THE PRACTICE OF TORTURE BY THE FRENCH ARMY DURING THE ALGERIAN WAR

OF INDEPENDENCE (1954-1962): THE ENFORCEMENT OF JUSTICE AND REPARATION

by Eduard Ortiz i Jornet

BACHELOR’S DEGREE DISSERTATION

Bachelor’s Degree in Global Studies

Universitat Pompeu Fabra

Academic Year 2018-2019

« Le courage, c’est de chercher la vérité et de la dire ; c’est de ne pas subir la loi du mensonge triomphant qui passe, et de ne pas faire écho, de notre âme, de notre bouche et de nos mains aux applaudissements imbéciles et aux huées fanatiques »

- Jean Jaurès, Directeur de L’Humanité (1904-1914) et Président du Parti Socialiste Français (1902-1905). Le 30 Juillet 1903 lors de la distribution des prix du lycée d'Albi.

ABSTRACT

The Bachelor’s Degree Dissertation The Practice of Torture by the French Army during the Algerian War of

Independence (1954-1962): The enforcement of Justice and Reparation preeminent objective is to delineate a well-

grounded criterion to evaluate and determine whether the policy-making enacted by France to achieve the target 16.3

of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, “Promote the rule of law at the national and international levels

and ensure equal access to justice for all”, has been successful in fulfilling its paramount objective according to the

United Nations standards. Concretely, the dissertation inquiries how France is accomplishing with the Goal 16,

“Promote just, peaceful and inclusive societies”, in the specific case of implementing justice and enforcing reparation

to those who suffered torture by the French Army during the Algerian War of Independence. The first part, “The

practice of torture”, analyses the polyhydric phenomenon of torture and how it was applied in this case. The second

part, Goal 16: Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions, explore to which extend France has addressed this Goal. The third

part, “Evaluation and recommendations”, establish whether the policies have reached its objectives and prescribe

further policy-making. To summarize, “Final Remarks” part, concludes undertaking a general outline of how France

has engaged to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals to tackle this challenge.

KEYWORDS: Torture; United Nations; United Nations Sustainable Development Goals; Goal 16: Peace,

Justice and Strong Institutions; Target 16.3: Promote the rule of law at the national and international levels

and ensure equal access to justice for all; France; Algerian war of Independence.

i

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................... ii

METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................ ... v

INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................ 1

I. SELECTED SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOAL AND TARGET...... 2

II. COUNTRY OF ANALYSIS....................................................................................... 3

III. GLOBAL AND REGIONAL SITUATION ........................................................ 4

IV. CASE ANALYSIS ....................................................................................................... 5

PART I. THE PRACTICE OF TORTURE .................................................. 7

I. THE NOTION OF TORTURE ................................................................................. 8

a) Definition of torture ......................................................................................... 8

b) Legal dimension ................................................................................................ 9

II. THE USE OF TORTURE BY THE FRENCH ARMY ....................................... 14

a) Torture as an institution of war .................................................................... 14

b) The practice of torture by the French Army .............................................. 16

III. THE PRACTICE OF TORTURE DURING THE ALGERIAN WAR ......... 17

a) Torture as a systematic and institutionalized technique in Algeria ......... 17

b) The case of Maurice Audin ........................................................................... 19

PART II. GOAL 16: PEACE, JUSTICE AND STRONG INSTITUTIONS. 22

I. CURRENT SITUATION ......................................................................... .................... 23

a) Actors involved ............................................................................................... 23

b) Main indicators ............................................................................................. ... 25

c) Adopted policy-making and historical precedents ..................................... 27

II. GLOBAL AND REGIONAL SITUATION .......................................................... 29

IV. EXPECTATIONS AND FORECAST FOR THE COMING 5 YEARS ....... 29

PART III. EVALUATION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ........................ 31

I. ASSESSMENT ............................................................................................................... 32

II. RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................................................................... 36

FINAL REMARKS ......................................................................................... 38

ANNEXES ...................................................................................................... 42

PHOTOGRAPHIES ………………………………………………………….. 83

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................... 90

ii

ABBREVIATIONS

ALN National Liberation Army (Armée de Libération Nationale)

ADT Land Forces of France (Armée de terre)

ANOM Overseas National Archives (Archives nationales d’Outre-Mer)

BiH Bosnia and Herzegovina

CAA Army Corps (Corps d’Armée)

CCE Coordination and Execution Committee (Comité de coordination

et d’exécution)

CCI Joint Inter-Army Coordination Centre (Centre de coordination

interarmées)

CDC Hunting Commandos (Commandos de Chasse)

CICR Red Cross International Committee (Comité international de la

Croix-Rouge)

CMI Military internee camps (Camps militaires d’internés)

COE Council of Europe

CRA Information and Action Centre (Centre de renseignement et

d’action)

CRUA Revolutionary Committees for the Unity and Action (Comité

révolutionaire pour l’unité et l’action)

CTT Sorting and transit centres (Centres de tri et de transit)

DOP Operational Protection Detachment (Détachement Opérationnel

de Protection)

DUP Urban Protection Dispositive (Dispositif de protection urbaine)

ECHR European Convention on Human Rights

ERA Information and Action squads (Équipes de renseignement et

d’action)

FAF French Armed Forces (Forces armées françaises)

FFL French Foreign Legion (Légion étrangerè)

FIDH Human Rights International Federation (Fédération

internationale des droits de l’homme)

FLN National Liberation Front (Front de liberation nationale)

GCMA Groups of Mixed Airborne Commandos (Groupements de

Commandos Mixtes Aéroportés)

iii

GGA Algerian General Government (Gouvernement général

de l'Algérie)

GMI Mixed Intervention Groups (Groupements Mixtes d’Intervention)

GPRA Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (Gouvernement

provisoire de la République algérienne)

GRE Information and Operations Group (Groupe de renseignements et

d’explotaition)

HQ Headquarters

HUMINT Human Intelligence

ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Politica Rights

IGAME Public Administration General Inspector on Extraordinary

Mission(Inspecteur général de l’administration en mission

extraordinaire)

INSEE National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies (Institut

National de la Statistique et des Étudies Économiques)

JMO War Operations Diaries (Journaux de marche et opérations)

KIA Killed in Action

LDH Human Rights League (Ligue des droits de l’Homme)

MENA Middle East and North Africa

MIA Missed in Action

MNA Algerian National Movement (Mouvement National Algérien)

MTLD Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties (Mouvement

pur le triomphe des libertés démocratiques)

OAS Secret Army Organization (Organisation de Armée Sècret)

OR Information Officer (Officier de Renseignment)

OS Special Organization (Organisation spéciale)

OSINT Open Source Intelligence

PAIS Psychological Action and Information Service

PAM People that took up arms (Pris les armes à la main)

PCA Algerian Communist Party (Partie communiste algerién)

PCF French Communist Party (Partie communiste franaçais)

PM Prime Minister

PTSD Post-traumatic stress disorder

RGF French General Reserve (Réserve Générale)

iv

RAP Information-Action-Protection (Renseignement, action,

protection)

SAS Special Administrative Section (Section Administrative

Spécialisée)

SLNA North African Link Service (Service des liaisons nord-africaines)

TPFA Army Permanent Tribunal(Tribunal Permanent des Forces

Armées)

UN United Nations

UNCAT United Nations Convention against Torture

UNSDG United Nations Sustainable Developments Goals

VCLT Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties

WIA Wounded in Action

ZNO Military Zone (Zone militaire)

1RCP 1st Parachute Chasseur Regiment (1er Régiment de Chasseurs

Parachutistes)

1REP 1st Foreign Parachute Regiment (1er Regiment Étranger de

Parachutistes)

2RPC 2nd Colonial Parachute Regiment (2e Régiment de Parachutistes

Coloniaux)

3RPC 3rd Colonial Parachute Regiment (3e Régiment de Parachutistes

Coloniaux)

10DP 10th Parachute Brigade (10e Division Parachutiste)

11BP 11th Parachute Brigade (11e Brigade Parachutiste)

19RDG 19th Engineering Regiment (19e Régiment du genie)

v

METHODOLOGY

The research conducted in the dissertation “The Practice of Torture by the French Army

during the Algerian War of Independence (1954-1962): The enforcement of Justice and

Reparation” is grounded on an extensive literature review on the different epistemic

fields required to comprehend the involved phenomena, utmost need to evaluate the

emanated policy-making regarding imparting justice and enforcing reparation. The

dissertation summarized the developed information displayed in the Annexes.

This qualitative literature review has mainly involved the phenomenon of torture, found

in academic articles, in military handbooks, and in military strategic reviews.

Notwithstanding, a meaningful review of the befallen historical facts have been explored

in order to match with the requirements of the thesis as well to asseverate the rightfulness

of France policies to achieve the Target 16.3, mainly focused on local and national

newspapers, history books and qualitative information gathering through an interview.

Moreover, as the paramount goal of this dissertation is to apprise the policy-making

adopted by France, a quantitative research throughout the databases available,

preeminently from those offered by the United Nations Statistical Unit as well by the

French Institute of Statistics, has been done to indagate into figures, indicators and

complementary statistical data necessary to observe the evolution of the policies

outcomes and objectives, establishing thus a causal relationship between the raised

policies by France and its objectives.

Thereby, in order to balance the official statistics and to deepen within this ubiquity

phenomenon of torture condemnation, a considerable revision of torture standards posed

by the most-acknowledged international governmental and non-governmental

organizations, like Amnesty International or the Institute for Economics and Peace

Institute has been realized to establish the policy adequacy paradigm of well-developed

policies and compare to those French policies that have been done.

This dissertation is framed within the scheme of the United Nations Sustainable

Development Goals, which defines the global priorities for the coming 15 years. The

effectiveness of the SDGs and their 169 targets will largely depend on their

implementation and monitoring. So far, 230 indicators have been proposed by the Inter-

Agency and Expert Group on SDG Indicators and agreed upon by the UN Statistical

Commission in March 2016 (Schlecht and Lührman, 2017:1).

1

INTRODUCTION

2

I. SELECTED SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOAL AND TARGET

The selected Sustainable Development Goal to monitor in this dissertation is the Goal 16:

Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions. Within Goal 16 targets aiming to the promotion of

just, peaceful, and inclusive societies (Figure 6), the selected target is the objective 16.3

or Promote the rule of law at the national and international levels and ensure equal

access to justice for all.

This essay will focus concretely on the performance of France in assuring peace and

justice (Goal 16) through the promotion of the rule of law in order to assure equal access

to justice for all (Target 16.3) in the specific case of the tortures practiced by the State

along the Algerian War of Independence (1954-1962), converging in how France has

established a justice and reparation scheme to compensate torture victims.

By one estimate, 40% of the adult male Muslim population of Algiers, approximately

55,000 individuals, were put through the French interrogation system (DiMarco,

2006:73). Allegedly, 3,024 persons which disappeared in the theatre of the war suffered

tortures (Libération, 2018). Official records from the French colonial public agency

SLNA, 2,049 of tortured have been accounted (Riceputi, 2018). However, official

statistics still occult in the National Archives of Overseas (ANOM). A minority of the

families concerned dared to complain to the colonial authority, but this service collected

at least 2,000 of these files, all of them discarded (Riceputi, 2019:31).

Notwithstanding, according to the most preeminent historians in this topic (Pierre Vidal-

Naquet and Raphaëlle Branche) it is unattainable and unpractical to perform any

quantitative research to establish the number of people who suffered torture, how many

times these people were tortured, how many torture sessions were hold aggregately, and

to which level of torture they were exposed to (Branche, 2001:95).

The phenomenon of torture it is intrinsically unworkable and impossible to undergo into

a reification process as an independent variable but it must be encompassed holistically

within the rest of war techniques, underscoring its synergies with other warlike methods.

It is impractical to isolate all the events and to establish a general framework to ascribe

specific case-by-case behaviours to a major category coined as “torture” (Branche,

2001:94). No single-causal explanation makes it possible to affirm its existence or to

deduce its absence from conflict engagements (Branche, 2001:94), any historian could

never discern the qualitative (number of people tortured).

3

II. COUNTRY OF ANALYSIS

The territorial scope of the dissertation analysis is France, despite the fact the events

developed in Algeria, by that time Algeria was an integral part of metropolitan France

(Pimlott, 2011:60), status hold since General Thomas Robert Bugeaud claimed Algerian

territory after French expeditionary force conquered the native forces of the Arab leader

Abd-el-Kader in 1848. French deliberately took steps to politically and economically

marginalize the Muslim inhabitants, they proceeded to politically absorb Algeria, not as

a colony of France as might be expected, but rather as a province of France (DiMarco,

2006:65).

Thus, France is the subsidiary and the actor that upholds the prerogative of sovereignty

to enforce justice. The relevance of this dissertation to France is based on the fact that the

investigation of such tortures was (Pictures 1 to 7 and 32) and still being nowadays an

utmost and pressing issue in the public agenda constituting a non-resolved controversial

taboo (Branche, 2005:45), since France has not acknowledged neither investigated such

colonial practices, challenging thus the French national narrative construction as the

global paramount stakeholder on upholding Human Rights.

France, despite being one of the most developed country (Figure 54), achieving high

standards of living and quality of life sustained over a strong welfare state, developing a

state-of-the-art public infrastructures (Government de la République, 2016:2) being the

fifth contributor to the OHCHR UN Torture voluntary fund (Figure 11), it lost its

credibility and legitimacy as the freedom for torture index downgraded the country

standards during the war (Figure 29), despite along time it maintained an stable tendency

tending to portray France as a torture-free territory (Figure 30). Currently, Amnesty

International does not consider France as a vulnerator State that inflicts torture (Amnesty

International, 2018:211).

Despite the fact reconstruction, development and enforcing sustainable peace is a sine

qua non condition for assuring a prosperous scenario for post-conflict countries (Panic,

2005:20), about 32% of France population do not vow to condemn politically the torture

during the war, in contrast with the 56% that they do, according to a L’Humanité CSA

poll (Libération, 2001).

4

III. GLOBAL AND REGIONAL SITUATION

Globally, torture has been prevalent in the 21th century (Einolf, 2007:118). The UN

Special Rapporteur on Torture reports yearly that torture is committed in more than 130

countries (Hope, 2004: 827), being thus considered as a global crisis (Amnesty

International, 2014). Torture is wide-spread around the globe and integrates a challenge

to physical integrity (Figure 26 and 27), constituting a glocal phenomenon. According to

the President of the International Council for the Rehabilitation of Torture Victims, the

practice of torture has worsened and incremented for 30 years (Garcia, 2014). About half

of the world population (44%) fear torture if they are detained (Amnesty International,

2014:2). Furthermore, there has been impunity for past abuses, since authorities usually

does not take steps to counter torture (Amensty International,2018:15). Torture

prevalence could be understood following three causes: (a)Changes in military

techniques; (b)prevalenve of civil conflicts; and (c)nation-state as a perfect machine to

pursue opposition forces (Einolf, 2007:113). By 1954-1962, torture was more extended

globally due to the post-colonial movement (Pimlott, 2011:62) and Cold War dynamics:

as Colonel Antoine Argoud stated: to halt the decadence of the West and the march of

communism we must win in Algeria using every tool (Pimlott, 2011:66).

