Canada as Social Structure Social Network Analysis and...

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5/9/12 Can-Net-Final-30Ap01.htm 1/25 homes.chass.utoronto.ca/~wellman/publications/cansocstr/Can-Net-Final-30Ap01.htm Canada as Social Structure: Social Network Analysis and Canadian Sociology D.B. Tindall and Barry Wellman April 27, 2001 Address for D.B. Tindall: Department of Anthropology and Sociology University of British Columbia 6303 N.W. Marine Drive Vancouver, B.C. V6T 1Z1 Email: [email protected] Address for Barry Wellman: Centre for Urban & Community Studies University of Toronto 455 Spadina Avenue Toronto, Ont. M5S 2G8 Email: [email protected] In the Canadian Journal of Sociology, 26(3), Fall, 2001 Special issue on "The Legacy of Canadian Sociology," edited by Harry Hiller Please direct correspondence to the first author. CANADA AS SOCIAL STRUCTURE: SOCIAL NETWORK ANALYSIS AND CANADIAN SOCIOLOGY. English Abstract: We review the social network approach to structural analysis, give a brief historical sketch of its development in Canada and abroad, and provide an overview of Canadian contributions to this field. We review research in the following areas: personal communities, computer supported social networks, social capital (social mobility, social support, social exchange), cultural capital, structural social psychology (social comparison and evaluation, attitude formation), collective action (mobilization for collective action and social movements, interandintra movement dynamics), interorganizational and class relations, and world systems. We discuss the core contributions of network scholars, challenges faced by network researchers, and make suggestions for future lines of inquiry. We conclude that while social network analysis is undoubtedly an international enterprise, Canadian scholars have made core contributions on a number of fronts over the past two decades. French Abstract: Nous examinons la façon d'aborder l'analyse structurelle qui fait appel au «réseau social», donnons un aperçu historique de son évolution au Canada aussi bien qu'à l'étranger et donnons une vue d'ensemble des contributions canadiennes dans ce domaine. Nous passons en revue la recherche dans les domaines suivants: communautés personnelles, réseaux sociaux assistés par ordinateurs, capital social (mobilité sociale, soutien social, échange social), le capital culturel, la psychologie structurelle sociale (comparaison et évaluation sociales, formation des attitudes), action collective (mobilisation en vue de l'action collective et mouvements sociaux, dynamique à l'intérieur des mouvements aussi bien qu'entre eux), relations entre les organisations et les classes, et les systèmes mondiaux. Nous discutons des principaux apports des spécialistes des réseaux, ainsi que des défis auxquels sont confrontés les
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    CanadaasSocialStructure:

    SocialNetworkAnalysisandCanadianSociology

    D.B.TindallandBarryWellman

    April27,2001

    AddressforD.B.Tindall:DepartmentofAnthropologyandSociology

    UniversityofBritishColumbia6303N.W.MarineDriveVancouver,B.C.V6T1Z1

    Email:[email protected]

    AddressforBarryWellman:CentreforUrban&CommunityStudies

    UniversityofToronto455SpadinaAvenueToronto,Ont.M5S2G8

    Email:[email protected]

    IntheCanadianJournalofSociology,26(3),Fall,2001

    Specialissueon"TheLegacyofCanadianSociology,"editedbyHarryHiller

    Pleasedirectcorrespondencetothefirstauthor.

    CANADAASSOCIALSTRUCTURE:

    SOCIALNETWORKANALYSISANDCANADIANSOCIOLOGY.

    EnglishAbstract:

    Wereviewthesocialnetworkapproachtostructuralanalysis,giveabriefhistoricalsketchofitsdevelopmentinCanadaandabroad,andprovideanoverviewofCanadiancontributionstothisfield.Wereviewresearchinthefollowingareas:personalcommunities,computersupportedsocialnetworks,socialcapital(socialmobility,socialsupport,socialexchange),culturalcapital,structuralsocialpsychology(socialcomparisonandevaluation,attitudeformation),collectiveaction(mobilizationforcollectiveactionandsocialmovements,interandintramovementdynamics),interorganizationalandclassrelations,andworldsystems.Wediscussthecorecontributionsofnetworkscholars,challengesfacedbynetworkresearchers,andmakesuggestionsforfuturelinesofinquiry.Weconcludethatwhilesocialnetworkanalysisisundoubtedlyaninternationalenterprise,Canadianscholarshavemadecorecontributionsonanumberoffrontsoverthepasttwodecades.

    FrenchAbstract:

    Nousexaminonslafaond'aborderl'analysestructurellequifaitappelaurseausocial,donnonsunaperuhistoriquedesonvolutionauCanadaaussibienqu'l'trangeretdonnonsunevued'ensembledescontributionscanadiennesdanscedomaine.Nouspassonsenrevuelarecherchedanslesdomainessuivants:communautspersonnelles,rseauxsociauxassistsparordinateurs,capitalsocial(mobilitsociale,soutiensocial,changesocial),lecapitalculturel,lapsychologiestructurellesociale(comparaisonetvaluationsociales,formationdesattitudes),actioncollective(mobilisationenvuedel'actioncollectiveetmouvementssociaux,dynamiquel'intrieurdesmouvementsaussibienqu'entreeux),relationsentrelesorganisationsetlesclasses,etlessystmesmondiaux.Nousdiscutonsdesprincipauxapportsdesspcialistesdesrseaux,ainsiquedesdfisauxquelssontconfrontsles

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    chercheursdanscedomaine,etnousoffronsdessuggestionssurdefuturesavenuesderecherche.Nousconcluonsque,bienquel'analysedesrseauxsociauxsoitsansaucundouteuneentrepriseinternationale,lesspcialistescanadiensontfaitdesapportsfondamentauxsuruncertainnombredefrontsaucoursdesdeuxderniresdcennies.

    CANADAASSOCIALSTRUCTURE:

    SOCIALNETWORKANALYSISANDCANADIANSOCIOLOGY.

    Part1:TheSocialNetworkParadigm

    1.1Introduction

    Althoughpeopleoftenviewtheworldintermsofgroups(Freeman,1992),theyfunctioninnetworks.Innetworksocieties:boundariesaremorepermeable,interactionsarewithdiverseothers,linkagesswitchbetweenmultiplenetworks,andhierarchies(whentheyexist)areflatterandmorerecursive.Tobesure,socialnetworkshavealwaysbeenwithus,butwebelievethattheyareincreasinglysupplantingtraditionalgroups.Thechangefromgroupstonetworkscanbeseenatmanylevels.Tradingandpoliticalblocshavelosttheirmonolithiccharacterintheworldsystem(Friedmann,1991Frank,1998).Organizationsformcomplexnetworksofallianceandexchangeratherthancartels,andworkers(especiallyprofessionals,technicalworkers,andmanagers)reporttomultiplepeersandsuperiors(Richardson,1987CarrollandLewis,1991).Managementbynetworkisreplacingmanagementby(twoway)matrixaswellasmanagementbyhierarchaltrees(Berkowitz,1982Wellman,1988a,Castells,1996).

    Thesocialnetworkparadigmprovidestheoreticalandmethodologicaltoolsforcomprehendingthenatureofcontemporarysocieties.NotonlywasoneofthefirstcompendiumsofcaseanalyseslargelyproducedinCanada(WellmanandBerkowitz,1988),manyCanadianscholarshaveproducedimportantanalysesinthepasttwodecades.ThisreviewofrecentCanadianworkisorganizedintothreeparts.Inthisfirstpart,weprovideanoverviewofthesocialnetworkapproachtostructuralanalysis,includingabriefhistoricalsketchofitsdevelopmentinCanadaandabroad.Part2focusesoninterpersonalnetworks,andPart3focusesonlargescalenetworks.

    1.1aASocialStructuralApproach:Socialnetworkanalysisisthestudyofsocialstructureanditseffects.Itconceivesofsocialstructureasasocialnetwork,thatisasetofactors(nodes)andasetofrelationshipsconnectingpairsoftheseactors.Theactorscanbegroups,organizationsorevennationstatesaswellaspersons,andtherelationshipsareflowsofresourcesthatreflectrelationsofcontrol,dependence,andcooperation.Networkanalysis'scoreconcernistounderstandhowsocialstructuresfacilitateandconstrainopportunities,behaviours,andcognitions.Networkanalystsinvestigatepatternsofrelationshipsthatconnectmembersofsocialsystems,andhowthesepatternschannelresourcestospecificlocationsinsocialstructures.Theirbasicpremiseisthatknowledgeaboutthestructureofsocialrelationshipsenrichesexplanationsbasedonlyonknowledgeabouttheattributesofactors.

    Socialnetworkanalystsreasonfromwholetopart,fromstructuretorelationtoindividual,fromtiestobehaviour.Theparadigmisexplicitlyantireductionistic,studyingthepartsofasystembyanalyzingrelationsamongtheparts.Itisoftenmultilevel,examininghowlargerlevelorganizingprinciplesaffectindividualoutcomes,e.g.,fromstructuretorelationtoindividual(WellmanandFrank,2001).

    Thesocialnetworkparadigmprovideswaysforanalyststothinkaboutsocialrelationshipsthatdonotoccuringroupsorinisolatedtwopersonties(dyads).Agroupisreallyaspecialformofasocialnetworkthatisdenselyknit(mostnodesaredirectlyconnected)andtightlybounded(mostrelationsstaywithinthesamesubsetofnodes).Insteadofaneither/ordistinctionbetweengroupmembershipandsocialisolation,researcherscanbringtobearintheiranalysisasetofstructuralvariables.Networkanalystsasksquestionssuchashowdense,bounded,orclusteredanetworkiswhetheritisdiversifiedorconstrictedinitssizeandheterogeneityhownarrowlyspecializedorbroadlybasedareitsrelationshipshowdoindirectconnectionsandpositionsinnetworksaffectbehaviourandwhatarethestructuralcontextswithinwhichrelationshipsoperate?Oncethisperspectiveisadopted,thenitisclearthatcommunities,organizations,andworldsystemsaresocialnetworks.

    Socialnetworkanalysiscontrastswithpsychologisticexplanationsthattreatindividualsasindependentunitsofanalysisandanalyzebehaviourintermsofpsychologicalattributessuchasvaluesandattitudes.Socialnetworkdatasetsoftenincludeinformationaboutattributes,suchasage,gender,ethnicity,andbeliefs.However,networkanalysisdoesnottreatsocialsystemsasthesumofindividualattributes,butlinksattributedatawithrelationalandstructuraldata.Values,attitudesandnormsdevelopandareembeddedwithinastructuralcontextanditistheinterplaybetweenstructureandculturethatexplainsbehaviouraloutcomes.Networkanalystsuseethnographicandstatisticalmethodstoinvestigatepatterneddifferencesinhowpeoplearelinkedtodifferentkindsandamountsofresources.Clusteringtechniquesfindpatternsofconnectivityandcleavage,diffusionanalysestraceandmodelthespreadofinformation,blockmodelsidentifyactorsinsimilarstructuralpositions,andsimulationsmodelstructuraldynamics.Althoughsocialstructureshavepowerfulinfluencesonpeople'slives,networkanalystshavealsofocusseduponindividualsassocialagents:howpeopleactivelyworktoconstructandmaintainrelationshipsandstructuresthathelptosustainthemselvesintimesofneedandfacilitatethecreationofnewopportunities.

