposedly benefiting from the program." 103 Where Aboriginal education is concerned, decision-making is clearly done by a few experts sitting in federal and provincial offices, often with the assistance of Aboriginal elites. What is not so obvious is what extent privileged elites are also able to control decision-making in Aboriginal education by controlling information and discourse and by promoting certain underlying assumptions, particularly the Ideology of the Meritocracy. 104 In the area of Native education this monopoly over decision-making is maintained through the collaboration of governments, universities and multi-national corporations who together write the "standard account" versions of history, do the evaluations of Native children and schools, and do the educational testing and research that verifies the Ideology of the Meritocracy. As the very institutions with the greatest interest in maintaining the status quo, universities, governments and multi-national corporations often work hand in glove staffing and funding each other, while profiting handsomely. Best of all they get to exercise an "invisible hand" in training, research, and decision-making under the guise of science and academic respectability (as in the case of the Hawthorn Report of 1966). 105 Another criterion advanced by Ryan to evaluate social programs is whether or not solutions are remedial or preventative and promotive. 106 Those studies that propose remedial solutions currently represent the bulk of studies in Native education. Their focus is on such things as special tutoring, Aboriginal teacher aides, special counselors, teacher awareness, drug and alcohol programs, mentors, etc. Most assume that there is nothing wrong with the system, but rather with the individuals within it. 107 The challenge for those wishing to bring about meaningful change in Native education is to understand

these "solutions" as symptomatic of methodological individualism, the Ideology of the Meritocracy, and pressure from the elites in society to prevent real change in the status quo. If we want substantial change we need to look beyond the individual, personal and internal, (i.e., deficient children) to society and the colonial systems which first created the problems. What are the "preventative" steps advocated by Ryan that could be taken to serve the interest of liberating Native education? Most importantly, perhaps, Aboriginal educators could be teaching our children how not to be exploited and that our poverty is not our fault, but rather, the fault of those who stole our lands, our resources, and our way of life. For Aboriginal People to learn these basic facts is the first step in our liberation, it would require a very self-conscious analysis of the processes and ideologies of colonialism, itself, literally a curriculum on colonialism and it would mean developing critical thinking skills to enable students to look beyond the colonial smoke-screens and disguises that have hidden the truth in history and current realities. It would mean putting the words "liberation" and "decolonization" into the language of schooling. Indeed, it would be one of the most important subjects that educators could teach if they truly care to serve the people, and not the wealthy and powerful elites. 108 For Aboriginal educators not to do so is to accept then mantle of neocolonialism. 109 William Ryan's suggestion that institutions should also be "promotive" of true equality and "fair-sharing" of resources is a clear mandate, if one is needed, for Aboriginal educators to throw out existing Euro-Canadian curriculum, and to rewrite the curriculum at all levels and in all subject areas based on Aboriginal values, particularly those of sharing, equality, respect and consensus. 110 Although traditional lifestyles on the land may no longer be completely possible for many First Nations People, it does not mean that Native cultural values and practices are obsolete or irrelevant. Not only are these values and practices valid today, they are essential for the survival and liberation of all creation, and must, therefore, be respected and nurtured. Who will do it if we do not? 111 While some educators, such as John Taylor Gatto and Jeannette Armstrong, advocate for less schooling and more "real" education in life, 112 there are many Aboriginal educators who believe that not only is schooling still necessary for teaching such necessary skills as reading, writing and arithmetic, but that once greatly modified, schooling holds much promise as a tool of liberation, particularly as an important means through which the unique " orientation and knowledge" of our peoples can survive. 113 Of course, this vision assumes that Aboriginal people can successfully wrest their education systems from the impediments of colonial control, for only then can it be grounded in, shaped by, and controlled by the people. Only then can a people expect "to exist in continuity of themselves into the future". A liberating curriculum for Aboriginal People means more than putting Native language in education114, but rather putting education in the language. This necessity derives from the realization that there can be no liberation in the language of the colonizer, 115 for an understanding of the world in one culture is only partially translatable in the language of another. It is even less so when the world-view of one culture is radically different from that of another, as is the case

of Indigenous and Euro-Canadian cultures. What was, hence, motivating the colonial effort to eradicate Native languages was in fact an effort to radically alter and assimilate the way Aboriginal people would come to understand the world? For educators, then, to presume to teach Aboriginal children their culture through the medium of English or French is not only misguided, it is fraudulent and imperialistic. To presume to teach culture and language separately is to disembody both, and is as destructive as it was to impose English or French in the first place. 116 These realizations that have generated increasing international recognition of the need for education in the mother tongue (also known as immersion education). 117 For indigenous people there are many compelling rationales for immersion education. Most important is the critical need to save the many indigenous languages that are on the verge of disappearing from the face of the earth. What is absolutely clear is that the add-on approach to teaching Native languages in English or French schools has not worked, either to maintain or to revive fluency rates in Native children. Indeed, the severest losses in fluency have occurred in the last two or three decades, in spite of Native language courses in the schools. In light of this reality and the fact that most Native languages in Canada now have no speakers under thirty or forty years of age, there is no realistic option but immersion, for it is the only kind of language program guaranteed to produce fluency in children in the shortest time. Unless communities act now while fluent speakers are still young enough to teach in the mother-tongue, they will soon discover that they have no fluent people, young enough, either to teach, or to teach in, their languages. 118 A second rationale for Native language immersion stems from the fact that English (or French in Quebec) is omnipresent. Unlike the days of our grandparents, children in North America now learn the dominant language no matter what, through television, movies, Internet, magazines and other media. The rule of thumb for ensuring that children will become fully bilingual in a bilingual community is to choose the language least likely to be learned, as the language of instruction. In the case of First Nations in most areas of Canada that language is the Aboriginal language. 119 A third rationale for immersion is the growing body of research illustrating that education in the mother tongue promotes not only language survival but also academic success. The explanation for this is that by developing full linguistic proficiency in comprehending, speaking, reading, and writing in the mother-tongue, children are better prepared to learn a new language since the basic language learning skills are already honed and readily transferable. Having cultivated a facility with learning new languages, 120 which in turn enhances their prospects for a fulfilling life. 121 A fourth rationale for immersion comes from research showing that children educated in their mother-tongue tend to develop a strong sense of their collective identity, hence a strong sense of self-esteem. Since success in any endeavor depends on having strong self-esteem, it makes excellent educational sense to promote immersion, as opposed to submersion education in which

Native children generally exhibit low self-esteem and a corresponding tendency towards academic failure. 122 A final rationale relates to the ease with which a Native language is learned in an immersion setting, even where parents no longer speak the language of the community. In using the mother tongue as a means for learning all things, rather than learning the language as a subject to be studied, it becomes a gift rather than a burden. 123 To advocate for the mother-tongue as the medium of instruction is not to underestimate the importance of community approaches to language survival and revival, just that an immersion program in the school is an essential starting point for the effect it can have on boosting the image of a neglected language. In addition to the fact that it creates peer groups of child-speakers, it also promotes language usage in other aspects of community life by stimulating non-speakers to learn, and by reopening channels of communication between elders and the young, thus ensuring our future as a people. To institute the mother tongue as the language of instruction is probably the most important act of self-determination that we can choose. 124 To continue on the present path of operating schools in the language of our oppressors is to ensure that our children will grow up feeling that our language is less important and less useful than English or French no matter how many in school or after school language classes we offer. It will also ensure that tongue-tongue usage becomes increasingly limited to smaller and smaller aspects of our lives, and to fewer and fewer, older speakers, (as is already happening), until there will be no one left to speak the language. In spite of the influence of residential schools and prevalent linguistic "wisdom", 125 the idea of immersion now seems to be proving itself in a wide variety of settings, which makes it a compelling alternative to present systems of submersion education and widespread academic failure. 126 Thanks to the work of a handful of dedicated individuals there is also a growing body of research on immersion, and a number of handbooks available for communities wishing to implement it. 127 What has to happen now is for parents and teachers to be made aware of the research, particularly the fact that education in the mother tongue increases children's chances of success in school, as well as their chance of leading fulfilling lives beyond. Why these new findings are not more widely promoted is suspect, considering the horrendous levels of failure in Native education at present, the price of which is borne not only by Native communities, but also by Canadian society as a whole. While it may appear expensive to institute educational programs in the mother tongue, there is little doubt that the promise they hold in terms of improved academic performance and school completion alone would mean enormous financial savings in the long run, not to speak of the benefits to Native cultures, people and nations. 128 That immigrant society school systems have also badly failed, vis-à-vis their own under-classes, should be proof enough of their inability to adequately address Aboriginal educational needs, at all. The question that now needs to be asked is, how much longer are we going to focus on trying to "fix" public schools,

and condemn Aboriginal children to such a system? Or require Native teachers and teacher aides to soften the blow? As one writer has said "to perpetuate a system that so traumatizes and alienates a kid that he sits in a classroom and eats his shirt cuffs is to perpetuate a form of child abuse." 129 There has been considerable movement in the last few years, on the matter of creating legislation enabling First Nations to exercise greater control over education, notably in Nunavut, Manitoba, and Nova Scotia. 130 At the same time, however, there has been no real increase in funding, only a shifting of funds to allow for the establishment of new bureaucracies to implement the legislation. While new bureaucracies may tend to attract neo-colonial elites, it is now becoming clear that a nation-wide Aboriginal structure of some sort will be necessary to organize, develop, and manage First Nations education from pre-school to post-secondary, including teacher training and certification, if we are to make a genuine move away from the current colonial system.133 In light of declining financial support from the Canadian government in recent years, 132 and the intransigence of Canadian courts in acknowledging Aboriginal claims to land and resources, 133 it is clear that Aboriginal People will need to find ways both to pool their resources and to put collective pressure on the Canadian government for the wherewithal to realize substantial change in Native education. One thing is clear, however, and that is that where there has been a determination to achieve a measure of decolonization in education, there have been notable results, usually without enabling legislation, and often without significant financial outlays from the state. 134 That this is so is to the credit of particular communities, and not of the government; but at the same time, it should not be used to let the federal government "off the hook", either. In the first place, Canada has a responsibility over and above its fiduciary obligations to make resources available to Native Peoples, a responsibility stemming from both the Constitution and Canada's complicity in past genocide, including its role in the residential schools and its appropriation of Native lands and resources. 135 Because of these realities Canada has a responsibility also to seek the fine line between termination and liberation. On the one hand, it must not be allowed to wash its hands of Native Peoples, as it has wanted to do since the White Paper of 1969; 136 on the other, it must refrain from all forms of control while making available all the necessary natural and financial resources for Native nations to take on the responsibilities of liberation for themselves. In addition to providing resources, Canada has a responsibility not to meddle in, or manipulate, the process of liberation. While self-determination is essential to liberation, it must come on terms designed by and acceptable to First Nations People. It most clearly will not come through the establishment of new bureaucracies or structures subordinated to provincial or federal governments, as proposed in the Report of the Royal Commission, as this would merely perpetuate colonial relationships. 137 Indeed, the whole process of liberation is a little like the chicken and egg puzzle. On the one hand, there will probably never be true self-determination for Native People until education itself is liberated, for it is very likely that only those children who have the opportunity of experiencing a liberated education will have