Regionally, MENA countries performs on average worse compared to other regions

(Figure 22). MENA countries are below average regarding physical integrity index and

Human Rights (Figure 26 and 27). 75% of MENA countries sengaged in torture through

systematic abuse (Conrad, Haglund & Moore, 2012:25), as part of a broader structural

problems, including weak institutions, lack of respect for the rule of law, and impunity

(Redress Trust, 2013:5), as well arbitrary detention and unfair trials, which commonly

goes hand-by-hand with torture (Amnesty International,2018:6), due to security

legislation allowing extended pre-charge and pre-trial detention of suspects, torture have

become common in MENA (Redress Trust, 2013:4). Torture has served as a key tool for

MENA authoritarian regimes to repress dissent, instil fear and maintain their grip on

power (Redress Trust, 2013:4). Another factor explaining torture in MENA is the broad

presence of non-legitimate armed groups triggers and subject civilians to torture and other

ill-treatment (Amnesty International,2018:8). Women, girls, refugees, asylum-seekers

and migrants are most prone to torture (Amnesty International,2018:11). The worse

countries where torture is practiced is Iran (Amnesty International, 2018:14), Cameroon,

Eritrea, Ethiopia, Mauritania, Nigeria, and Sudan. (Amnesty International, 2018: 24).

5

IV. CASE ANALYSIS

The dissertation scrutiny scope is limited within the sphere of the Algerian Independence

War (1954-1962). Muslims were deprived from their political rights and ousted from

holding their land property (Pimlott, 2011:60), raising the discontent among indigenous

population.

First tensions arose in 1945, when small riot took place in the city of Setif, sparked by

independentists expressions during a World War II victory parade killing (DiMarco,

2006:66). As France granted independence to the adjoining protectorates of Morocco and

Tunisia in 1956, Algeria also claimed independence (Pimlott, 2011:62). The Algerian

national liberation movement was organized in the MTLD, which was the political

movement and the OS was armed branch. After the OS was dismantled, The CRUA was

created, the predecessor of the FLN (Branche, 2001:25).

The conflict started on 1st November 1954, when the independentist Front de Libération

National claimed the authorship of 30-35 low-intensity attacks to colonial authorities

calling for a general uprising (Branche, 2001:25). France never abscribed their activity

neither acknowledged the situations as a “was” but as opérations de maintien de la paix

(Law Enforcement Operations), aiming to undervalue the real crisis (Branche, 2001:14)

and attempting to be outside the scope of Geneva Conventions (Maran, 1989:26). The

actors involved were the FLN which demanded independence; the French government

which wanted to uphold colonial rule and the French Army, which sometimes sided with

the government but sometimes acted as an independent actor seeking to sustain their own

interests (Figure 2), provoking attempts by the Army to interfere in the internal politics

on two occasions: the coup of 13 May 1958 and the Algiers Putsch of 1961 (Pimlott,

2011:46).

Torture was a preminent phenomenon in this conflict especially during the guerrilla 1956-

1957 Battle of Algiers (Picture 26). On 7 January 1957, Robert Lacoste, governor of

Algeria, following the special powers enacted by the parliament, transferred the civilian

executive power to military staff. General Massu lead 2 milion conscripts and 8,000 10DP

unit elite soldiers entered in Algeria proclaiming the Martial Law (Andersson, 2018).

6

Tortures were supported along the State hierarchy, with a clear connivance with the

military (Branche, 2001:573), relapsing prominent French public figures, such François

Mauriac, to categorize this as “the new Dreyfus Affair” (Pierre, 2009:19), since France

acted under the paradox to justify their uncivilized conduct in Algeria as necessary to

fulfil the civilizing mission of France (Weissbrodt and Maran, 1991:218), through the

army, the representative and spearhead of European values and control (Pimlott,

2011:47).

The conflict ended territorially in Algeria after the 1962 Evian Agreements and the

independence of Algiera on 5th July 1962 leaving 240,000 military casualties, 60,000

civilians assassinated, 2,000,000 internally displaced people, and an undetermined

number of disappeared. Nonetheless, the conflict continued in metropolitan France by

disaffected military and civilian officers with Evian Agreements outcome and the

government, forming the terrorist organization OAS to continue the fighting incentivized

for their particular interests of reparation and subsidies to harkis and pied-noirs (Pimlott,

2011:67).

7

PART I. THE PRACTICE OF TORTURE

8

I. THE NOTION OF TORTURE

a) Definition of torture

State torture is defined by the Article 1 of the Convention against Torture as: “any act by

which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a

person for such purposes as (a)obtaining from him or a third person information or a

confession, (b)punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected

[...] or (c)intimidating or coercing him or a third person,[...] when such pain or suffering

is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public

official or other person acting in an official capacity”.

The definition grounds the purposes of inflicting torture from Foucault’s Discipline and

Punishment (Foucault, 1995:17). Torture is used by states to subject individuals

(Foucault, 1995:24) and as social control tool (Hope, 2004:808), since it is a cost-effective

tool deepening in the Hobessian logic axioms that influences human beings to dodge pain

as the paramount objective in life in order to survive.

The definition excludes lawful punishments aiming exclusively to condemn such

arbitrary practices, constituting the preeminent debate whether the legitimate State,

having the prerogative tool of the monopoly of violence within the Weberian conception

could use torture (Hope, 2004:809). Notwithstanding, international standards rule out

normatively torture as a tool available to States. Some scholars (Einolf, 2007:103) prefers

to exclude the motive inducing torture and comprehend torture exclusively as a human

behaviour and to asseverate torture as inflicting pain withdrawing the lawfulness element.

The Article 1.2 of the 1974 UN Declaration Against the Torture discerns also torture as

an aggravation factor of cruel treatment or punishment.

Torture is practiced generally by State actors such as police, prision officers and military

staff (Figure 23). The most common victims are marginalized and criminals (Figure 24).

The preeminent torturer-tortured unidirectional relationship is military, para-military or

intelligence officers torturing dissidents (Figure 25), according to (Conrad, Haglund and

Moore, 2012). From a constructivist mindset, it is considered as a narrative practice that

reflects State power from the pain inflicted to the individual bodies (Branche, 2001:31).

The 1999 Instanbul Protocol or Manual on Effective Torture Investigation provides a

polyhydric and multi-dimensions scrutiny of torture in order to assess of people who has

been tortured, providing investigative outcomes used by States to investigate and evaluate

torture.

9

Considerated evidences that constitute are delineated in the Istanbul Protocol, sorting

those effects between physical and psychological (Figure 18). Torture consequences lead

to a deterioration of cognitive, emotional and behavioural functions (OHCHR, 2014:45)

Torture methods are also compiled by the Instanbul Protocol, establishing a large range

of habits and mechanisms used, which the most preeminent are kicks, electric shocks and

burns (Figure 19), the plethora of physical torture injuries in the human body practiced

in Algeria could be observed in the pictures 8 to 12 and 14 to 24. The torture

dimensionality is a threehold: (a) the relative intensity of pain or suffering inflicted; (b)the

purpose for which it is inflicted and; (c) the status of the perpetrator (Hope, 2004:825).

The first reported proto-Westphalian State that relapsed to torture were the warrants

issued by English Privy Council in 1540 (Hope, 2004:809), however these practices are

rooted in Athenians when evaluating slaves’ capabilities. Torture was morally accepted,

in most ancient, medieval, and early modern societies (Einolf, 2007:104)

Those practices involving the use of violence that does not constitute torture are:

(a)injuries suffered accidentally by a prisoner in custody, and interrogation without

violence or the infliction of pain; (b)pain inflicted by a police officer to someone trying

to escape; (c)painful types of religious penance, and (d)the person undergoes the pain

voluntarily (Einolf, 2007:104).

b) Legal dimension

The first legal instrument which forbids torture was in 1252 when a decree of Pope

Innocent IV sanctioned this mode of examination in the case of persons accused (Hope,

2004:810). The freedom for torture, the protection against torture and the condemnation

of torture is extensively developed within the different layers and instances of legislation

aiming to protect and prevent individuals to be tortured by anykind of international actor

with certain autonomy, with influence capability and ability to mobilize resources.

Notwithstanding, legal obligations are a State prerogative. The State is in charge to

enforce such instruments, even in the absence of an express complaint, an investigation

shall be undertaken by States (OHCHR, 2014:59).

Torture related instrument ranges territorially (National, regional and international)

oscillating from three typology instruments: (a)international humanitarian soft law, which

comprehend customary law but is not a legal binding obligation to States; (b)international

10

hard law, which is an obligation to States; and (c)international criminal law, which scope

is to punish already committed (Figure 33).

The practice of torture involves the vulneration of Human Rights, in consequence, despite

the non-existence of regulation in any determined State or if any State is not party to

conventions against the torture, every individual is subject to international protection,

since the prohibition of torture has attained status as a jus cogens (universal law), giving

rise to the obligation erga omnes (owed to and by all States) status abscribed to the Article

53 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. Laws against the torture are not

subject to derogation, even in times of war or emergency (International Justice Resource

Center, 2019), specific case of Algerian War, wherein torture was supported by Martial

Law (Branche, 2001:28) by Loi sur les pouvoirs spéciaux en Algérie (Loi n°55-385 du 3

avril 1955) which instituted the Urgency State allowing torture and warlike techniques

(Branche,2001:91). In addition, any State is able to judge, to extradict or to condemn any

crime committed extraterritoriality from its jurisdiction due to the universal justice, legal

figure that allows and binds State to prosecute crimes against the humanity committed

overseas (International Justice Resource Center, 2019).

Furthermore, if those crimes are committed under the declared status of war or martial

laws that derogates liberties and freedoms such the guarantee to justice, torture-related

crimes do not prescribe and cannot be suspended, neither judged by military tribunals

(Special Rapporteur on Torture, 2019:3) or absolved through an Amnesty. It should be

also mentioned the fact that crimes against the humanity do not prescribe never, so they

could be prosecuted. Despite the fact General Massu wanted to be exempted by

transferring the torture responsibility (plausible deniability) to superior authorities (i.e.

politicians) through the article 327 of French penal code (Branche, 2001:541), individuals

which committed tortures are directly punishable. Therefore, French judiciary power is

entitled and is able to punish torture crimes in Algeria, eventhough they are covered by

an amnesty law, without regard to the fact that other nations could judge such crimes by

universal justice or other international organization tribunals such as International

Criminal Court ad hoc tribunals.

On 22 March 1962, entered in force a decree amnestying (Branche, 2001:581), but the

decree did not elucidate clearly what law enforcement operations encompassed, leaving

thus a vacuous boundless conception of such operations aiming to reach any activity

commited by the French Army (Branche, 2001:581).

11

A second decree on 18 June 1966, extended the amnesty to offenses "committed within

the framework of administrative or judicial police operations (Liberation, 2001).

Nonetheless, any amnesty exempts such crimes to be judged, in consequence, the amnesty

is useless for international instances but useful for national legal complaints filled in

France.

When a complaint was filed when the amnesty was enacted, the case was placed under

the condition of non-lieu, established in the article 1771 of the French Penal Procedure

Manual, meaning that the case was dismissed. The principal causes for a case-dismissal

was as a result of an existing amnesty. However, when the amnesty was not applicable,

all torture-related complaints were also dismissed grounded within the pretext that was

impossible to identify the authors or due to unconvincing evidences, showing thus the

concurrence of judiciary power to the military practices (Branche, 2001:563). However,

not everybody consented tortures: France vowed to create a parallel and unofficial in

charge to inquiry the complaints presented by citizens regarding torture (Branche,

2001:541). These reports were read by Edmond Michelet, Mnister of Justice, who wrote

a letter of complaint to the Minister of the Armed Forces, Michel Debré, about the

acquiescence of the military judiciary and the lack of separation of powers with the

military officers indicted by crimes, in which most of the cases were declared as non-lieu

(Branche, 2001:542).

The French Penal Code typifies widely throughout its body the forbiddance of torture,

comprehending it as inhuman and degrading treatment that are described as torture and

acts of barbarism. It clearly expressed that tortures are both physical and psychical in its

article 222-14-3. Torture is forbidden in the following articles of the Penal Code:

- Article 212-1 in Book II: Crimes and offenses against persons; Title I: Crimes

against humanity and the human being; Subtitle I: Crimes against humanity;

Chapter II: Crimes against humanity.

- Article 222-5 in Book II: Crimes and offenses against persons; Title II: Attacks

on the human person; Chapter II: Damage to the physical or psychological

integrity of the person; Section 1: Willful attacks on the integrity of the person;

Paragraph 1: Torture and acts of barbarity.

- Article 221-4 in Book II: Crimes and offenses against persons; Title II: Attacks

on the human person; Chapter I: Attacks on the Person's Life; Section 1:

Willful Attacks on Life.

12

- Article 222-1 in Book II: Crimes against Persons; Title II: Attacks

on the human person; Chapter II: Damage to the physical or psychological

integrity of the person; Section 1: Willful attacks on the integrity of the

person; Paragraph 1: Torture and acts of barbarity.

- Article 461-1 in Book IV bis: Crimes and War Crimes; Chapter I: Different

Crimes and War Crimes; Section 2: Crimes and War Crimes Common to

International and Non-International Armed Conflicts; Sub-section 1: Crimes

and War Crimes Common to International and Non-International Armed

Conflicts the human person perpetrated during an international or non

international armed conflict; Paragraph 1: Damage to life and physical or

psychological integrity.

The Penal Code endowes economic compensations to victims and punishing sentences

for the aggressors. Economic compensations vary according to the degree of torture,

fluctuating between 750€ fees to 150,000€ fees (Figure 9). The typification and the degree

of torture is also determined between the existent relation between the torturer and the

tortured: in the Algerian War, public servants will be condemned to 20 years

imprisonment, according to the article 222-3 paragraph 7 (Figure 10), notwithstanding, if

torture was succeded by death, the established sentence is life imprisonment.

Furthermore, within the french military justice, torture is also condemned in Code of

Military Justice Book III, Title II.

The most preeminent humanitarian international hard law instruments are the Hague

Conventions and Geneva Conventions, which regulates the conduct of war in bellum. The

applicability to this case was extensively discussed. These conventions can be applied

since the writers of the Geneva Convention expressed clearly that there are non-

international armed conflicts in which the applicability is obliged (Branche, 2001:238).

CICR expressed in press releases and in reports that FLN prisoners had to be subjected

to Geneva Convention, since they were POW and not PAM or hors-la-loi (Branche,

2001:240)

The importance international criminal law par excellence is the International Criminal

Court, in which anybody could sue any individual for committing crimes against

humanity. The 1998 Rome Statute regulating the ICC condemns torture in the in the

Article 7; paragraph (f) in Part 2: Jurisdiction, admissibility and applicable law, crimes

against humanity. The ICC can judge the war in algeria, it already fulfills the four

characteristics that the Rome Statute designates for a crime to be treated as a crime against

13

humanity: "as part of a generalized, systematic attack against a civilian population and

with knowledge of said attack" (Hernando, 2014: 287).

To denounce these crimes, those affected first have to denounce within the national level,

later in the committee against the torture of united nations, later in regional mechanisms

to finally denounce in the ICC.

The important body of principles of international humanitarian soft law are encompassed

within the UNGA resolutions, however, the UN System upholds the right to investigate

such crimes (Figure 13) and the right to enforce to national legislation the broad

legislation, such the UN Convention Against the Torture (Figure 12), despite the fact UN

cannot judge this crimes but the national justice. As well, the UN sets the soft international

standards (Figure 21) to evaluate torture. Althought the importance of UN in relation to

torture it is their huge non-binding texts regarding the protection of Human Rights, like

the UN Charter.

Althought the existance of resolute lawful mechanisms, justice enforcement is sometimes

impractical: for example, Algiera people that died during torture seasons were registered

officially dead by natural causes or declared disappeared (Branche, 2001:193), raising the

impossibility to discern whether they had been tortured.

14

II. THE USE OF TORTURE BY THE FRENCH ARMY

a) Torture as an institution of war

Torture has constituted as a concurrent and ubiquitous phenomenon along humanity.