    Manynetworkanalystsstudy"wholenetworks",describingtheoverallstructureofoneorafewspecifiedkindsofrelationslinkingallofthemembersofapopulation(e.g.,Nazer,2001).YettheopennatureofdevelopedWesternsocietiesprecludestudyingentire,boundedpopulations.Hencemanynetworkanalystsstudysamplesof"egocentrednetworks"whosecomposition,structureandcontentsaredefinedfromthestandpointoftheindividualsattheircentres.

    1.1bDevelopmentAbroadandinCanada:Theinterdisciplinaryenterpriseofsocialnetworkanalysishasdevelopedoutofseveralresearchtraditions,including:

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    Thebirthofsociometryinthe1930s.Ethnographiceffortsinthe1950sand1960stodescribethenatureofpersonalcommunities,socialsupport,andsocialmobilization.Archivalanalysistounderstandthestructureofinterorganizationalandinternationalties.Politicaleconomicanalysesusingarangeoftechniquestoanalyzesocialmovementsandworldsystems.

    Sincethe1960s,socialnetworkanalysishasdevelopedfromametaphorintoaparadigm,withacommonsetofresearchquestions,specializedwaysofcollectingdata,andpowerfulmethodsforanalyzingthesedata.Socialnetworkanalystshavea500memberinternationalsociety(foundedandbasedinToronto19761988http://www.heinz.cmu.edu/project/INSNA/),threejournals,andanannualmidwintermeeting(inawarmclimateinsistedonbyCanadianmembers).(1)Canadianshavebeenleadersindevelopingthenetworkparadigm.Indeed,ouraccountbuildsonanarticlereviewingCanadiannetworkaccomplishmentsthroughtheearly1980s(RichardsonandWellman,1985)andaninfluentialCanadianeditedcompendium(WellmanandBerkowitz,1988).AlthoughourarticleemphasizesworkbyCanadiansociologists,socialnetworkanalysisisaninternationalandinterdisciplinaryundertaking,albeitoneinwhichCanadianshaveplayedleadingroles.

    BeforeWorldWarII,CanadianpsychologistsEdward(Ned)andHelenMcMurchieBott,thefoundersoftheUniversityofTorontoDepartmentofPsychologyandtheInstituteforChildStudy,didsomeoftheearliestnetworkanalyses(FreemanandWellman,1996).HelenBott'sanalysisofplayinanurseryschool(1928)wasthefirsttocollectsystematicdataaboutpersonalnetworksanindividual'ssetoftiesandtouseamatrixtoorganizedataaboutwhodidwhatwithwhom.TheBotts'daughter,ElizabethBott,grewuptowrite(inEngland)theearliestwellknownnetworkanalysis,showingthatinterdependenceorseparationamonghusbandsandwiveswasmoreafunctionofthestrengthoftheirkinshipnetworksthanoftheirclassposition(1957).

    ThedevelopmentofsocialnetworkanalysiswithinCanadacanitselfbepartiallyexplainedintermsofnetworks(Wellman,1993,2000b).Therehasbeena"chainmigration"process.ManyscholarsweretrainedbyHarrisonWhiteandCharlesTillyatHarvard(TillyalsotaughtattheUniversityofTorontofrom19661969),andalmostallobtainedjobsattheUniversityofToronto.LatergenerationsofnetworkanalystssubsequentlytrainedattheUniversityofTorontoandelsewhere,anddispersedacrossCanada,andtosomeextentintheUnitedStatesandFrance(Hiscott,1983).Severalinstitutionshaveservedasimportantnodesinthenetworkanalyticnetworkincluding:LavalUniversity,UniversityofMontreal,UniversityofToronto,McMasterUniversity,BrockUniversity,UniversityofCalgary,UniversityofAlberta,UniversityofBritishColumbia,andtheUniversityofVictoria.

    TheriseofthenetworkanalyticperspectivetoprominenceinCanadiansociologyisnoaccident.Canadiansociologistsareapttoviewthesocialworldinstructuralterms.Networkanalysisreadilylendsitselftointergroup,interregional,andinternationalissuescentraltodebatesaboutCanadiansocietyanditsplaceinalargerglobalsystem.ItsapproachiswellsuitedtothepatternsofdependencyrelationsthathaveemergedbothwithinCanada(e.g.,CentralCanadavs.theWestBrym,1986)andbetweenCanadaandmorepowerfulimperialpowers(e.g.,firstBritainandFrance,andthenlatertheUnitedStatesBrymwithFox,1989).Bycontrast,Americansocialscientistsattheimperialcentrehavetendedtoignorethelinksofpowerthatbindotherstothemandcelebrateothers'allegianceastheresultoftheperceivedgreatnessoftheirownsociety(Bush,2001).

    StructuraldifferencesbetweenCanadaandtheUnitedStateshaveinfluencedvaluesandtheideologicalclimateoftherespectivenations:AmericanindividualismandCanadiancollectivism(Lipset,1990).Themselvesmembersofadominatedsociety,Canadiansarelessapttoseetheworldascomposedofvoluntarilychosen,egalitarian,symmetricalties,andaremoreapttostudyhowasymmetrictiesunevenlydistributeresourcesincomplexhierarchicalstructuresofpoweranddependency.Thisbringsanalyticprecisiontotheperennialpreoccupationwithrelationsbetweencoreandperiphery(e.g.,Friedmann,1988).

    Canadiannetworkanalystshaveactualizedthissensibilityinavarietyofways,discussedinParts2and3.Atthecorehasbeentheoryconstructionandmethodbuilding,brieflynotedhere.Lemieux(1982),Wellman(1988a,1999b)andErickson(2001b)havewrittentheoreticaltreatises.FranoisLorrain(1995LorrainandWhite,1971)developedthekeyconceptof"structuralequivalence":peoplewithsimilarrolerelationstoothersmayhavesimilarpositionsinsocialstructureseveniftheyarenotpartofthesamegroup.WilliamRichardsandAndrewSeary(1997,2000)havedevelopedeigenanalysismethodsforelucidatingnetworkstructure.Richardshasalsobuilttwocomputerprogramsforstudyingnetworks.Negopy(Richards,1995)discoversstructuralpropertiesofanetworkMultinet(Richards,1994),enablesanalyststorelatestructuraldatatodataaboutindividualattributes(gender,age,etc.).Withtheabundanceofwaysofmeasuringnetworksavailable,DeanBehrens(1997a)hasfoundthattielevelandnetworklevelmethodsofelicitingdataaffectthekindsofclusteredgroupsthatwillbefoundandthepredictiveabilityoftheseclustersonbehaviour.Heisalsotheleadauthorofacomputerprogramthatpartitionsindividualsororganizationsintogroupsbasedontheirrelationshipswitheachother(Behrensetal.,1990).

    Canadiannetworkanalysisalsoincorporatesthenationalconcernforhowtechnologyconnectsourdispersed,diverseland:fromstatesponsorshipofvoyageurstotheInternet.ThisfollowstheleadofHaroldInniswhomovedawayfromanalyzingindividualphenomenasuchasthefurtrade(1930s)andthecodfisheries(1940)inisolationandemphasizedtheimportanceofunderstandingtheminthecontextoftrade,powerandcommunicationsnetworks(Innis,1950).Buildinguponthissensibility,apoliticaleconomicapproachdeveloped,relatingtheemergenceoflocalphenomenatorelationsofpoweranddependencybetweendifferentgeopoliticalunitsandcorporatestructures.Importantpractitionersinclude:Marchak(1983,1991),Clement(1975,1977,1983ClementandMyles1994),Laxer(1989,1991),andCarroll(1986).Althoughsuchscholarsrarelycallthemselvesnetworkanalysts,theirrelianceonstructuralanalysisiscongruentwiththesocialnetworkparadigm.

    1.2SomeGeneralPrinciplesofSocialNetworkAnalysis(2)

    1.2aStructuredSocialRelationshipsareaMorePowerfulSourceofSociologicalExplanationthanthePersonalAttributesofSystemMembers:Whilemostsociologistsprofessacentralconcernwithsocialstructure,untilrecentlythepredominanttendencyofmainstreamNorthAmericansociologyhasbeentostudysocialphenomenaasaresultoftheaggregationoftheattributesofindividuals.Individualshavebeentreatedastheunitofanalysis.Behaviourandattitudeshavebeenexplainedasa

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    functionofsocioeconomicstatus,ethnicidentity,age,andsoon.Mainstreamsociologistsnowtakestructuralcontextsseriously.Yet,standardmethodologicaltechniquessuchasthesocialsurvey,andregressionanalysisstilltreatindividualsasdiscreteunitsofanalysis.Althoughsurveysandregressionanalysesarefrequentlyusedbynetworkanalysts(Mller,WellmanandMarin,1999),theyalsousedifferenttypesoftechniquestodescribeandanalyzesocialstructure.Newtechniqueshavebeendevelopedinsampling(e.g.,Ericksonetal.,1981,EricksonandNosanchuk,1983),questionnaireconstruction(e.g.,Marsden,1990),structuralanalysis(RichardsandSeary,1997,2000Behrens,1997a),andstatisticalanalysis(e.g.,Whiteetal.1976BerkowitzandFitzgerald,1995)thatallowresearcherstomapandinterpretpatternsofinterrelationsamongstsocialunits.

    1.2bValues,Attitudes,andNormsEmergefromLocationinStructuralSystemsofSocialRelationships:Socialnetworkanalystsdonotstartwiththeassumptionthatnorms,values,andattitudesareaprimaryforceinguidingbehaviour(Wellman,1988a).Nordotheyassumethathighlevelsofsocialsolidarityandsharednormsarethebaselinestateofsocietyorthattheabsenceoftheseconditionsisanindicationofsocialpathology.Rather,socialnetworkanalystsdirecttheirattentiontowardthetypesofstructuresinwhichindividualsareembedded,andarguethatthesearemoreimportantforunderstandingattitudesandrelatedphenomenathanareindividualattributes(Erickson,1988).Forexample,BaronandTindall(1993)studiedmembersofapunkrocksubculture,manyofwhomlivedonthestreets.Theyfoundthatsubculturememberswiththehighestlevelsofnetworkcentrality,weremorelikelytoholddelinquentattitudes(attitudesadvocatingdelinquentbehaviour)thanwereperipheralmembersofthesubculture.Thusattitudeswereafunctionofstructurallocation.