all the requisite tools for self-determination as adults. On the other hand, for communities to engage in this task of liberation in education pre-supposes a measure of self-determination that is at present constrained by federal, provincial, as well as financial and ideological strictures. 138 This is where the need for legislation may apply, though it is more likely that the legislative action needed pertains less to creating new, so-called "enabling" legislation, and more to tearing down constraining legislation, mandating respect for Native cultures and languages, and providing necessary resources. 139 While the Canadian state could become far more pro-active and responsible than it has been in the matter of liberation for native People, such is not likely to be the case in a society so fundamentally colonial as Canada. 140 Ultimately, it is Native Peoples, themselves, who hold the keys to their own liberation. The reality is that it is not something that the state gives to an oppressed people, for "colonialism never gives anything away for nothing." 141 As elders might say, we cannot depend on the wolf or anyone else to save us from the great white bird. Only the people, themselves, can do it. Most just do not realize that they can. END NOTES 1.) I first heard this story from Darryl Nicholas, who had heard it from an elder in Alberta about two decades ago. We have tried in vain to determine the name and community of the elder so that permission could be asked and he could be acknowledged. I apologize to that unknown elder for retelling his story, but it is so relevant today and such a beautiful teaching that it begs to be passed on. I hope that its retelling here does justice to the original, and I offer it in gratitude to the people from whom it originated. 2.) Minister of Indian and Northern Development, "Statement of Reconciliation: Learning from the Past," with Gathering Strength: Canada's Aboriginal Action Plan. Ottawa: 1998. See also Chrisjohn, Roland and Sherri Young with Michael Maraun, The Circle Game: Shadows and Substance in the Indian Residential School Experience in Canada. Penticton, BC: Theytus Books, 1997, pp. 5 and 16-25, for an analysis of the rhetoric in the apologies regarding residential schools. 3.) The Native dropout rate for 1991 is from the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, "Education," in Gathering Strength. vol. 3. Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996, pp.436-444,47; Mackay, Ron and Lawrence Myles, "A Major Challenge for the Education System: Aboriginal Retention and Dropout," in M. Battiste and J. Barman, eds., First Nations Education in Canada: The Circle Unfolds. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1995, pp.159; Kirkness, Vema J. and Sheena Selkirk Bowman, First Nations and Schools: Triumphs and Struggles. Toronto: Canadian Education Association, 1992, p.18. 4.) The national rate of incarceration for Aboriginal People stands at about 12 percent for males and 17 percent for females, even though Aboriginal People are only 3 and 1/2 percent of the total population in Canada. David Cayley, "Aboriginal Justice," in CBC radio series on "Prison and its Alternatives," on Ideas. February 27, 1997. See also Hull, Jeremy, "Socioeconomic Status and Native Education in Canada," Canadian Journal of Native Education. vo1.17(1), 1990, pp.I-14; Randhawa, Bikkar S., "Inequalities in Educational Opportunities and Life Chances," in T. Wotherspoon, ed., Hitting the Books: The Politics of Educational Retrenchment. Toronto, Garamond Press, and Saskatoon, Social Research Unit, Department of Sociology, University of Saskatchewan, 1991, pp.143-144. 5.) See Gerber, L. M., "Community Characteristics and Out-Migration from Canadian Indian Reserves:

Path Analyses," The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology:. vol. 21(2), 1984, pp.145-165; Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, "Economic Development," in Restructuring the Relationship. Volume 2. Part 2. Report of the Roval Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996, pp.803-6. 6.) Contenta, Sandro, "Linguistic Genocide: The Killing of Native Languages in Canada," Our Schools/Our Selves, vol. 4(3), May/June 1993, pp. 34-39; Kinkade, M.D., "The Decline of Native Languages in Canada," in R.H. Robins and E.M. Uhlenbeck, eds., Endangered Languages. New York: Berg, 1991, pp. 157-176; Fettes, Mark, "Life on the Edge: Canada's Aboriginal Languages Under Official Bilingualism," in Thomas Ricento and Barbara Burnaby, eds., Language and Politics in the United States and Canada: Myths and Realities. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1998, pp.1l7-149; Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, "Arts and Heritage," Gathering Strength. vol. 3. Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996, pp.604-609. 7.) See Hawthorn, H.B., A Survey of the Contemporary Indians of Canada: Economic. Political. Educational Needs and Policies. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1966-67; Charleston, Mike, ed., Tradition and Education: Towards a Vision of Our Future. Ottawa: National Indian Brotherhood, Assembly of First Nations, 1988, the recommendations from which are reproduced in Kirkness, Vema J. and Sheena Selkirk Bowman, First Nations and Schools: Triumphs and Struggles. Toronto: Canadian Education Association: 1992, pp. 113-120; Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, "Education," in Gathering Strength. vol. 3. Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996, pp.433-584. 8.) See McKenzie, Brad, and Peter Hudson, "Native Children, Child Welfare, and the Colonization of Native People," in Kenneth L. Levitt and Brian Wharf, The Challenge of Child Welfare. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1988, pp. 125-141; Green, Joyce A., "Toward a Detente with History: Confronting Canada's Colonial Legacy," International Journal of Canadian Studies. vol. 12, Fall 1995, pp.83-1O5;Adams, Howard, The Tortured People: The Politics of Colonization. Penticton, Theytus Books, 1995; Monture-Angus, Patricia, Journeying Forward: Dreaming First Nations' Independence. Halifax, Fernwood, 1999. 9.) Indeed, this thesis is not new. In a world wide context many thinkers have identified education as both the primary tool and "last bulwark" of colonialism. See Panikkar, Raimundo, "Present-Day University Education, and World Cultures," Interculture, vo1.18(3),July-September 1985, p.5; Camoy, Martin, Education as Cultural Imperialism. New York: David Mckay Co. Inc., 1974. Others have picked up on this theme to detail the central role of colonialism in Indigenous education in what is now the United States. See Iverson, Catherine, "Civilization and Assimilation in the Colonized Schooling of Native Americans," in Altbach, Philip and Gail Kelly, eds., Education and Colonialism. New York: Longmans, 1978, p.149; Noriega, Jorge, "American Indian Education in the United States: Indoctrination for Subordination to Colonialism," in M. Annette Jaimes, The State of Native America: Genocide. Colonization. and Resistance. Boston: South End Press, 1992, pp.371-379. 10.) Only a few writers have addressed the issue in a serious way. See Gustafson, Robert Walker, The Education of Canada's Indian People: An Experience in Colonialism," MA Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1978; Chrisjohn, Roland and Sherri Young with Michael Maraun, The Circle Game: Shadows and Substance in the Indian Residential School Experience in Canada. Penticton, BC: Theytus Books, 1997. 11.) See Archibald, J., "Resistance to an Unremitting Process: Racism, Curriculum, and Education in Western Canada," in J. A. Mangan, ed., The Imperial Curriculum: Racial Images and Education in the British Colonial Experience. London: Routledge, 1993; Kirkness, Vema, "Indian Education: Past, Present and Future," Aurora, Fall 1987, pp.19-26; Maina, Faith, "Culturally Relevant Pedagogy: First Nations Education in Canada," The Canadian Journal of Native Studies, vo1.17(2), 1997, pp.295-298; and Stiffarm, Lenore A., ed., As We See....Aboriginal Pedagogy. Saskatoon: University Extension Press, University of Saskatchewan, 1998, especially articles by Wally Isbister, pp. 80-83, Angelina Swan, pp. 50-51; and Mary Anne Lanigan, pp. 103-106.

12.) Freire, Paulo, Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum, 1983:28,51,64; Freire, Paulo, Education for Critical Consciousness. New York: Continuum, 1994. 13.) See Horsman, Reginald, Race and Manifest Destinv: The Origins of American Racial Anglo- Saxonism. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981; Drinnon, Richard, Facing West: The Metaphvsics of Indian Hating and Empire Building. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980; Bolaria, B. Singh, and Peter S. Li, Racial Oppression in Canada. Toronto: Garamond Press, 1988,pp. 7-40; Davies, Alan, Infected Christianity: A Studv of Modem Racism. Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1988. 14.) See Chrisjohn, Roland and Sherri Young with Michael Maraun, The Circle Game: Shadows and Substance in the Indian Residential School Experience in Canada. Penticton, BC: Theytus Books, 1997, pp. 1-48. See also Churchill, Ward, A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial in the Americas 1492 to the Present. Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring, 1998; Grinde, Donald A and Bruce E. Johansen, Ecocide of Native America: Environmental Destruction of Indian Lands and Peoples. Santa Fe: Clear Light Publishers, 1995; Shkilnyk, Anastasia, A Poison Stronger than Love: The Destruction of an Oiibwav Communitv. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1990. 15.) See for example Freire, Paulo, Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum, 1983, pp.55,140; Noriega, Jorge, "American Indian Education in the United States: Indoctrination for Subordination to Colonialism," in M. Annette Jaimes, The State of Native America: Genocide. Colonization and Resistance. Boston: South End Press, 1992, pp. 371-9; Memmi, Albert, The Colonizer and the Colonized. Boston: Beacon Press, 1965; Lipsky, Suzanne, Internalized Racism. Seattle: Rational Island Publishers, 1987. 16.) Kakfwi, Steve, "The Schools," in Mel Watkins, ed., The Dene Nation: The Colony Within. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977, pp.143. Kakfwi is currently premier of the Northwest Territories. 17.) Fanon, Frantz, The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1963, pp.145. 18.) See for example Tinker, George, Missionary Conquest: The Gospel and Native American Cultural Genocide. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993; Leacock, Eleanor Burke, "Montagnais Women and the Jesuit Program for Colonization, "in M. Etienne and E.B. Leacock, eds., Women and Colonization: Anthropological Perspectives. New York: Praeger, 1980, pp.25-42; Stevenson, Winona, "The Red River Indian Mission School and John West's 'Little Charges,' 1820-1833," Native Studies Review, vol. 4, 1988, pp.129-166; Fisher, A.D., "A Colonial Education System; Historical Changes and Schooling in Fort Chipewyan," Canadian Journal of Anthropology. voI.2(l), Spring 1981, pp. 37-44. . 19.) See Altbach, Philip G. and Gail P. Kelly, Education and Colonialism. New York and London: Longman, 1978, ppA-18. 20.) See Johnston, Darlene, The Taking of Indian Lands in Canada: Consent or Coercion? Saskatoon: University of Saskatchewan, Native Law Centre, 1989; McGee, Harold Franklin, "White Encroachment on Micmac Lands in Nova Scotia, 1830-1867," Man in the Northeast, vol. 8, 1974, pp.57-64; Clark, Bruce, "Eclipse and Enlightenment," unpublished legal opinion, Listuguj, 1996; Bear Nicholas, Andrea, "The St. John River Society and the Dispossession of the Maliseet People," paper in process. 21.) See Tobias, John L., "Protection, Assimilation, Civilization: An Outline History of Canada's Indian Policy," in J.R. Miller, Sweet Promises: A Reader on Indian-White Relations in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991, pp. 127-143; Iverson, Katherine, "Civilization and Assimilation in the Colonized Schooling of Native Americans," in Altbach, Philip and Gail Kelly, Education and Colonialism. New York: Longmans, 1978, pp.150; Nock, David, "The Social Effects of Missionary Education: A Victorian Case Study," in Nelsen, Randle W. and David A. Nock, eds., Reading, Writing and Riches: Education and the Socio-Economic Order in North America. Toronto:

Between the Lines, 1978, pp. 233-250; Kellough, Gail, "From Colonialism to Economic Imperialism: The Experience of the Canadian Indian," in John Harp and John Hofley, eds., Structured Inequalitv in Canada. Scarborough: Prentice-Hall of Canada, 1980. 22.) See Chrisjohn, Roland and Sherri Young with Michael Maraun, The Circle Game: Shadows and Substance in the Indian Residential School Experience in Canada. Penticton, BC: Theytus Books, 1997, ppAO-60; Fingard, Judith, "The New England Company and the New Brunswick Indians, 1786-1826:A Comment on the Colonial Perversion of British Benevolence," Acadiensis, vol. 1(2), 1972, pp. 29-42; Miller, JR, Shingwauk's Vision: A Historv of Native Residential Schools. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996, pp. 39-88; Milloy, John S. A National Crime: The Canadian Government and the Residential School System: 1879-1986. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1999. 23.) See Battiste, Marie, "Micmac Literacy and Cognitive Assimilation," in Jean Barman, Yvonne Hebert, and Don McCaskill, Indian Education in Canada, vol. 1, The Legacy. Vancouver: UBC, 1986, pp. 23-44; Lahache, Louise, "What Language Does Mother Earth Speak? Aboriginal Peoples and Canadian Language Policies, “Canadian Centre for Linguistic Rights Bulletin, vol. 3(2), 1996, pp. 9-15; Geherin, Christopher D., Vanishing the Indian: Assimilation, Education, and the Program to Eliminate American Indian Languages. MA Thesis, Michigan State University, 1994. 24.) See Horsman, Reginald, "Scientific Racism and the American Indian in the Mid-Nineteenth Century," American Ouarterly, vol. 27, 1975, pp. 152-167; Nock, David A., A Victorian Missionary and Canadian Indian Policy: Cultural Synthesis as Cultural Replacement. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1988, p. 92; Ahern, Wilbert, "Assimilationist Racism, Journal of Ethnic Studies, volA, 1976, pp. 23-32. 25.) See Washburn, Wilcomb, "Philanthropy and the American Indian," Ethnohistory, 1968, PP. 43-66. 26.) See Venne, Sharon Helen, comp., Indian Acts and Amendments, 1868-1975:An Indexed Collection. Saskatoon: University of Saskatchewan, Native Law Centre, 1981, PP. 1-15; Barron, FL, "A Summary of Federal Indian Policy in the Canadian West, 1867-1984," Native Studies Review, Vol. 1, 1984,pp. 28-29. See also Carstens, Peter, The Oueen's People: A Study of Hegemony, Coercion and Accomodation among the Okanagans of Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991; Pettipas, Katherine, Severing the Ties that Bind: Government Repression of Indigenous Religious Ceremonies on the Prairies. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1994. 27.) See Johnston, Darlene, "First Nations and Canadian Citizenship," in William Kaplan, ed., Belonging:: The Meaning and Future of Canadian Citizenship. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993, pp.70-72; Bear Nicholas, "Citizenship Education and Aboriginal People: The Humanitarian Art of Cultural Genocide," Canadian and International Education, voI.25(2), December 1996, pp.59-107; Parenti, Michael,"The Nature of Orthodoxy," Power and the Powerless. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1978, pA7. 28.) Bryce, P.R., *The Story of a National Crime: An Appeal for Justice to the Indians of Canada. Ottawa: James Hope and Sons Ltd., 1922; Milloy, John, "A National Crime" The Canadian Government and the Residential School System. 1879-1986. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1999, pp. 90-98. See also Knockwood, Isabelle, Out of the Depths: The Experiences of Mi'kmaw Children at the Indian Residential School at Shubenacadie. Lockport, NS: Roseway Publishing, 1992; Furniss, Elizabeth, Victims of Benevolence: Discipline and Death at Williams Lake Residential School. 1891-1920. Williams Lake: Cariboo Tribal Council, 1992. 29.) See note 23 above, and Tschanz, Linda, Native Languages and Government Policies: An Historical Examination. London: University of Western Ontario, 1980. See also Nock, David, A Victorian Missionary and Canadian Indian Policy: Cultural Synthesis vs. Cultural Replacement. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1988.

30.) Geherin, Christopher D., Vanishing the Indian: Assimilation, Education, and the Program to Eliminate American Indian Languages, MA Thesis, Michigan State University, 1994, p.81. See also Henderson, Sakej, "Governing the Implicate Order: Self-Government and the Linguistic Development of Aboriginal Communities," in Sylvie Leger, ed., Linguistic Rights in Canada: Collusions or Collisions? Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Linguistic Rights, University of Ottawa, 1994, pp.285-316 31.) See Phillipson, Robert, "Linguicism: Structures and Ideologies in Linguistic Imperialism," in ~Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove, and Jim Cummins, Minority Education: From Shame to Struggle. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, Ltd., 1988, pp. 339-358; Phillipson, Robert and Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove, Linguicism Rules in Education. Roskilde: Roskilde University Centre, Institute VI, 1986, pp. 42-72; Day, R.R., "The Ultimate Inequality: Linguistic Genocide," in N. Wolfson and J. Manes, eds., Language ofIneQualitv. Berlin: Mouton, Contributions to the Sociology of Language 36, 1984, pp. 163-181. 32.) See Coates, Ken, "A Very Imperfect Means of Education: Indian Day Schools in the Yukon Territory, 1890-1955," in J. Barman and D. McCaskill, Indian Education in Canada. vol. 1, The Legacy. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1986, pp. 132-147. See also Hamilton, W.D., The Federal Indian Day Schools of the Maritimes. Fredericton: The Micmac-Maliseet Institute, 1986, which describes these schools in relatively glowing terms; and Cloney, Robert John, Doctor, Lawyer, Indian Chief...: Dependency among the Maliseet and the Impact of the Indian Act. MA thesis, Halifax, Saint Mary's University, 1993, which suggests that the main problem with the schools was that they were segregated. 33.) lng, N. Rosalyn, "The Effects of Residential Schools on Native Child-Rearing Practices," Canadian Journal of Native Education. Special Supplement to vol. 18, 1991; Cariboo Tribal Council, "Faith Misplaced: Lasting Effects of Abuse in a First Nations Community," Ibid., vol. 18(1), 1991, pp. 161-197; Assembly of First Nations, Breaking the Silence: An Interpretive Study of Residential School Impact and Healing as Illustrated by the Stories of First Nations Individuals. Ottawa: Assembly of First Nations, 1994; Deiter, Constance, From our Mother's Arms: The Intergenerational lmpact of Residential Schools in Saskatchewan. Toronto: United Church Publishing House, 1999; Chrisjohn, Roland D., "A Page Turned All Too Quickly: A Response to Gathering Strength," 1998., Treaty 7 Tribal Council. 34.) See Chrisjohn, Roland and Sherri Young with Michael Maraun, The Circle Game: Shadows and Substance in the Indian Residential School Experience in Canada. Penticton, BC: Theytus Books, 1997, pp. 40-60. On the rhetoric of "residential school syndrome," see Ibid.. pp. 1-6 and 81-106, and on the schools as total institutions see pp. 4 and 68-76. 35.) See Chalmers, John, "Federal, Provincial and Territorial Strategies for Canadian Native Education, 1960-1970," Journal of Canadian Studies. vol. 11(3), August 1976, p. 42. See also Leslie, John, "A Historical Survey of Indian-Government Relations, 1940-1970," Paper prepared for the Royal Commission Liaison Office, 1993. * 36.) See Miller, J.R., Shingwauk's Vision: A Historv of Native Residential Schools. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996, pp. 375-443; Brookes, Sonia, "The Persistence of Native Education Policy in Canada," in John Friesen The Cultural Maze: Comolex Ouestions on Native Destiny in Western Canada. Calgary: Detselig, 1991, p. 169; Wotherspoon, Terry, "Indian Control or Controlling Indians? Barriers to the Occupational and Educational Advancement of Canada's Indigenous Population," in T. Wotherspoon, ed., Hitting the Books: The Politics of Educational Retrenchment. Toronto: Garamond Press, and Saskatoon: Social Research Unit, Department of Sociology, University of Saskatchewan, 1991:264-6; Indian Affairs Branch, Department of Citizenship and Immigration, *A Review of Activities, 1948-1958, pp. 23-24. 37.) For statistics see Frideres, James S., "Native People and Canadian Education," in Terry Wotherspoon, ed., The Political Economy of Canadian Schooling. Toronto: Methuen, 1987, p. 280; "Tuition Agreement between the Minister of Immigration and Citizenship and the Fredericton Board of

School Trustees," June 11, 1965. In New Brunswick and most provinces prior to 1968 tuition agreements were signed by the Federal government (Indian Affairs) and individual school boards. Individual bands were not included in the negotiations. After 1967 the school boards were no longer involved in any agreements. Instead, the agreements were made directly between the Department of Indian Affairs and the Provincial Governments. For an American point of view that likely had an influence on Canadian policy, see Beatty, Willard W., Education for Cultural Change. Chilocco, Oklahoma: Department of Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1953. 38.) See note 27 Supra. and Bear Nicholas, "Citizenship Education and Aboriginal People: The Humanitarian Art of Cultural Genocide," Canadian and International Education. vol. 25(2), December 1996, p.72; Bartlett, R.H., "Citizens Minus: Indians and the Right to Vote," Saskatchewan Law Review. vol. 44,1979, pp. 163-194. See also Indian Affairs Education Division, "The Education of Indian Children in Canada," The Canadian Superintendent. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1965. It is now clear that Canada's rush to impose citizenship on First Nations People was even less philanthropic than earlier thought, for it was really intended to close off any claims against Canada by Native People (who would now be citizens and unable to bring a case against their own government) under the Covenants on Civil and Political Rights which were due to come into force in 1965. Chrisjohn, Roland, "Canadian Government did Engage in Genocide," The Brunswickan, 12 November 1999. 39.) Fanon, Frantz, The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1963, p. 137. See also Daniels, E.R., "A.S.T.A. Studies Possible Integration of Indian Students in Top Provincial Systems," Alberta School Trustee, vol. 27(23), May 28, 1967; Simpson, D.W., "Together or Apart - Today's Dilemma in Indian Education," Indian Education, No. 2(3-4), 1972; Chalmers, John, "Federal, Provincial and Territorial Strategies for Canadian Native Education, 1960-1970," Journal of Canadian Studies, vol. 11(3), August 1976, pp. 37-46; Denhoff, P. "Integration in the Eye of the Storm," Arbos, vol. 4(19), 1968. 40.) See Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove, "Multilingualism and the Education of Minority Children," in Skutnabb- Kangas, Tove, and Jim Cummins, Minoritv Education: From Shame to Struggle. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, Ltd., 1988, pp. 22-27; Fisher, Anthony D., "Tacit Racism," Canadian Journal of Native Education. vol. 7(3),1980, pp. 2-15; Philips, Susan U., "Indian Children in Anglo Classrooms," in Nessa Wolfson and Joan Manes, eds., Language of Inequalitv. Berlin: Mouton, 1985, pp. 311-323; Kirkness, V.J., "Prejudice about Indians in Textbooks,"Journal of Reading, vol. 20(7),1977, pp. 595-600. 41.) Hawthorn, H.B., A Survev of the Contemporary Indian of Canada: Economic. Political. Educational Needs and Policies. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1966-67. See also Bowd, Alan D., Ten Years After the Hawthorne Report: Changing Psychological Implications for the Education of Canadian Native Peoples," Canadian Psvchological Review, vol. 18(4), 1977, pp. 332-334; Titley, Brian, "The Hawthorn Report and Indian Education Policy," Indian Ed: Canadian Journal of Native Education. vol. 7(2),1979, pp.lO-13; Clifton, Rodney A., "Indian Education: A Reassessment of the Hawthorne Report," Indian Ed: Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 7(2), 1979, pp. 2-9; Weaver, Sally, "The Hawthorn Report: Its Use in the Making of Canadian Indian Policy" in N. Dyck, and J. Waldram, Anthropology. Public Policv and Native Peoples in Canada. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993, pp. 75-97. 42.) The most well-known and articulate formulations of this reaction were the "Red Paper," by the Alberta Indian Association, and the Uniust Society (Edmonton: M.L. Hurtig Ltd., 1970) by a young Cree, now Dr. Harold Cardinal. See "Statement of the Government of Canada on Indian Policy," 1969; Indian Chiefs of Alberta, Citizens Plus. A Presentation bv the Indian Chiefs of Alberta to the Right Honourable P.E. Trudeau. Prime Minister. June 1970; Cardinal, Harold, The Uniust Society. Edmonton, M.L. Hurtig Ltd., 1969, republished Vancouver, Douglas and McIntyre Ltd., 1999; Weaver, Sally M., Making Canadian Indian Policy: The Hidden Agenda 1968-1970. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981; Barsh, Russell L., "Canada's Aboriginal Peoples: Social Integration or Disintegration?" Canadian Journal of Native Studies, vol. 14(1), 1994, pp. 1-46. 43.) See House of Commons Debates, October 8, 1971, cols, 8545-48, 8580-85; Canadian Heritage,