Notwithstanding, torture practice has been prevalent within conflict periods of time.

Torture is an inextricable war feature as well it is intrinsically attached to the human

behavior when any individual is subject to warlike conditions. Torture is the real-case

hegelian dialectic of the slave master conflictive relationship. Torture is a categorized as

an elemental act of war (Branche, 2001:91) as well an absolute act of war (Branche,

2001:454). When torture is used against citizens, it is most commonly used in response

to extremely serious crimes, such as treason, and where the state is perceived to be under

threat (Einolf, 2007:102).

Torture within colonial logics were first reported within the British Police in India by

reports of Edward Peters in 1855 (Branche, 2001:47). Torture is thus the expression of

groupal defeat individualized (Branche, 2001:454), deepening on the settlers-colonized

roles and settlers control institutions shifting power relations by pain (Branche, 2001:47).

Despite the fact torture is spread along all the conflict typologies, torture is the corner-

stone institution of war encompassed within the insurgency, counter-insurgency and

revolution logics. Colonel Georges Bonnet conceives torture as essential in Revolutionary

Warfare or guerre révolutionnaire (e.g. guerre révolutionnaire was the war mood the

French Army adopted in Algeria, which mixed Partisan (Guerilla) Warfare and

Psychological Warfare (Pimlott, 2011:58)).

Torture in war appears when war tactics are combined with strategic ideological

disrespect for conventional limitations on war (Einolf, 2007:114). It is practiced mostly

upon prisoners of war (Einolf, 2007:114). Torture emanates within the soldier

psychological “State of War”, being used within revenge logics and is practiced,

according to General Salan not only committed by maverick soldiers who were already

crazy before entering the military or who act under the influence of alcohol but also by

average French conscripts with no criminal background (Pierre, 2009:15).

Torture is useful in war as (a)a way of inflicting terror and imposing control upon the

civilian populations of occupied territories (Einolf, 2007:115; (b)to enforce disciplinary

15

logic aiming to the pacification (e.g Law Enforcement in Algeria) of territories (Branche,

2001:31); and (c)as a military technique to gather HUMINT through the use physical or

mental violence, perpetrators inflicts pain to the individual in order that this individual

release the information sought by the torture enforcer.

Torture was imposed in Algeria within war logics as a means of bringing down a political

organisation as part of a long-term strategy (Branche, 2004:2). The use of torture was part

of the French handbook to tackle with FLN rebels (Figure 4) in order to gather

information. Torture was needed as it was established in the guidelines wrote by Capitan

Eyraud, in the Bulletin d’information et de liaision des officiers d’artillerie d’active et de

reserve in April 1958, urging the use of torture in interrogatories since if one refuses to

torture, about 5& to 10% of interrogatories are not fruitful. Torture usually came along

with death, as it was ordered by the commander in charge of Oran CAA officers should

proceed to the elimination of those indispensables (Branche, 2001:92). Torture in war and

colonization spheres is also motivated by racism (Branche, 2001:434). General Massu

acknowedleg that without torture, victory was impossible in Algiers (AIDH, 2007:3).

Notwithstanding, torture in war is not convenient. Foucault, states that torture was

abolished because the authorities found “disciplining” methods to be more effective than

torture and corporal punishment in enforcing social control (Foucault, 1995:20), however

it only ha s suffered some changes in how torture is conducted (Einolf, 2007:111). Torture

destroy victims’ sense of self, voice, and reality (Einolf, 2007:105), relapsing the

individuals into a status which commits mistakes. This was proven by the USA Senate

Select Committee on Intelligence 2012 Feinstein report (Senate Select Committee On

Intelligence, 2014:2), that suggested that coercive interrogations do not produce

intelligence, but false answers (García, 2014). The application of psychological,

emotional, and/or physical pressure can force a victim of torture to say anything just to

end the painful experience. (Human Rights First, 2014).

Neurological science also shows that torture and abuse are ineffective ways to interrogate

prisoners. In fact, according to neuroscience professor Shane O’Mara, abusive

interrogation techniques (both physical and psychological) can “compromise memory,

mood, and cognitive function,” which are essential to eliciting accurate information

(O’Mara, 2014, 10). Militarily, using torture eventually reinforces the enemy

Clausewitzian Center of Gravity by increasing the rebellion’s popular support (Pierre,

2009:14).

16

b) The practice of torture by the French Army

The practice of torture has been a long-standing instrument utilized by the French Army.

French Army understood as preeminent element in its model to counter the first phases

of insurgencies (Figure 1), as well it constituted the ultimate phase of the guerre

révolutionnaire (Figure 3). Military officers considered that justice was lax, inducing thus

paralegal behaviours such as torture to punish (Branche, 2001:170). Such behaviours

were described as harsh interrogatories (musclés), extensive interrogatories (serrés), and

coerced interrogatories (sous la contrainte).

Torture was adopted by the French Army extensively in the context of foreign wars and

in maintaining control of colonial possessions (Einolf, 2007:106), incorporating a rigid

theory of response to colonial insurgencies (i.e. guerre révolutionaire). The lack of

political direction and lack of coordination between political and military authorities was

reflected in the command of forces, leaving to them the tactics used in colonial spheres

(Pimlott, 2011:56). First reports on torture on the 1930 in Indochine (Branche, 2001:46),

torture was also practiced in Madafgascar in 29 March 1947 uprising (Branche, 2001:46),

and it was also spread in Tunisia and Morcco (Branche, 2001:46). The 1946-1954 War in

Indochina created and shifted torture as a war technique used by the army, whereas in

Indochina was unsuccessful, the lesson of Indochina was learnt and applied as a doctrine

in the Algeria War of Independence (Pimlott, 2011:64). Beginning in 1956, the French

army started to adjust their tactics and operational approach. This was mainly due to the

arrival in theater of experienced officers and troops from Indochina who understood the

Maoist approach to revolutionary warfare using torture (DiMarco,2006:67)

Torture was systematic, General Salan said in March 1957 that every individual under

detention had to undergo into the “most extensive” interrogatory possible (Branche,

2001:91). The tortures which sought information gathering were mastered by Intelligence

Officers, known as OR. Notwithstanding, during torture seasons other FAF officers

usually practiced tortures under OR supervision (Branche, 2001:183). OR officers were

present in military companies with a 1:80 proportion (Branche, 2001:185). OR officer’s

presence was widespread among all sectors and military units (Branche, 2001:246). But

tortures as a punishment and vengeance was done by mobile “flying columns” (Pimlott,

2011:49), mainly the elite unit 10DP which acquired experience in Indochina, experience

that applied latterly in Algeria (Branche, 2001:165) and also by loyal indigenous people

(i.e. harkis) (Pimlott, 2011:57).

17

The most implicated military units and personalities in torture were the General Massu-

lead 10DP, that latterly it was transformed into the 11BP; and the General Salan,

commander-in-chief of FAF in Algeria (Branche, 2001:177). Other sub-military units

known for they harsh torture were the 1REP, the 3RPC, the 4th Zouaves Company, the

2RPC 1st Company, and the 1RCP (Branche, 2001:177).

The predominant torture techniques were (a)electric shocks delivered with Tucker

Telephone portable-electricity 200 volts generators or gégène (Picture 39) applied along

the body, especially in sexual organs, (b)waterboarding and use forced water swallowing

aiming to drown the subject, (c)reverse hanging tying the hands to a rope while the

individual was suspended on the air (Picture 20), (d)general knocking with batons and

(e)skin burns with fire and acids (Branche, 2001:189).

Despite the fact there was an official guide (Guide provisoire) stating that during

interrogatories must not conduct violent behaviours in the Chapter 4 Branche, 2001:247),

French torture guideline was idealized within war thesis wrote by colonel Lacheroy

(Andersson, 2018). Torture was learnt by OR officials through the unofficial meetings.

The duration of the torture was carried each day except Sundat following an established

timetable: they began between 7:30AM or 8:00AM, torture was stopped for lunch. They

were started again at 2:15PM, and they ended in the afternoon (Branche, 2001:365).

Tortures were done aiming not to create physical injuries in order not generate evidences

(Branche, 2001:529).

III. THE PRACTICE OF TORTURE DURING THE ALGERIAN WAR

a) Torture as a systematic and institutionalized technique in Algeria

The practice of torture during the Algerian War of Independence was characterized and

acknowledged by the French president, Emmanuel Macron as "system legally instituted"

by the French State during the war of Algeria, allowing the use of torture against civilians

and fighters (Jublin, 2018). These tortures were institutionalized within the military chain

of command and integrated the system (Figure 5 and Picture 41). Declassified archives

in 1992 revealed that torture was inextricably part of the Algerian War (Branche,

2001:12). The use of torture was authorized by politicians and allowed military, at least

implicitly, to resort to illegal methods, triggering an “industrialized” torture system

(Branche, 2001: 361). The torture methods could be observed in Pictures 28, 29 and 31.

18

The systematic practice of torture was idealized by Generals Salan and Massu. Roger

Wuillaume, Inspector General of the Administration, wrote a report in March 1955

suggesting that the judicial police of Algeria could be allowed to practice certain tortures.

Robert Lacoste, General Governor of Algeria and French Minister stated that the war in

Algeria imposed its inner logics, which cannot be included and must be excluded from

those ethics ruling the army (Branche, 2001: 93), ordering to General Jaques Massu,

10DP commander, to assume full powers and apply the guerre révolutionnaire doctrine.

The first OR learnt to torture in Maison-Carré (Branche, 2001:251).

The place where torture was done is mostly concerned in normal zones of control (Figure

5). In Algiers city, torture location varied: ranging from schools to sports stadium

(Branche, 2001:170), however, most of the torture was practiced in Centres de tri et de

transit (Sorting and transit centres) (Branche, 2001:171). The distinguished centres where

torture occurred were: La Villa Susini, Clos Salembier, Biar Es-Saada, the Algiers city

council basement, municipal stadium located in Lyon street, the 19RDG HQ in Hussein-

Dey, 94 Clemenceau Street in El Biar, and Zouaves HQ in Henri Klein square (Branche,

2001:176)

The people who practiced torture were not only military, but also local colon harkis used

torture violence in connivance with French conventional army (Pimlott, 2011:62). Torture

by the military was practiced by military unit 10DP, mainly done by its sub-unit 1REP

(Figure 7), and also was done by 11BP, by its sub-unit 1RCP (Figure 8). But an

specialized organization was constituted to perform tortures: les Détachement

Opérationnel de Protection (Operational Protection Detachment) or DOP. Although they

were officialy created to monitor the excesses of other military units (Branche, 2001:

363), they were indeed the torture institutionalized. 18 DOPs were created in 1957 by the

Centre de coordination interarmées (Joint Coordination Center), that was a counter-spy

agency framed within the Information-Action-Protection (RAP) strategy (Branche,

2001:274).

The torture structure emanated from the RAP service, which commanded the Section P,

directed by a Clément Ruat, which was in charge to the DOP coordination (Branche,

2001: 275). DOPs were created to include the doctrine of non-conventional warfare in

active-duty military (Branch, 2001: 275), they were granted autonomy from the rest of

the Army through their special status and hierarchy (Branche, 2001: 361).

19

Seeking to concentrate and eliminate the multiplicities of the different military functions,

the Centre de renseignement et d’action (Information and Action Centre) were set up

aiming to centralize the information obtained by the different units, centralized

territorially in a military sector scale and divided along the neighbourhoods. CRAs were

defined as an organism of circumstance with a permanent character.

Torture was done firstly by the information gathered by the organization in charge of

political activism intelligence gathering, the SLNA was in charge of political

investigation of civilians in algiers (Riceputi, 2018). Torture started when Massu ordered

a large number of arrests and rendered the suspects to the DOP for interrogation, where

they will be brutally tortured (Pimlott, 2011:63). Massu doctrine was to combine

patrolling, intelligence-gathering, arrests and torture (Pimlott, 2011:64). Usually, tortured

were arrested midnight at home. 64% of tortured people were apprehended at home

between 10:00PM and 6:00AM, with a peak between midnight and 3AM, compared to

22% who were detained at their place of work and the rest 14% which were captured on

the street, usually during raids and unannounced inspections. The most frequent scenario

involved 10DP often accompanied by a local harki "guide" or "informer", which informed

to the military officers the person to torture (Riceputi, 2018).

The minority of the tortures (about 3,000) ended with forced disapparitions (i.e. summary

executions) in order to avoid eventual problems. This outcome was coined by Raphaëlle

Branche “as the continuation of the torture by other means” (Branche, 2001:204). Military

assassinated tortured people following two methods: (a)tortured people were forced to

dig their own grave (Corvée de bois) (Picture 35) and killed mercessly or (b) they were

shot them from behind during the transfers (Fuyards abattus), pretending they attempted

to flee (Picture 13).

b) The case of Maurice Audin

The archetypical and representative individual case of the people tortured in Algeria is

the case of Maurice Audin, becoming the paramount symbolic representation of what

torture meant. Audin Affaire was and still is a controversial topic in the French public

sphere, since the French government did not recognize his dead until 2018. Maurice

Audin is the symbol of the torture in Algeria (Branche, 2001:534). Maurice Audin, was

a young math assistant in the University of Algiers and member of the Algerian

Communist Party (PCA), he was an anti-colonial activist for Algerian independence, he

20

was husband of Josette father of three children, Michèle, Louis et Pierre (Libération,

2001). He was arrested by the 1st regiment of paratroopers (1RCP) in the night from June

11 to 12 in 1957 at his home in Algiers (Branche, 2001:533). Allegedly, the the young

couple hosts clandestine militants in his apartment on Flaubert Street, in the district of

Champ-de-Manœuvre (Vergnol, 2019).

Audin was arrested by Captain Devis, Lieutenant Philippe Erulin and other non-

recognized soldiers of the 1st Foreign Parachute Regiment, he is directly led to the

interrogation center of El-Biar, on the heights of Algiers (Vergnol, 2019). Josette Audin

was told by the officers that if he is reasonable, he'll be back in an hour (Vergnol, 2019).

A witness that was also present in El-Biar, Henri Alleg, who was also tortured as member

of the Algerian Communist Party (PCA) and as a director of Alger Républicain, the

official newspaper of the PCA (Branche, 2001,187), stated that he saw Audin on June 12,

he states the following: “ I saw Maurice's pale, haggard face staring at me as I swayed on

my knees” (Alleg, 1958:25). Audin was in pants, lying on a board with electrodes attached

to the right ear and left foot (Alleg, 1958 :24). He was last seen alife on June 18

(Libération, 2001). He was tortured by André Charbonnier, 1RCP Lieutant (Libération,

2001). Lieutenant Charbonnier was blamed for torturing him, however general

Aussaressess confirmed in an interview that Charbonnier was not in the sector when

Audin was killed, but he was responsible of capturing him (Branche, 2001:573). He was

tortured using electricity and water. Finally, he was declared disappeared the June 21

(Libération, 2001). Officially Maurice Audin was killed attempting to "escape" during

his transfer by jeep from one detention center to another, being thus a fuyard abattu. His

body has never been found. His death certificate is established by a judge of the High

Court of Algiers on June 21 (Audin, 2013: 27). He was executed by lieutant Garcet,

following the orders from Aussaresses (Deschamps, 2018). Josette Audin never accepted

the official version, she thought that the soldiers attempted to hide the death of her

husband. The Audin Affaire began on the evening of 21 June (Libération, 2001). Pierre

Vidal-Naquet demostra proves that the military version is fake (Vidal-Naquet, 1989 :24).

General Paul Aussaresses wrote in his memoir book, published in 2001, that he ordered

Charbonnier to question Audin (Libération, 2001). On January 8, 2014, a document was

broadcast exclusively in which General Aussaresses told journalist Jean-Charles Deniau

that he gave the order to kill Maurice Audin.

