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Russell-Bennett, Rebekah, Mulcahy, Rory, Little, Jo, & Swinton, Tim(2018)Money or mind? What matters most in influencing low-income earners tobe energy efficient?Journal of Social Marketing, 8(1), pp. 2-23.
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https://doi.org/10.1108/JSOCM-08-2016-0039
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Money or Mind? What matters most in influencing low-income earners to be energy
efficient?
To Cite: Russell-Bennett, R., Mulcahy, R., Little, J. and Swinton, T., (2018) Money or Mind? What matters most in influencing low-income earners to be energy efficient? Journal of Social Marketing, Vol 8(1): 2 – 23
Rebekah Russell-Bennett
School of Advertising, Marketing and Public Relations
Queensland University of Technology
Brisbane, Queensland
Australia
Rory Mulcahy
School of Business
University of Sunshine Coast,
Sippy Downs, Queensland
Australia
Jo-Anne Little
Marketing Program Manager
Reduce Your Juice
CitySmart
Australia
Tim Swinton
Project Manager
Reduce Your Juice
CitySmart
Australia
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Rebekah Russell-Bennett is a professor in the QUT Business School and is the immediate past president of the Australian Association of Social Marketing. Rebekah undertakes research in social marketing with a technology or services focus. Rebekah has published more than 150 peer-reviewed articles and is considered an international leader in the field of social marketing. She is also the co-editor of the Journal of Services Marketing, an A ranked journal in the ABDC list. Rory Mulcahy is a lecturer of marketing at the University of Sunshine Coast. Rory just recently completed his PhD in 2015 and has published articles and conference papers in the Journal of Social Marketing, ANZMAC, the World Social Marketing Conference and International Social Marketing Conference. His research interest include serious games, digital marketing and the micro-celebrity endorsement. Jo-Anne Little is the Marketing Project Manager for the Reduce Your Juice project at CitySmart. She is a marketing professional with over 15 year’s industry experience across a variety of brands and organisations. Specialising in digital and social marketing, she has an interest in the application of digital marketing and gamification techniques for social good.
Tim Swinton is the Commercial Projects Manager at CitySmart. He has delivered a range of innovative energy efficiency programs producing tangible environmental, social and commercial outcomes across the residential and business sectors. Tim is a graduate of the QUT Business School and completed a Graduate Certificate in Built Environment and Engineering.
Acknowledgement: This Activity has received funding from the Australian Government. The views expressed herein are not necessarily the views of the Commonwealth of Australia, and the Commonwealth does not accept responsibility for any information or advice contained
herein
Money or mind? What matters most in influencing Australian young adult low-income
earners to be energy efficient?
Abstract
Purpose of the study: Designing a social marketing intervention for Australian young adult
low-income earners requires an understanding of the key motivations. As part of the Low-
Income Earner Energy Efficiency Program (LIEEP), this study investigates the key factors
that influence energy behaviours amongst Australian young adult low-income earners as part
of the Reduce Your Juice social marketing program. We also investigate the effect of gender.
Method: An online survey of 753 low-income renters was conducted using validated
measures. The data were analysed using structural equation modelling.
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Findings: The two factors that had the highest influence on intentions for energy saving
behaviours were the ‘mind’ factor of self-efficacy and ‘money’ factor of price concern.
There were gender differences in the effect of bill control and price concern on intentions for
different energy efficiency behaviours.
Practical implications: This study provides guidance on the key factors to emphasise when
designing an energy efficiency program for Australian young adult low-income earners.
Social implications: This study provides evidence for different motivations amongst
Australian young adult low-income earners for energy efficiency programs and that a ‘one-
size-fits-all’ approach may not be effective.
Originality/Value: While there is high interest in the public sector for motivating Australian
young adult low-income earners to change their energy behaviours little is known about the
key factors that motivate intentions to engage in these behaviours.
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Introduction
Social marketing is continually finding new behaviours and market segments where
behaviour change needs to be achieved. In this article we investigate electricity saving in
Australian young adult low-income earners and the factors which influence their electricity
saving behaviour. There have been numerous electricity efficiency programs in Australia to
stimulate a reduction in usage at both the upstream and downstream levels. Further reductions
are necessary if Australians are to live more sustainably (Council of Australian Governments,
2010), thus indicating that past programs have not achieved the level of reduction desired.
In the past social marketing has investigated vulnerable or hard-to-reach consumers
(Gordon et al., 2006) and more recently there have been calls to investigate low-income
earners (Hamilton and Catterall, 2005; Hamilton, 2012). Research shows low-income earners
are often at risk in regard to poor health outcomes and diminished lifestyles (MacAskill et al.,
2002; Scott and Higgins, 2012). One area social marketers can provide assistance to low-
income earners is in the management of electricity consumption. Research into the ability of
social marketing to assist Australian young adult low-income earners is in its infancy, with
only one empirical study investigating the customer value of electricity saving behaviours for
older consumers (60+ years) (Butler et al., 2016). Therefore, there is an opportunity to gain
greater insight into how social marketers can encourage Australian young adult low-income
earners to engage in electricity saving behaviours.