Multiculturalism: Respect. EQualitv.Diversitv: Program Guidelines. Ottawa: Multiculturalism Canada, 1998; Cummins, Jim, and Marcel Danesi, "Lifting the Multicultural Veil: The Manufacture of Canadian Identity," in Heritage Languages: The Development and Denial of Canada's Linguistic Resources, Our Schools! Our Selves, Feb. 1980, pp. 9-22; Kallen, E., "Multiculturalism: Ideology, Policy and Reality, Journal of Canadian Studies, vol. 17, 1982, pp. 51-63; Verne, Etienne, "Multicultural Education Policies," in Centre for Educational Research and Innovation, Multicultural Education. Paris: Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development, 1987, pp. 26-63. 44.) Frideres, J., "Indians and Education: A Canadian Failure," Manitoba Journal of Education. vol. 7(2), May-June 1972, pp. 27-30. 45.) See Note 3 Supra. See also Wehlage, G. and R. Rutter, "Dropping Out: How Much do Schools Contribute to the Problem?" Teachers College Record, vol. 87, 1987, pp. 374-392; Chrisjohn, Roland D., You Have to be Carefullv Taught: Special Needs and First Nations Education: A Report to the National Indian Education Council. Ottawa: The Assembly of First Nations, and the Chiefs' Council on Education, May 1999. The same heavy-handed approach to assimilation characterized the government's take-over of Native education across the north in the late 1940s and 50s. See Paine, Robert, "The Path to Welfare Colonialism," in Robert Paine, ed., The White Arctic: Anthropological Essays on Tutelage and Ethnicity. St. John's, Newfoundland: Institute of Social and Economic Research, Memorial University, 1977, pp. 7-28; Milloy, John, "Northern and Arctic Assimilation," in "A National Crime" The Canadian Government and the Residential School System. 1879-1986. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1999, pp. 239-257. 46.) See Satzewich, Vic and Linda Mahood, "Indian Agents and the Residential School System in Canada, 1946-1970," Historical Studies in Education, vol. 7(1), 1995, pp. 45-69; Persson, Diane, "The Changing Experience of Indian Residential Schooling: Blue Quills, 1931-1970," in Jean Barman et al, Indian Education in Canada. Volume 1. The Legacy. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1986, pp. 150-168; Bashford, Lucy and Hans Heinzerling, "Blue Quills Native Education Centre: A Case Study," in Jean Barman et aI, Indian Education in Canada. Volume 2. The Challenge. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1987, pp. 126-141. \,

47.) See National Indian Brotherhood, Indian Control of Indian Education: Policy Paper presented to the Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. Ottawa: National Indian Brotherhood, 1972; Brookes, Sonia, "The Persistence of Native Education Policy in Canada," in John Friesen The Cultural Maze: Complex Ouestions on Native Destiny in Western Canada. Calgary: Detselig, 1991, pp. 175-176; Kirkness, Vema J. and Sheena Selkirk Bowman, First Nations and Schools: Triumphs and Struggles. Toronto: Canadian Education Association: 1992,pp. 14-17. 48.) Chretien, Jean, *Statement Made to the Standing Committee on Indian Affairs and Northern Development. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, May 24, 1973, in Indian Education, vol. 3(5), June 1973, pp. 7-11. 49.) Longboat, Dianne, "First Nations Control of Education: The Path to Our Survival as Nations," in Jean Barman et aI, Indian Education in Canada, Volume 2, The Challenge. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1987, pp.26. 50.) See Federation of Saskatchewan Indians, *Local Control of Indian Education in Saskatchewan, presented to Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau and Cabinet, Prince Albert: February 1975; Task Force on Educational Needs of Native Peoples, *Summary Report of The Task Force on the Educational Needs of Native Peoples of Ontario, Toronto: June 1976; Pauls, Syd, "The Case for Band Controlled Schools," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 12(1), 1984, pp. 31-37; Charleston, Mike, ed., Tradition and Education: Towards a Vision of Our Future. Ottawa: National Indian Brotherhood, Assembly of First Nations, 1988. 51.) For statistics see Indian and Northern Affairs Canada and Canadian Polar Commission, *1997-98

Estimates: A Report on Plans and Priorities: Pilot Document. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, p. 33. See also Morris, Joann Sebastian and Richard T. Price, "Community Educational Control Issues and the Experience of Alexander's Kipohtakaw Education Centre," in John Friesen, ed., The Cultural Maze: Complex Ouestions on Native Destiny in Western Canada. Calgary: Detselig, 1991, pp. 181-198; Longboat, Dianne, "First Nations Control of Education: The Path to Our Survival as Nations," in Jean Barman et al, Indian Education in Canada, Volume 2. The Challenge. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1987, pp. 34-38; Wotherspoon, Terry, "Indian Control or Controlling Indians? Barriers to the Occupational and Educational Advancement of Canada's Indigenous Population," in T. Wotherspoon, ed., Hitting the Books: The Politics of Educational Retrenchment. Toronto: Garamond Press, and Saskatoon, Social Research Unit, Department of Sociology, University of Saskatchewan, 1991, pp. 266-270. 52.) See Hall, Denis R., "FED-BOS: The Federally Controlled Band-Operated School and the No-Policy Policy," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 19(1), 1992, pp. 57-66; Taylor, John, "Non-Native Teachers Teaching in Native Communities," in Marie Battiste and Jean Barman, eds., First Nations Education in Canada: The Circle Unfolds. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1995, pp.224-242; Burnaby, Barbara, "Aboriginal Teaching Personnel: Contradictions and Dilemmas," in William Cowan, ed., Papers of the Twenty-Fourth Algonquian Conference. Ottawa: Carleton University, 1993, pp. 8-16. Indeed it may be that what has been termed "role-shock" in communities with supposedly "band-controlled" schools, may in fact be a very logical response to the sham of it all. See King, Richard "Role Shock in Local Community Control of Education," in Jean Barman et al, Indian Education in Canada. Volume 2, The Challenge. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1987, pp. 43-63. 53.) See Stairs, Arlene, "Learning Processes and Teaching Roles in Native Education: Cultural Base and Cultural Brokerage," in M. Battiste and J. Barman, eds., First Nations Education in Canada: The Circle Unfolds. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1995,pp. 39-153; Clarke, S. and M. MacKenzie, "Education in the Mother Tongue: Tokenism Versus Cultural Autonomy in Canadian Indian Schools, Canadian Journal of Anthropology, vol. 1(1), 1980, pp. 205-217; Gardner, Ethel, "Unique Features of a Band-Controlled School: The Seabird Island Community School," Readings in Aboriginal Studies, vol. 1. Human Services. 1991, pp. 135-6; Taylor, Donald M., Martha B. Crago and Lynn McAlpine, "Education in Aboriginal Communities: Dilemmas Around Empowerment," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 20(1), 1993, pp. 176-183; Kirkness, Vema, "Teaching Indian Languages in Canada," in Aboriginal Languages: A Collection of Talks and Papers. Vancouver: privately printed, 1998,pp. 62- 68. 54.) See Taylor, Donald M, Martha Crago, and Lynn, McAlpine, "Education in Aboriginal Communities: Dilemmas Around Empowerment," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 20(1),1993, pp. 176-183; "Indian Schooling: Education or Cultural Genocide?" Next Year Country, vol. 5(4),1978; Kirkness, Vema, "Indian Control of Indian Education: Over a Decade Later," in McCue, Harvey A., ed., Selected Papers from the First Mokakit Conference. 1984. Vancouver: Indian Education Research Association, 1986, pp. 74-79. 55.) See Brookes, Sonia, "The Persistence of Native Education Policy in Canada," in John Friesen The Cultural Maze: Complex Ouestions on Native Destiny in Western Canada. Calgary: Detselig, 1991. 56.) See Longboat, Dianne, "First Nations Control of Education: The Path to Our Survival as Nations," in Jean Barman et al, Indian Education in Canada. Volume 2. The Challenge. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1987, pp. 31-39; Kirkness, Vema J. and Sheena Selkirk Bowman, First Nations and Schools: Triumphs and Struggles. Toronto: Canadian Education Association, 1992, p. 20; Assembly of First Nations, Tradition and Education: A Vision of Our Future. Ottawa: 1988; McCue, Harvey, *An Analytical Review of First Nations Elementary-Secondary Education, unpublished manuscript, March 1999. 57.) See Richardson, Boyce, Strangers Devour the Land: A Chronicle of the Assault on the Last Coherent