    1.2cSocialStructuresDeterminetheOperationofDyadicRelationships:Networkanalysishasshownthatexchangesbetweentwoindividualsdonotoperateinisolationbutdependonrelationswithandamongalters(Cook,1982Wellman,1988a).Althoughnetworkanalystsstudydyads,triads,andothermicrostructuralforms,acentraltenetisthatdyadsarethemselvesembeddedinsocialstructuresthathaveconsequencesforinterpersonalprocesses.Forexample,thenatureofindirectties(friendsoffriends)caninfluencetheflowofinformationforimportantprocessessuchasgettingajob(Granovetter,1973,Lin,1999).Intheareaofcommunitiesandsocialsupport,researchershavefoundthatthecompositionofanetworkaffectsthekindsofsupportfoundinit(WellmanandFrank,2001).

    1.2dSocialSystemsareNetworksofNetworks:Socialsystemsarenetworksofnetworks,andnotnecessarilygroupsdefinedapriori.Thinkingofsocialsystemsasnetworksofnetworkfacilitatesunderstandingdifferentlevelsofphenomena.Individualsinteractinginmicrostructures,areembeddedinmesolevelstructures,whichinturnarelinkedtomacrolevelstructures.Forexample,intheareaofsocialmovements,theriseofasocialmovementdependsinpartuponthepoliticalopportunitiesprovidedbyauthoritiesandopponents(Tilly,1978).Withinamovement,structurallymorecentralorganizationswillhavemoreinfluence.Attheleveloftheindividual,thosewithgreaternetworkcentrality(thenumberoftiestheyhavetoothermovementparticipants)aremorelikelytobecomerecruitedformovementparticipation(Tindall,1994).Setsofindividualswithoverlappingsocialmovementorganizationmembershipsarebydefinitionmoreintegrated,andtheirgreaterintegrationhasconsequencesforindividualleveloutcomes(suchasaccesstodiverseinformation).Membersofdyadsconstitutedbyoverlappingmembershipsalsoserveasbridgesatthemesolevelconnectingdifferentsocialmovementorganizations.

    1.2eSocialNetworkAnalysisisBasedUponGeneralPrinciples:Postmodernism(anditssofter"culturalstudies"version)hasbecomeimportantinCanadiansociology.Postmodernistsemphasizethesocialconstructionofstructuresandprocesses.Knowledgeisseenasbeingafunctionofthehistoryandsociallocationoftheobserver.Denyingthepossibilityofgeneralizing,leadspostmoderniststobescepticalaboutthevalueofsystematicinvestigation,andaboutthepossibilityofgeneral,objectiveorformalexplanation(Ritzer,1997).

    Thereareaffinitiesbetweenpostmodernismandnetworkanalysis.Likepostmodernists,manynetworkanalystsstatelooselycoupledpropositionsratherthanbuildinggrandtheories(Wellman,1994).Themodeofpostmoderndiscourseiscongruentwiththebasicnetworkanalyticinsightthattheworldiscomposedofnetworks,andthathierarchicallyorganized,boundedgroupsareonlyone,somewhatrare,typeofnetwork.

    Bycontrasttopostmodernism,socialnetworkanalystsadoptarealistontology,viewingsocialstructuresasrealentities(KeatandUrry,1982).Wherepostmodernistsprovide"accounts"networkscholarsprovide"analyses".Theyseepatternsofmultipleongoingrelationshipsashavingrealconsequencesforresourceflows,andforprovidingopportunitiesandconstraintsforsocialbehaviour(Wellman,1988a,1994).Networkanalysisisaninherentlygeneralizingenterprise.Analystswanttoteaseoutthestructuralpatternsthatunderliethesurfacenoiseofsocialsystemsanduseknowledgeofthesepatternstounderstandsocialinteraction.Theyadheretothepossibilityofobjectivisminprincipleeveniftheyrecognizethechallengestothisambitioninpractice.Theycontendthatwhilesocialstructuresarecognitivelyinterpretedandimagedbyagents,theycannotbereducedtosocialconstructions.

    Socialnetworkanalysisisreflexive.Inaccordancewithmainstreamscience,socialnetworkanalystsviewknowledgeasprovisional,andmeasurementasbeingsubjecttoerror(Bernardetal.,1984,Killworthetal.,1990,MarsdenandCampbell,1984).Theybelievethatsocialstructurescanbeobjectivelymapped(inthesensethatsuchanalysesarebasedonmeasuresthatcanbeintersubjectivelyagreedupon).Theyseesocialstructureasbeingrelatedtopower,butincontrasttomanypostmodernaccounts,theyseetheirownconceptionsaboutstructureasbeingmorethanfictionaloutcomesofvaluesystems.

    Part2:InterpersonalNetworks

    2.1AGroupisaTypeofSocialNetwork

    Manysocialnetworkanalysesdonottreatformalgroupboundariesastrulysocialboundaries,betheydepartmentsinorganizationsorneighbourhoodsincities.Insteadtheytracethesocialrelationshipsofthosetheyarestudying,wherevertheserelationshipsgoandwhomevertheyarewith.Onlythendonetworkanalystslooktoseeifsuchrelationshipsactuallycrossformalgroupboundaries.Inthisway,membershipandboundariesbecomeimportantanalyticvariablesratherthanapriorianalyticconstraints.Thepatternofrelationshipsbecomesaresearchquestionratherthanagiven.

    Agroupisonlyonekindofasocialnetwork,onewhosetiesaretightlyboundedwithinadelimitedsetandaredenselyknit(most

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    networkmembersaredirectlylinkedwitheachother).Tobesure,therearedenselyknitandtightlyboundedworkgroupsandcommunitygroups.Yetthereareotherkindsofworkandcommunitynetworkswhoserelationshipsaresparselyknitwithonlyaminorityofmembersoftheworkplaceorcommunitydirectlylinked.Theserelationshipstendtoramifyoutinmanydirectionslikeanexpandingspider'swebratherthancurlingbackonthemselvesintoadenselyknittangle.

    2.2CommunitiesAreNetworks

    2.2aSearchingforCommunity:scholars,thepublicandpolicymakershavetraditionallyseencommunitiesasdenselyknitsolidaritieswithtightboundaries,althoughtherewasmorefragmentation,mobilityandpermeabilityinthepastthanmanyhaveacknowledged(Wetherell,Plakans,andWellman,1994WellmanandWetherell,1996).Denselyknitnetworkswithtightboundariesmakeiteasyforcommunitiestocontroltheirmembersandcoordinatetheirbehaviour(Tindall,KayandBates,1999Wellman,1999a).

    Armedwithasocialnetworkapproachtoposingintellectualquestions,gatheringinformation,andanalyzingdata,researchersarenolongerrestrictedtosearchingforcommunitiesinthesolidaritiesofneighbourhoodsandkinshipgroups.Somehaveusednetworktoolstoinformstudiesofsmalltowns(Lemieux,JoubertandFortin1981Gold1985)andhuntergatherbands(Howell,1988).Bodemann(1988)documentedhowcleavageandchangeinaseeminglytraditionalSicilianvillagehasbeenaffectedbyaccesstocapitalandinformationfromoutside:linkstoChristianDemocraticPartyandmoreaffluentreturningworkersfromnorthernEurope.Similarly,PasternakandSalaff(1993)foundthatethnicity,occupationandlinkstotheChineseCommunistPartystructuredcleavagesandcoalitionsinInnerMongolia.

    2.2bFindingCommunityBeyondNeighbourhoods:Othershaveusednetworktoolstoshowthatresidential,kinshipandcoworkercommunitieshavenotbeenlostundertheimpactofcontemporarysocialtransformationsnorsavedinvillagelikeneighbourhoods.Theyhavediscoveredotherformsofcommunitysparselyknitandspatiallydispersedandotherformsoforganizationlooselycoupledandfragmented.ThusSalaffandassociates(1981,1988,1991SheridanandSalaff,1984PasternakandSalaff,1993)haveshownhoweconomicdevelopmentinHongKong,Singapore,andInnerMongoliahasmadefamilyandkinshiprelationsmorecomplex.Moreeducationdrawssocialcontactsawayfromascriptivebasesoftrust(e.g.,kinship)morebroadlytowardsbuddiesandcolleagueswhoshareinterestsandhavesharedeconomicandeducationalexperiences.Familymemberscanhelplendmoneyorprovidemoralsupport,butbettereducatedChinesewhoareseekingjobs,startingbusinesses,orcontemplatingmigrationcannotgetsufficienthelpfromkin.Closertohome,Corman,etal.(1993)haveshownhowhusbandwiferelationsandrelationsamongwivesareintertwinedwithHamiltonsteelworkers'communitiesofsupport(seealsoLuxtonandCorman,2001).IntheIndiansteelworkingcityofBihar,Howard(1988)foundcomplexpatronclientrelationsasworkersinsmallshopsaremorecompetitiveforthebosses'favoursthanworkersinlargefactories.

    Networkanalystshaveusuallyfoundthatcommunityhasmovedoutofitstraditionalneighbourhoodbaseastheconstraintsofspaceweakened(Langlois,1990Wellman,1988b,1999b).Fewsociallyclosetiesarewithinneighbourhoods.Peopleusetelephones,theInternet,carsandplanestomaintainfarflung,supportiverelationships(Wellman,etal.,1988WellmanandTindall,1993WellmanandGulia,1999aHamptonandWellman,2001Wellman,etal.,2001).Thesesparselyknitandlooselyboundedcommunitynetworksaresocialresourcesthatramifyacrosschanging,fragmentedcommunitiestoconnectpeopletothediverseresourcesofmultiplesocialarenas(Wellman,1993,1999b,1999c).Eachpersonisbestseenasthecentreofacomplex,specializedpersonalcommunitynetwork.Ratherthanbeinglockedintoonegroup,eachpersonhasabout1,000ties.Hence,peoplemustactivelymaintaineachtieratherthanrelyingonsolidarycommunitygroupstodotheirmaintenancework.Thepopulationofthesepersonalnetworksisunstableforexample,only28%ofTorontonians'sociallyclosetiesremainedsociallycloseadecadelater(Wellman,etal.,1997).Thisisnottosaythatcommunitieshavetotallycuttheirlocalroots.Oneresearchgroup,analyzingruralAmericaingeneralandruralLouisianainparticular,foundsomewhatmoredenselyknit,homogeneousandlocaltiesthaninToronto(Beggs,HainesandHurlbert,1996aBeggs,HurlbertandHaines,1996b).Espinoza(1999)foundthatimpoverishedresidentsofSantiago,Chilerelyalmostexclusivelyonotherbarriomembersformaterialaidingettingthroughthedayandcopingwithcrises.Indeed,theTorontostudyitselffoundthatmostinteractionsevenifnotmostsociallyclosetiesarewithphysicallyproximatepeople:athome,inthecommunityandatwork(Wellman,1996).