The current energy saving behaviour literature draws predominately from the theory
of planned behaviour (TPB), both explicitly and implicitly (Gadenne et al., 2011; Wang et
al., 2011). However, many of these studies assume energy saving behaviour occurs as a result
of consumers’ environmental concerns or preference for environmental conservation
(Murtagh et al., 2013). This limits their capacity to reflect non-attitudinal motivations, for
instance financial savings (Butler et al., 2016) and temperature comfort (Huebner et al.,
2013). However, the research that has used the TPB ignores other key factors identified in the
energy literature that motivate consumers. Furthermore, research shows males and females
are motivated to conserve energy by different factors (Cotton et al., 2015); however, social
marketers are yet to understand how this applies to a young adult low-income market
segment. As such, this research examines an extended TPB model and draws on both the
energy and psychology literature to include attitudinal (mind) and financial (money) factors
which may explain Australian young adult low-income earners’ energy saving behaviours,
and the gender differences which may exist.
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This research contributes to the social marketing literature in three ways: first, we test
an extended TPB model; second, we contribute to the social marketing and energy literature
by testing narrower operationalisations of electricity saving attitudes and behavioural
intentions, including switch (turning light switches and electronic devices off at the wall),
wash (using a clothes rack rather than a dryer) and cool (using temperature controlling
devices to an optimal setting); and third, as this study specifically focuses on Australian
young adult low-income earners, we extend social marketers’ understanding of this market
segment. The paper is organised as follows. First, a brief discussion of low-income earners is
presented. A review of extant literature on energy saving and related behaviours is then
presented, along with the hypotheses to be tested. The research methodology is then
described, followed by the presentation of the results. Finally, the implications of the research
are discussed.
Low-income earners
Low-income earners have previously been neglected by marketers (Hamilton and Catterall,
2005; Hamilton, 2012). Scholars argue this is based upon the misconceptions of low-income
earners as “living miserable lives” and being less profitable (Hamilton, 2012; Hamilton and
Catterall, 2005; Paicentini and Hamilton, 2013). Recent research challenges previous
perceptions of low-income earners. For example, studies have found that low-income earners
can be equally driven to possess the material trappings of success (Gbadamosi, 2009; Soman
and Cheema, 2011). This could be attributed to low-income earners wishing to avoid the
stigmatisation and visibility of belonging to this socio-economic group. Furthermore, more
recently there has been an increasing recognition of the importance of understanding the
psychology of the poor (Schilbach et al., 2016) and marketing to better the lives of those who
live closer to the ‘bottom of the pyramid’ (Paicentini and Hamilton, 2013; Blocker et al.,
2013).
Social marketing is interested in low-income earners from a different perspective to
commercial marketers in that the goal is to improve quality of life rather than generate profit
(Hampson et al., 2009, MacAskill et al., 2002). Current social marketing research on low-
income earners has investigated behaviours such as smoking (MacAskill et al., 2002),
encouraging consumption of fruit and vegetables (Hampson et al., 2009) and, more recently,
electricity efficiency in older low-income earners (Butler et al., 2016). This study aims to
further the understanding of social marketing’s ability to assist low-income earners,
particularly those who are young adults, in the context of electricity saving behaviours. It is
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important to understand what influences Australian young adult low-income earners to
perform electricity saving behaviours, as it this encourages behaviours that can form habits
and carried through into older adulthood. Young adults are also the parents of the future
therefore will be influential in socialising their children about electricity use. Thus, by
gaining this understanding, this research begins to address calls in the literature to better
understand low-income earners and how social marketers can assist them in saving electricity
(Butler et al., 2016).
There are difficulties in researching low-income earners, with one of the key
complications being in creating a generalisable definition of what constitutes an individual or
group being classified as low-income. Laderchi and colleagues (2003) and Blocker and
colleagues (2013) point out that whilst there is world-wide agreement on poverty reduction
there is little agreement on the definition. Laderchi and colleagues (2003) go further,
outlining four approaches to classifying “poor” or “low-income”: monetary, capability, social
exclusion and participatory. For the purposes of this research we adopt the monetary
approach, which identifies poverty or low-income based upon shortfalls in consumption
and/or income based on a standard of income. There again is minimal agreement in the
literature on a standard monetary threshold, as standard incomes differ across countries
(UNESCO, 2016). Therefore, given this research is Australian, we adopt the income
thresholds relevant to that country. In Australia the bottom two quintiles of income earners
are considered low-income and the monetary income threshold for this is AU$41,5001 per
annum individual income (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2013). Thus, this monetary income
threshold was additionally used as eligibility criteria to participate in Reduce Your Juice and
this study.
What influences electricity saving behaviour?
Studies of consumers’ intentions to save energy (Gadenne et al., 2011; Wang, Yin and
Zhang, 2011) or conserve resources (Chan and Bishop, 2013; Fielding et al., 2008; Greaves
et al., 2013) typically employ models such as the TPB. Studies, such as Greaves and
colleagues (2013), have shown the TPB to be a strong predictor of office workers behavioural
intentions for workplace environmental behaviours, with variances of over 50% being
explained. Whilst the TPB has been proven to be a useful model to research energy saving
1 This is the equivalent of US$30,452.00 and £25,844
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behaviour, and other behaviours related to this research, key limitations in previous research
exist.