Hunting Culture in North America. The Cree Indians of Northern Ouebec and their Vast Primeval Homelands. New York: Knopf, 1976; Preston, Richard, "The Cree Way Project: An Experiment in Grass-Roots Curriculum Development," W. Cowan, ed., Papers of the Tenth Algon QuianConference. Ottawa: Carleton University, 1979, pp. 92-101; Diamond, Billy, "The Cree Experience,"in Jean Barman et al, Indian Education in Canada. Volume 2. The Challenge. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1987, pp. 86-106. 58.) See National Indian Brotherhood, Indian Control of Indian Education, 1972, pp. 25-26. 59.) National Indian Brotherhood, Indian Control of Indian Education, 1972:6-10,18-20. 60.) See Longboat, Dianne, "First Nations Control of Education: The Path to Our Survival as Nations," in Jean Barman et al, Indian Education in Canada. Volume 2. The Challenge. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1987, pp. 22-42; Charleston, Mike, ed., Tradition and Education: Towards a Vision of Our Future. Ottawa: National Indian Brotherhood, Assembly of First Nations, 1988, the recommendations from which are reproduced in Kirkness, Vema J. and Sheena Selkirk Bowman, First Nations and Schools: Triumphs and Struggles. Toronto: Canadian Education Association, 1992, pp. 113-120. 61.) See Brady, Patrick, "Individual or Group Representation: Native Trustees on Boards of Education in Ontario," Canadian Journal of Native Education. vol. 19(1), 1992,pp. 67-72. See also Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, Review of First. Second. and Third Level Education Support Services in Newfoundland. New Brunswick. Ouebec. Saskatchewan and Alberta: Final Report. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, March 31, 1995, which seems to indicate that the Provinces spend per capita on Native education approximately what they receive in tuition, but these figures are not supported by any breakdowns, and they have not been made generally available to bands as part of any accountability to them. 62.) See Notes 40 and 45 Supra. and Ward, Angela, "The Role of Non-indigenous Teachers in Cross- Cultural Classrooms," Canadian Children. 1vol. 7(1), 1992, pp. 31-42. The explosion of interest in Aboriginal learning and pedagogical styles has been motivated, at least in part, by the misguided assumption that anyone can learn to teach like an Aboriginal person. Hence the proliferation of such works as Stiffarm, Lenore A., ed., As We See Aboriginal Pedagogy. Saskatoon: University Extension Press, University of Saskatchewan, 1998; and Leavitt, Robert M. and M. Celeste Merasty, Learning Styles of New Brunswick Native School Children: A Report to the New Brunswick Department of Education. Fredericton: Micmac-Maliseet Institute, University of New Brunswick, 1994. 63.) Chrisjohn, Roland D., You Have to be Carefully Taught: Special Needs and First Nations Education: A Report to the National Indian Education Council, The Assembly of First Nations, and the Chiefs' Council on Education. Ottawa, Assembly of First Nations, May 1999; Cummins, Jim, "Referral and Assessment of Minority Students: An Empirical Study, The Construct of'Learning Disability'" and "Underachievement Among Minority Children," in Bilingualism and Special Education: Issues in Assessment and Pedagogy. Austin: Pro-Ed, 1984, pp. 19-65,80-92,93-129; Breggin, Peter R. And Ginger Ross Breggin, The War Against Children of Color: Psychiatry Targets Inner City Youth. Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1998; Ginsburg, Herbert, The Myth of the Deprived Child: Poor Children's Intellect and Education. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1972. 64.) See notes 6, 23, and 26 Supra. See also Bear Nicholas, Andrea, "Integrated Education and the State of the Maliseet Language: Revitalization or Linguicide?" Papers from the 20th Meeting of the Atlantic Provinces Linguistic Association. 1996, Fredericton, 1997:3-5; Darnell, Frank and Anton Hoem, Taken to Extremes: Education in the Far North, Oslo, Stockholm, Copenhagen, Boston, Scandinavian University Press, 1996:182-4; Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, "Arts and Heritage," Gathering Strength. vol. 3. Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, Ottawa, Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996:609-12. 65.) See notes 6 and 30 supra. See also Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove, "Multilingualism and the Education of

Minority Children," in Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove, and Jim Cummins, Minoritv Education: From Shame to Struggle. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, Ltd., 1988, pp. 22-27; Snow, Catherine E. and Kenji Hakuta, "The Costs of Monolingualism," in James Crawford, Language Loyalties: A Source Book on the Official English Controversy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992, pp. 384-394. Only in the Northwest territories has there been any significant movement towards the ideals set out in ICIE in terms of local control over the integration process. For the most part this has been a consequence both of some visionary leaders and an Indigenous majority in most areas. With Inuit controlled school boards there have been great strides in Native control of teacher training, curriculum development and language programs using Inuktitut as the language of instruction. See Northwest Territories Legislative Assembly, Learning: Tradition and Change in the Northwest Territories. 1982; Colbourne, Eric, "Introduction to the Baffin Divisional Board," in Malcolm Farrow and David Wilman, eds., Self-Determination in Native Education in the Circumpolar North. Yellowknife: Government of the Northwest Territories, Department of Education, 1989. 66.) MacPherson, James C., MacPherson Report on Tradition and Education: Towards a Vision of Our Future. Ottawa: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 1991, pp. 10. See Charleston, Mike, ed., Tradition and Education: Towards a Vision of Our Future. Ottawa: National Indian Brotherhood, Assembly of First Nations, 1988, the recommendations from which are reproduced in Kirkness, Vema J., First Nations and Schools Triumphs and Struggles. Toronto: Canadian Education Association, 1992, pp. 113-120, especially Recommendation numbers 8,9, 11, 15,39. See also Longboat, Dianne, "First Nations Control of Education: The Path to Our Survival as Nations," in Jean Barman et al, Indian Education in Canada. Volume 2. The Challenge. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1987, pp. 22-42; Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, "Education," in Gathering Strength. vol. 3. Report of the Roval Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996, pp. 433-584. 67.) See Gatto, John Taylor, Dumbing Us Down: The Hidden Curriculum of Compulsory Schooling. Gabriola Island: New Society Publishers, 1992; Contenta, Sandro, Rituals of Failure: What Schools Reallv Teach. Halifax: Fernwood, 1993; Macedo, Donald P., "Literacy for Stupidification: The Pedagogy of Big Lies," Harvard Educational Review, vol. 63(2), Summer 1993, pp. 183-206; Parenti, Michael,"Social Role and Control," Power and the Powerless. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1978, pp. 117-118. 68.) See Chrisjohn, Roland and Sherri Young with Michael Maraun, The Circle Game: Shadows and Substance in the Indian Residential School Exoerience in Canada. Penticton, BC: Theytus Books, 1997, especially Chapter 6 and Appendix F; Chrisjohn, Roland D., *You Have to be Carefully Taught: Special Needs and First Nations Education: A Report to the National Indian Education Council, The Assembly of First Nations, and the Chiefs' Council on Education, Ottawa: May 1999, note 14; Young, M., The Rise of the Meritocracy. 1870-2033:An Essav on Education and Eaualitv. London: Thames & Hudson, 1958; Ryan, William, "Savage Discovery in the Schools," Blaming the Victim. New York: Vintage Books, 1976. That studies of Native education still tend to blame either Native dropouts, or their families, or their cultures, rather than the system (integration) and the imposition of English as the causes of high drop out rates in Native communities is an indication of continuing cultural and linguistic imperialism. See Dalley, Angus, *' To Develop an Empowerment Strategy to Strengthen High School Retention Rates in Two Aboriginal Communities: A Report on Process and Preliminary Findings. Fredericton, NB: 1999 69.) See Camoy, Martin, "Schooling and Society," and "Education for Development or Domination?" Education as Cultural Imperialism. New York: David Mckay Co. Inc., 1974, pp. 1-25,31-77; Bowles, Samuel and Herbert Gintis, "Education, Inequality and the Meritocracy," Schooling in Capitalist America and the Contradictions of Economic Life. New York: Basic Books, 1976, pp. 102-124; Bowles, S., "Unequal Education and the Reproduction of the Social Division of Labour," in Jerome Karabel & A.H. Halsey, Power and Ideology in Education. New York: Oxford University Press, 1977; Ryan, William, "Dishwashers Trained Here: Ideology and Education," in Equality. New York: Vintage Books, 1982.

70.) See Note 21 Supra. and Iverson, Katherine, "Civilization and Assimilation in the Colonized Schooling of Native Americans," in Altbach, Philip and Gail Kelly, Education and Colonialism. New York: Longrnans, 1978:149. See also Wotherspoon, Terry, "Indian Control or Controlling Indians? Barriers to the Occupational and Educational Advancement of Canada's Indigenous Population," in Wotherspoon, ed., Hitting the Books: The Politics of Educational Retrenchment. Toronto: Garamond Press, and Saskatoon: Social Research Unit, Department of Sociology, University of Saskatchewan, 1991, pp. 267-9; Haddad, Tony and Michael Spivey, "All or Nothing: Modernization, Dependancy and Wage Labour on a Reserve in Canada," The Canadian Journal of Native Studies, vol. 12(2), 1992, pp. 203-228; Kellough, Gail, "From Colonialism to Economic Imperialism: The Experience of the Canadian Indian," in John Harp and John Hofley, eds., Structured Inequality in Canada. Scarborough: Prentice-Hall of Canada, 1980. 71.) Chrisjohn, Roland and Sherri Young with Michael Maraun, The Circle Game: Shadows and Substance in the Indian Residential School Experience in Canada. Penticton, BC: Theytus Books, 1997, p. 66. See also "Indian Schooling: Education or Cultural Genocide," Next Year CountrY.vol. 5(4), 1978, pp. 24-28; Brookes, Sonia, "The Persistence of Native Education Policy in Canada," in John Friesen, ed., The Cultural Maze: Comvlex Ouestions on Native Destiny in Western Canada. Calgary: Detselig, 1991, pp. 179. See also Cajete, Gregory, Look to the Mountain: An Ecologv of Indigenous Education. Durango: CO, Kivaki Press, 1994, pp. 18, 217-218. 72.) See Mander, Jerry, "Indians Are Different from Americans," in In the Absence of the Sacred: The Failure of Technology and the Survival of Indian Nations. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1991,pp. 214-219; Vachon, Robert, "Western and Mohawk Political Cultures: A Study in Contrast," Interculture, vol. 25(1), Winter 1992; St. Clair, Robert N., "The Invisible Doors Between Cultures," in Jon Reyhner, ed., Teaching Indigenous Languages, Flagstaff, Northern Arizona University, 1997:287-291; Spielmann, Roger, 'You're So Fat!': Exploring Value Differences between Native and Non-Native People in Canada," in *'You're So Fat!' Exploring Ojibwe Discourse. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998, pp. 23-42. 73.) Mander, Jerry, "The Gift of Democracy," and "The Imperative to Destroy Traditional Indian Governments," In the Absence of the Sacred: The Failure of Technology and the Survival of Indian Nations. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1991, pp. 225-245 and 265-286; Churchill, Ward, "The Tragedy and the Travesty: The Subversion of Indigenous Sovereignty in North America," in Troy R. Johnson, ed., Contemporary Native American Political Issues. Walnut Creek: Altamira Press, 1999, pp. 17-71; Vachon, Robert, "Political Self- Determination and Traditional Native Indian Political Culture," Interculture, vol. 12(3), 1979,pp. 29-55; Boldt, Menno and J. Anthony Long, Tribal Traditions and European-Western Political Ideologies: The Dilemma of Canada's Native Indians," Canadian Journal of Political Science, vol. 17(30), 1984, pp. 537-553. 74.) See Friedenberg, Edgar Z., Deference to Authoritv: The Case of Canada. White Plains: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1980. 75.) See Lynes, David A., "Cultural Spirit and the Ethic of Bureaucracy: The Paradox of Cultural Administration," Canadian Journal of Native Studies, vol. 15(1), 1995, pp. 75-88; Taylor, Donald M., Martha B. Crago and Lynn McAlpine, "Education in Aboriginal Communities: Dilemmas Around Empowerment," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 20(1), 1993, pp. 176-183; Goddard, J.Tim, "Reversing the Spirit of Delegitimation," Canadian Journal of Native Studies, vol. 17(2), pp. 197, 215-225. 76.) See Note 27 Supra. See also New Brunswick Department of Education, Curriculum Development Branch, "Citizenship, Power, and Governance," Foundation for the Atlantic Canada Social Studies Curriculum. Halifax: Atlantic Provinces Education Foundation, 1998, pp. 16-17; Delpit, L.D., "The Silenced Dialogue: Power and Pedagogy in Educating Other People's Children," Harvard Educational Review, vol. 58(3), 1988, pp. 280-298; Parenti, Michael,"The Nature of Orthodoxy," Power and the Powerless. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1978, p. 47.