21

Josette Audin alerted to the authorities of the disappearance of his husband on 27 June

(Riceputi, 2018). On July 4, 1957, she lodged a complaint against X for intentional

homicide. The family of Maurice Audin is the only one to support him in these painful

weeks, where support is scarce. The colleagues at the faculty are not rushing to help him.

As for the comrades, "it was too dangerous for them to contact me". The investigation of

the case was transferred to Rennes in 1960. Two years later, the first non-lieu will be

pronounced for "insufficiency of charges". In December 1966, the Court of Cassation

declared a second non-lieu dismissing and archiving the as a result of the impossibility to

judge facts covered by the Amnesty (Vergnol, 2019).

The disappearance of Maurice Audin jumps into the public agenda on 13 August when a

letter from Josette Audin is published in Le Monde. She started sending letters to public

figures in order to support her cause. Josette Audin triggered the Audin Affair into the

public sphere. In June 2007, Josette Audin wrote to Nicolas Sarkozy, asking him to clarify

the disappearance of her husband and to make France assume its responsibility in this

case. On January 1, 2009, his daughter, Michèle Audin, refuses to receive the rank of

Chevalier of the Legion of Honor because Sarkozy had not responded to her mother's

request or even responded to her letter (Mediapart, 2009). The last attempt to lift this state

lie dates back to Tuesday, May 16, 2001 Josette Audin went to the courthouse in Paris,

in the office of the Dean of Investigating Judges. She filed a complaint against X for

kidnapping charges, after General Aussaresses published his book (Liberation, 2001).

Audin Affaire was included to the public agenda as public French personalities pushed for

the official recognition of the crime. Jaques Ferrand proposed the creation of the

Committee for the research of Maurice Audin (Branche, 2001:533). Pierre Vidal-Naquet

attempts to delegitimize the authorities through this committee and to influence the public

opinion. Altogether with others committes, such as Djamila Committee, a plethora of

public figures started a public endeavor on denouncing torture. Whereas Chirac

“recognized the role of France in the tortures practiced in Algeria” (AIDH, 2007:5),

François Hollande visited the stele erected in memory of Maurice Audin in Algiers and

orders to inquiry about his disappearance to the Ministry of Defense. Finally, on

September 2018, president Emmanuel Macron admitted that Maurice Audin died under

torture by French government in Algeria (Macron, 2018).

22

PART II. GOAL 16: PEACE, JUSTICE AND STRONG INSTITUTIONS

23

I. CURRENT SITUATION

a) Actors involved

The actors involved in imparting justice, reparation and recognition, in accordance with

the Goal 16, of the tortures practiced by the French Army conforms an heterogenous net.

France holds the responsibility as it is the main torture inflictor, so normatively France

must reparate the pain inflicted. Practically, France is the entitled actor to tackle the

challenge of assuring peace since States are the unique actors retaining the justice

prerogative and because French lawmakers are able to enact policy-making to assure the

until nowadays denied equal access of justice to all (UNSDG Target 16.3).

The most important actor in this case is the French public opinion, considered as an entity

influenced by key individuals as well constructed by the press. Newspapers were the most

active stakeholder decrying France for the harsh methodology conducted, being the

utmost gatekeepers (Branche, 2001:206).It has been demonstrated that public opinion

influences policy-making (Page and Shapiro, 1983), thus making this entity the main

gatekeeper on shifting the application of Target 16.3. French torture was revealed to the

public opinion by two articles published by François Mauriac, “La Question” (The

Question) and Claude Bourdet, “Votre Gestapo d’Algérie” (Your Algerian Gestapo); later

in 1956, Henri Alleg published a book disclosing the torture with the help of Jean Paul

Sartre (Branche, 2001:13). French historians Vidal-Naquet and mathematician Laurent

Schawtz pushed and mediatized the torture taboo (LDH, 2007). Public mediatized

condemns were produced from a plethora of individual actors coming from multiple

typology involving scouts (Le Dossier de Jean Muller, 1956), catholic priests’ collectives

(Des rappéles témoignent, 1957), judges such Jean Reliquet, prosecutors like Paul

Pézaud, writers (Contre la torture de Pierre-Henri Simon), protestant religious federation

in 12 March 1957, cardinals and archbishops assembly in 14 March 1957, former

government cabinet members with De Gaulle such René Capitant, military staff like

General Jaques Pâris de Bollardière, philosophers like Jean Paul-Sartre, activists like

Simone de Beauvoir or the multiple adhoc convergence of manifold university

movements that constituted the association to defence liberties in Algeria (Branche,

2001:208). The Algerian press, which reappears legally from July 1962 (mainly al-

Chaâb) published search ads of those missing (Rahal and Riceputi, 2019). French

newspapers involved in publicizing tortures are France Observateur, L’Humanité,

L’Express and preeminetly Le Monde (Le Monde, 2018).

24

Whereas the ad hoc lawyers associations constituted to sue specific individual cases of

torture are the primary actors on enforcing, or at least attempting, to enforce justice and

seek reparation, International Organizations such CICR have developed an investigative

task to check whether Human Rights were violated during the Algerian War of

Independence, concretely, CICR reported tortures in Internment Camps as it expressed in

its inform of 23 May 1955 (Branche, 2001:47).

Non-governmental organizations have developed a decisive and became a game-changer.

Both the Fédération internationale des droits de l’homme and Ligue des droits de

l’Homme (International Crimes Database, 2019) worked on monitoring, reporting,

condemning and providing help to victims. LDH is strongly committed to denounce the

practice of torture by the French army in Algeria (Ligue des Droits de l’Homme, 2019).

Other initiatives like online 1000autres give some victims an identity, a story, a face, a

humanity, awebsite by making public a file of a thousand of their search notices issued

from February 1957 by the prefecture of Algiers (Riceputi, 2019:30).

Within the decolonization process, concerned nation-states with French colonization but

also being motivated by their own interests, have campaigned in the UN to blame the

practice of torture by the French Army, mainly Syria, Egypt, Morocco and Tunis, which

have been engaged into a public campaign within the UNGA to condemn France for its

inhuman techniques along law enforcement operations (Branche, 2001:206).

The French army accepted complaints from disappeared relatives, but only to the extent

to "calm the considerable emotion”. The army provided a response deemed valid by the

prefecture only 30% of these requests. This file provides a list -very incomplete- of people

wanted by their relatives in 1957 (Rahal and Riceputi, 2019). France have in its archieves,

mainly in the colonial archive in Aix-en-Provence (ANOM) those documents related to

torture. The french government attempted to hide information about how torture was

developed (Weissbrodt and Maran, 1991:218). Notwithstanding, socialist minorities

opposed to Guy Mollet's Algerian policy, such as Daniel Mayer, Henri Nogueres or

Robert Verdie (Morin, 2004: 2). On 14 February 2018, the two deputies, Cédric Villani

and Sébastien Jumel, called for an official recognition of the assassination of Maurice

Audin by the French army, in the presence of Josette Audin and her son Pierre.

25

b) Main indicators

The two unique and essential indicators delineated by United Nations to assess the

performance of countries in relation to the Target 16.3 (Figure 44) are the figures that

expresses the proportion of victims of violence in the previous 12 months who reported

their victimization to competent authorities or other officially recognized conflict

resolution mechanisms (16.3.1) and the indicators displaying the unsentenced detainees

as a proportion of overall prison population (16.3.2) (UNGA Resolution 71/313, 2017).

UN appointed indicators to assess the country performance in achieving the Goal 16 does

not incorporate any figure aiming to conceive the number of people tortured. Neither

tortured people indicators can be found in the Home Affairs Ministry Statitcs nor in the

Official Statistic Institute of France (INSEE) since they are aggregated within the

category “others” as part of the broader crime of aggression (Figure 36) in the report

about crime condemnations in France during 2017: “Les condemnations pendant 2017,

Secrétariat general, Service de l’expertise et de la modernisation Sous-direction de la

Statistique et des Études” (Ministère de la Justice[b], 2018). It is impossible to discern

how much of those 27,496 condemened because of aggression in 2017 have undergo into

torture (Figure 38).

Regarding the UN pointed indicators to assess Goal 16, the indicator 16.3.1 data

availability globally is not researched neither published by States. France does not assess

this indicator, neither the plethora of States (Figure 49) (Institute for Economics and

Peace,2017). Concerning the indicator 16.3.2, the indicators analyzed globally displays a

situation wherein countries of the world do not progress on reducing the proportion of

unsentenced prisoners in relation to overall prision population (Figure 45), the proportion

of prisoners held in detention without sentencing has remained almost constant in the last

decade, at 31% of all prisoners (United Nations, 2019). Most of the countries have shown

a stable tendency (Figure 46). In France, the number of unsentenced people in prison

reached the figure of 20,852, indicator growing since octobre 2017, the highest proportion

reached in the last 12 years (Ministère de la Justice, 2018:3).

The government of France has entitled INSEE (National Institute of Statistics and

Economic Studies) to coordinate for France all statistical work relating to the indicators

within the Official Statistical System from the Ministry of Ecologic transition (SDES), to

monitor the Sustainable Development Goals globally and nationally.

26

According to the Institute for Economics and Peace, in France the 60% of the UNSDG

delineated data concerning Goal 16 is available (Figure 50). INSEE has grounded four

main indicators to reificate the developments in regards to the Goal 16 (Figure 39)

(Institut National de la Statistique et des Études Économiques, 2017).

France have defined the first indicator as the absolute quantity of homicides (Figure 40)

in order to weight the level of violence in France: the tendency show that France is

performing deficiently as the number of homicides have grown from 795 victims in 2010

to casualties 845 in 2018. The second indicator is defined as the proportion of sexual

aggression victims in proportion to the rest of aggressions (Figure 41), France is

performing regulary since the figure oscillates between the 2,5%. The third indicators in

the number of unsentenced detainees as a proportion of overall prison population, the

same as UNSDG proposed indicator 16.3.2. Within an historical evaluation, the number

in relative terms of unstenced detainees has increased dramatically (Figure 42), from

25,9% in 2010 reaching the 29% in 2018, whereas in absolute terms (Figure 52), the

number of unsentenced prisoners is estable. Finally, the fourth indicator is the trust of

inhabitants on its institutions, showing an estable trend (Figure 43)

The UN has classified three group of indicators according its level of problem reification,

the first tier comprehends an indicator conceptually clear, methodology established

and standardized internationally, data regularly produced by countries; the second tier:

is defined for being an indicator conceptually clear, with methodology established and

standardize dinternationally, however data is produced occasionally or no existing data;

and to conclude, the tier three is the indicator typology for which there is no standardised

methodology or where themethodology is being tested/developed (Institut National de la

Statistique et des Études Économiques, 2017:2) 17 of the 23 indicators are classified as

Tier II and III. According to the INSEE, 52 indicators of the Tier 1 are non statistical, 29

indicators are unavailable and 6 are available; within Tier 2 indicators, 38 are non

statistical indicators, 23are unavailable and 8 are available; Tier 3 indicators are mostly

unavailable (46), whereas there are a 23 of available statistical indicators and 21 of non-

statistical indicators. As this data shows, there is a conundrum regarding measurability in

France, the most affected goal is the 16, in which 14 indicators are non available (Figure

35), according to the INSEE.

27

Unavailable statistical indicators have not been collected for various reasons: indicators

are not currently produced. But the majority of indicators will be solved if they were more

precisely (Institut National de la Statistique et des Études Économiques, 2017:8). The

preeminent problem with Goal 16.3 is that there is not any indicator that accounts the

access of justice in promoting the rule of law at the national or international level,

relapsing the performance of such policies into a partisan qualitative analysis (Insitute for

Economics and Peace, 2016:42). Thus, the lack of indicators from the past and the

uncertainty of the present indicators triggers qualitative data to establish the right

paradigm and assess in consequence whether France has accomplished on fulfilling

Target 16.3.

Regarding torture figures: 40 percent of the adult male Muslim population of Algiers

(approximately 55,000 individuals) were put through the French interrogation system.

This action likely irrevocably alienated the entire 600,000 Muslim population of the city

from the French cause (DiMarco, 2006:73). 3,024 dissapeared in Algeria during the Law

Enforcement Operations (Libération, 2018). 850 complaints have been filled, according

to the SLNA, the same organization that accounted an approximate estimation 2,049

disappearances (Riceputi, 2018).

c) Adopted policy-making

France has not enacted any relevant policy-making aiming to subsidize those practices of

torture during the Algerian War of Independence. In addition to the fact France have not

established any policy-making aiming to reparate and make justice, France has neither

abrogated such laws of Amnesty that forbids the inquiry of torture crimes.

Michel Debré, the Minister of Armed forces started in September 1958 to imagine an

amnesty project to all the exerced violences during the law enforcement operation

(Branche, 2001:579). President Patin informed commanders through a letter to slow down

the military process which condemned torture because an amnesty was being created

during the 1961 spring (Branche, 2001:580), in order to incorporate such soldier that

commited tortures under the logic of Law Enforcement Operations.

On 22 March 1962, entered in force a decree amnestying (Branche, 2001:581), but the

decree did not elucidate clearly what law enforcement operations encompassed, leaving

thus a vacuous boundless conception of such operations aiming to reach any activity

commited by the French Army (Branche, 2001:581). A second decree on 18 June 1966,

28

extended the amnesty to offenses "committed within the framework of administrative or

judicial police operations (Liberation, 2001)

The lawmakers enacted in 2005 a law which acknowledged the positive role and the

prodigious role of France in its former Colonies (Loi portant reconnaissance de la Nation

et contribution nationale en faveur des Français rapatriés), contributing not only to the

non acknowledging of torture crimes but the apology of torture.

The unique policy-making was the paradoxical condemination to General Paul

Aussaresses. In his memoir, he recognized the summary executions of 24 individuals. The

justice cannot trial him because of the amnesty law, but he was condemned to 7,500€ for

war crimes apologies but he was not condemned for commiting these crimes, 2002).

During the year 2003, initiatives led to a revival of the search for the truth about the case

of Maurice Audin: among these initiatives should be mentioned the decision of the Paris

City Council to give the name of Maurice Audin to a place of the 5th arrondissement,

inaugurated on May 26, 2004 (Association Maurice Audin, 2019)

In France, under a Parliamentary mission mandate, the ministries’ general inspectorates

analyse sector policies conducted in their areas to produce a more detailed public policy

evaluation with respect to the Sustainable Development Goals. The Government submit

annually to Parliament a report on previous trends in the new wealth indicators and a

qualitative or quantitative assessment of the impact of key reforms implemented in the

previous and current year, as well as and those planned for the next year based on those

indicators and GDP (Bernstein, 2018:59).

The preeminent adopted policy-making aiming to fulfil the Goal 16 is the 20% of the

funding delegated by the Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs to the Agence Française

de Développement (AFD, French Development Agency) to finance projects initiated by

French civil society organizations involved in international solidarity are allocated to

human rights, governance and vulnerable populations (France Diplomatie, 2019). France

understands only UNSDG as a climate matter, employment leaving apart human rights.

it decided to enact legislation for ecologoical transition the Energy Transition for Green

Growth Act gave legislative shape to France’s voluntary commitment to cut its

greenhouse gas emissions by 40% below 1990 levels by 2030 (Government de la

République, 2016:2) plan to tackle unemployment based on three priorities, aiming to

reduce social charges, improve training and assure young people entering into the market

(Government de la République, 2016:3).