One limitation is that the majority of energy studies take an environmental
conservation perspective and study samples outside of Australia such as China (Wang, Yin
and Zhang, 2011) or older Australian populations (Gadenne et al., 2011). These studies take
the viewpoint that consumers’ environmental concerns will drive their intentions and
behaviour to conserve energy. For instance, Gadenne and colleagues (2011) examine energy
saving behaviours of Australian consumers aged 35 years and older of a ‘green’ business and
operationalise TPB factors using environmental conservation measures. Accordingly,
scholars have critiqued the findings of pro-environmental attitude studies, suggesting the
results may be a result of pro-environmental bias, whereby the participant wishes to be seen
as more environmentally conscious (Murtagh et al., 2013).
Another limitation in current energy saving research appears to be the additional
missing factors outside of the TPB which may influence consumers’ electricity behaviours
and their limited focus on young adult low-income earners. For example, Huebner and
colleagues (2013) and Shove and colleagues (2014) argue that domestic electricity
consumption and electricity saving is influenced by temperature comfort needs. However,
their studies are limited in the context of this research, particularly Huebner and colleagues
(2013) whose study had a mean age of 64 years for participants. Other studies also argue
financial saving or over-expenditure as key drivers of energy use and saving (Barr, et al.,
2005), particularly for the elderly (Butler et al., 2016). It therefore appears current energy
saving studies may have overemphasised the environmental concern of consumers, as well as
missed other additional factors which may drive consumers’ energy saving behaviours.
Furthermore, the majority of studies have focused on older populations or broader sample
demographics, which makes it difficult to determine their findings applicability to social
marketing campaigns such as Reduce Your Juice targeted at Australian young adult low-
income earners. We therefore extend upon previous research by using the TPB and other
factors identified in the literature as being drivers of energy saving behaviour to investigate
Australian young adult low-income earners’ electricity saving behaviours. For this research
we group these factors in the categories of financial (money) and attitudinal (mind).
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Financial factors
Financial or economic factors such as monetary savings or current financial conditions have
been shown to be good predictors of electricity usage behaviours (Barr et al., 2005; Seligman
et al., 1979) and important to low-income earners (Butler et al., 2016). For example, a study
by Butler and colleagues (2016) found economic value to be the most important driver for
electricity efficient behaviours in Australian older low-income earners. This is consistent with
other research, which finds that individuals under conditions of scarcity will attempt to use
trade-offs to benefit their welfare (Shah et al., 2015; Roux et al., 2015). Research shows this
is particularly the case for low-income earners, who focus their budgets on limiting the risks
of overspending (Homburg et al., 2010). Given the focus of this study, saving a scarce
resource such as financial resources may also extend to Australian young adult low-income
earners’ electricity saving behaviours. For this study we conceptualise financial factors to
consist of two factors: price concern and bill control. Price concern refers to an individual’s
level of worry that they will struggle to pay their electricity bill and that efforts to save
electricity will result in a considerable financial saving (Seligman et al., 1979). Bill control
refers to the level of influence an individual perceives they have over reducing their bill in
comparison to other entities such as an electricity provider (Schindler, 1998). For this study
we hypothesise the following:
H1. Australian young adult low-income earners’ price concern will be positively
associated with intentions for electricity saving behaviours.
H2. Australian young adult low-income earners’ bill control will be positively
associated with intentions for electricity saving behaviours.
Attitudinal factors
The TPB is a useful attitudinal framework to analyse individuals’ behaviour; however, it
often needs extension to account for additional factors relevant to the context under
investigation (Chan and Bishop, 2013). For this research we include the additional factor of
temperature comfort, along with the TPB factors of self-efficacy (also referred to as perceived
behavioural control), attitude and social norms (also referred to as subjective norms).
Temperature comfort refers to the level of perceived temperature comfort an individual
desires (Becker et al., 1981). Research reports temperature comfort as possessing high
explanatory power for energy (including electricity) consumption, particularly in countries
with cold climates (Hueber et al., 2013). This means that when consumers place high
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importance on temperature comfort they are more likely to use electricity to maintain this
comfort e.g. keeping the air conditioning at lower temperatures to stay cool or setting the heat
high to stay warm. Studies also suggest a cold-to-hot empathy gap, whereby individuals often
underestimate or overestimate the impact of their desired state on their own future behaviour
(Loewenstein, 2005). For instance, Loewenstein (2005) comments that people often
overestimate their own behaviour and preferences when in a “hot” state. When applied to the
context of this research a similar overestimation of desired temperature preferences may take
place, whereby individuals overuse temperature-controlling appliances to reach their desired
temperature state. Therefore, based upon the prior research in electricity and the cold-to-hot
empathy gap it is hypothesised:
H3. Australian young adult low-income earners’ need for temperature comfort will
be negatively associated with intentions for electricity saving behaviours.