    Thetransformationofcommunityfromgrouptonetworkhasledtothehouseholdbeingthekeyoperatingbaseforaccessingsocialcapitalinindustrialcountries.Inmarriedhouseholds,womenhavehistoricallyheldtheresponsibilityfornetworkingwithfriends,relativesandneighbours,addingtodomestictogethernessandfemaleworkload(Wellman,1985,19901992a,2001aWellmanandWellman,1992Bastani,2001).AsPutnam(2000)hasdemonstrated,organizationsandpublicspaceshavebecomeresidualplaces.Privatecontactwithfamiliarfriendsandrelativeshasreplacedpubliccommunalgregariousness,aphenomenonexacerbatedbycoldCanadianwinters(Michelson,1971).

    2.3ComputerSupportedSocialNetworks

    Computernetworksaresocialnetworks.Althoughearlystudiestreatedcomputernetworksasprivileged,isolatedentities(e.g.,SproullandKiesler,1991),Torontobasednetworkanalystshaveshownhowonlineconnectivityfitsintotheoverallcontextofworkandcommunity.Thedatacamefromdispersedworkgroups,homebasedteleworkers,residentsofahighlywiredTorontosuburb("Netville"),andlargescalesamplesofNorthAmericanInternetusers(HaythornthwaiteandWellman,1998Salaff,WellmanandDimitrova,1998HamptonandWellman,1999,2000,2001Hampton,1999,2001Wellman,etal.,2001Koku,NazerandWellman,2001Nazer,2001).AddressingfearsthattheInternetwillleadtosocialisolation,researchershaveshownthattheInternetactuallyaddstothetotalamountofcommunication(Gold,1998Wellmanetal.,2001),helpingtofillinthegapsbetweeninpersonmeetingsaswellastoarrangesuchmeetings.EventheallegedlyglobalInternetis,inreality,"glocalized":heavilyusedforlocalinteractionsandrootingpeopletotheirofficeorhomecomputers(HamptonandWellman,1999,2000bHampton,2001).

    NorisInternetcommunicationconstricting.Wheretherehadbeenearlyfearsthatthelimited"socialpresence"ofelectroniccommunicationwouldconfineittonarrowinstrumentalexchanges,allsortsofthingsarecommunicatedonline,bothatworkandinthecommunity.Evenatwork,friendshipaswellassharedtasksdriveonlinecommunication.(3)

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    ThustheInternetisconservativeinsomeways,aspeopleappropriatethetechnologyfortheirexistingneedsjustastheyhavedonewiththetelephone.Butjustasthetelephoneledtomorefragmentedandgeographicallydispersedpersonalnetworks(WellmanandTindall,1993),theInternetisaffectingthestructureofcommunityandsociety.Computernetworksincreasethesize,varietyofinterpersonalties,andtheyareespeciallyusefulformaintainingweaktiesinbetweenfacetofaceencounters(WellmanandGulia,1999a).Thegrowingrelianceonpersonalcomputers,wirelesscomputing,andmobilephones/pagersforconnectivityisaffordingasocietalshifttowardsnetworkedindividualism:greaterprivatizationofcommunity,ascontactamongindividualssupplantscontactamonghouseholdsandcommunalgroups(Wellman,2000a,2001a).TheInternetsupportsflexibleworkpractices,astraditionalbureaucraticorganizationsarereplacedbyoftentransitoryvirtualorganizationsandnetworkedorganizations.Insuchworkpractices,peoplebelongtomultipleworkteamsthatstretchacrossdepartmentsandevenorganizations,seeteamsrapidlyformanddissolve,haveonlypartialcommitmentstoeachteam,andhavemultiplereportsto/fromsuperiors,peers,andsubordinates(Wellman,1997Koku,Nazer,andWellman,2001Nazer,2001).

    2.4SocialCapital

    2.4aSocialCapitalisaNetworkPhenomenon:Whenpeopleneedhelp,theycaneitherbuyit,tradeforit,stealit,getitfromgovernmentsandcharities,orobtainitthroughsocialcapital:theirusefulinterpersonaltieswithfriends,relatives,neighborsandworkmates.Socialcapitalfacilitatesproductiveandreproductiveactivity,justasphysicalcapitalandhumancapitaldo.Itstrengthensbondswhileprovidingneededresources.

    Althoughsocialcapitalanalysishasbecomealivelyinternationalenterprise(e.g.,Bourdieu1983/1986,1984Portes,1998andPutnam,2000),itisasprawlingterm,rangingfromanindividualisticframeworkthatemphasizestheadvantagesthatindividualscangainthroughtheirpersonalnetworkstoacollectiveperspectivethatemphasizestheadvantagestoacommunityofvolunteerism(Coleman1988Paxton1999Putnam2000Lin1999,2001).Itincludesthingssuchascommunitynorms,groupsolidarity,andparticipationinvoluntaryandcivilorganizations.Thelooselycoupled,networkednatureofcontemporarysocietiesmeansthatsocialcapitalcomescontingentlyfromavarietyofpersons,tiesandnetworks,ratherthanstablyfromasingle,solidarygroup(Erickson,1996aWellman1999a).Attimesthenetwork,ratherthanthetie,iskeytotheprovisionofsocialcapital.Large,diversifiednetworksoftenprovidemoresupportthansmallhomogeneousnetworks(HainesandHurlbert,1992).Forexample,large,diversifiednetworksleadpeopletousealternativeformsofhealthcare(suchaschiropractic,Alexandertechnique,acupuncture)inadditiontoofficialdoctorhospitalcare.Networkcharacteristicsandnotindividualattributessuchassocioeconomicstatusorgender,aretheprominentindicatorsofusingcomplementaryandalternativecare(Kelner,2001BeverlyWellman,1995,2001KelnerandWellman,1997a,1997b,2001).

    Canadianshavegenerallyanalyzedsocialcapitalwithrespecttoresourcesavailableandmobilizableinsocialnetworks.Theyhavewonderedaboutthetypesofnetworkspeopleareembeddedwithin,andthefactorsthatexplainthesestructuressuchasinitialstatuses,andeducation.Theyhaveanalyzedhowpeoplemobilizetheirsocialcapital,usingrelationshipstoobtainresourcessuchasinformation.Theyseesocialnetworksasflexible,efficient,available,andcustomtailoredsourcesofsocialcapitalthatarelowinfinancialcost.Forsociety,socialcapitalconveysresources,confirmsidentity,influencesbehaviour,andreinforcesintegrativelinksbetweenindividuals,householdsandgroups.

    2.4bSocialCapitalandMobility:Socialcapitalfacilitatesandconstrainssocialandgeographicalmobility.Inastudyofbluecollarworkers,WilkinsonandRobinson(2000)showedthattieswithfriendsandrelativeswerecrucialforElliotLake(Ontario)workerstoobtainnewjobs.Friendscontributedmuchmoreinformationthanrelatives,butrelativesprovidedmoreof"clericalhelp"infillingoutformsanddealingwithbureaucracies.Friends,bothstronglyandweaklytiedtothejobseekers,providedmoreusefuljobcontactsthandidrelatives.Inastudyofdecidedlywhitecollarworkers,KayandHagan(1999)showedthatwhilefemalelawyersinOntarioparticipatedfullyintheaccumulationofsocialcapitalinlawfirms,theireffortsresultedinreducedprobabilitiesofpartnership.Womenhadtheirworstpartnershipprospectsinsmallfirmsthatwerelessapttomodifygenderrelatedworkroles(Hagan,etal.,1991seealsoArnoldandKay,1995).ParallellingKayandHagan'sfindings,Tindall(1995)hasobservedthathavinggreaternetworkrange(networkdiversity)ismoreimportantforfacilitatingpoliticalparticipationamongmenthanwomen.Thequestionremainsopenasregardingopportunitiesforwomenincorporateboardrooms.Theproportionofwomendirectorsisincreasing(Hughes,2000),butitisnotcleariftheirrolesandpoweraresimilartowhathasbeenobtainedbymaledirectors.

    Networksareoftencrucialforgeographicalmobility.ThepresenceofkinandfriendsoftendeterminedwhetherHongKong,TaiwanandChineseimmigrantsmadeCanadatheirdestination.Networkmembersprovidedmoneyforthemove,entreetojobsandknowhowinCanada,althoughsomeaffluentmigrantseschewednetworkhelptoavoidincurringreciprocalobligations(Salaff,1998SalaffandWong,1994Salaff,FongandWong,1999).Onceimmigrantsarrived,theirnetworkshelpedsituatetheminthesocialsystem,withfriendshiptiestohigherstatusethnicgroupspayingoffinhigherincome(OokaandWellman,2001).

    2.4cSocialCapitalandSocialSupport:Canadianshavepioneeredthesystematicstudyofsocialsupportinnetworks(Tilly,1969Shulman,1975,1976Wellman,1982,1993).Theyhaveshownthatnetworkcapital,theformofsocialcapitalthatmakesresourcesavailablethroughinterpersonalties,iswidelyavailable,usuallyspecialized,andunevenlydistributedamongpeople,tiesandnetworks.Networkmembersprovideemotionalaid,materialaid,information,companionship,andasenseofbelonging.Theirsocialsupportisoneofthemainwaysthathouseholdsobtainresourcestodealwithdailylife,seizeopportunities,andreduceuncertainties.

    Supportisimportantnotonlyinfragmentedwesternizedsocietiesbutincentralizedbureaucraticones.Undercommunismandpostcommunism,Bulgarians(Radoeva,1993),Hungarians(SikandWellman,1999),andChinese(Wellman,2001b)havereliedextensivelyontheirinterpersonalnetworkstoobtainmaterialresourcesintimesofscarcity.Theirnetworkshaveprovidedflexibleworkaroundstobureaucraticrigidities,foreveryonefromcitydwellersobtainingfoodfrompeasantrelatives,tohomebuildershelpingeachotherinconstruction,tojobseekers,tomanagersoflargeenterprisesindireneedofgoodsandservices.

    Supportfrominterpersonaltiesisspecialized:Friendsandsiblingsprovidecompanionship,parentsandadultchildrenprovidelargeservicesandfinancialaid,andneighboursandworkmatesprovidesmallservices(Wellman,1979WellmanandWortley,1989,1990).Yetthecompositionandstructureofnetworksalsoaffectstheprovisionofsupport(WellmanandGulia,1999bWellmanand

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    Frank,2001).Thegreatertherangeofaperson'snetworkthemorenetworkmembersandthemorediversetheircharacteristicsthegreaterthenumberandpercentageofpeopleinanetworkthatprovidesupport.Themoredenselyknitthenetwork,themoresupportive.Thussize,diversityandcoordinationallareusefulforgettingsupport,andthosewhoinhabitlargenetworksaretriplyfortunate:Notonlydotheyhavemoretiesandgetmoreoverallsupport,eachmemberoftheirnetworkismoreapttobesupportive.