29

On 6 June 2016, Ségolène Royal, Minister of the Environment, Energy and the Sea, in

charge of Sustainable Development, and André Vallini, Minister of State for

Development and Francophonie, launched consultative workshops on the implementation

of the Sustainable Development Goals. France considers that the involvement of civil

society, the private sector and the general public is key to the success of the

implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals and, more generally to public

policymaking. However, no public citizenship initiative contributed to the development

of policy-making regarding Goal 16, Target 16.3 or the enforcement of peace in Algeria.

II. GLOBAL AND REGIONAL SITUATION

The Global and Regional situation regarding the application of Goal 16 by countries is

negative: generally, in countres the application is unsatisfactory (Figure 46), concretely,

MENA countries development of measures to tacke with the enforcement of Peace,

Justice and Strong Institutions is deficient since they do not possess the required data to

develop a well grounded policy (Figure 51).

Regionally, The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the African

Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights in comparison with the European and

interAmerican systems, Africa does not have a convention on torture and its prevention.

The question of torture is examined on the same level as are other human rights violations.

The question of torture is dealt with primarily in the African Charter of Human and

Peoples’ Rights, which was adopted by the Organization of African Unity on 27 June

1981 and which entered into force on 21 October 1986 Article 5 of the African Charter

state (OHCHR, 2014:7).

IV. EXPECTATIONS AND FORECAST FOR THE COMING 5 YEARS

The forecast for the incoming 5 years is neutral to the extend figures displays the fact that

France indicators have maintained a stable tendency (Figure 29 and 30). Under the right

conditions, the practice of torture decreases, and has nearly disappeared from the

experience of citizens of liberal democratic societies. As other countries adopt liberal

democratic forms of government, there is strong reason to believe that torture will be

eradicated there as well (Einolf, 2004:118)

30

The improvement of technology could lead into a transformation in the measurability on

the UNSDP, triggering thus metadata which makes available data disggregation and

wider use of indicators preeminent challnges (UNDP, 2015). The main issue within the

forecast is the fact that indicators related to Goal 16 are not well-grounded, in

consequence, the advance of technology will contribute to the better measurement of the

phenomenon, producing thus more cost-effective politics since the data will show with

be more precise.

Regarding the indicator 16.3.2, rates of pretrial detention suggest that progress with

respect to the rule of law and access to justice has been slow. Globally, the proportion of

people held in detention without being sentenced for a crime has remained almost

unchanged (from 32 per cent of total prisoners in 2003-2005 to 31 per cent in 2013-2015)

which indicates that substantive progress has not been achieved in the ability of judicial

systems to process and try the accused in a fair and transparent manner (United Nations,

2019). On the report about the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals,

France has not defined as a target the inquiry and further compensations and reparation

of torture (Government de la République, 2016), so in consequence the forecast is that

France will not adopt specific policy-making to address the tortures in Algeria.

31

PART III. EVALUATION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

32

I. ASSESSMENT

In order to assess whether the policy-making enacted by France aiming to enforce justice

and victim reparations to the tortures practiced in Algeria by the French Army in Algeria

two pathways could be followed: the indicators of the UNSDG could be verified in order

to assess the rightfulness of polices, or the adopted policy-making by France could be

compared to those international established paradigms on how torture should be

prosecuted.

On one hand, the assessment of enforcement of policies seeking to achieve the Goal 16

by France by explorating its indicators are blurred. The indicators do not clearly reflect

its objectives. It is impossible to determine whether tortures have been reparated using a

figure which relates the homicide rates (as proposed by the INSEE) or explaining the

proportion of unsentenced population in comparision with the overall jailed population.

If we attempt to discern whether France has accomplished the Goal 16 and the Target

16.3 by looking to the statistical data, we could determine that the adequacy and efficacy

of policies are deficient, disappointing and unsatisfactory. The indicators that the French

government established to reificate the developments of Goal 16 (Figure 39) does not

tackle neither conceptualizes the broader phenomenon of enforcing peace. The indicators

proposed by INSEE shown that the indicator 1 regarding homicides has worsened (Figure

40), France is performing deficiently as the number of homicides have grown from 795

victims in 2010 to casualties 845 in 2018. The second indicator is defined as the

proportion of sexual aggression victims in proportion to the rest of aggressions (Figure

41), France is performing regulary since the figure oscillates between the 2,5%. The third

indicators in the number of unsentenced detainees as a proportion of overall prison

population, the same as UNSDG proposed indicator 16.3.2. Within an historical

evaluation, the number in relative terms of unstenced detainees has increased dramatically

(Figure 42), from 25,9% in 2010 reaching the 29% in 2018, whereas in absolute terms

(Figure 52), the number of unsentenced prisoners is estable. Finally, the fourth indicator

is the trust of inhabitants on its institutions, showing an estable trend (Figure 43). Torture

is impractible to discern since INSEE does not inquiry on this phenomenon separately.

On the other hand, if we try to assess the policy-making by comparing the measures taken

to address the reparation of torture, we found that these measures do not exist, since the

Amnesty Law forbids to inquiry on such crimes. Reviewing the international instruments

France is party to and in consequence, it is mandatory and peremptory to apply, we could

33

determine clearly that the policies are not adequate, neither they have contributed to the

resolution of torture in Algeria. The applicability of such intenational standards is

prospective and retroactive, so the applicability of such conventions was valid in the past,

since the reality is ummutable and international standards have been violated,

compensations have to be established in order to reparate the committed crimes.

France is not complying with the obligations established in the 1987 United Nations

Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or

Punishment (Figure 12). France is failing to carryng out the Article 2 and 3, since it has

not taken effective legislative, administrative, judicial or other measures to prevent acts

of torture. This article establishes that no exceptions, including war, may be invoked as

justification for torture, reason to which France has resorted to. France is not neither

fulfilling the article 11, as well the principles 11-13, 15-19 and 23 of the Body of

Principles on Detention; paras. 7, 22 and 37 of the Standard Minimum Rules for the

Treatment of Prisoners, since the detention type developed in Algeria was

incommunicado detention, non-granting to physicians, lawyers and family members

access to detainees. France also violates Art. 12 of the UNCAT, since it does not ensure

that the competent authorities undertake a prompt and impartial investigation. If France

does not compensate economically the tortured victims, it is vulnerating the articles 13

and 14 of the UNCAT, as well the 35 and 36 of the Standard Minimum Rules for the

Treatment of Prisoners. Tortured people or relatives of them cannot sue a complaint since

the case will be dismissed, in consequence, France is performing unsatisfactorily on

upholding the article 7 which assevereates that offenders are subject to criminal

proceedings if an allegation of other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or

punishment is considered to be well founded, the alleged offenders shall be subject to

criminal, disciplinary or other appropriate proceedings.

Moreover, France assessment regarding torture peace enforcing does not performs

accurately following the Istanbul Protocol, which established The Manual on Effective

Investigation and Documentation of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading

Treatment or Punishment.

34

In order to punish, reparate, make justice and ground the conditions for the non-repetition

of such practices France had to follow the delineated policy-making. To the extend the

Amnesty law forbids to inquiry on the investigation, France is performing deficiently in

the, Section A since it does not investigate the facts elating to alleged incidents of torture

(Figure 14). Moreover, France does not perform accurately since it does not accomplish

the Section B, which states that an effective investigation must be conducted as an

outcome of a report. Such report has never been done by any French authority. France

unaccomplished the Section B to the extend the it did not ensure that complaints and

reports of torture or ill-treatment are promptly and effectively investigated as well any

commission chosen for its impartiality, competence and independency has been formed

to inquiry in the crimes (Figure 15). In addition, France is neither fulfilling its obligations

in the Section C, Procedures of a torture investigation, since it did not conducted any

investigation (Figure 16) as well France policy-making neither fulfils the Section D

(Figure 17), since there has not been any commission of inquiry.

France is not imparting justice within the Goal 16 of the UNSDG due to the reiterate non-

compliances set by the Special Rapporteur (Figure 20). Concretely, France is failing to

fulfil the following requirements: (c.2) since it has not implemented effective legal,

preventive and protective measures; (d.2) since public campaigns aimed at informing the

population at large have not been conducted; (e.1) as a reason that interrogation took place

in secret; (g.1) due to the existence and recurrence on the Incommunicado detention ;

(g.2) since there has not been any information regarding the time and place of arrest as

well as the identity has not been identified of the law enforcement officials having carried

out the arrest; (g.3) no legal provisions have been ensured since the detentions were

arbitrary. Other non-compliances are found along the articles (g.4), (g.5), (g.6), (g.7),

(g.8), (g.9) and (k.1). The preemenint articles France has not respected are:

(i.1) Provisions should give all detained persons the ability to challenge the

lawfulness of the detention, e.g. through habeas corpus or amparo

(k.2) Creation of witness protection programmes for witnesses to incidents of

torture

(k.3) Legal provisions granting exemptions from criminal responsibility for

torturers, such as amnesty laws (including laws in the name of national reconciliation or

the consolidation of democracy and peace), indemnity laws, etc. should be abrogated

35

(k.4) If torture has occurred in an official place of detention, the official in charge

of that place should be disciplined or punished

(k.5) Military tribunals should not be used to try persons accused of torture

(k.6) Independent national authorities, such as a national commission or

ombudsman with investigatory and/or prosecutorial powers, should be established to

receive and to investigate complaints

(k.7) Complaints about torture should be dealt with immediately

(l.1) Legislation should be enacted to ensure that the victim of an act of torture

obtains redress and fair and adequate compensation, including the means for the fullest

rehabilitation possible, including the principles of restitution, compensation,

rehabilitation, satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition.

In addition to the reparation, granting public access to information is also a requirement,

but France has not contributed to reparate tortures within perspective of liberating

information since the French Common Law obliged undisclosed military archives to be

revealed after 30 years, so in 1992 most of the archives asseverating torture techniques

became public (Branche, 2001:14). Nonetheless, for those archives considered as

“sensitive”, the French Law establishes a period of 60 years, being the 2022 the year when

all the archives will be disclosed (Branche, 2001:14), however, some archives release

date was reduced to the 50 years, thus making 2012 the publication year (Branche,

2001:19). However, the law regulating the archives made them public but restricted

(Branche, 2001:17)

France in neither enforcing the Goal 16 within the framework of universal justice to

prosecute warcrimes. On 25 April 2001, several people filed a complaint (plaints) at

Office of the Paris Prosecutor alleging that General Haled Naysayer. He was allegedly

responsible for torture and death under torture. In the afternoon, the complaint was

deemed admissible and a preliminary inquiry was opened. Reportedly, no steps were

taken at the preliminary investigation stage to place the suspect in investigative detention

(garde à due), the General left Paris and France did not issue any international arrest

warrant (Amnesty International, 2001:8). The assessment of enforcing Goal 16 is also

negative to the extend the selected indicators are not useful to quantificate valid indicators

to comprehend the phenomenon.

36

II. RECOMMENDATIONS

The dissertation recommendations are based within the international standards, mainly

those suggestions stated by the Special Rapporteur of Torture, the Human Rights

Committee, the Istanbul Protocol or the Convention against torture among others. In

addition, the recommendations follow the criteria established by the Convention Against

Torture iniative which established in its handbook the guidelines to inquiry, make justice

and reparate (Figure 52). France must be encouraged to follow the Istanbul Protocol,

concretely along its sections, aiming to establish the purposes of an investigation into

torture, the principles on the Effective Investigation and Documentation of Torture and

Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, the procedures of the

torture investigation and the creation of a commission of inquiry. The main

recommendations are:

· Establish and ad hocombudsman, as the Special Rapporteur reported on 12 January

1995. In paragraph 926 (g) of the report, he stated: Independent national authorities, such

as a national commission or ombudsman with investigatory and or prosecutorial powers,

should be established to receive and to investigate complaints (OHCHR, 2014:6),

moreover, this ombudsman must research in order to validate the torture crimes and

establish a quantity to compensate. This investigative authority shall have the power and

obligation to obtain all the information necessary to the inquiry (OHCHR, 2004:59).

· France must entitle the United Nations to conduct investigations. Each report by the

Committee against torture makes general comments and recommendations and include

this information in its annual report to the States parties and to the General Assembly.

The United Nations could develop a strategy to reparate and to establishing justice

conditions (OHCHR, 2014:5).

· Secret archives related to the practice of torture must be regulated in order to make

public this information and provide the effective tool for relatives to acknowledge the

truth (Branche, 2001:15). Furthermore, all the photographies must be public since the

governemnt refuses to disclose any photography, even for historians (Branche, 2001:16)

· Concentrate archives, since the documents regarding torture are divided between several

Ministries and within different places, it will be better to concentrated them (Branche,

2001:15). In addition, these archives most of them are private hands, like Guy Mollet

archives (Branche, 2001:18), in consequence they must be of public dominion.

37

· Release military justice archives, since they are hold in secret for a time-lapse of 75 and

100 years, most of them account the human right violations committed by soldiers

· Open the archives from the colonial state (ANOM) "opening archives" of the colonial

state, where they hope that we find the truth so eagerly sought. A general derogation of

information privatization, the contours of which will be specified by ministerial decrees

after identification of the available sources, would open to free consultation all the

archives of the State which concern this subject.

· Abrogate laws impeding the investigation of torture, such as the Amnesty passed by the

parliament. Legal provisions granting exemptions from criminal responsibility for

torturers, such as amnesty laws (including laws in the name of national reconciliation or

the consolidation of democracy and peace), indemnity laws, etc. should be abrogated

(Special Rapporteur on Torture, 2019:3).

The framework of the recommendations is grounded on the Office of the United Nations

High Commissioner for Human Rights recommendations and in the Manual on the

Effective Investigation and Documentation of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or

Degrading Treatment or Punishment. In that context, countries should be guided by the

Principles on the effective investigation and documentation of torture and other cruel,

inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment (the Istanbul Principles) as a useful tool

in the effort to combat torture (Special Rapporteur on Torture, 2019:4).

38

FINAL REMARKS

39

Enforcing the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 16, and concretely the

Target 16.3 within the nation-state perspective is unstrustworthy and impracticable. Goal

16 intrinsically paramount objectives relapses the evaluation and the adequace of policies

aiming to achieve this Target as a possibility but not as a probability within the current

Westphalian nation state. Answering the title of this dissertation, France has not enforced

justice neither reparated those victims of torture during the Algeria War of Independence.

The issue raised here is how it is possible to assess a post-conflict and transicional justice

within the Goal 16 of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, it is possible

to assess whether there is a well-defined status of Peace, or if Justice have been done not

as a long-standing complex process but as an simple objective to fulfil, or to which extend

Strong Institutions are conceived, whether a country representative of Human Rights as

France, within the regional framework of the European Union which paramount objective

is to assure peace, encompassed within the International order and system that enacts

binding legislation that latterly is not applied even to the investigation of Human Rights

Violation. The issue of pertinence is clear, applying the global UNSDG is utmost along

all the transitional justice processes. Despite the fact reconstruction, development and

enforcing sustainable peace is exclusively an endeavour portrayed by and for post-

conflict countries, new multi-dimensionsal and integrated approach to such challenges,

an approach that goes beyond the capabilities of a single country and relies on the global

governance institutions and in the international body law is necessary. In a globalized

world, lasting prosperity and peace are possible only through collective commitment and

effort (Panic, 2005:20).

Ernst Renan asseverates that process of nation-building is not grounded on an assembly

of individuals sharing common ethnographic profile but is grounded on the base of a

collective memory. Each event through which this assembly of individuals had to

overcame, it contributed to the enforcing of the unified identity. The torture practiced by

France contributed clearly to the identity formation of Algerian people, but did not

preclude that the Algerian people from committing those crimes their previous settlers

practiced to them. Nationhood is born from memory, from legacy, but also from

forgetting. A nation is about all the people felt together despite their differences and the

cohesion of a nation is made by force, not ubiquitous but as a long-enduring process.