Research has shown perceived behaviour control or self-efficacy – the belief an
individual has in their ability to perform a behaviour – to both directly and indirectly
influence intentions to perform behaviours (Chan and Bishop, 2013). Studies have reported
factors conceptually similar to self-efficacy, such as autonomy (Sweeney et al., 2014) and
functional value (Butler et al., 2016), to be important for electricity saving. Research also
shows the higher perceived levels of ease in the task of saving electricity, the more likely
individuals are to perform electricity saving behaviours (Butler et al., 2016; Thøgersen and
Grønhøj, 2010). Self-efficacy therefore appears to be an important factor in electricity saving
behaviours and the following is hypothesised:
H4. Australian young adult low-income earners’ self-efficacy will be positively
associated with intentions for electricity saving behaviours.
Social norms refers to the comparisons individuals make with others regarding
electricity efficiency based upon saving money and the amounts of electricity consumed
(Dwyer et al., 2015). Social norms has been well established as a key factor which drives
conservation behaviour (Goldstien et al., 2008), particularly in electricity (Dwyer et al.,
2015; Gadenne et al., 2011). For example, findings of Dwyer and colleagues’ (2015) study
put forward that electricity conservation can be encouraged by signalling social norms to
people. Therefore, for this research we hypothesise:
H5. Low-income earners’ perceived social norms will be positively associated with
intentions for electricity saving behaviours.
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Past empirical studies on electricity behaviour suggest attitude is a key factor which
influences behaviour (Murtagh et al., 2013). Conceptualisations and the operationalisation of
attitudes across studies vary depending on the study’s focus, which can include general pro-
environmental or green attitudes (Abrahamse and Steg, 2011; Ngo et al., 2009) and attitudes
towards electricity reduction (Murtagh et al., 2013; Gadenne et al., 2011). However, most
studies are yet to investigate behaviour-specific attitudes, such as attitudes towards switching
lights off which are not being used and setting temperature controlling appliances to efficient
settings. One exception is Gadenne and colleagues (2011), who measured and examined the
influence of attitudes for three workplace conservation behaviours on intentions in three
separate models. The current study, however, aims to examine general attitudes towards
saving electricity and three specific electricity saving attitudes, along with behaviours
relevant to the context of this study, in a singular model. This is because Reduce Your Juice
aimed to encourage Australian young adult low-income earners to perform all three specific
electricity saving behaviours and therefore by examining general attitudes and specific
attitudes to electricity saving behaviours a better representation of what influences intentions
to saving electricity can be achieved. Furthermore, general attitudes to saving electricity was
chosen as this was a key measure used as part of the LIEEP program. The three electricity
saving behaviours chosen were cooling (keeping air-conditioner to the optimal temperature of
24 degrees), washing (using a clothes line rather than dryer) and switches (turning appliances
off at the power switch when not being used), based upon a review of electricity saving
behaviours Australian young adult low-income earners would be capable of modifying
(www.reduceyourjuice.com.au). The following hypothesis will therefore be tested in this
study:
H6. Australian young adult low-income earners’ attitudes will be positively
associated with intentions for electricity saving behaviours.
Gender differences
Gender differences have been noted in the electricity literature as an area which merits
attention (Paço and Varejão, 2010). Recent studies have begun to address these calls, in
particular Cotton and colleagues (2015) report differences between collective actions and
barriers to electricity-saving behaviour for males and females. Huang’s (2015) study also
finds gender differences, with male-headed households found to be more likely to consume
higher volumes of electricity than female-headed households. Another study by Nisiforou and
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colleagues (2012) notes gender differences in energy usage and habits, with females more
dissatisfied with room temperature than males.
Studies outside of electricity saving behaviour also present findings relevant to
potential gender differences which could be found in this study. In the context of
environmental and sustainable behaviours females have been shown to have higher intentions
to perform behaviours than males (Bhatnagar and McKay-Nesbitt, 2016; Brough et al.,
2016). More specifically, females have been found to have higher environmental concerns
and reactions (Bhatngar and McKay-Nesbitt, 2016; Laroche et al., 2001) and are more likely
to embrace sustainable behaviours than men due to their feminine nature (Brough et al.,
2016). Other research finds men are more likely to take responsibility for managing the utility
bills in the division of labour within the household (Hargreaves et al., 2010). Therefore, the
following hypotheses will be investigated:
H7a. The influence of financial factors for electricity saving intentions will be
significantly different between male and female Australian young adult low-income
earners.
H7b. The influence of attitudinal factors for electricity saving intentions will be
significantly different between male and female Australian young adult low-income
earners.
Method
In order to investigate the factors that influence Australian young adult (18–35 years) low-
income earners’ electricity behaviour intentions an online survey was conducted with 753
low-income renters. Potential respondents were identified via a number of methods, including
low-income earner community services, an online consumer panel and referrals. To be
eligible to participate as an Australian young adult low-income earner participants were
required to be aged 18–35 years and report their weekly income in a screening question (only
those who earned under AU$41,500, the threshold in Australia, were eligible to participate).