    Behrens's(1997b)studyofthesupportersofpeoplewiththeHIVvirusshowedboththespecializationoftiesandtheinterplaybetweentieandnetworkdynamics.Tiesthatprovidedcompanionshipandemotionalsupportlastedlongerthanthosethatprovidedinstrumentalsupport.Tieswithpeopleindenselyknitnetworksweremorelikelytopersist.PeoplewithHIVconstantlyreexaminedtheirtiesintermsofthekindsofsupportprovidedandthequalityofthissupport.Overtime,thethresholdofacceptableinteractionswasraised,andthosetiesthatdidnotmeetthecurrentthresholdweredistancedandeventuallyterminated.Theshortestlivedtieswerethosethatdrainedemotionalsupport,butattimestheseweresoembeddedindenselyknitnetworksthattheypersistedregardless.

    JustasnetworksarecruciallysupportiveineverydaylifeandthechroniccrisisofHIV,theyareimportantintheshorttermcrisisofahurricane(Beggs,HainesandHurlbert,1996bBeggs,HurlbertandHaines,1996Hurlbert,HainesandBeggs,2000).Thesupportiverelationshipsforgedineverydaylifeconditionrelationalexperiencesthatcreatedexpectationsforhelpinwhenthehurricanecame.Networksweremoresupportiveindealingwiththehurricanewhentheyweredenselyknitandgenderdiversewithrelativelyhighpercentagesofkin,menandyoungeradults.Thecharacteristicsofthosereceivingthesupport(suchastheirrace)andthenatureoftheirresidentialcommunitiesalsoaffectedthesupportreceived.Suchnetworksoperatedinconjunctionwithinstitutionalsupport.Networksandinstitutionscomplementedeachother,forinstitutionstendedtoaidthosewhosesparselyknitanddiversenetworksprovidedlesssupport.

    Fordecades,methodologicallimitationsnecessitatedseparateanalysesoftiesandnetworks(Wellmanetal.,1991).Now,multilevelanalysesofnetworkcapitalintegrateanalysesofindividuals,interpersonalties,andpersonalnetworksintoasingleregressionmodel.WellmanandFrank(2001),usingdatafromthesameTorontosamplesstudiedearlierbyWellmanandhiscolleagues(e.g.,Wellmanetal.,1988WellmanandWortley,1990),haveshownthatwhiletiecharacteristicsarekeypredictorsofsupportivebehaviour,networksalsoaffectthesupportivebehaviouroftiesandindividuals.Tiesaremoresupportivewhentheyareoperateinnetworksheavilycomposedofsimilarties.Forexample,parentsandadultchildrenaremoresupportiveinnetworkscontaininghighpercentagesofparentsandchildren.Moreover,reciprocityismorethantiedeep,forwhentwopeoplearelinkedtoothersinthenetwork,theyaremorelikelytosupporteachother.Thusindividualagency,dyadicrelationships,andnetworkpropertiesareallimplicatedintheprovisionofsocialsupport.

    2.4dExchangeandReciprocity:Normsandpracticesofsocialexchangeandreciprocityincreasethevolumeandpredictabilityofsocialcapital(Deroy,1997,2000Wellman,1992b).Forexample,NewFrancewasbuiltintheseventeenthcenturyfromacomplexwebofexchangesbetweengovernmentofficialsandwelfaremindedclergyinQuebecandFrance(Deroy,1996DeroyPineauandBernard,1998).InToronto,exchangeisbothdyadicandnetworkbased.Notonlydopeopleexchangethesamethings(suchas"titfortit"exchangesofemotionalsupport)anddifferentthings("titfortat"exchangesofservicesforemotionalsupport),buttheirexchangesoftenareindirect,passingthroughothersinthenetwork("titfortatfortut"exchangesofemotionalsupportforservicesforcompanionshipWellman,etal.,1988WellmanandNazer,1995:WellmanandFrank,2001).Itisimportanttoascertainthebaserateforreciprocatedexchangesduesolelytochance,andtheextenttowhichtheprovisionofasupportiveresourceisrelatedtopreviousexchanges(BehrensandWellman,2001).

    Newformsofexchangearedeveloping.Communitiesaroundtheworldareexperimentingwithlocalmoneysystems,suchasLETS,amutualcreditaccountingmoney,andHOURS,papernotesrepresentinglabourhours.Theseare"complementary"currencies,intendedtostrengthenlocaleconomieswithoutreplacingthenationalcurrency.Yettensionhasarisenovermonetizingwomen'sunpaidworkthatisconventionallyconceivedofasagift:freeandabundant.Pricingsuch"gift"labourwithconventionalmoneyhasbeenthoughttodrawitintothecommodityrealmandmakeitscarce.InmoneysystemssuchasLETS,theunitofexchangeisnonscarce,andthegendereddichotomyofcommodityandgiftlosesitsforce(Raddon,2000).

    2.5CulturalCapital

    Networkscanbuildculturalcapitaltherangeofpeople'susefulculturalknowledgebyincreasingthevarietyofinformationthatpeoplehave(Bourdieu,1984Erickson,1991,2001a,forthcoming).Advantagedpeopleoftenhavebetterculturalresources,notbecauseofsocialtheirclassassuchbutbecauseoftheirdiversenetworks.Erickson(1996a)askedworkersintheTorontoprivatesecurityindustryiftheyknewpeopleineachof19categoriesinspiredbyWright's(1985)threemajorclassdimensions:controlofproperty,controloforganizations,andcontrolofskill.Tomeasureculturalcapital,theywereaskediftheywerefamiliarwithalistofspecificitemswithinfivegenres(books,restaurants,art,magazines,andsports)forexample,hadtheyheardoforreadeachof13books.Peopleinhigherclasslocationshadmorediversefriendshipnetworks.Weaktieswereespeciallyimportantinaffordinggreateraccesstoavarietyofclasses.Networkdiversitywastheonlysourceofculturalcapitaladvantageforallfivegenresstudiedafterdemographicandsocialclassvariableswerecontrolled(seealsoErickson,AlbaneseandDrakulic,2000).

    2.6StructuralSocialPsychology

    2.6aSocialComparisonandEvaluation:Networkanalysiscanbeacommonframeofreferenceforstudiesofreferencegroups,socialcomparison,classconsciousness,equityandjustice,andrelativedeprivation(Gartrell,1987).(4)Ontheonehand,networkslimitsocialevaluationastheyconstrainpersonalreferencepoints.Choicesofwhomtocomparewitharemadefromavailablealtersanduponparticularmotivesforcomparison(e.g.,learning,selfenhancement,egodefence,etc.).Ontheotherhand,actorsareactiveagents:Theirinteractionsintheprocessofsocialcomparisoncanaltertheexistingnetworkstructure.

    Thechoicesofwhomtomakecomparisonswithareusuallynotfreebutareconstrainedbyimpersonallydeterminedopportunitiestointeract(Erickson,1988seealsoErickson,1982EricksonandNosanchuk1984,1998Gartrell,2001).Thesocialstructuringof

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    activityin"foci"suchasworkplaces,kinshipgroups,andschoolsleadspeopletodeveloprelationshipswithotherswhoaresimilartothemselves(Feld1981,1982)

    EricksonandNosanchuk(1984,1998NosanchukandErickson,1985)studiedsocialcomparisonswithinaboundednetwork,membersofanOttawaHullcontractbridgeclub.Theyfoundthatcomparativestereotypingisnotreducedbycontact.Indeed,greaterinvolvementinthebridgesubcultureincreasedstereotypingbecauseparticipantsnoticedtheinequalityofatinyeliteandignoredtheequalityofthemuchlargermajority.Comparisonstendedtobeupwardtothoseofcumulativelygreaterbridgeplayingability.However,thedegreeofupwardcomparisondependeduponthemotiveforcomparison.Informationseekingledtothegreatestdegreeofupwardcomparison,egoenhancementwaslower,andegodefencethelowest.

    Dopeoplecomparethemselvestospecificindividualsorasymbolicgroup(Gartrell,1987)?Althoughtheoriesofdistributivejusticehaveemphasizedtherelationalnatureofjusticeevaluations,actualresearchhastreatedjusticesentimentsastheaggregatedattributesofindividuals(Gartrell,1985seeJasso,1978,1980JassoandRossi,1977).Yetsuchaggregateapproachesmaskthesocialrelationalpropertiesofsentimentsofcollectivejusticeaboutwagestructures.Justiceevaluationsmaybereciprocal,multiplereferencepointsexist,andmultiplejusticesentimentsmaycoexist.Gartrell(1985)hasstudiedevaluationsofthefairnessofpaydifferentialsamongstbluecollarworkersinapublicworksdepartmentbyusingblockmodelstodepictthestructureofjusticeevaluations.Heshowedthatblockmodellingprovidesamorevalidrepresentationofthedatathandopredictionsyieldedbythedominantaggregatemodel(proposedbyJasso,1978,1980).

    2.6bAttitudeFormation:Attitudesare"made,maintained,ormodifiedprimarilythroughinterpersonalprocesses"(Erickson,988:99).Theseprocesseshavelittleaffectamongstrangers,butrather,occurthroughsocialnetworks.Ericksonhassuggestedhowthreetypesofnetworkstructurecanaffectattitudes.

    1."Cliquemodelsstresstheidentificationofsetsofpeoplemoredenselytiedtooneanotherthantootherpeopleintheirnetwork,wheredensityistheproportionofallpossibletiesthatactuallyexist"(Erickson1988:106).Cliquesengendersimilarattitudes.Peoplecomparemostoften,andsuchcomparisonsaremostinformative,withpeopletowhomtheyaredirectlyconnected.Cliqueswithstrongerandmorebroadlybased("multiplex")tiesshouldhavegreaterconsensusonattitudes.

    2.Wherecliqueanalysisaskswhetherpeoplebelongtothesamedensesubgroup,structuralequivalenceasksthequestiontowhatextentdopeopleoccupysimilartypesofpositionswithinthenetwork."Structurallyequivalentpeopletendtohavesimilarattitudesbecausetheytendtointeractwiththesametypesofactorsinthesameway"(Erickson1985:110).Theytendtomakesocialcomparisonswiththesametypesofalters.Whileapairofstructuralequivalentactorsshouldhavesimilarattitudes,suchsimilaritydoesnotdependondirectcomparisonwitheachother.

    3.Spatialmodelsdrawuponthemetaphorofgeometrytodepictindividualsinsocialspacesothatspatialclosenesscorrespondstoclosenessofrelationships.Theclosertherelationships,themoresimilartheattitudesarelikelytobe.