77.) Mauss, Marcel, The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies. New York: W.W. Norton, 1990; Sahlins, Marshall, Stone Age Economics. Chicago: Aldine Publishing, 1972; Vachon, Robert, "Dominique Temple on Economicide," Interculture, vol. 21(1), 1988, pp. 2-47; Wills, Richard H., Conflicting Perceptions: Western Economics and the Great Whale River Cree. Chicago: Tutorial Press, 1984. 78.) See Note 70 Supra. See also Overton, Jim, "The Business Quest for 'Total Re-Education' in Newfoundland," in Our Schools/Our Selves, vol. 8(6), Dec. 1997, pp. 94-116; Taylor, Alison, "From Boardroom to Classroom: School Reformers in Alberta," in Ibid., pp.117-127; Shaker, Erika, "Marketing to Captive Students: Corporate Curriculum in Ontario," Ibid., 9(1), Feb.-Mar. 1998, pp. 17-25; Robertson, Heather-Jane, No More Teachers, No More Books: The Commercialization of Canada's Schools. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Inc., 1998. 79.) Lipka, Jerry, "A Simulation: Native Corporation Business Ventures," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 14(2), 1987, pp. 27-41. 80.) Chomsky, Noam, Profit Over People: Neoliberalism and Global Order. New York: Seven Stories Press, 1999; Chomsky, Noam, Secrets, Lies and Democracy. Tucson: Odonian Press, 1994; Parenti, Michael,"The Organization of Wealth," in Power and the Powerless. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1978:59-60, and Democracy for the Few. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1977. 81.) See Notes 21 and 69 Supra. See also Slowey, Gabrielle, "Neoliberalism and the Project of Self- Government," in Dave Broad and Wayne Anthony, eds., Citizens or Consumers: Social Policy in a Market Society. Halifax: Fernwood, 1999, pp. 116-128; Garitty, Michael, "The U.S. Colonial Empire is as Close as the Nearest Reservataion: The Pending Energy Wars," in Holly Sklar, ed., Trilateralism: The Trilateral Commission or Elite Planning for Global Management. Boston: South End Press, 1980,pp. 238-268; Fixico, Donald L., The Invasion of Indian Country in the Twentieth Century: American Capitalism and Tribal Natural Resources. Niwot, Colorado: Colorado University Press, 1998. Ironically, this development in schools has occurred in spite of a growing critique of such trends in mainstream schools. See Barlow, Maude, "Class Warfare: The Assault on Canada's Schools," in Our Schools/Our Selves, vol. 5, 1994, pp. 77-94. 82.) Ross, Rupert, Dancing with a Ghost: Exploring Indian Reality. Markham, Ont.: Octopus Publishing Group, 1992; Brant, Clare, "Native Ethics and Rules of Behavior," Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, vol. 35(6), August 1990,p. 534; Bear Nicholas, Andrea, "Responsibilities Not Rights: A Native Perspective," in John McEvoy and Constantine Passaris, eds., Human Rights in New Brunswick: A New Vision for a New Century. Fredericton: New Brunswick Human Rights Commission, 1993, pp. 32-42. 83.) See Notes 76,77 Supra. See also Ogbu, J.U., "Cultural Discontinuities and Schooling," Anthropology and Education Ouarterly, vol. 12(4), 1982, pp. 1-10; Locust, Carol, "Wounding the Spirit: Discrimination and Traditional American Indian Belief Systems," Harvard Educational Review, vol. 58(3), 1988; Sterling, Robert and Yvonne Hebert, "Non-Authority in Nicola Valley Indian Culture and Implications for Education," in Samuel Corrigan, ed., Readings in Aboriginal Studies, vol. 3, World View. Brandon: Bearpaw, 1995, pp. 249-256. 84.) See Henderson, Note 30 Supra. See also Battiste, Marie, "Micmac Literacy and Cognitive Assimilation," in Jean Barman, Yvonne Hebert, and Don McCaskill, Indian Education in Canadi!,vol. 1, The Legacy. Vancouver: UBC, Press, 1986, pp. 23-44; Spielmann, Roger, You're So Fat! Exploring Oiibwe Discourse, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1998; Whorf, B.L., Language, Thought and Reality. New York: MIT Press, 195; Darnell, Regna, "The Language of Power in Cree Interethnic Communication," in Nessa Wolfson and Joan Manes, Language ofInequality. Berlin: Contributions to the Sociology of Languages, 1985, pp. 61-72. 85.) See Akwesasne Notes, Basic Call to Consciousness: The Hau de no sau nee Address to the Western

World. Summertown, TN: 1978; Deloria, Vine, Jr., "Relativity, Relatedness, and Reality," in Barbara Deloria, Kristen Foehner, and Sam Scinta, eds., Spirit & Reason: The Vine Deloria Reader. Golden, CO: Fulcrum Publishing, 1999, pp. 32-39; Little Bear, Leroy, "Aboriginal Relationships to the Land and Resources," in Oakes, Jill, Rick Riewe, Kathi Kinew, and Elaine Maloney oos., Sacred Lands: Aboriginal World Views, Claims. And Conflicts. Occasional Publication No. 43, Edmonton: Canadian Circumpolar Institute, University of Alberta, 1998, pp. 15-20. 86.) See Weber, Max, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism New York: Charles Scribner's and Sons, 1958; Davies, Alan, Infected Christianity: A Studv of Modern Racism Kingston and Montreal: McGill- Queens University Press, 1988; Tinker, George, Missionary Conquest: The Gospel and Native American Cultural Genocide. Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 1993; Pettipas, Katherine, Severing the Ties that Bind: Government Repression of Indigenous Religious Ceremonies on the Prairies. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1994. 87.) See Noriega, Jorge, "American Indian Education in the United States: Indoctrination for Subordination to Colonialism." in M. Annette Jaimes, The State of Native America: Genocide, Colonization and Resistance. Boston: South End Press, 1992, pp. 382-3; Haig-Brown, Celia, Kathy L. Hodgson-Smith, Robert Regnier and Jo-Ann Archibald, Making the Spirit Dance Within: Joe Duquette High School and an Aboriginal Community. Toronto: James Lorimer and Co., 1997, pp. 464-48; Regnier, Robert, "The Sacred Circle: An Aboriginal Approach to Healing Education at an Urban High School," in Marie Battiste and Jean Barman, eds., First Nations Education in Canada: The Circle Unfolds. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1995:313-329. 88.) See note 67 Supra. See also Miskimmon, Susanne, "The New Age Movement's Appropriation of Native Spirituality: Some Political Implications for the Algonquian Nation," in David H. Pentland, ed., Papers of the Twenty-Seventh Algonquian Conference. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 1996, pp. 205-211; Rose, Wendy, "Just What's All This Full About White Shamanism Anyway,' in Bo Scholer, ed., Coyote Was Here: Essays on Contemporarv Native American Literary and Political Mobilization. Arrhus Denmark: SEKLOS, University of Arrhus, 1984. 89.) For internalized colonialism, see Notes 15-19; for linguistic and cultural imperialism. Notes 27, 34-36; for cultural reproduction, Note 76; and for the conflict between Native and Euro-Canadian ideologies, Notes 80-95. 90.) See notes 15-17 Supra. See also Adams, Howard, "Maintaining Colonization Under Neocolonialism," in A Tortured People: The Politics of Colonization. Penticton: Theytus Books, 1995:143-204; Altbach, Philip and Gail Kelly, "Neocolonialism: The Highest Stage of Colonialism," in Education and Colonialism. New York: Longmans, 1978, pp. 42-43; Altbach, Philip G., "Education and Neocolonialism: A Note," Comparative Education Review, vol. 15(3), Oct. 1971:237-239; Parenti, Michael,"Social Role and Social Control," Power and the Powerless. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1978, pp. 124-126. 91.) See Note 71 Supra. See also Kirkness, Verna, "Indian Education: Past, Present and Future," Aurora, Fall 1987, p. 25; Phillipson, Robert, Tove Skutnabb-Kangas and Hugh Africa, "Namibian Educational Language Planning: English for Liberation or Neocolonialism? in Spolsky, Bernard, Language and Education in Multilingual, Settings. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, vol. 25, 1986, pp. 77-95. 92.) Chrisjohn, Roland, *Retaining Indigenous Students in Post-Secondary Programs, What Means for Whose Ends? A Challenge Paper for the Council of Ministers of Education. CMEC Website, October 1998. 93.) Paulet, Robert, "Special Education Programs for Northern Native Teachers," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 14(2), 1987, pp. 15-26; Wilman, David, "Teacher Training in the Canadian Eastern Arctic," in Malcolm Farrow and David Wilman, eds., Self-Determination in Native Education in the Circumpolar North. Iqaluit: Northwest Territories, 1989, pp. 87-103. .

94.) Wyatt, June, "Native Teacher Education in a Community Setting: The Mount Currie Program," Canadian Journal of Education, vol. 2(3), 1977, pp. 1-14; Clarke, Sandra and Marguerite MacKenzie, *Indian Teacher Training Programs: An Overview and Evaluation. Unpublished manuscript, ca. 1980; Grant, Agnes, "The Challenge for Universities," in M. Battiste and J. Barman, eds., First Nations Education in Canada: The Circle Unfolds. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1995, pp. 208-223. 95.) See Cummins, Jim and Marcel Danesi, "Lifting the Multicultural Veil: The Manufacture of Canadian Identity," in Heritage Languages: The Development and Denial of Canada's Linguistic Resources. Our Schools/Our Selves. February 1980, pp. 16-17; Churchill, Ward, "White Studies: The Intellectual Imperialism of Contemporary U.S. Education," Integrated education, vol. 19(1-2), 1982, pp. 51-57; Clarke, Sandra and Marguerite MacKenzie, "Indian Teacher Training Programs: An Overview and Evaluation." Unpublished manuscript, ca. 1980. A number of Native language teacher training programs now exist, notably at Lakehead and McGill. See Wilman, David, "Teacher Training in the Canadian Eastern Arctic," and Annahatak, Betsy and Doris Winkler, "The

Kativik - McGill University Teacher Training Program," in Malcolm Farrow and David Wilman, eds., Self-determination in Native Education in the CircumDolarNorth: Proceedings of the Seminar. Inuit Control of Inuit Education. Yellowknife: Government of the Northwest Territories, Department of Education, 1989, pp. 87-96 and 97-103.) Only one university, however, has instituted a Native language immersion teacher training certificate program, and that is St. Thomas University (Fredericton). 96.) See Hesch, Rick, "Cultural Production and Cultural Reproduction in Aboriginal Pre-Service Teacher Education," in Lorna Erwin and David MacLennan, eds., Sociolol!Vof Education in Canada: Critical PersDectives on Theorv. Research & Practice. Toronto: Copp Clark Longman Ltd, 1994, pp. 200-219; Chrisjohn, Roland, *Retaining Indigenous Students in Post-Secondary Programs: What Means for Whose Ends?: A Challenge Paper for the Council of Ministers of Education Canada. Unpublished paper, October 1998. Since the seventies there has been another model of Native teacher training that began with great hope. It is the autonomous NTEP, the fITst of which was established at the Saskatchewan Indian Federated College and affiliated with, but autonomous from, the University of Saskatchewan. For the most part this and other such NTEPs receive the usual government funding, follow the model of conventional NTEPs, and aim to meet provincial teacher certification requirements. Only in their increased emphasis on Aboriginal knowledge, teaching and learning styles do they differ much from the standard programs. That they have yet to make a significant impact on the overall quality of Native education suggests the need for more innovation away from existing models of teacher training. That these NTEPs have still been target of some of the same criticism befalling the standard NTEPs, including the charge of neocolonialism, illustrates the persistence of colonialism today, and the work that is still needing to be done. See Allison, Derek J., "Fourth World Education in Canada and the Faltering Promise of Native Teacher Education Programs," Journal of Canadian Studies, vol. 18(3), Fall 1983, pp. 102-118; Adams, Howard, A Tortured People: The Politics of Colonization. Penticton: Theytus Books, 1996. P. 167. 97.) See Macpherson, Norman J., "The Curriculum Wars," in Dreams and Visions: Education in the Northwest Territories from Earlv davs to 1984. Yellowknife: Department of Education, Government of the Northwest Territories, 1991, pp. 287-302; Densmore, K., "Professionalism, Proletarianization, and Teacher Work," in T.S. Popkewitz, ed., Critical Studies in Teacher Education: Its Folklore. Theorv and Practice. London, New York: Falmer Press, 1987, pp. 130-160; Smith, Page, Killin!!the Spirit: Higher Education in America. New York: Penguin Books, 1990; Parenti, Michael,"Social Role and Control," in Power and the Powerless, New York, St. Martin's Press, 1978, pp. 119-120. 98.) See Senese, Guy B., "Wrong Voices,"in Self-Determination and the Social Education of Native Americans. New York: Praeger, 1991, p. 155.