This question was also used to screen participants in the related social marketing program,
PROGRAM X.
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Sample
Despite seeking a gender balance in responses the sample had a skew towards females
(73.6%). The sample was evenly split for highest level of education completed, with 30.5%
reporting TAFE (technical and further education training) as their highest level, followed by
University (27.2%) and High School Year 12 (26.0%). The largest percentage (17.1%) of the
sample earned between AU$400–$599 per week and, on average, participants had four
people in their household, with the majority living with their partner and children (33.3%).
The descriptive results of the sample provided some interesting insights into electronic goods
ownership of low-income earners, particularly those of an entertainment or communication
nature. In terms of computer ownership, 49.2% had two or more laptops. A large majority
(74.9%) had a tablet in their household (30.1% had two or more), which is higher than the
Brisbane average of 73% (Colmar Brunton and Energex, 2013). Interestingly, 78.2% had two
or more smartphones in their house, which is comparatively higher than the Brisbane average
of 76% (Colmar Brunton and Energex, 2013). The majority (76.9%) had at least one gaming
console in their household, which is slightly above the Brisbane average of 76%.
Measures
Previously validated items were adapted for the context of this study. The measures for
financial factors were price concern (Seligman et al., 1979) and bill control (Schindler,
1998), with the measures for psychological factors being temperature comfort (Becker et al.,
1981) and self-efficacy (Schwarzer and Jerusalem, 1995). We measured attitudes at both the
general and specific level to facilitate a comparison of effectiveness in predicting intentions.
General attitudes to electricity were sourced from the Commonwealth Scientific and
Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO), the Australian Government’s corporate research
entity. The items for general attitudes were generated by the CSIRO and used in this program
along with other sister programs to use as a baseline for evaluating the comparative
effectiveness of programs. On the other hand, social norms and attitudes to the behaviours of
cool, wash and switch were adapted from Tonglet and colleagues (2004). Behavioural
intention measures often examine intentions to perform the behaviour as well as the intention
to tell others (Zainuddin et al., 2013). In this study two items were adapted to measure
participants’ intentions to perform as well as discuss cool, wash and switch. All scales were
measured using 5 point likert scales, with the exception of bill control which was measured
using a semantic differential scale. The final items are provided in the Appendix.
14
Analysis
The analysis technique used in this paper to test the hypothesised relationships was structural
equation modelling (SEM). SEM was deemed an appropriate analysis technique as it has
shown to be a powerful technique to investigate the influence of multiple independent
variables onto a singular dependent variable (Hair et al., 2006) and is useful in social
marketing research (Parkinson et al., 2012). To test the differences between males and
females we conducted a multi-group analysis of structural invariance, following the
procedures of Dagger and O’Brien (2010). This method was chosen because multi-group
SEM is a suitable approach for testing invariance. First, the unconstrained baseline model
was examined (CMIN/DF=2.75 CFI=.93 RMSEA=.048), which demonstrated good fit. We
then tested for invariance by comparing the structural weights between males and females.
Results
The descriptive statistics are summarised in Table 1. The results indicate low levels of
willingness to sacrifice temperature comfort for electricity efficiency (M=3.05) and moderate
levels of price concern (M=3.85) and self-efficacy (M=3.53). Attitudes to electricity were
low (M=2.17), whereas attitudes to cool (M=4.13), switch (M=4.68) and wash (M=4.57)
were high. Intentions were also high for cool (M= 3.77), switch (M=4.22) and wash
(M=4.17). These scores indicate this sample is concerned by the price of paying for
electricity and have a high level of intention to perform behaviours which will help reduce
their electricity use. Interestingly, the general attitude to electricity efficiency was low to
moderate.
<Insert Table 1 about here>
Measurement model
Prior to testing relationships in the structural model, the validity of the items was assessed
using confirmatory factor analysis on the measurement model. The results indicate the
measurement model fitted well with the data CMIN/DF=2.46 CFI=.94 RMSEA=.04. Further,
the reliability of the items met and exceeded the recommended thresholds of .60 and Average
Variance Extracted (AVE) scores also exceeded .50 (with the exception of social norms and
intentions to wash) as recommended in the literature (Anderson and Gerbing, 1988). Further,
all factor loadings of the individual items for the constructs were significant, with loading
scores of between .62 and .91. These results demonstrate convergent reliability and validity
across constructs in the measurement model. The squared correlations between each of the
15
items were also below the AVE score, which indicates discriminant validity is present in the
data.
Structural model and hypothesis testing
After the measurement model was confirmed the structural model was tested. The structural
model produced a good fit to the data CMIN/DF=2.64 CFI=.92 RMSEA=.04. Standardised
co-efficients (B) were used to determine the direct effects of the hypothesised relationships
(see Table 2 and Figure 1). Twelve of the 19 relationships were significant in the model, with
32% of variance explained for behavioural intentions for switch and wash, and 52%
explained for cool. The results indicate bill control significantly influences intentions to
switch, supporting H1a. Price concern significantly influences intentions to switch and wash
supporting H2a and H2c. The results indicate the temperature comfort hypothesis was
supported (H3). Self-efficacy was found to be a significant predictor of intentions to cool and
wash, supporting H4b and H4c. Social norms was found to significantly influence all three
electricity saving behaviour intentions, supporting H5a, H5b and H5c. Attitudes for switch,
cool and wash were found to be significant predictors of intentions to perform those
behaviours, supporting H6b, H6c and H6d.