Nationhood is born from memory, from legacy, but also from forgetting. France

deliberate decision to forget about its crimes in Algeria is produced within the logics of

asserting their identity of Human Rights upholders, despite the fact they violated them.

40

Torture as a quintaessential part of a holistic politico-military counter-insurgency doctrine

(Pimlott, 2011:60) is useful to conditionate the enemy, which is swamped, groggy,

demoralised and psychologically ready to be defeated (Pimlott, 2011:59). Torture was

used as part of a broader strategy from the Generals in charge of the army in Algeria:

General Salan and General Challe (Branche, 2001:28), but the conundrum of enforcing

peace and justice is the fact that the same institutions that allowed and promoted tortures

are those entitled to judge its crimes. Torture in Algeria was not exclusively a military

decision, but a raison d’êtat decision according to the extensive investigation by Pierre

Vidal-Naquet, displaying the internal dysfunctions of the Republic (Branche, 2001:29)

that was peremptory to undertake, even if the methodology used were those taken from

the Gestapo, as General Massu asseverated (Branche, 2001:210). As torture reports

seeped out, many people began to express their revulsion at methods employed and the

French public opinion wanted a political settlement for the “Algerian question” (Pimlott,

2011:64). The level of public awareness was low and when disquiet was expressed, it

tended to be overshadowed by the belief in the civilising mission of colonial expansion,

leading to a degree of military complacency (Pimlott, 2011:49). The public could not

support seeing political opponents being tortured to death to send powerful deterrent

message. For understandable reasons, torture has become symbol of tyranny for the public

(Hope, 2004:827).

The condemnation and reparation of such practices is condition sine qua non for those

victims and their relatives, but the paramount idea to reinforce and establish policy-

making to assure the achieving of Target 16.3 is not to reparate, but to assure the condition

for non-repetition. Nowadays. About 36% of the world population belief that torture

(Amnesty International, 2014:2), Global Opinions on the use of torture reflects a tendency

on relapsing to torture (Figure 31). The application of the Goal 16 is required to avoid

exactly this phenomenon, the Hegelian historical condition through which people is

condemned to repeat such devastating war condition.

Torture has been described as a ritual that establishes community boundaries, unites

members of the community against transgressors, and establishes social hierarchies

(Abrahamian 1999; Collins 1974; Gregory and Timmerman 1986), probably contributing

to the construction of the Algerian identity and leading to the inevitable independence of

Algeria, since revolutionary wars of national liberation seeked to capture not military or

geographic objectives, but the population (Pimlott, 2011:59).

41

But the only real "victory" of the French military participating in Law Enforcement

operations in Algiers in 1957 is that victory that has ensured impunity (Riceputi,

2019:30). A bidirectional process of mutual acknowledgment of crimes committed by

France as well by the FLN must be done in order to assure and ground the conditions for

non-repetitions. However, probably the practice of torture by the French Army in Algeria

have prompted and enforced the Algerian identity and struggle for independence.

Notwithstanding, since torture has not been solved from the French part, France still

nowadays need to review its past, in order to take a decision, If the country vows to

forgive to forget or prefers to forget so as not to forgive.

42

ANNEXES

43

MICHÈLE AUDIN INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPT AND BIOGRAPHY

Michèle Audin (Algiers, 1954) is a mathematics university

professor. However, she is best known because she is the

daughter of Maurice Audin, the french mathematics assistant

at the University of Algiers and member of the Algerian

Comunist Party that was tortured and killed by the French

Army during the Battle of Algiers the 11th June 1957 because

of his political anti-colonial activism. Audin's wife, Josette,

denounced his dissaparition and as she did not receive news

from him. She started a campaign to uncover the fate of her

husband. This case, the Audin Affaire, became controversial

within the French Metropole public opinion and became the

paradigmatic case of torture during the Algerian War of

Independence, because the case was officially denied by

France until 2018.

« Pensez-vous que sans les efforts de Pierre Vidal-Naquet, le comité Audin au travail de ses

proches, en particulier de votre mère, l'affaire Audin aurait disparu de l'agenda public

français? »

C’est Josette Audin, ma mère, qui a « créé » ce qu’on appelle l’Affaire Audin, dès juin

1957. Elle a vite été soutenue par Laurent Schwartz, Pierre Vidal-Naquet et d’autres.

Sans elle et sans eux, personne n’en aurait jamais parlé, comme on n’a pas parlé des

autres disparus de la bataille d’Alger.

« Pourquoi pensez-vous que l'État français a essayé de cacher la réalité de la torture et des

pratiques extrajudiciaires depuis si longtemps? »

Au pouvoir, il y a eu, soit des politiciens réactionnaires nostalgiques de la colonisation,

soit des politiciens « de gauche » manquant de courage politique.

« Pensez-vous que la société française préfère connaître la vérité et enquêter sur les

événements en Algérie ou préfère oublier? »

Je pense qu’il est nécessaire qu’elle connaisse la vérité, pour pouvoir vivre en paix avec

elle-même. Il y a sept millions de Français d’origine algérienne, quand même!

« Croyez-vous que les lois d'amnistie de la guerre en Algérie devraient être abrogées et les

victimes réparées? »

Non, je crois qu’il est temps de faire une histoire « apaisée ».

« Pourquoi la société française soutient-elle aujourd'hui le rôle positif de la colonisation

française? »

Par méconnaissance des réalités de la colonisation.

« Est-ce que vous ou vos proches avez pensé à dénoncer le cas de votre père au niveau

français ou international? Croyez-vous que si vous dénoncez votre cas, vous prospérerez

dans les instances internationales ou dans les instances françaises? »

Je ne sais pas répondre.

« Quel est le rôle de l'Etat algérien dans la condamnation de la torture et en particulier dans

le cas de son père? Avez-vous reçu de l'aide de l’Algérie? »

Nous n’avons pas reçu d’aide du gouvernement algérien (mais nous avons reçu beaucoup

de soutiens de citoyens algériens).

« Espérez-vous que la vérité soit enfin connue, que justice soit faite et que la réparation du

crime commis soit établie dans l'Êtat français? »

Le crime a été reconnu par le président de la République et la responsabilité de l’état

aussi. C’est bien pour moi

Michèle Audin (left), with Emmanuel Macron (centre) and Josette Audin

(right). Residence of Josette Audin (13 September 2018)

44

SELECTION OF NEWSPAPER ARTICLES

ARTICLE 1: Le Monde Editorial (14 September 2018)

Torture en Algérie: la responsabilité de l’Etat dans la mort de

Maurice Audin, une salutaire vérité Macron parachève le « devoir de vérité » que la République a eu tant de mal à assumer.

Editorial du « Monde ». Pour les hommes comme pour les

Etats, la vérité fait mal. Plus encore quand, honteuse et

douloureuse, elle a été trop longtemps occultée ou refoulée.

Pour les Etats comme pour les hommes, le travail de mémoire

et la vérité qui en résulte sont pourtant les remèdes nécessaires

aux traumatismes du passé.

Il convient donc de saluer la déclaration faite par le président

de la République, jeudi 13 septembre, à propos de Maurice

Audin, ce jeune professeur de mathématiques à l’université

d’Alger, militant communiste et anticolonialiste, arrêté le 11

juin 1957 par des militaires français et disparu sans que les

circonstances de sa mort aient jamais été officiellement

établies de façon crédible et sans que son corps ait été

retrouvé.

Soigneusement pesés, les mots d’Emmanuel Macron sont

forts : il reconnaît que Maurice Audin « a été torturé puis

exécuté ou torturé à mort par des militaires qui l’avaient

arrêté ». Et il ajoute :

« Sa disparition a été rendue possible par un système dont

les gouvernements successifs ont permis le développement,

le système appelé arrestation-détention à l’époque, qui

autorise les forces de l’ordre à arrêter, détenir et interroger

tout “suspect” dans l’objectif d’une lutte plus efficace contre

l’adversaire. Ce système s’est institué sur un fondement légal :

les pouvoirs spéciaux », votés par le Parlement en 1956. « Ce système a été le terreau

malheureux d’actes parfois terribles, dont la torture, que l’affaire Audin a mis en lumière. »

Cette reconnaissance n’effacera pas la part d’irréparable que comporte la « tragédie algérienne »

– le mot est de Raymond Aron, dès 1957. Mais elle parachève le « devoir de vérité » que la

République française a eu tant de mal à assumer. Ainsi, il avait fallu attendre 1999 pour que

l’Assemblée nationale reconnaisse que les combats qui firent, de 1954 à 1962, plusieurs centaines

de milliers de morts en Algérie furent bien une « guerre » et non de simples opérations de maintien

de l’ordre contre des rebelles. Il avait fallu attendre 2007 pour qu’un président français, Nicolas

Sarkozy, déplore, à Alger, la « profonde injustice » de la colonisation. En 2012, enfin, François

Hollande condamnait, devant les députés algériens, « le système de la colonisation » et « la

violence, les injustices, les massacres » – ainsi que la « torture » – qu’il avait engendrés.

Photo de Maurice Audin prise dans les

années 1950. Ce jeune professeur de

mathématiques à l’université d’Alger,

militant communiste et anticolonialiste,

a été arrêté en 1957 par des miliatires

français et a disparu sans que les

circonstances de sa mort aient jamais été

officiellement établies. STF / AFP

45

Un pas determinant

Conformément aux réalités dénoncées, dès l’époque de la

guerre d’Algérie, par des journaux comme France

observateur, L’Express ou Le Monde, et en s’appuyant sur

les travaux menés par les historiens depuis des décennies,

Emmanuel Macron a franchi un pas déterminant. Il a eu

raison. Comme il a eu raison de saluer « l’honneur de tous

les Français qui, civils ou militaires, ont désapprouvé la

torture, ne s’y sont pas livrés ou s’y sont soustraits ».

Comme, enfin, il a eu raison d’ouvrir « à la libre

consultation tous les fonds d’archives de l’Etat qui

concernent ce sujet » afin que les historiens puissent

approfondir leur travail salutaire.

Récusons par avance les accusations de coupable «

repentance » qui pourraient être adressées au président de la

République par tous ceux qui préfèrent le déni à la vérité sur

les pages sombres de l’histoire nationale. Concernant la

guerre d’Algérie, les reconnaître et les assumer lucidement

est la seule façon de réconcilier les mémoires des deux côtés

de la Méditerranée et d’inviter les Algériens eux-mêmes à

s’engager dans une démarche similaire.

“Le Monde (2018). Torture en Algérie: la responsabilité de l’Etat dans la mort de Maurice

Audin, une salutaire vérité. Le Monde. Retrieved from

https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2018/09/14/torture-en-algerie-salutaire-

verite_5354941_3232.html”

Le Monde frontpage (14 September 2018)

46

ARTICLE 2: Libération article by Brigitte Vital-Durand (12 June 2001)

L'affaire Audin, un mensonge d'Etat De non-lieux en lois d'amnistie, tout s'est conjugué pour enfouir la vérité sur Maurice

Audin, mort en 1957 sous la torture.

Quarante-cinq ans après les premiers témoignages sur la torture, la guerre d'Algérie a resurgi dans

les mémoires. Pendant une semaine, «Libération» revisite cette histoire inconnue des plus jeunes.

Demain, troisième volet avec l'affaire Bollardière.

Nuit du 11 au 12 juin 1957. Centre de triage d'El-Biar, avenue Georges-Clemenceau, Alger. «Il

était environ 1 heure du matin [...] Audin était en slip, allongé sur une planche [...] des pinces

reliées par des fils électriques à la magnéto étaient fixées à l'oreille droite et au pied gauche [....]

J'ai, pendant longtemps, entendu les cris de Maurice Audin, cris qui me paraissaient étouffés par

un bâillon.» Nuit du 12 au 13 juin, même lieu. «"Allez Audin, dites-lui ce qui l'attend. Evitez-lui

les horreurs d'hier soir." C'était Charbonnier qui parlait. [...] Au-dessus de moi, je vis le visage

blême et hagard de mon ami Audin qui me contemplait tandis que j'oscillais sur les genoux.»

«"Allez, parlez-lui", dit Charbonnier. "C'est dur, Henri", me dit Audin. Et on le remmena.»

«Charbonnier», c'est André Charbonnier, lieutenant au 1er régiment des chasseurs parachutistes.

Devenu colonel et commandeur de la Légion d'honneur, il est mort en 1995 dans son lit. «Henri»,

c'est Henri Alleg, journaliste, directeur d'Alger républicain de 1950 à 1955, militant communiste

(1). Il a fait le récit des tortures qu'il a subies dans son livre la Question, paru en 1958 aux Editions

de Minuit. Et «Audin»?

Maurice Audin était un jeune homme au visage d'enfant, cheveux en bataille. Il avait 25 ans. Il

était mathématicien, assistant à l'université des sciences d'Alger, militant du parti communiste. Il

avait une épouse, Josette, et trois enfants. Comme nombre d'autres habitants d'Alger, Arabes et

Européens, que les parachutistes soupçonnaient de «terrorisme», il avait été arrêté par les

militaires français et «assigné à résidence» dans un immeuble de la ville transformé par les paras

en centre d'interrogatoire. Les militaires, à la recherche des poseurs de bombes, avaient reçu du

général Massu la mission de «rétablir l'ordre», «par tous les moyens».

Torturé. Le 18 juin, le jeune homme vit encore. D'après le récit de l'un de ses codétenus, le Dr

Hadjadj, arrêté 24 heures avant lui, lui aussi torturé, on sait que ce jour-là, il portait «au niveau

du lobe de l'oreille droite et au niveau du gros orteil gauche des traces de brûlures». Maurice

Audin a la force de parler au médecin, de lui dire comment il est torturé par les militaires:

«Electricité et eau.» Que s'est-il passé le lendemain, puis le 20 juin, et le 21? Les parachutistes

sont les seuls à pouvoir témoigner sur les dernières heures du professeur. Ils n'ont jamais rien dit.

Personne n'a plus revu Maurice Audin, disparu cette nuit d'été dans la bataille d'Alger.

Entre janvier et septembre 1957, 3 024 personnes arrêtées par les paras ont «disparu». Mais, ce

disparu-là avait une épouse, aimante (Josette Audin ne s'est jamais remariée), enseignante elle

aussi, militante comme lui. Et extrêmement tenace. Il avait mieux qu'un métier: il était membre

de l'enseignement supérieur. Son directeur de thèse s'appelait Laurent Schwartz, médaille Fields

1950 (prix Nobel des mathématiciens). Il était militant d'un parti politique alors puissant: le parti

communiste, premier parti de France, avait récolté 25,9 % des voix aux élections législatives de

1956 et comptait 150 députés à l'Assemblée. Audin, enfin, était un Européen. Objet d'attention de

la part des parachutistes, dont ne bénéficiaient pas leurs obscurs suspects arabes. Huit jours après

l'arrestation, le 19 juin, le président de la République René Coty avait été averti que l'assistant de

la fac d'Alger était entre les mains des paras. La présidence était intervenue. Trop tard.

47

Quand Maurice est arrêté, le plus jeune de ses enfants a un mois. Son épouse est encore en congé

maternité lorsqu'elle le voit pour la dernière fois, s'éloignant de leur HLM de la rue Flaubert, ce

11 juin 1957, à 23 heures, après le couvre-feu, encadré des parachutistes du 1er RCP venus le

chercher au domicile familial. Elle a très vite appris que, trois heures plus tard, on étouffait ses

cris avec un bâillon. Et elle a eu, très tôt aussi, la conviction qu'il était mort sous la torture. Ou

étranglé par Charbonnier. Elle en garde, aujourd'hui encore, la foi inébranlable. Le secrétaire

général de la FEN, bastion syndical de l'Education nationale, lui suggérera en décembre 1957

qu'en acceptant la thèse de l'évasion elle pourrait continuer à recevoir le traitement de son mari,

alors que, veuve d'un si jeune époux, elle n'aura pas droit à une retraite. Josette Audin a résisté.