    Insum,socialnetworkapproachessuchasblockmodelling(asdiscussedbyErickson,anddemonstratedbyGartrell)provideinsightsintosocialstructure,andcandemonstratehowsimilarprocessesoperateacrossdifferenttypesoforganizations.Theyprovideastructuralalternativetothe"aggregateandattributedata"analysescommontosocialpsychology,andcanprovidemorerealisticmodelsofthesocialreferentsthatpeopledrawuponinmakingsocialevaluations.Ericksonhastalkedabouthowotherstructuralanalyticconceptualmodelshavedifferentimplicationsforattitudeformation(e.g.,clique,blockmodel,andspatialanalyses).Thereisaneedtodomoreempiricalresearchontheseprocessestoseewhichtypesofmodelsworkbestforpredictingandexplainingattitudeformation.

    Part3:LargeScaleNetworks

    3.1CollectiveAction

    3.1aSocietalBreakdownandCollectiveBehaviour:Classicalsociologicalthoughtaboutpeople'sparticipationinmassmovementsexplainedsuchbehaviourasresultingfromalienationandanomie.Theoristsarguedindustrializationandurbanizationledtoalackofprimarygroupsandsecondaryassociationstointegrateindividualsinsocieties(Brym,1998).Protestbehaviourwasseentobearesultof"contagion"andaslargelybeingirrationalinnature.Inrecentdecadestheseideashavebeensystematicallydebunked(Tindall,Kay,andBates,1999).Socialmovementresearchershavedemonstratedarationalbasisformostprotestbehaviour.Participantsincollectiveactionstendtobemoreintegratedthroughtheirpersonalnetworksandbetterconnectedtosocietalinstitutionsthannonparticipants(Tindall,2000b).Mostscholarsofsocialmovementsrecognizethatnetworktiesareessentialforrecruitmentandmobilization(Tindall2000b).Analystshaveemphasizedthewaysinwhichcertainsocialstructuresactascleavagesbetweengroups,whileothersocialstructuresservetointegrateindividualswithinagroup.

    Somescholarshavebeenconcernedinrecentyearswithbringingculturalanalysesbackintostudiesofsocialmovements(Snowetal.,1986,SnowandBenford,1988).Severalresearchershaveexaminedtheconnectionbetweenstructureandculturebyexaminingtherelationofstructuralpositiontoculturalframingandcollectiveidentity.CarrollandRatner(1996,2000)haveshownhowcognitiveframingsofsocialjusticeissuesarerelatedtopositionswithinintermovementnetworks.Activistswhoinvokedapoliticaleconomyinjusticeframeweremorelikelytobeembeddedincrossmovementlinkagesthanwereothers.Thosewhoframedinjusticeinidentitypoliticstermswerelessembeddedincrossmovementtiesandweremorelikelytobe"localists".

    3.1bConnectivityandCleavage:BrymhasbuiltonthesocialmovementanalysesofMcPherson(1953),Lipset(1968),Tilly(1984),andPinard(1973)todevelopamodelofthirdpartyformation(Brym1978,1979,1984,BrymwithFox1989).(5)

    Canadianthirdpartieshavetendedtoemergewheredisadvantagedgroupsare:boundtogetherindensesocialnetworks,highlysociallypolarizedfromadvantagedgroups,andrelativelyunrepresentedbyexistingparties.Protestactivityisafunctionoftheprotestinggroup'spotentialpower.Thepowerofacontendinggroupdependson:(1)Thegroup'saccesstomaterialresources

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    (property,money,jobs),normativeresources(communicationsmedia,educationalinstitutions),andcoerciveresources(police,armedforces)(2)thedensityofsocialtieswithinthegroup(3)thesizeofthegroup'smembershipandsupportbase.

    Positionwithinanetworkaffectsboththerealandperceivedeffectivenessofasocialmovementorganization.Forexample,thestructuralpositionsof29organizationswithintheCanadianfeministmovementwereahighlysignificantpredictorofhowoutsidersperceivedanorganization'seffectiveness(Phillips,1991).

    Althoughtherehasbeenagooddealofresearchonthemobilizationofsocialmovementsthemselves,therehasbeenadearthofresearchonthedancebetweenmovementandcountermovement.MeyerandStaggenborg(1996)haveanalyzedtheconditionsunderwhichcountermovementsdevelopinrelationtomovements.(6)Theiranalysisofpoliticalopportunitiessuggestedthattransformationsinthepoliticallandscapemakemovementactivitiespotentiallyeffectiveforcreatingorresistingsocialchange.Theyhavesuggested:

    Movementcountermovementconflictsaremostlikelytoemergeandendureinstateswithdividedgovernmentalauthority.

    Opposingmovementsdevelopisomorphicorganizationalstructurestothedegreethattheyengagepoliticallyinthesamevenues.

    Interactionsbetweenopposingmovementspreventthecompleteinstitutionalizationoftacticsbyeitherside.

    Conflictbetweenopposingmovementsexacerbatesintramovementbattlesovercollectiveactionframes.

    3.1cPersonalNetworksandMobilization:Networksdonotdirectlycausecollectiveactiontooccur.Rather,networkstructuresconditionthenatureofinterpersonalinteraction,influence,andresourceflowsamongstpotentialparticipants.Forexample,severalnetworkbasedprocessesinaBritishColumbiaenvironmentalmovementmediatedtherelationshipbetweenpersonalnetworkstructureandthesocialmovementparticipationofindividuals:beingthetargetofrecruitmentefforts,communicatingfrequentlywithothersaboutmovementissues,andstronglyidentifyingwiththemovement(Tindall,1994,2000b).Underconditionsofactivismwithlowcostsandrisks,weakertiesweremoreimportantthanstrongertiesforfacilitatingparticipation.Alongitudinalstudyofparticipantsinthismovementfoundthatnetworkintegration,communicationaboutmovementissues,andlevelofmovementidentificationdeclinedovertime(Tindall2000a).Thiswasexplainedbypositionwithinthecycleofprotestandthebiographicalavailabilityofparticipants.

    ParallellingPutnam's(1993,2000)argumentthatparticipationinanyvoluntaryorganizationincreasespoliticalmobilization,EricksonandNosanchuk(1990)analyzedwhyassociationalmembershippoliticizesbridgeplayers.Onlypoliticaldiscussionamongtheparticipantsmobilizedpoliticalparticipation.Ifbridgeplayers,especiallyperipheralparticipants,hadfriendsintheclubwhotalkedpolitics,theydidsomorethemselves.

    Collectiveactionisinherentlyproblematicbecausedecisionsaboutindividualcontributionsusuallyinvolvethesocialdilemmaofbeingforcedtochoosebetweenselfinterestandcollectiveinterest.TindallandGartrell(1990)havebridgedresearchoncollectivedilemmasandjusticetheorybyexaminingtheroleplayedinreactionstoothers'freeriding(7).Peoplebecomeawareofothers'contributionsandoutcomesasabyproductofinteractioninsocialnetworks.Thevolume,strength,andproximityoftiesareallimportant.Forexample,peoplearemorelikelytocooperateinsmallergroupsorsmallernetworksegmentsbecausetheyarelessanonymousandtheirbehaviourismoreeasilymonitored.Thedivisionoflargernetworksintosmallercliquesfacilitatesmonitoring.Withouttrust,cooperationamongpersonsfacingasocialdilemmawilldeteriorate.Strongtiesfostertrust.Yetlittlehasbeensaidaboutthepossibledysfunctionsofnetworkpropertiesforsocialdilemmas.Trustalsopresentsenhancedopportunitiesformalfeasance.

    Almostallresearchonnetworksandmicromobilizationhasfocussedonprogressivesocialmovementsorinstancesoflocalcollectiveaction.Lessisknownaboutthestructureofpersonalnetworksamongthosewhoparticipateincountermovementsandifsimilarnetworkprocessesareatwork.Theoreticalpredictionshavearguedthatindividualswhohavetiestoopposinggroupswillmoderatetheirparticipationinasocialmovement(McAdamandPaulsen,1993).However,astudyofacommunitycountermovementorganizationinPortAlberni,B.C.thatmobilizedagainsttheprovincialenvironmentalmovementfoundthatthenumberofoutgroupties(therangeoftiestoenvironmentalorganizations)heldbyindividualswasthestrongestpredictorofcountermovementactivismamongstcountermovementmembers(TindallandMaubouls,2000).

    Moststudiesofnetworksandmicromobilizationhaveanalyzedcommunicationthatoccursfacetoface,throughthepostmail,oroverthephone.ArecentstudyofInternetcommunicationandcollectiveactionina"wired"Torontosuburb,andfoundthathighspeedInternetcommunicationincreasedthespeedandeffectivenessofcommunityorganization(Hampton,2000).Membersofthecommunityhadgreaterflexibilityintheircommunicativeparticipation.ThesefindingsextendtheobservationsofTindallandGartrell(1990)regardingnetworks,visibility,andfreeriding.Onlineforumsprovideavisibilitytoparticipationthatcanencourageindividualcontributions,supporttheappearanceofgroupsolidarity,andpreventthelossofindividualinvolvement.Yetvisibilityisadoubleedgedsword,forwhileparticipationincreasesasnetworkmemberswitnesstheinvestmentofothers,itcanquicklydeclinewhennetworkvisibilitycreatestheperceptionthatothersarenolongerinvestedinthemovement.

    3.2InterOrganizationalRelations

    Socialstructurehasadualbasis:Groupsarelinkedthroughtiesbetweenindividuals,andindividualsarelinkedthroughjointmembershipingroups(Breiger,1974).BystudyingoverlappingdirectorshipsanalystshavebeenabletomapthesocialstructureofCanadiancorporateelitesandtalkaboutthechangingnatureofadvancedcapitalism.(8)

    Canadiansocialscientistshavefocussedontherelationshipbetweenfinancialandnonfinancialcorporationsbecauseofthecentralpositionoffinancialinstitutionsintheeconomy.Directorshipinterlockshavereceivedthegreatestattentioninthestudyofincorporaterelationships,inpartbecausereliabledataareeasilyavailable.Interlocksareinstrumentsofcoordinationandcontrolaswellassymbolicannouncementsofmutualinterests.InthepostwarCanadianeconomy,accidentallybrokeninterlockshavebeenreplacedbynewinterlocksinthesamedirectionbetweenthesamepairsoffirms(Richardson,1987).Moreover,suchreplacementshavebeenrelatedtocorporateprofitability.