A competing model was also run to test general attitudes as a second-order factor with
three specific attitudes (cool, wash and switch). The structural model produced a poor fit to
the data, CMIN=3.01, CFI=.79, RMSEA=.50, and general attitudes still did not significantly
influence intentions to cool (b=.04, p=.422), wash (b=.03, p=.288) and switch (b=.01
p=.086). Three competing models were run with each of the three specific electricity
behaviours as a sole dependent variable. The structural models for each behaviour, cool
(CMIN=4.87, CFI=.640, RMSEA=.70), wash (CMIN=3.68, CFI=.736, RMSEA=.60) and
switch (CMIN=4.35, CFI=.677, RMSEA=.67), also produced poor fits to the data.
Invariance testing
The model was then tested using multi-group analysis testing for invariance between males
and females (Dagger and O’Brien, 2010) (see Table 2 and Figures 1 and 2). The analysis was
conducted for paths in the total sample model for both genders. Each path was individually
constrained and chi-square difference tests conducted. Further, if the path was significant for
only one gender it was also deemed to stronger. The relationship between bill control and
intentions for cool, price control and intentions for switch were stronger for males. Bill
control and intentions for switch, comfort and cool intentions, self-efficacy and switch and
16
wash intentions, general attitudes and switch was stronger for females. Therefore, both H7a
and H7b were partially supported.
<Insert Table 2 and Figures 1 and 2 about here>
Post-hoc testing
A series of post-hoc tests were conducted using independent sample t-tests to gain further
insight into the differences which may exist between males and females. Independent t-tests
were conducted for all of the constructs tested in the structural model (see Table 3). Of the
constructs analysed using an independent sample t-test, self-efficacy, price concern, wash
attitude and switch attitude were found to have significant differences. For self-efficacy,
males reported significantly higher levels of self-efficacy (M=3.70, SD=.59) than females
(M=3.46, SD=.69). Males also reported significantly higher levels of price concern (M=2.42,
SD=1.01) than females (M=2.10, SD=.93). In contrast, females reported significantly higher
levels of wash attitude (M=4.64, SD=.56) than males (M=4.36, SD=.77). Females also
reported significantly high levels of switch attitude (M=4.70, SD=.52) than males (M=4.63,
SD=.58).
<Insert Table 3 about here>
Discussion
The purpose of this research was to address the research question, what is the relative effect
of financial and psychological factors on electricity saving intentions in Australian young
adult low-income earners? The results show in a singular model that both mind and money
factors influence electricity use behavioural intentions; price concern and self-efficacy have
the largest number of influential relationships with behavioural intentions which contribute to
saving electricity. Finding financial factors, such as price concern, as significant predictors of
intentions to save electricity is consistent with past research in electricity (Butler et al., 2016;
Becker, 1981; Seligman et al., 1979). Likewise, past research in electricity and social
marketing has found self-efficacy to be a strong predictor of intentions (Thøgersen and
17
Grønhøj, 2010; Parkinson et al., 2012). The finding of the influence of temperature comfort is
a new finding for an extended TPB model. While this is consistent with past electricity
saving research, which has found heating appliances and temperature comfort are key drivers
of electricity consumption (Huebner et al., 2013), prior research has not investigated
temperature comfort in a hot climate where cooling is important.
This study also investigated gender differences in the influence of money factors on
electricity saving intentions. The results suggest men are influenced by bill control, self-
efficacy, social norms and attitude, whereas females are less concerned with price and more
influenced by the other factors to save electricity. Furthermore, post-hoc testing shows males
have higher levels of self-efficacy and price-concern than women. In contrast, females have
significantly higher levels of wash and switch attitude. This is consistent with past studies in
electricity which have found differences between male and female electricity saving
behaviour (Cotton et al., 2015). Furthermore, females are more likely to take part in
conservation behaviours (Bhatnagar and McKay-Nesbitt, 2016; Brough et al., 2016).
The descriptive results regarding the ownership of entertainment electrical appliances
of Australian young adult low-income earners provides a new perspective on low-income
earners. The sample had high ownership levels of non-essential goods, such as smartphones,
tablets and gaming consoles, which were comparable to the general population. These results
demonstrate that whilst Australian young adult low-income earners have smaller disposable
incomes in comparison to other socio-economic groups they are willing to spend their money
on non-essential items which increase their electricity bill.