Elle n'a jamais accepté la thèse officielle, celle des militaires qui ont camouflé la mort de son mari

pour se préserver de toute enquête gênante.

Mise en scène. La seconde partie de «l'affaire Audin» commence le 21 juin au soir. A 22 heures,

l'armée française a mis en scène une évasion fictive. «Un faux corporel», selon l'expression du

procureur général de la Libération, André Boissarie, relevée par Pierre Vidal-Naquet. L'historien,

alors jeune assistant à la faculté de Caen, s'est appliqué à démontrer, pièce par pièce, témoignage

après témoignage, comment l'évasion était un mensonge destiné à cacher le meurtre. Il en a fait

un ouvrage paru en mai 1958 sous le titre l'Affaire Audin (2). Un modèle de contre-enquête. La

version des militaires, d'abord. Vers 21 heures, Charbonnier prévient Alleg et le Dr Hadjadj qu'ils

vont être transférés, ainsi qu'Audin. Une Jeep quitte le centre de triage d'El-Bair vers 21 h 30. Elle

est conduite par le sergent Yves Cuomo. Un autre sergent, Pierre Misiri, est à l'avant. Il est armé.

«Audin» est à l'arrière. Six cents mètres plus loin, dans un virage, la Jeep a un «léger accident»,

elle ralentit, «Audin» s'enfuit, Misiri bondit, mitraille le fugitif, le manque, et court à sa recherche

dans les rues d'Alger. En vain.

Pierre Vidal-Naquet montrera qu'Alleg et Hadjadj n'ont jamais réellement vu le transfert d'Audin.

Ils n'en ont qu'entendu parler par Charbonnier. Voilà deux témoins que l'on ne soupçonnera pas

de partialité en faveur des militaires, mais qui sont inventés. L'historien s'apercevra que l'évasion,

à 600 mètres du centre de triage, donc à pas plus d'une minute en Jeep dans les rues désertes, ne

pouvait pas avoir eu lieu dix minutes après le départ de la Jeep, comme l'ont dit les paras. Il

prouvera que les militaires ont oublié d'établir immédiatement un bulletin de recherches. Que,

lorsqu'il a été rédigé, le 24 juin, le document fait état d'un «léger accident», qui ne sera jamais

consigné dans le registre du service auto. Alors, une seconde version du même bulletin ­ un autre

faux ­ évoquera un simple «ralentissement». Les tirs de mitraillette? Le lendemain, on n'a retrouvé

ni trace de balle ni douille. Est signalée l'évasion d'un «Européen, grand, fort, [...] 32 ans, Audin

Maurice». Le vrai Audin n'avait que 25 ans, il mesurait 1,72 m, était très mince... «C'est plutôt le

profil d'un para...», s'amuse aujourd'hui Pierre Vidal-Naquet à qui ni l'armée ni la justice n'ont

toujours pas donné, quarante-quatre ans plus tard, de confirmation officielle à sa contre-enquête.

Pourtant, l'historien avait relevé toutes les contradictions de la fausse évasion. Les unes après les

autres: le sergent qui a laissé «Audin» s'échapper ne sera sanctionné que cinq jours plus tard,

comme si on avait, là encore, oublié qu'il avait fauté, on arrêtera de torturer Henri Alleg dès le

lendemain, et le domicile des Audin est surveillé très mollement.

A partir de juillet 1957, la disparition du jeune homme provoque l'émotion dans les milieux

universitaires, chez les intellectuels, et les militants de gauche. Une pétition nationale est lancée.

Signataires: des enseignants, comme Michel Crouzet, un spécialiste de Stendhal, ou le futur

découvreur du virus du sida, Luc Montagnier, alors jeune biologiste. Un Comité Audin se monte,

qui ne cessera de se battre pour alerter l'opinion publique contre la torture. Le visage du professeur

«à l'éternelle jeunesse», selon l'expression de Pierre Vidal-Naquet, était devenu la figure

symbolique des communistes dénonçant les horreurs de la guerre coloniale.

48

S'ouvre alors la troisième affaire Audin, douloureuse elle aussi, et qui ne s'est toujours pas

achevée. Josette Audin avait porté plainte le 4 juillet 1957. Procédure mort-née: le crime des

militaires, comme le faux qu'ils ont monté pour le dissimuler, ont été recouverts à la fois par une

succession de «non-lieux» décrétés par des tribunaux et cours de justice en France, et par le vote

de lois d'amnistie. Le 22 mars 1962, un décret déclare amnistiés «les faits commis dans le cadre

des opérations de maintien de l'ordre dirigés contre l'insurrection algérienne». Un second décret,

le 18 juin 1966, élargit l'amnistie aux infractions «commises dans le cadre d'opérations de police

administrative ou judiciaire», comme le précise son article 3. Lequel «semble rédigé exprès pour

cette affaire», écrit l'historien. Résultat: six mois plus tard, la Cour de cassation (qui avait attendu

plus de quatre ans pour statuer) déclare éteinte l'action de Josette Audin.

Dernière tentative. La dernière tentative pour lever ce mensonge d'Etat remonte au mardi 16 mai

2001. L'avocate de Josette Audin s'est rendue au palais de justice de Paris, dans le bureau du

doyen des juges d'instruction. Me Nicole Dreyfus y a déposé une plainte contre X avec

constitution de partie civile, notamment pour «séquestration». Une plainte. Encore une. A l'avenir

incertain. «Ça ne me rendra pas mon mari, mais le minimum qu'on puisse faire, c'est d'établir la

vérité, de rendre justice», réclame aujourd'hui encore une Josette Audin combative. Le général

Paul Aussaresses écrit dans son livre de mémoires sorti le 3 mai que c'est lui ­ il était alors

commandant ­ qui a ordonné à Charbonnier d'interroger Audin. Le vieux militaire a 82 ans, il est

commandeur de la Légion d'honneur. Il se contente de ces quelques lignes: «Comme on sait,

Audin disparut le 21 juin» (page 190). Le conducteur de la Jeep, Yves Cuomo, vient de sortir

d'une retraite paisible à Pau. Il a donné une interview, le vendredi 11 mai, à la République des

Pyrénées. Le journal écrit qu'il est «bardé de décorations». Cuomo affirme avoir été manipulé. Il

aurait transporté «un prisonnier cagoulé» dont il n'a, en conséquence, jamais vu le visage.

Toujours selon lui, sa hiérarchie lui aurait dit qu'il s'agissait d'Audin, seulement après l'évasion.

L'ancien sergent, démobilisé en 1971 avec le grade d'adjudant-chef, ne «demande pas mieux» que

de se rendre à une convocation de justice. Il affirme aussi qu'il est prêt à rencontrer Josette Audin.

Celle-ci lui oppose un refus catégorique: «Tout le monde veut apparaître comme n'ayant rien fait,

comme n'étant pas responsable. Eh bien, non». Elle pèse ce qu'elle dit, lentement, mot après mot:

«On ne peut pas réconcilier les assassins avec les assassinés.».

(1) Les membres du Parti communiste algérien (PCA) étaient recherchés par les militaires qui les

soupçonnaient de fabriquer des bombes pour le FLN (Front de libération national).

(2) Réédité aux Editions de Minuit, et complété en 1989, il est toujours disponible.

“Vital-Durand, B. (2001). L'affaire Audin, un mensonge d'Etat. Libération. Retrieved from

https://www.liberation.fr/politiques/0101377063-l-affaire-audin-un-mensonge-d-etat”

49

ARTICLE 3: L’Express interview by Daniel Bermond (1 June 2002)

Le cas Aussaresses devant les tribunaux En janvier 2002, Xavier de Bartillat, éditeur du général Aussaresses, s'explique après la

condamnation de son livre Services spéciaux, Algérie 1955-1957. Le 25 janvier 2002, la

17e chambre correctionnelle de Paris a condamné la maison Perrin pour la publication

du livre du général Paul Aussaresses sur les tortures qu'il avait lui-même pratiquées et

les exécutions qu'il avait ordonnées ou auxquelles il avait participé pendant la guerre

d'Algérie. L'éditeur Xavier de Bartillat, qui a fait appel de ce jugement, s'explique.

Comment avez-vous vécu, personnellement, intimement, la polémique autour du livre du

général Aussaresses, Services spéciaux, Algérie 1955-1957, et la condamnation que vous

avez subie en tant qu'éditeur en première instance?

XAVIER DE BARTILLAT. Mal mais bien aussi. Mal, parce que la pression était très

forte, que l'on est pris dans une turbulence médiatique et politique qui donne le sentiment d'être

manipulé par des groupes partisans, que l'on est contesté dans son métier d'éditeur. Cela étant, je

n'ai aucun regret, bien au contraire. J'ai accompli mon devoir d'éditeur d'histoire, qui consiste à

porter à la connaissance du public, et des chercheurs, un témoignage capital. Ce témoignage, si

dur, si révoltant soit-il, concourt à l'établissement d'une vérité souvent occultée, parfois niée, à

briser le bloc du silence. Tourner cette page d'histoire implique d'abord de la lire sans restriction.

La justice vous a reproché tout de même d'avoir voulu faire un coup éditorial et, ce faisant,

d'avoir voulu faire de l'argent...

X.B. Voilà qui n'a aucun sens! Perrin est devenu la première maison spécialisée en

histoire. J'ai publié plus de six cents livres d'histoire. Pierre Vidal-Naquet, Alain Decaux, Michel

Winock, Serge Berstein, Jean-Pierre Azéma et tant d'autres témoignent de notre sérieux. Toute

mon énergie, et celle des conseillers qui m'entourent, a pour objectif de nourrir un fonds

incontestable, cohérent, dans lequel le public, les historiens, les étudiants puissent puiser. Cela ne

peut se faire que sur le long terme, dans la discrétion et la passion, en accompagnant nos auteurs

sur trois, parfois cinq années. Rien à voir avec le sensationnalisme! Quant à l'argent! Combien

vous a rapporté le livre d'Aussaresses? m'a-t-on demandé. Comme si l'argent, c'était forcément

mal. Ce n'est pourtant qu'un des moyens de bâtir un catalogue, de construire librement, et sur

plusieurs années, une politique éditoriale digne de ce nom. Cette liberté-là a un prix. Il faut savoir

qu'un gros quart de notre production est déficitaire, avant même les frais généraux. C'est la

réunion des ouvrages difficiles ou plus ouverts vers un large public, petits tirages ou best-sellers,

qui fait la richesse et la force d'une maison d'édition. Nous devons pour cela être sains

financièrement et je ne sache pas qu'il soit immoral de faire des bénéfices. D'autant qu'on ne le

sait qu'après, et que les surprises existent dans les deux sens.

Ce langage passe mal dans les prétoires...

X.B. Peut-être certains préfèrent-ils que les éditeurs disparaissent, fût-ce en beauté? Je

retiens de ce malentendu qu'il faut faire mieux connaître notre métier et ses réalités.

50

Dans les attendus du jugement on retient surtout l'accusation d' "apologie de crimes de

guerre". Peut-on publier un témoignage dans lequel un acteur de l'histoire légitime les

tortures qu'il a pratiquées et se dit prêt à recommencer? Ne preniez-vous pas d'emblée le

risque de poursuites?

X.B. Mais Aussaresses ne tient pas un discours

prosélyte, il ne prône pas je ne sais quel idéal de société à

la manière d'un dignitaire nazi. Il raconte froidement,

cliniquement, ce qu'il a fait, ce qu'on lui a fait faire. Est-

ce de l'apologie? On peut sans doute lui adresser le

reproche de ne pas battre sa coulpe mais pas celui de

vouloir recommencer. Je vous renvoie à ses dernières

pages: il ne souhaite à personne de se retrouver dans les

terribles situations qu'il a vécues. Bien au contraire d'une

apologie, ce livre fait avancer la recherche et contraint les

historiens, les militaires, le public, ma génération qui n'a

pas connu cette guerre, à se poser les questions

essentielles. En mettant un nom, en donnant sa version de

la chaîne de commandement politico-militaire,

Aussaresses a créé un tel débat qu'il ne sera plus possible

de penser l'histoire de cette guerre sans évoquer son livre.

Plus personne ne pourra dire que la torture a peu ou pas

existé.

Vous avez été condamné deux fois plus lourdement que votre auteur: 15 000 euros vous-

même et 15 000 euros Olivier Orban, 7 500 euros le général. Vous êtes deux fois plus révolté?

X.B. Il y a là une vraie confusion morale. La révélation d'un crime serait donc deux fois

plus criminelle que le crime lui-même. Ce n'est pourtant pas l'aveu qui devrait nous choquer mais

les faits qu'il dévoile. Oublie-t-on que la IVe République est morte de l'affaire algérienne? Cet

officier n'était pas un franc-tireur mais le soldat d'une République en pleine dérive. Aussaresses

a d'ailleurs bénéficié de ce qui s'apparente à des circonstances atténuantes puisque le tribunal a

été jusqu'à dire que nous, éditeur, avions provoqué un vieux monsieur qui n'en demandait pas

tant. Tout cela est évidemment contraire à la chronologie des faits. Chacun sait que Le Monde est

à l'origine de cette confession, et que, parallèlement à l'écriture de son livre - ce que, d'ailleurs,

j'ignorais -, le général Aussaresses confiait son histoire à la chaîne de télévision Arte, au cours de

très nombreuses heures d'enregistrement. Un livre, nous a affirmé le procureur de la République,

qui n'apporte rien à l'histoire. Il me semblait que l'on pouvait se fier à Pierre Nora, Jean-François

Revel, Alain-Gérard Slama, lorsqu'ils en jugeaient différemment. Pendant le procès, Pierre Vidal-

Naquet, historien et témoin de ce drame, interrogé sur la question de savoir s'il fallait publier ce

livre, a répondu oui. C'est lui encore qui déclarait au Monde en novembre 2000: "Pourquoi ce

retour de mémoire a-t-il lieu maintenant? Je n'aurais pas imaginé qu'il puisse se produire de mon

vivant même si je ne cessais de le souhaiter. [...] Il se manifeste une gigantesque envie de vérité."

Tout est dit!

Le général Paul Aussaresses (C) fait un

signe, le 25 janvier 2002 au Palais de

justice de Paris, où le tribunal

correctionnel l'a condamné avec ses deux

éditeurs à une amende de 7500 euros

chacun, pour "apologie de crimes de

guerre et complicité", après la

publication du livre sur la guerre

d'Algérie, "Services spéciaux, Algérie

1955-1957". AFP/JACK GUEZ

51

Diriez-vous vous aussi que vous êtes victime d'un "délit d'édition"?

X.B. Oui, je le pense. On donne à croire que le vrai crime n'est pas l'acte lui-même, mais

de le dire, et par cela de violer la loi du silence qui arrangerait bien du monde. L'édition n'échappe

pas à la judiciarisation globale de la société. Mais je n'accepte pas tout. Il faut sanctionner les

fautes quand elles sont avérées. Il reste que cette propension à tout régler devant les tribunaux

m'inquiète car l'édition est un secteur économiquement fragile. Je note que ni Le Monde, qui a

publié de larges extraits du livre d'Aussaresses, ni la télévision qui a diffusé les entretiens avec le

général n'ont été poursuivis.

Parce qu'il y a deux poids, deux mesures?

X.B. Non, le problème se pose en termes d'expérience. La presse sait se défendre, elle le

fait instinctivement. L'édition n'a pas cette tradition-là.