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    LargerfirmsinCanadaaresociallyintegratedthroughadenselyconnectednetworkofdirectorshipinterlocks(Carroll,Fox,andOrnstein1982).Thisnetworkofintercorporatetiesdoesnotappeartodivideintodiscreteandpotentiallycompetinggroups.Rather,financialfirmsingeneralandbanksinparticularoccupyrelativelycentralpositionsinthenetwork.Thesecorporateactorsserveasarticulationpoints,tyingtogetherindustrialandcommercialcompanies.Thestructuralfeaturesofthenetworksuggestthereisanindependentnationalbourgeoisiecentredinbothindustryandfinanceandintegratedwithforeigncapitalthroughtheboardsoffinancialinstitutions.Forexample,beforebeingtakenoverbybanks,trustcompaniesplayedimportantrolesinconsolidatingCanadianenterprises(Richardson,1988).ThesefindingsquestionclaimsmadebydependencytheoristsaboutthemarginalanddependentpositionoftheCanadiancorporateelitevisavisforeigncapital.

    CarrollandLewis(1991)builtuponCarrolletal.'s(1982)findings,byanalyzingcorporateinterlocksbetween1976and1986.Theyhavearguedthattheearlypostwarperiodwasatfirstaneraof"polyarchicfinancialhegemony"(Scott,1985,1987)inthecorporateworld,buttherehasbeenacountervailingshifttowardsaholdingsystemoffamilycontrolledenterprisegroupscoexistingwithwidelyheldfinancialinstitutionsatthecentreofCanadianfinancecapital.CarrollandAlexander's(1999)analysisofnetworksofinterlockingdirectorshipsinCanadaandAustraliain1992hasshownhowhistoricalfactorshaveledtoCanadahavingalessstatecentricorganizationofclasspowerthanAustralia(CarrollandAlexander,1999).ThepersistentstrongcoreofinterlockedindigenousCanadiancapitalistssuggeststhatbeforethefreetradeagreements,globalizationhadnotdissolvedthestrongnetworkthatconnectedallCanadiancapitalistsandtheirorganizations.

    Therearetwotypesofinterlockingcorporateboardties:directional(anofficerofonecompanyontheboardofanother)andnondirectional.Althoughbothtypesofinterlocksintegrateorganizationsintolargersystems(BerkowitzandFitzgerald,1995),onlydirectionalinterlockscooptorcontrol(Richardson,1987).Bycontrast,nondirectionaltieslinkspecificpairsofcorporationslargelybyaccident.Onlyidenticalties(tiesthatarereplacedbetweenpairsofcorporationsinthesamedirection)havebeenrelatedtocorporateprofitsandreflectaninterorganizationalrelationship.Othertypesofinterlocks(nondirectionaloraccidental)havebeenunrelatedtocorporateprofitabilityandfillanintegrativefunctionthattranscendedspecificcorporateinterests.Forexample,stronglytiedalliancesinthesemiconductorindustryaidcorporateperformanceinstablebusinessenvironments.However,whenthefirmsoperatedinmoreuncertainenvironments,weaktiesweremoreuseful,presumablybecauseoftheirgreaterrange,flexibility,andeaseofentryandexit(Rowley,BehrensandKrackhardt,2000).

    Enterprisegroupsaremoreintegratedthaninterlockingcorporations.Theyaresetsoffirmsorganizedtogetherunderasinglecontrollingagencyandfunctioningasoneunitofcapital(Berkowitz,etal.,1979).Enterprisegroupsbecamemorepredominantinthe1970swithaconcomitantconcentrationincorporatecontrol.BerkowitzandFitzgerald(1995)foundanalmostfivefoldconsolidationofthenumberofeconomicdecisionmakingunitswithintheCanadianeconomybetween1972and1987,simultaneouswithasubstantialdecreaseinthenumberofsinglefirmandmultiplefirmenterprises.

    DespitetheintegratedstrengthofCanadiancorporations,bythemid1980s,crossborderrelationshipshadledtostrongconnectionswithAmericancorporationsandareducedinterestbyCanadianfinancialandindustrialelitesinopposingfreetrade(Richardson,1992).RichardsonhasarguedthatfreetradewaspartofalargerdevolutionofpowerfromthecentralCanadiangovernmenttotheprovincesandcorporations.

    3.3WorldSystems

    Canadian"worldsystems"analystshaveaddedconsiderationsofpowerandstructuretotheoftennebulousdebatesaboutglobalization.AndreGunderFrank(FrankandGillis,1996)arguedfora5,000year"Kondratieff"worldeconomiccycleratherthanthestandard500yearcycle.Fromthislongtermperspective,hearguedthatanAsiancentredanalysisisthekeytothedevelopmentofthecurrentworldsystem(1998).Inhisview,thedeclineoftheEastoccurredabout1800,whenEuropeanstatesusedAmericangoldandAfricanslavestobuytheirwayintothealreadyflourishingAsiansystem.

    Inrecentyearstheglobalizationofcapitalhasincreased"thetransnationalcharacterofenterprisetoenterpriserelations,and[changed]therelationsofthesetostates"(Friedmann,1988,p.320).Thestructureoftheworldfoodorder(fromproductionandfinancethroughtradeandconsumption)hasemphasizednationalfarmprograms.ThisplacedtheUnitedStatesatthecentreand"allowedinternationalpowertotaketheunusualformofsubsidizedexportsofsurpluscommodities"(Friedmann,1991,p.511).

    4.TakingStockandMovingForward

    4.1TakingStock

    ThisarticlehasoverviewedthesocialnetworkapproachtostructuralanalysisandprovidedabriefhistoricalsketchofitsdevelopmentinCanadaandabroad.Whilesocialnetworkanalysisisundoubtedlyaninternationalenterprise,Canadianscholarshavemadecorecontributionsonanumberoffronts,andhavebeenattheforefrontsincethestart.Indeed,wehavebeenimpressedwithhowabroadaspectrumofnetworkanalyticworkwehavebeenabletopresentthroughourreviewofCanadianresearch.Inthepast,socialnetworkanalysishasbeencriticizedforbeingpreoccupiedwithnarrowtechnicalandmethodologicalissues(Collins,1988Maryanski,1991EmirbayerandGoodwin,1994)tothedetrimentofdevelopingtheoreticalcontributions,orsubstantiveanalyses.OurreviewofCanadiancontributionsshowsthatthisviewisinaccurateforCanadiansocialnetworkresearchhasclearlyflourishedindiversefields.Overthelast30yearssocialnetworkanalysishasbecomeaflourishingenterprise,withitsowntheory,methods,andfindings.ResearchbyCanadianscholarshascontributedtothefollowingnetworkanalyticinsights:

    Communitiesflourishbutnolongerliveinneighbourhoods.Computernetworksaresocialnetworkswithrelationsonlineembeddedinoverallsocialnetworks.Socialcapitalisanetworkphenomenonpeoplegetdifferentkindsofsupportfromdifferenttypesoftiesratherthanawiderangeofsupportfromeachtie.Emergentpropertiesarealiveandwell.Thenatureofnetworksaswellasofspecifictiesaffectstheamountandkindofsupportthatpeopleget.Socialcapitalisusedforbothjobandgeographicalmobility.Reciprocitymaintainsties,andthroughindirectexchanges,integratessocialsystems.Networkssupplyculturalcapital.Suchculturalcapitalaffectsthetypeoftiespeoplehaveandcanuseforsocialcapital.

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    Networksstructurecognitionandsocialcomparisons.Networksrecruitpeopletocollectiveactionandsocialmovements.Withinsocialmovements,networksstructurecoalitionsandcleavages.Networksstructureinterorganizationalrelations.Thepositionofanorganizationinanetworkcanaffectitscomparativeadvantage.Corporationsformcoalitionsthroughinterlockingrelationships.Theseoftenconsolidateintolargerenterprises.Theworldsystemisasocialnetworkwheremajorunitsarenationstatesandtransnationalcorporations.

    Inourdiscussionbelow,weunderscoresomeofthecentralcontributionsofCanadiansocialnetworkscholars.Wealsoidentifysomeavenuesforfutureresearch,andseveralofthechallengesthatexitforsocialnetworkanalysts.

    4.2CoreContributionsofSocialNetworkScholarship

    WehaveoutlinedthebreadthofcontributionsprovidedbynetworkscholarsinCanada.Wefeelitwouldusefulinourdiscussiontoidentifysomecorecontributions.Forseveralreasons,thecontributionsofnetworkscholarsinCanadatosociologyisnotthesameasthecontributionsofnetworkscholarstoCanadiansociology.Muchsocialnetworkresearchhasfocussedongeneralprinciples(theprovisionofsocialsupport,structuralinfluencesonsocialevaluationprocesses,micromobilizationforcollectiveaction)ratherthanidiographicexplanationsspecifictoCanadiansociety.SomenetworkresearchhasbeenmoreinfluentialwithinCanadiansociology(researchwithanidiographicfocuspublishedinCanadianjournals),whileotherworkhascontributedtoadvancesinthedisciplinemoregenerally(researchwithanomotheticfocuspublishedininternationaljournals).ArguablythescholarswhohavehadthehighestvisibilitywithinCanadiansociologyarethosewhohaveexaminednetworkrelationsamongstcorporations(andothereconomicformations)throughanalysisofcorporateinterlockdata(suchasCarroll,Ornstein,Fox,Richardson,andBerkowitz).Whilethisworkdrawsuponsomegeneralmethodologicalandconceptualprinciples,ithasbeenprimarilyinterestedindescribingthestructureofCanadiancapitalismanditssimilarityordissimilarityfromcapitalisminothernationstates.TheworkofthesescholarshasbeenwellpublishedinCanadianjournalssuchastheCJSandCRSA.Scholarswhohavelookedatmoregeneralprocesses(suchasnetworksandsocialsupport)havebeenmorelikelytopublishininternationaljournals,andhaveperhapshadrelativelylessvisibilitywithinCanada.Forthisreasonwewouldliketoemphasizethecontributionsoftheselatterscholars.

    4.3SomeCoreNetworkAnalyticContributionstoSocialCapitalResearch

    Therehasbeenmuchrecentinterestwithinsociologyintheconceptofsocialcapital.Ingeneral,socialcapitalcanbethoughtofasagoodthataccumulates(anddissipates)asaresultofrepeatedsocialinteractionsamongmembersofasocialnetwork.Inotherwords,repeatedsocialinteractionsleadtothedevelopmentofvarioustypesofsocialstructures.Thesesocialstructuresfacilitatescertaintypesofactions(e.g.,networkswithclosurefacilitatemonitoringofbehaviour).Aparallelconcept(tosocialcapital),"socialresources",developedindependentlywithinthesocialnetworkliterature(Lin,1999).Inearlyworkinthesocialcapitaltradition(suchasColeman's)therewassomeconfusionbetweenthefeaturesofthesocialstructureandtheactualresourcesthatareaccessed.Accordingtodifferentscholars,socialcapitalincludedthingssuchas"communitynorms","groupsolidarity",and"participationinvoluntaryandcivilorganizations".Networkresearchersdrawadistinctionbetweenthepropertiesofsocialstructuresandtheresourcesthatareaccessedthroughsuchstructures(Lin,1999),(9)oftenusingthetermsocialcapitaltorefertothelatter.(10)SeverallinesofsocialnetworkinformedsocialcapitalresearchhavethrivedinCanada.Theserevolvearound"communityandsocialsupport"and"classandculturalcapital".