Theoretical implications
This study highlights the value of incorporating additional financial and attitudinal factors
into a modified TPB model for understanding electricity saving behaviours. The study shows
that when considering electricity savings in a low-income context, both money and mind
factors are important. This research also contributes to social marketing’s theoretical
understanding of the Australian young adult low-income earner. Research focusing on low-
income earners has often described this group as less likely to own the same level of
appliances and material possessions as higher social classes (Hamilton, 2012). This research,
however, has found Australian young adult low-income earners can potentially have
ownership of goods equal to the general population. This was particularly the case for
entertainment or communication appliances, such as gaming consoles, smartphones and
18
tablets. This is consistent with more recent discussions about low-income earners’
consumption of goods and services in an attempt to belong to other socio-economic groups
(Ordabayeva and Chandon, 2011). Prior studies have found that a household’s economic
situation can have an inverse effect on consumption through aspiration level and social
comparison (Karlsson et al., 2004). Consequently, Australian young adult low-income
earners may be purchasing multiple electrical appliances and devices to reflect their aspired
status, leading to increased or higher levels of electricity consumption.
Another contribution of the study is the further insight into the measurement of
attitudes and behavioural intentions. While all the factors in the model significantly influence
one of the three sub-dimension behaviours of electricity saving, the significant effect of each
factor on all three differs. This finding lends further support to research (Greaves et al., 2013)
demonstrating the importance of understanding and investigating specific behaviours which
make up a larger and more complex behaviour, such as electricity saving. Further, drawing
on the results of competing attitude models, we argue that social marketers need to
investigate lower-order factors of behaviours that are specific to the context, rather than seek
relationships at higher levels.
Practical implications
The findings of this research reveal the importance of both financial and psychological
factors for influencing intentions of electricity saving behaviours and, in particular, the
gender differences in these factors. This research offers implications for social marketers by
indicating that both financial and psychological factors should be used to motivate and
influence Australian young adults to engage in electricity saving behaviours. Thus,
campaigns need to include both appeals to the mind (self-efficacy) and the monetary situation
of the household to avoid excluding consumers. The lack of relationship between general
electricity saving attitudes and intentions directs social marketers to create campaigns with
specific behaviours to be performed by consumers.
Further, this research demonstrates the complexity of electricity saving behaviours to
practising social marketers. The high predictive ability of behaviour-specific attitudes
indicates that social marketers should focus their interventions or components of
interventions on specific electricity saving behaviours, such as turning appliances off at the
wall, keeping temperature appliances to efficient settings and electricity-efficient washing
19
behaviours. As such, social marketers targeting electricity saving should ensure they
effectively increase the perceived impact and benefits of performing each of the three specific
electricity saving behaviours (Joireman et al., 2004).
Finally, Australian young adult low-income earners are very digitally-connected, with
high ownership of smartphones, tablets and gaming consoles in comparison to the general
population. Digital approaches are being investigated by social marketers in other segments,
such young adults with mental health issues (Schuster et al., 2013) and high school students
(Mulcahy et al., 2015). The findings of this research suggest that digital approaches using
games and smartphones may be an appropriate avenue to encourage the young adult low-
income segment to uptake electricity saving behaviours.
Limitations and future research directions
The current research has some limitations which will now be acknowledged, along with
opportunities for future research. The sample used within this study was skewed towards
females and limited to an Australian young adult low-income earners aged 18–35 years.
Future research studies should aim to investigate if the findings of this study are generalisable
to other market segments. For example, examining differences amongst different ages,
income, household sizes and household relationship structures (e.g. family and share
household) may provide further insight. A limitation of this study is its cross-sectional nature
and measurement of behavioural intentions as an outcome. Future research should use
longitudinal research designs and attempt to gain behavioural data, such as electricity
metering, to gain further insight and extend the findings of this research. Additional research
investigating lower-order factors which conceptualise electricity saving behaviour is also
warranted.
This study focused on three electricity saving behaviours relevant to the geographical
area of this sample, such as cooling rather than heating for temperature comfort. Furthermore,
a limitation exists in the differences in wording and measurement of general attitudes to
saving energy and the specific electricity saving attitudes. It is possible that the different
wording for the general attitude scale and specific electricity saving attitudes may explain the
non-significant influence of general attitudes on behavioural intentions. Future studies should
attempt to use a general attitude scale with more neutral wording, or similar wording to the
specific electricity saving behaviours, to examine if the findings of this study hold. Future
research of young adult low-income consumers should also attempt to gain insight into
20
background characteristics (Thøgersen and Ölander, 2006), such as their family of origin and
their ownership of electronic appliances. For example, electronic goods owned by young
adults may be hand-me-downs or gifts from family or friends, which may explain the high
ownership of multiple electrical appliances and their electricity saving behaviours. Finally,
future research may also seek to investigate if individuals use electricity for other comfort
reasons aside from temperature control. For instance, individuals may keep lights or TVs on
for security or social comfort.
21
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Appendix –Scale Items
Construct Original Scale Adapted Items
Bill Control Schindler (1998)
Is your electricity bill something you believe is in your control or out
of your control? (Very much in my control/Very much out of my
control)
Is the amount of your electricity bill due to something about you or the
electricity provider? (Very much me/Very much the electricity
provider)
Is the amount of your electricity bill something that you believe is
controllable by you or is it something you believe is controllable by
your electricity provider? (Very much controllable by me/Very much
controllable by the electricity provider)
Price Concern Seligman et al.