99.) See Stairs note 60 Supra. See also Deloria, Vine Jr., "Education and Imperialism," Integrateducation, vol. 19(1-2), January 1982:61-63. 100.) King, Cecil, "Cross Cultural Teacher Education: A First Nations' Perspective," Journal of Professional Studies, vol. 3(1), 1995, p. 8. 101.) Parenti, Michael,"The Organization of Wealth," Power and the Powerless. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1978, pp.59-60. 102.) See Notes 69 and 70 Supra. and Parenti, Michael,"The Legitimation of Class Dominance," Power and the Powerless. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1978, pp.90. 103.) Ryan, William, "Help the Needy and Show Them the Way," in Equality. New York: Vintage Books, 1982, pp. 105-120. 104.) Parenti, Michael, The Struggle for History, producer and date? (film) 105.) See Wilkinson, Gerald, "Educational Problems in the Indian Community, A Comment on Learning as Colonialism," Integrateducation, January-April, 1981, pp. 44-45; Churchill, Ward, "White Studies: The Intellectual Imperialism of Contemporary United States Education," Integrateducation, vol. 19(1-2), Jan. 1982.Pp. 51-57; Mathew, N., "Jurisdiction and Control in First Nations School Evaluation," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 7(2), 1990,pp. 96-113; Macedo, Donald P, "Literacy for Stupidification: The Pedagogy of Big Lies," Harvard Educational Review, vol. 17(2), 1990, pp. 43-53; Parenti, Michael, "The Class Interest of Institutions," Power and the Powerless. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1978, p. 148. 106.) Ryan, William, "Help the Needy and Show Them the Way," in Equality. New York: Vintage Books, 1982, pp. 105-120. See also Williams, Meredith, "Vygotsky's Social Theory of Mind," in Witgenstein. Mind and Meaning: Toward a Social Conception of the Mind, London, Routledge, 1999, pp. 260-281; and Chrisjohn, Roland and Sherri Young, "The Road from Error to Truth; Authentic Resistance to the Aftermath of Indian Residential Schooling," Appendix F in Roland Chrisjohn, and Sherri Young, with Michael Maraun, The Circle Game: Shadows and Substance in the Indian Residential School Experience in Canada. Penticton: Theytus Books, 1997, pp. 251- 306, in which a pattern of misrepresentation about residential schools is defined as a kind of template for evaluating also other opinions and solutions to problems facing Aboriginal People. 107.) For example see Dalley, Angus, *'To Develop an Empowerment Strategy to Strengthen High School Retention Rates in Two Aboriginal Communities': A Report on Process and Preliminary Findings. Fredericton: Fall 1999. 108.) See Note 103 Supra., and Bear Nicholas, Andrea, *Recommendations from Workshop on Changing the Curriculum to Decolonize our People. Hobbema, Alberta: National Aboriginal Education Forum, 1991; Freire, Paulo, Education for Critical Consciousness. New York: Continuum, 1994; Akwesasne Notes, Basic Call to Consciousness: The Hau de no sau nee Address to the Western World. Summertown, TN: Book Publishing Co., 1978; Churchill, Ward, "The Indigenous Peoples of North America: A Struggle Against Internal Colonialism," The Black Scholar, vol. 16(1), Feb. 1985. 109.) See Notes 89-99 Supra. and Altbach, Philip and Gail Kelly, "Neo-colonialism: The Highest Stage of Colonialism," in Education and Colonialism. New York: Longmans, 1978, pp. 42-43. 110.) See Archibald, Jo-ann, "Locally Developed Native Studies Curriculum: An Historical and Philosophical Rationale," in M. Battiste and J. Barman, eds., First Nations Education in Canada: The Circle Unfolds. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1995, pp. 288-312; Harper, Victor, "Learning from the Land to the School: The Bear Lake, Stevenson River Project," Networks, vol. 2(2), 1989; Maina, Faith, "Culturally Relevant Pedagogy: First Nations Education in Canada," Canadian Journal of Native Studies, vol. 17(2), 1997, pp. 293-314.

111.) See Thomas, R., "The Persistence of Native Values," Interculture, vol. 17(4), 1984; Freeman, M.R., "The Nature and Utility of Traditional Ecological Knowledge," Northern Perspectives, vol. 20(1), Summer 1992; Regnier, Robert, "Survival Schools as Emancipatory Education," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 14(2), 1987, pp. 42-53. The irony here is that there is a growing trend in the larger society towards promoting the very practices and values that are still being drummed out of Aboriginal children in public schools today. Such values and practices are evident in the cooperative movement and in some aspects of the home-schooling movement. See Hammond, Meryl and Rob Collins, One World. One Earth: Educating Children for Social Responsibility. Gabriola Island: New Society Publishers, 1998. 112.) Gatto, John Taylor, Dumbing Us Down: The Hidden Curriculum of Compulsorv Schooling. Gabriola Island: New Society Publishers, 1992, pp. 77. See also Note 97 Supra. and Armstrong, Jeannette, "Traditional Indigenous Education: A Natural Process," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 14(3), 1987, pp. 14-28. Audre Lord argues in Sister Outsider (Freedom, CA, Crossing Press, 1984, pp. 110-111) that one cannot tear down the house of oppression by using the tools of the master. 113.) See Cajete, Gregory, Look to the Mountain: An Ecology ofIndigenous Education. Durango, Colo: Kivaki Press, 1994, p. 219; Lipka, Jerry, "Integrating Cultural Form and Content in One Yup'ik Eskimo Classroom:4 A Case Study," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 17(2), 1990. pp. 18-32; Larose, Francoise, "Learning Processes and Knowledge Transfer in a Native Bush-Oriented Society: Implications for Schooling," Ibid., vo1.18(1), 1991, pp. 81-91.. 114.) See Kakfwi, Stephen, Footnote 19 Supra. and Longboat, Diane, "First Nations Control of Education: The Path to Our Survival," in Jean Barman, Yvonne Hebert, and Don McCaskill, Indian Education in Canada. vol. 2. The Challenge. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1987. Pp. 22-42. 115.) See Freire, Paulo, Pedagogy in Process: The Letters to Guinea-Bissau. New York: Seabury, 1978:126-7; Mateene, Kahombo, "Colonial Languages as Compulsory Means of Domination, and Indigenous Languages as Necessary Factors of Liberation and Development," in L. Mateene, ed., Linguistic Liberation and Unity of Africa. Publication 6, Kampala: OAU Inter-African Bureau of Languages, 1985, pp. 60-69; Polson, Gordon and Roger Spielmann, "'Fire in Our Hearts': Linguistic Hegemony and the First Nations of Canada," Native American Values: Survival and Renewal, Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan, Lake Superior State University Press, 1993:57-66. 116.) See Leon, S.D., ed., "Hal'qemeylem: A Case Study. Language is Culture. Culture is Language," Coqualeetza, Coqualeetza Center, 1988; Cornelius, Carol, "Language as Culture Preservation and Survival," Akwe:kon Journal, vol. 11(3-4), 1994, pp. 146-149; Fishman, Joshua, "What do You Lose When You Lose a Language? in G. Cantoni, Stabilizing Indigenous Languages, Flagstaff, AZ, A Center for Excellence in Education Monograph, Northern Arizona University, 1996; Henderson, Sakej, "Governing the Implicate Order: Self- Government and the Linguistic Development of Aboriginal Communities," in Sylvie Leger, ed., Linguistic Rights in Canada: Collusions or Collisions?, Ottawa, Canadian Centre for Linguistic Rights, University of Ottawa, 1993, pp. 285-316. 117.) See Hastings, W.K., The Right to an Education in Maori: The Case from International Law, Wellington, Victoria University Press, 1988; Centre for Human Rights, *The Rights ofIndigenous Peoples," Fact Sheet 9, United Nations Office, Geneva, 1989; Battiste, Marie, *You Can't Be the Doctor if You're the Disease: The Tenets of Systematic Colonialism in Canada. Unpublished Paper, nd. . 118.) See notes 6 and 23 Supra. See also Niedzielski, Henry Z., "The Hawaiian Model for the Revitalization of Native Minority Cultures and Languages," in Fase, Willem, Koen Jaspaert, and Sjaak Kroon, eds., Maintenance and Loss of Minoritv Languages. AmsterdamlPhiladelphia: John Benjarnins Publishing Co., 1992, pp. 369-384; Bear Nicholas, Andrea, "Integrated Education and the State of the Maliseet Language: Revitalization or Linguicide?" Papers from the 20th Meeting of the Atlantic Provinces Linguistic Association. 1996. Fredericton: 1997; Cantoni, Gina, "Keeping