    4.3aCommunityandSocialSupport:(11)BarryWellman(andhiscolleagues)hasmadeseveralcorecontributionstosocialnetworkscholarship(12).Asubstantivecontributionexistsintheareaofcommunitysociology.Classicdefinitionsofcommunityinvolvedthreeconceptualdimensions:1.sharedgeography2.collectiveidentityand3.structuralintegration.Whilethesethreedimensionsofcommunityareinterrelated,theycanbeanalyticallyseparatedandtreatedassemiautonomousindicatorsof"community".Wellmanhasarguedthatstudiesofurbancommunitieshavetendedtofocusonthefirsttwodimensions(primarilythegeographicdimension).DrawinguponnetworktheoryandempiricaldatacollectedovertimeinTorontohehasarguedthatifanalystsfocusonthethirddimension(structuralintegration)byemployingsocialnetworkanalysis,thenitbecomesapparentthanmanypeopleliveinthrivingpersonalcommunities,albeitcommunitiesthataregeographicallyscattered.Indeed,communitieshavetendedtobecomemoregeographicallydispersedastransportationandcommunicationtechnologieshavepushedbacktheconstraintsofgeography.Personalnetworkshavebecomefragmented,specialized,andcomplex.Theseinsightshavebeenfarreachinginhelpingscholarstoreevaluatethestateofcommunitiesinmodern,industrialized,urbansocieties.However,asagooddealofthisresearchhastakenplaceinToronto,thereneedstobereplicationofthisworkinavarietyofotherCanadianurbancentres.

    AnothermajorcontributionbyWellmanandhiscolleaguesisintheareaofsocialsupport.AsWellman'sresearchhasdemonstrated,socialsupportisnotprimarilyadyadicactivity,butratherasocialnetworkactivitywheresupportflowsasymmetricallyamongpairsofindividuals,andwherethoseseekingsupportobtaindifferenttypesofsupportfromdifferentsourceswithintheirpersonalnetwork.Arecentrelatedcontributioninvolvesthedevelopmentofmultilevelanalysis,whereindividual,tie,andsocialnetworkeffectsupontheprovisionofsocialsupportcanbeunpackaged.Thisresearchhasreorientedthefocusofsocialsupportresearchfromdyadstonetworks.Oneconclusionofthisresearchisthatthecompositionofanetworkaffectsthetypesofsupportthatcanbeaccessed.Greatstrideshavebeenmadeinthisarea,butmoreresearchisneededonwhatspecifickindsofnetworkcharacteristicsareimportantforparticulartypesofsocialsupport.

    Asnotedabove,inhisworkonsocialnetworksandcommunitiesWellmanextendedtheconceptofcommunitytoincludegeographicallydispersedcommunitiesthatarelinkedtogetherthroughpersonalnetworkties.Recently,Wellmanhasfurtheredthislineofinquirybyturninghisattentiontocomputermediatedsocialnetworks.Wellmanisoneofthefirstsociologiststotake"virtualcommunity"seriously,andhasexploredthewaysinwhichvirtualcommunitiesdifferfromothertypesofcommunities.Somefindingsarecounterintuitive,atleastwithregardstomediadiscourseaboutcyberspace.Forexample,likeothertechnologiessuchasthetelephone,communicationovertheInternethastendedtosupplementratherthansupplantotherformsofcommunication.AsWellmanhasnoted,thisisanareathathasbeenunderstudiedbysociologists.Therearetremendoussocialnetworkresearchopportunitiesintheareasofcybercommunityandcybersociety.

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    4.3bSocialStructure,SocialCapitalandCulturalCapital:Asnotedearlier,BonnieEricksonhasmadeseveralcontributionstothesocialcapital/socialresourcesliterature(13).Ofparticularsignificance,inexaminingtheintersectionsofsocialnetworks,class,andculturalcapital,Ericksonhas:

    shownhowsocialnetworksarerelatedtoclass

    shownhowsocialnetworksarerelatedtoculture

    distinguisheddifferenttypesofculturalcapitalandtheirrelevancetoclassrelations

    discussedwhysocialnetworksarerelatedtocertaintypesofculturalcapital

    Indevelopingrelationalclassmeasuresofnetworkcontacts,Erickson'sworkontheintersectionbetweensocialstratificationandnetworkstructurehasmovedbeyondAmericanmodelsthatuseSESmeasures.Alongtheselinesshehasrefinedquestionnairemeasuresofclassbasednetworkdiversity.Erickson'sworkhasfocussedonthesecurityindustryinToronto.Asnetworkstructuresmayvarywitheconomicstructures,futureresearchneedstoexaminenetworks,class,andculturalcapitalinotherindustriesandregions.

    Recentyearshavemarkedaproductiveperiodforsocialcapitalresearchers,andhaveledtoavarietyofdifferentconceptualizations.Itisunclearhowbroadthescopeofphenomenaisthatshouldbeentailedbytheconceptofsocialcapital.Apartiallistofsocialcapitalgoodsincludes:trust,information,mobilization,socialization,sanctioning,andsocialmobility.Similarly,thenetworkstructuresthatarethoughttoberelatedtosocialcapitalentailavarietyofthings:networkclosure,tiestrength,rolerelation,extensityofties,networkrange,multiplexity,structuralholes,andclustering.Socialnetworkanalysisprovidesanalyticalleverageforunderstandingtherelationshipbetweensocialstructureandsocialcapital.Futureresearchshouldfocusonwhattypesofsocialcapitaltendtobeassociatedwithparticularnetworkstructures.Socialcapitaloutcomescanbegoodforsomeandbadforothers.Thusthereisalsoaneedforresearchtoexaminesocialbadsassociatedwithsocialcapital.Forexample,whilesomescholarswouldseenetworkstructuresthatpromotemonitoringandsanctioningtoenforcethisnormativebehaviourasasocialgoodtheseoutcomescanalsoseeasinstancesofincreasedsocialcontrolthatconstrainopportunitiesforindividualexpression.

    4.4MovingForward

    Wehavefocussedprimarilyontheachievementsofsocialnetworkscholars,andinthepastseveraldecadesthesehavebeenmany.However,asinallfieldstherearechallengestoaddress.

    1.Moreworkneedstobedoneverifyingifthephenomenaempiricallyassociatedwithnetworkstructuresarethecauseortheeffect(Richardson,1985CarrollandRatner,1996Tindall,2000b).Forexample,peoplewhoaremoreintegratedthroughtheirsocialtiesintoasocialmovementwillbecomemoreinvolvedinthemovement,butatthesametimepeoplewhoarehighlyactivewilldevelopagreaternumberoftieswithfellowactivists.Corporateprofitabilitymaybearesultofthedirectionofinterlockingties,ormayleadtothecreationofsuchties.Highlycentralsocialmovementorganizationsmaybemoresuccessfulindevelopingmasterframes,orsocialmovementorganizationswhosuccessfullyadoptandpromotekeymasterframesmaybecomemorecentralinthenetwork.Thepositionofanindividualwithinasocialnetworkmaybeassociatedwiththestrengthofherattitudeduetotheinfluenceofothers,orthestrengthofherattitudemayleadhertoseekoutaparticularpositionwithinthenetworkandthusbecomeanopinionleader.Multilevelanalysis(WellmanandFrank,2001)providesapartialsolutiontothisproblematleasttounderstandingtherelativeimportanceofdifferentstructuralpropertiesbyteasingoutemergentstructuralpropertiesfromtieprocessesandindividualagency.

    2.Networkstructuresareunlikelytobesimplyeithercausesoreffects,buttobelinkedtootherphenomenainintricatefeedbackloopsforactorsarebothconstrainedbystructureandaffectstructuretotheiradvantage.Networkmodelsandexplanationsneedtoaccountforsuchreciprocalinfluences.

    3.Relatedtotheproblemofwhethernetworkstructuresarethecauseoreffectofvarioussocialprocess,afundamentalchallengeofsocialnetworkanalysisisdistinguishingbetweenpatternedsocialtiesandtheresourcesthatflowthroughsuchties.Thischallengecanbeaddressedinanumberofways:1)showinghownetworkbasedrelationsatonepointintime,arerelatedtoresourceflowsatasubsequentpointintime,2)clearlydistinguishingbetweenthetypeofsocialrelationunderinvestigation(eg.friendshipvs.acquaintanceshiptie)andtheresource(e.g.information).Moreconceptualprecisionisneededespeciallyinresearchonsocialcapital.

    4.Onewaytogainleverageontheaboveissuesistoconductlongitudinalresearch.Longitudinalresearchhasbeenconductedinthecorporateinterlockarea(presumablybecauseoftheeasyavailabilityofdata)butislesscommoninotherareas:Wellmanetal.'sstudyofpersonalnetworks(1997)andTindall'sstudyofasocialmovement(2000a)aretheonlytwoCanadianstudieswithwhichwearefamiliar.

    5.Relatedtothequestionsaboutcausalityraisedabove,networkresearchersneedtogobeyonddocumentingcorrelationalrelationshipsbetweennetworkcharacteristicsandparticularsocialoutcomes.Forexample,mostscholarsofsocialmovementsrecognizethatnetworktiesareessentialforrecruitmentandmobilization.However,theproposedmechanismsfortheseprocessesaremanyandvaried.Someproposedmechanismsinclude:1)communication,2)recruitmentappeals,3)identification4)socialinfluence,5)incentivesandsanctions,6)socialsupport,7)socialization,8)knowledgeandinformation,9)personalefficacy,10)norms,11)subjectiveinterest,12)beliefsaboutothers'willingnesstocontribute,and13)trust.Inmuchoftheworkonnetworksandmobilizationforcollectiveactionthe"mechanism"isnotempiricallymeasured,butspeculatedupon.Inavarietyofareasnetworkscholarshaveprovidedconvincingevidencethatnetworkrelationsareempiricallyassociatedwithsocialoutcomes(liketherelationshipbetweennetworktiesandrecruitment/mobilization).Futureresearchneedstomovebeyondempiricalassociationsandinvestigatenetworkrelatedmechanisms.

    Theworkofthepasttwodecadessuggeststhatnetworkresearcherswillmakeadvancesinunderstandingthecausaldirectionalinfluenceofnetworkmechanismsandthatthiswillbeaccomplishedbytheincreasedcollectionandanalysisoflongitudinaldata.ThecomplexlystructuralnatureofCanadiansocietyandthevigourofcurrentworkandmentorshipsuggeststhatCanadianswillbe

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    continuetobecentralinthiswork.

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