(1979)
Trying to save a few dollars a day by reducing electricity use is just
not worth it.
I would only save electricity if I was struggling to pay my electricity
bills.
Temperature
Comfort
Becker et al. (1981)
It is too uncomfortable to have my indoor temperature more than 24°
in the summer months.
While others might tolerate having hotter air conditioning settings in
summer, my own need for being cool is high.
It’s not worth having the house warmer in the summer just to try and
save a little money.
I would be very uncomfortable in the summer if I turned my daytime
air conditioner settings up to 24°.
Self-Efficacy Schwarzer and
Jerusalem (1995)
I can always manage my electricity use if I try hard enough.
It is easy for me to stick to my aims and accomplish my goals for
saving electricity.
I am confident that I could deal efficiently with unexpected events that
affect my electricity use.
Thanks to my resourcefulness, I know how to handle unforeseen
situations that affect my electricity use.
I can solve most electricity use problems if I invest the necessary
effort.
I can remain calm when facing difficulties about electricity use.
When I am confronted with a high electricity bill, I can usually find
several solutions.
26
Construct Original Scale Adapted Items
If I am having trouble with managing my electricity use I can usually
think of a solution.
Social Norms Tonglet et al. (2004) Most people would approve of me saving electricity.
I would feel guilty if I did not save electricity.
Saving electricity is consistent with the principles of my community.
Everybody should share the responsibility to save household
electricity.
Attitude to Energy Energy efficiency is too much hassle.
Energy efficiency means I have to live less comfortably.
My quality of life will decrease when I reduce my energy use.
Energy efficiency will restrict my freedom.
Energy efficiency is not very enjoyable.
*Attitude to Cool,
Wash & Switch Tonglet et al. (2004) Using X rather than X is bad/good.
Using X rather than X to is not useful/useful.
Using X rather than X is not sensible/sensible.
Using X rather than X is not responsible/responsible.
*Intentions to Cool,
Wash & Switch Zainuddin et al.
(2013)
I intend to use X rather than X.
I intend to recommend to someone else to use X rather than X.
Note: Replace X and X for Cool “using temperature controlling devices to an optimal setting”, for Wash “using a clothes rack rather than a dryer” and for Switch “using turning light switches and electronic devices off at the wall”.
27
Table 1: Descriptive statistics, mean, AVE scores and correlations Factor M (AVE) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1.Bill Control
4.48 .69 (.87)
2.Price Concerns
3.85 .54 .21** (.70)
3.Comfort 3.05 .50 .16** .44** (.79) 4.Self-efficacy
3.53 .50 .36** -.13**
.07* (.84)
5. Social Norms
3.87 .48 .08* .32** .16** .36** (.67)
6.Attitude to Electricity
2.17 .64 -.24**
-.49**
-.29**
-.24**
-.21**
(.89)
7.Attitude to Switch
4.68 .68 .15** .25** .13** .16** -.20**
.30** (.85)
8.Attitude to Cool
4.13 .69 .11** .26** .29** .17** -.26**
.27** .42** (.88)
9.Attitude to Wash
4.57 .65 .11** .26** .15** .09* -.22**
.31** .57** .47** (.89)
10.Intentions Switch
4.22 .54 .04 .25** .-.11**
.21** -.30**
.27** .36** .18** .20** (.77)
11. Intentions to Cool
3.77 .63 .09* .25** .-.32**
.25** .-30**
.23** .19** .56** .19** .41** (.60)
12. Intentions to Wash
4.17 .45 .07 .20** -.14**
.19** -.27**
.22** .16** .22** .40** .32** .34** (.70)
*Significant at 0.01 level; ** significant at 0.05 level, Cronbach Alpha’s in brackets
28
Figure 1. Structural Model Results for Full Sample
Note: Only significant results shown; Alternative models were examined; 1) with attitude to energy as a second-order factor; 2) separate models for each behaviour (switch, cool and wash), but all had significantly worse fit.
Bill Control
Price Concern
Temperature Comfort
Self-Efficacy
Attitude to Energy
Attitude to Switch
Attitude to Cool
Attitude to Wash
Intentions Switch
Intentions Cool
Intentions to Wash
R2 Intentions to Switch: .32 R2 Intentions to Cool: .52 R2 Intentions to Wash: .32
Social Norms
29
Figure 2: Male and Female Model Comparison
Bill Control
Price Concern
Temperature Comfort
Self-Efficacy
Attitude to Energy
Attitude to Switch
Attitude to Cool
Attitude to Wash
Intentions Switch
Intentions Cool
Intentions to Wash
R2 Intentions to Switch: .32 R2 Intentions to Cool: .71 R2 Intentions to Wash: .43
Social Norms
Bill Control
Price Concern
Temperature Comfort
Self-Efficacy
Attitude to Energy
Attitude to Switch
Attitude to Cool
Attitude to Wash
Intentions Switch
Intentions Cool
Intentions to Wash
R2 Intentions to Switch: .32 R2 Intentions to Cool: .47 R2 Intentions to Wash: .30
Social Norms
Males Females