Minority Languages Alive: The School's Responsibility," in Jon Reyhner, ed., Teaching Indigenous Languages. Flagstaff: Northern Arizona University, 1997, pp.I-9; Bauman, James J., A Guide to Issues in Indian Language Retention. Washington, DC: Center for Applied Linguistics, 1980, pp.6-13. 119.) See Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove, "Multilingualism and the Education of Minority Children," in Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove, and Jim Cummins, Minoritv Education: From Shame to Struggle. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, Ltd., 1988, pp. 36-37; Cohen, A.D., "The Case for Partial or Total Immersion," in A. Simoes, Jr., ed., The Bilingual Child. New York: Academic Press, 1976, pp.65-89; Lindholm, Kathryn J., "Two-Way Bilingual Immersion Education: Theory, Conceptual Issues, and Pedagogical Implications," in Raymond V. Padilla and Alfredo H. Benavides, eds., Critical Perspectives on Bilingual Education Research. Tempe, Ariz: Bilingual Press, 1992, pp. 195-220; Lambert, Wallace E., "The Development of Bilingual Literacy Skills: Experiences with Immersion Education," in Elisabetta Z. Sonino, Literacv in School and Society: Multidisciplinary Perspectives. New York: Plenum, 1989, pp.35-39. 120.) See Cummins, J., "Linguistic Interdependence and the Educational Development of Bilingual Children," Review of Educational Research, vol.49, 1979, pp. 222-251; Cummins, Jim, "The Role of Primary Language Development in Promoting Educational Success for Language Minority Students," in California State Department of Education, Schooling and Language for Minoritv Students: A Theoretical Framework. Los Angeles: National Dissemination Assessment Center, 1981, pp. 3-49; Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove, "Bilingualism, Cognitive Development and School Achievement," in Bilingualism or Not: The Education of Minorities. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, 1984, pp. 223-247; Carlisle, Robert S., "Influences of L1 Writing Proficiency on L2 Writing Proficiency," in DeVillar, Robert A., Christian J. Faltis, and James Cummins, eds., Cultural Diversitv in Schools: From Rhetoric to Practice. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994:161-187. 121.) Tomic, Olga Miseka, "Minority Language Maintenance and Learning as Instruments for Improving the Status of the Minority Group," in William Fase, Koen Jaspaert and Sjaak Kroon, eds., Maintenance and Loss of Minoritv Languages. AmsterdamlPhiladelphia: John Benjarnins Publishing Co., 1992, pp. 385-392; 122.) See Taylor, Don, *Carving a New Inuit Identity: The Role of Language in the Education of Inuit Children in Arctic Quebec. Montreal: Kativik School Board, 1990; Wright, S.C. and D.M. Taylor, "Identity and the Language of the Classroom: Investigating the Impact of Heritage vs. Second Language Instruction on Personal and Collective Self-Esteem," Journal of Educational Psvchology, vol. 87, 1995, pp. 241-252; Kativik School Board, Initiated Research: The Basis for Informed Decision-Making, 1998; Pepper, Floy C. and Steven L. Henry, "An Indian Perspective on Self-Esteem," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vo1.18(2), 1991, pp. 145-160. 123.) See Genesee, F., Learning Through Two Languages: Studies of Immersion and Billingual Education. Cambridge: Newbury House, 1987. 124.) Henderson, J.Y., Governing the Implicate Order: Self-Government and the Linguistic Development of Aboriginal Communities," in Sylvie Leger, Linguistic Rights in Canada: Collisions or Collusions? Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Linguistic Rights, University of Ottawa, 1994, pp. 285-316; Fettes, Mark, "Stabilizing What? An Ecological Approach to Language Renewal," in Jon Reyhner, ed., Teaching Indigenous Languages. Flagstaff: Northern Arizona University, 1997, pp. 301-318; Wilkinson, Gerald, "Educational Problems in the Indian Community, A Comment on

Learning as Colonialism," Integrated education, January -April, 1981, pp. 45,50; Grin, Francois, "The Economic Approach to Minority Languages," Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, vol. 11(1), 1990, pp. 153-173. 125.) See notes 23,29-31,40,64-65, and 84 Supra. See also Wong Fillmore, Lily, "Against Our Best

Interest: The Attempt to Sabotage Bilingual Education," in Crawford, James, ed., Language Lovalties: A Source Book on the Official English Controversy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992, pp. 367-376. For diverging views in the debate over Native language immersion programs see Kirkness, Verna, "Is Cultural Autonomy a Realistic Goal for the Survival of Aboriginal Languages?" in Aboriginal Languages: A Collection of Talks and Papers. Vancouver: privately printed, 1998, pp, 27-30; and Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, "Arts and Heritage," Gathering Strength, vol. 3, Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996, pp. 615-616. 126.) See Jacobs, Kaia'titahke Annette, "A Chronology of Mohawk Language Instruction at Kahnawa:ke," in Lenore A. Grenoble and Lindsay J. Whaley, eds., Endangered Languages: Current Issues and Future Prospects. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp. 117-125; McAlpine, Lynn and Daisy Herodier, "Schooling as a Vehicle for Aboriginal Language Maintenance: Implementing Cree as the Language of Instruction in Northern Quebec," Canadian Journal of Education, vol. 19(2), 1994, pp. 128-141; Greymorning, Steve, "Going Beyond Words: The Arapaho Immersion Program," in Jon Reyhner, ed., Teaching Indigenous Languages. Flagstaff: Northern Arizona University, 1997, pp. 22-30; Stiles, Dawn B., "Four Sucessful Language Programs," in Ibid., pp. 248-262. 127.) See Brandt, Elizabeth A. and Vivian Ayoungman, "Language Renewal and Language Maintenance: A Practical Guide," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 16(2), 1989, pp. 42-77; Fettes, Mark, A Guide to Language Strategies for First Nation Communities. Ottawa: Assembly of First Nations, 1992; Fishman, Joshua A., "What is Reversing Language Shift and How Can it Succeed?" Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development. vol. 111(1-2), 1990; Met, Mimi, "Teaching Content Through a Second Language," in Fred Genesee, ed., Educating Second Language Children: The Whole Child, The Whole Curriculum, the Whole Community. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994, pp. 159-182. 128.) See Snow, Catherine E. and Kenji Hakuta, "The Costs of Monolingualism," in James Crawford, ed., Language Loyalties: A Source Book on the Official English Controversy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992, pp. 384-394. 129.) Cora Weber-Pillwax in Carl Urion, "Big Pictures and Paradoxes," Canadian Journal of Native Education, vol. 19(1), 1992, pp. 1. See also note 70 Supra. and Locust, Carol, "Wounding the Spirit: Discrimination and Traditional American Indian Belief Systems," Harvard Educational Review, vol. 58(3), 1988:1-16; Macias, J., "The Hidden Curriculum of Papago Teachers: American Indian Strategies for Mitigating Cultural Discontinuity in Early Schooling," in G. Spindler and L. Spindler, eds., Interpretive Ethnography of Education at Home and Abroad. Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1987; Wyatt, J., "Native Involvement in Curriculum Development: The Native Teacher as Culture Broker," Interchange, vol. 8(1), 1978-9, pp. 17-28. 130.) See McCue, Harvey, *Self-Government Agreements and Jurisdiction in Education," Unpublished Manuscript; *Agreement Between the Inuit of the Nunavut Settlement Area and Her majesty the Queen in Right of Canada. Ottawa: Indian and Northern Affairs, Canada, 1993; *The Dismantling of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. The Restoration of Jurisdictions to First Nations Peoples in Manitoba and Recognition of First Nations Governments in Manitoba: Framework Agreement. December 7, 1994; *An Agreement with Respect to Mi'kmaq Education in Nova Scotia. 1997. 131.) See McCue, Harvey, *An Analytical Review of First Nations Elementary-Secondary Education. Unpublished paper, March 1999; Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, "Education," Gathering Strength. vol. 3. Report of the Roval Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996, pp. 500-534; Kirkness, Verna, "Aboriginal Languages Foundation: A Mechanism for Language Renewal," in Aboriginal Languages: A Collection of Talks and Papers. Vancouver: Privately printed, 1998, pp. 78-97; Assembly of First

Nations, *Towards Linguistic Justice for First Nations: The Challenge: Report on Aboriginal Languages and Literacy Conference. Unpublished Paper, Ottawa: 1991. 132.) Indian and Northern Affairs Canada and Canadian Polar Commission, *1997-98 Estimates: A Report on Plans and Priorities: Pilot Document. Ottawa, p. 23. 133.) See Clark, Bruce, *Eclipse and Enlightenment,"A Legal Opinion delivered at Listuguj in the Mi'gmaq Country. September 4, 1996; R. v. Sparrow (1990) 56 C.C.C.(3rd) 263 (S.C.C.); R. v. Delgamuukw, (S.C.C.), December 11, 1997; R. v. Marshall, (S.C.C.), September 17, 1999. 134.) See Note 126 Supra. and Hamilton, Graeme. "Nova Scotia Micmacs Setting Up Own Schools," New Brunswick Telegraph Journal, 9 January 1997, p. B13: McCaskill, D., "Revitalization of Indian Culture: Indian Cultural Survival Schools," in J. Barman, Y. Hebert and D. McCaskill, eds., Indian Eduation in Canada. vol. 2,*The Challenge. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1987, pp. 153-179. 135.) See note 2 Supra. and Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, "Displacement and Assimilation," "Residential Schools," and "Relocation of Aboriginal Communities," in Looking Forward. Looking Back. vol. 1. Report of the Roval Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996, pp. 136-148,333-409,411-543 and "Summary of Recommendations," in Renewal: A Twentv Year Commitment. vol. ~. pp. 143-147,174-196,219-31; Chrisjohn, Roland and Sherri Young with Michael Maraun, The Circle Game: Shadows and Substance in the Indian Residential School Experience in Canada. Penticton, BC: Theytus Books, 1997, pp. 110-111. 136.) See Rudnicki, Walter, "The Politics of Aggression: Indian Termination in the 1980s," Native Studies Review, vol. 3(1), 1987, pp. 81-93. 137.) See Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, "Governance," Restructuring the Relationship, vol. 1, part 2. 1996, pp. 353-382, and "Summary of Recommendations," Renewal: A Twentv Year Commitment, vol. 5. 1996, pp. 154-174.A similarly colonial proposal is the concept of regional education or language bureaucracies (secretariats), within provincial governments which will constitute simply another neocolonial structure of subordination, and as such, it will severely undermine the move towards full jurisdiction in education and/or linguistic autonomy at the community level, because of the ongoing financial, political, and ideological interests of the provinces in the subordination and assimilation of Native students. See Chrisjohn, Roland D., "You Have to be Carefully Taught: Special Needs and First Nations Education," A Report to the National Indian Education Council, The Assembly of First Nations, and the Chiefs' Council on Education," May 1999:3-7 for the dangers inherent in bureaucracies. See also Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, "Education," Gathering Strength. vol. 3. Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996, pp. 560- 565; Common, Ron and Lorrain Frost, Teaching Wigwams:A Modem Vision of Native Education, Muncey, Ontario, Anishinaabe Kendaswin Publishing, 1994,pp. 34-36. 138.) See Longboat, Diane, "First Nations Control of Education: The Path to Our Survival as Nations," in Jean Barman et aI., Indian Education in Canada. Volume 2. The Challenge. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1987, pp. 22- 42; Jordan, Deirdre, "Education and the Reclaiming of Identity: Rights and Claims of Canadian Indians, Norwegian Sami, and Australian Aborigines," in Ponting, J. Rick, ed., Arduous Journev: Canadian Indians and Decolonization. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1986, pp. 260-283; Goddard, J.T., "Reversing the Spirit of Delegitimation," Canadian Journal of Native Studies, vol. 17(2), 1997, pp. 215-225; Paquette, J., Aboriginal Self-Government and Education in Canada. Kingston: Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, Background Paper No.1 0, 1986. 139.) See "An Act to recognize the right and freedom of Aboriginal Peoples of Canada to Protection, Revitalization, Maintenance, and Use of their Languages and to Establish the Aboriginal Languages Foundation," working draft of a bill for the House of Commons of Canada, proposed by the First Nations Confederacy of Cultural Education Centers. Ottawa: July 1997; Nahanee,

Theresa, "Indian Challenges: Asserting the Human and Aboriginal Right to Language," in Sylvie Leger, ed., Linguistic Rights in Canada: Collusions or Collisions. Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Linguistic Rights, University of Ottawa, 1993, pp. 471-517; Corson, David, "Bilingual Education Policy and Social Justice," Journal of Education Policy, vol. 7(1), 1992, pp. 45-69; deVarennes, Fernand, "La Protection Constitutionnel des Droits Linguistiques des Autochtones," University of Moncton. Unpublished paper, 1994. 140.) See Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, "Education," Gathering Strength. vol. 3. Report of the Roval Commission on Aboriginal Peoples.Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996, pp. 540-60. 141.) Fanon, Frantz, The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1963, pp. 142.