Cette multiplication d'affaires dans lesquelles des livres sont impliqués n'est-elle pas la

rançon d'une tendance de l'édition à traiter, comme la presse, de sujets sensibles?

X.B. Nous disposons, en effet, d'une liberté beaucoup plus grande que naguère pour

enquêter, mais nous en mesurons les limites. L'interdiction du livre de Gubler est là pour nous le

rappeler. Et pourtant, comment peut-on étudier les deux septennats de Mitterrand sans avoir en

tête le contenu de ce livre, qui est une véritable clé de compréhension du personnage et de son

action!

Que vous inspire le projet de livre blanc que le Syndicat national de l'édition est en train de

mettre sur pied?

X.B. L'initiative est excellente. Au cours du procès, j'ai souvent ressenti la nécessité de

mieux faire connaître les réalités du monde de l'édition: gestation d'un livre, mécanismes de la

publication - mises en place, ventes nettes. Les incertitudes du métier aussi. Mais tout cela est

secondaire par rapport au devoir d'information, et la passion qui nous anime. L'éditeur connaît les

risques qu'il court lorsqu'il publie des documents sensibles. Il les mesure et les assume en

conscience. Quand il estime légitime de publier, il le fait.

“Bermond, D. (2002). Le cas Aussaresses devant les tribunaux. L'Express. Retrieved from

https://www.lexpress.fr/culture/livre/le-cas-aussaresses-devant-les-tribunaux_806599.html”

52

ARTICLE 4: Médiapart article by Edwy Plenel (2 January 2009)

La lettre de Michèle Audin à Nicolas Sarkozy Face à l'imposture, ses simagrées et ses mensonges, il suffit parfois d'être soi-même. De

ne pas biaiser, de ne pas faire le malin, de ne pas jouer au plus fin. Tout simplement de

rester fidèle. Fidèle à quelques principes, à certaines valeurs, à d'anciens repères. En

voici un exemple, superbe de tranquille fermeté, qui, d'une simple lettre, démasque

l'hypocrisie qui nous gouverne.

Face à l'imposture, ses simagrées et ses mensonges, il suffit parfois d'être soi-même. De ne pas

biaiser, de ne pas faire le malin, de ne pas jouer au plus fin. Tout simplement de rester fidèle.

Fidèle à quelques principes, à certaines valeurs, à d'anciens repères. En voici un exemple, superbe

de tranquille fermeté, qui, d'une simple lettre, démasque l'hypocrisie qui nous gouverne. Oui,

l'hypocrisie de cette mise en scène politique qu'on nous impose plus souvent qu'à l'ordinaire lors

du passage d'une année sur l'autre: rituels vœux télévisés qui supposent une nation soumise à la

parole d'un seul, traditionnelles promotions dans l'ordre de la Légion d'honneur où se détectent

colifichets courtisans et distinctions clientélistes, avalanche de cérémonies de vœux présidentiels

dont l'origine remonte à nos âges non-démocratiques, monarchiques ou impériaux. Si l'actuel

monarque, républicain d'apparence, autocrate d'essence, ne fait ici que prolonger l'héritage de ses

prédécesseurs, il s'en empare avec tant de zèle, de gourmandise vorace et d'agitation narcissique,

qu'il finit par nous réveiller de notre torpeur. Vraiment, la démocratie, ce serait donc cela, cette

fiction?

Une fiction qu'une seule lettre, admirable de simple grandeur, vient de dévoiler. Elle émane d'une

brillante mathématicienne et elle est adressée au président de la République. Elle m'a été transmise

par son collègue Michel Broué, directeur de l'Institut Henri-Poincaré, par ailleurs président de la

Société des amis de Mediapart. La voici:

53

Michèle Audin est la fille de Maurice Audin (son portrait ci-contre), ce jeune et brillant

mathématicien qui, militant du Parti communiste algérien, engagé dans le combat anticolonialiste,

fut arrêté, torturé et assassiné par l'armée, en juin 1957. En dehors de ses tortionnaires, le dernier

à le voir vivant fut Henri Alleg, son camarade de parti, arrêté et torturé lui aussi, qui réussit à

survivre pour témoigner en écrivant La Question, aux Editions de Minuit.

Le premier livre de l'historien Pierre Vidal-Naquet, dont la mémoire est évoquée ces jours-ci sur

Mediapart à un autre propos qui n'est cependant pas sans rapport (c'est à lire ici), fut, chez le

même éditeur, L'affaire Audin, préfacé par Laurent Schwartz. Eminente figure de l'école française

de mathématiques, ce dernier présida, fin 1957, le jury de la thèse de doctorat d'État de

mathématiques de Maurice Audin, sur «les équations linéaires dans un espace vectoriel»,

soutenue in absentia. Grâce à la mobilisation de ces personnalités, l'affaire Audin marquera un

tournant dans la prise de conscience française sur la généralisation de la pratique de la torture en

Algérie.

"S'il est partisan, c'est seulement de la vérité", écrivait Laurent Schwartz dans sa préface au livre

de Pierre Vidal-Naquet. Une vérité que la famille Audin réclame toujours et que nous réclamons

tous avec elle, la justice ayant conclu par un non-lieu et son corps n'ayant jamais été retrouvé. Il

suffit de le vouloir: les réponses sont là, dans les archives d'Etat, civiles et militaires. Et sans doute

y trouvera-t-on la trace de ce lieutenant Charbonnier, déjà identifié par l'enquête de Vidal-Naquet

pour le Comité Audin comme ayant été le tortionnaire du jeune mathématicien.

Comme l'illustre le digne geste de Michèle Audin, ceux qui entretiennent la mémoire de ce martyr

des luttes anticoloniales n'ont pas voulu en faire un monument figé et inerte. Ils l'ont prouvé

encore récemment en liant ce souvenir ancien au souci très immédiat d'un autre mathématicien,

Ibni Oumar Mahamat Saleh (son portrait ci-contre), cet opposant tchadien disparu début 2008,

après avoir été enlevé par l'armée régulière au lendemain du départ des troupes rebelles de la

capitale. Sa mort en détention est désormais avérée. Les autorités françaises, forcément

concernées, sinon informées, en raison de leur soutien militaire du pouvoir en place à N'Djamena,

n'ont guère répondu aux questions posées par diverses ONG.

“Plenel, E. (2009). La lettre de Michèle Audin à Nicolas Sarkozy. Médiapart. Retrieved from

https://blogs.mediapart.fr/edwy-plenel/blog/020109/la-lettre-de-michele-audin-nicolas-sarkozy”

54

ARTICLE 5: Le Nouvel Observateur article (2 December 2005)

Les Français approuvent le rôle "positif" de la colonisation Selon l'institut CSA, 64% des Français (57% à gauche) souhaitent que les programmes

scolaires reconnaissent le "rôle positif" de la colonisation.

Près de deux Français sur trois (64%) souhaitent que les

programmes scolaires reconnaissent le rôle "positif" de la

colonisation française, selon un sondage CSA publié vendredi

2 décembre par Le Figaro. En pleine polémique sur l’article

de loi demandant aux programmes scolaires de "reconnaître

en particulier le rôle positif de la présence française outre-

mer", cette proportion est plus élevée parmi les sympathisants

de droite (75%) que parmi les sympathisants de gauche (57%),

malgré l'offensive menée à l'Assemblée nationale par le PS et

le PCF pour obtenir le retrait de l’article de loi. Selon le

sondage, 68% des sympathisants communistes, 59% des

sympathisants des Verts et 55% des sympathisants des

socialistes approuvent l'article. A droite, 75% des sondés

l’approuvent.

Les cadres moins favorables au texte: vingt-neuf pour cent des

personnes interrogées se déclarent opposées à ce que soit

indiqué dans la loi que les programmes scolaires

reconnaissent le rôle positif de la colonisation. Cette

proportion monte à 38% chez les sympathisants de gauche et

descend à 19% chez ceux de droite. Les opposants ont plutôt

à rechercher chez les catégories aisées: les cadres sont 45% à l'approuver, contre 72% chez les

employés. Le directeur de CSA-opinions, Stéphane Rozès, cité par Le Figaro, explique que "les

Français estiment que la majorité (qui a voté l'article) n'a pas voulu faire l'apologie de la

colonisation, mais a souhaité que les manuels scolaires n'occultent pas ses effets positifs".

Sondage CSA réalisé par téléphone le 30 novembre auprès d'un échantillon national de 1.013

personnes âgées de 18 ans et plus (méthode des quotas).

“Le Nouvel Observateur (2005). Les Français approuvent le rôle "positif" de la colonisation. Le

Nouvel Observateur. Retrieved from

https://www.nouvelobs.com/politique/20051202.OBS7372/les-francais-approuvent-le-role-

positif.html”

Allegory of Marianne, the national

personification of the French Republic since the

French Revolution, as a personification of

liberty and reason, and a portrayal of the

Goddess of Liberty (Archive from the

Charmet/Bridgeman Giraudon private

collection)

55

FIGURES

Figure 1: French Military officer's model of revolutinary phases iused by national liberation movements (Pimlott, 2011:58)

Phase 1 Infiltration of the population by political cadres (popular support)

Phase 2 Creation of guerrilla structure (popular support)

Phase 3 Creation of alternative government system (international backing)

Phase 4 Co-ordinated all-out offensive against colonial authorities (demoralisation of colonial forces)

Phase 5 Seize colonial political power (demoralisation of colonial forces + international backing)

Figure 3: Guerre Révolutionaire template used by the French Army (Pimlott, 2011:64)

Phase 1 Isolation of the guerrillas from outside support building physiacal barries

Phase 2 Destroy the gerrilla networks of the interiors

Phase 3 Portray a determined psychological warfare campaign

Figure 4: French military interventions handbook (Pimlott, 2011:66)

Phase 1 Harkis infiltration in FLN activity areas, triggering guerrilla war

Phase 2 Commandos de Chasse are activated to chase FLN militants

Phase 3 Elite troops from the Réserve Générale kill FLN militants

Phase 4 Regular Land and Air troops support the battle against FLN militants

56

Figure 8: 11e Brigade Parachutiste Organizational Chart

Figure 5: Conflict dimensions from the French Perspective (Branche, 2001:62)

Dimension Sub-Dimensions

Military Troops Sector troops (in charge of pacification tasks, usually Army divisions)

Intervention troops (eventual support troops to fight hors-la-loi, usually Airborne)

Spatial Division

Zone normal or Normal Zone: low insurgency level, SAS presence

Zone de contrôle renforcé or Reinforced Control Zone: possible insurgency level, increased SAS presence

Zone interdit or Forbidden Zone: population must be evacauted, conflict zone

Zone d'isolement or Isolation Zone: territory control fulled gained by insurgents

Power Civilian administrative authority

Military authority

Figure 6: UNSDG Goal 16 targets

Number Goal description

16.1 Significantly reduce all forms of violence and related death rates everywher

16.2 End abuse, exploitation, trafficking and all forms of violence against and torture of children

16.3 Promote the rule of law at the national and international levels and ensure equal access to justice for all

16.4 By 2030, significantly reduce illicit financial and arms flows, strengthen the recovery and return of stolen assets and combat

all forms of organized crime

16.5 Substantially reduce corruption and bribery in all their forms

16.6 Develop effective, accountable and transparent institutions at all levels

16.7 Ensure responsive, inclusive, participatory and representative decision-making at all levels

16.8 Broaden and strengthen the participation of developing countries in the institutions of global governance

16.9 By 2030, provide legal identity for all, including birth registration

16.10 Ensure public access to information and protect fundamental freedoms, in accordance with national legislation and international agreements

16.A Strengthen relevant national institutions, including through international cooperation, for building capacity at all levels, in particular in

developing countries, to prevent violence and combat terrorism and crime

16.B Promote and enforce non-discriminatory laws and policies for sustainable development

Figure 7: 10e Division Parachutiste Organizational Chart

57

Figure 9: Aggravating factors of blows and wounds crime

No injury or wound left 750€ fine

Total incapacity for work of less than or equal to 8 days 1,500€ fine (3,000€ in case of recidivism)

Total incapacity for work of more than 8 days 3 years imprisonment and 45,000€ fine

Mutilation or pemanent disability 10 years imprisonment and 150,000€ fine

Death without intention (homicide) 15 years of imprisonment

Death with intention (assassination) 30 years of imprisonment

Figure 10: Aggravating factors of torture crime

Torture 15 years of

imprisonment

Torture with rape Life imprisonment

Torture to aged under fifteen 20 years of

imprisonment

Torture to disabled people 20 years of

imprisonment

Torture to relatives 20 years of

imprisonment

Torture to public servants 20 years of

imprisonment

Torture to household members

20 years of imprisonment

Torture within prostitution 20 years of

imprisonment

Torture within forced marriage

20 years of imprisonment

Torture practiced by a public servant

20 years of imprisonment

Multiple torture 20 years of

imprisonment

Torture with sexual crimes 20 years of

imprisonment

Torture within couple 20 years of

imprisonment

Habitual organized torture to disabled

30 years of imprisonment

Torture with mutilation outcome

30 years of imprisonment

Voluntary death with torture Life imprisonment

Involuntary death as torture outcome

15 years of imprisonment

Torture done with a weapon 20 years of

imprisonment

Figure 11: top contributing countries to the OHCHR UN Torture Fund

United States of America 5.696.312 €

Germany 653.540 €

Denmark 447.890 €

Switzerland 197.239 €

France 128.833 €

Norway 95.270 €

Saudi Arabia 75.000 €

Canada 44.148 €

Ireland 39.459 €

Lienchestein 25.075 €

India 25.000 €

Austria 21.231 €

Luxembourg 16.760 €

Argentina 15.000 €

Andorra 11.099 €

Kuwait 10.000 €

Mexico 10.000 €

United Arab Emirates 10.000 €

Czech Republic 7.118 €

Algeria 5.000 €

Chile 5.000 €

Holy See 2.000 €

Monaco 2.000 €

Peru 1.470 €

58

Figure 12: Legal obligations to prevent torture (OHCHR, 2014)

Instrument Obligation

Art. 2 of the Convention against Torture and art. 3 of the Declaration on the Protection

against Torture)

Taking effective legislative, administrative, judicial or other measures to prevent acts of torture. No exceptions, including war, may be invoked as

justification for torture

Art. 3 of the Convention against Torture Not expelling, returning (refouler) or extraditing a person to a country when there are substantial grounds for believing he or she would be

tortured

Art. 4 of the Convention against Torture, principle 7 of the Body of Principles on

Detention, art. 7 of the Declaration on the Protection against Torture and paras. 31-33

of the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners)

Criminalization of acts of torture, including complicity or participation therein

Arts. 8 and 9 of the Convention against Torture

Undertaking to make torture an extraditable offence and assisting other States parties in connection with criminal proceedings brought in respect

of torture

Art. 11 of the Convention against Torture; principles 11-13, 15-19 and 23 of the Body of Principles on Detention; paras. 7, 22 and 37 of the Standard Minimum Rules for the

Treatment of Prisoners

Limiting the use of incommunicado detention; ensuring that detainees are held in places officially recognized as places of detention; ensuring the names of persons responsible for their detention are kept in registers

readily available and accessible to those concerned, including relatives and friends; recording the time and place of all interrogations, together with the

names of those present; and granting physicians, lawyers and family members access to detainees

Art. 10 of the Convention against Torture, art. 5 of the Declaration on the Protection against Torture, para. 54 of the Standard

Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners

Ensuring that education and information regarding the prohibition of torture is included in the training of law enforcement personnel (civil and military), medical personnel, public officials and other appropriate persons

Art. 15 of the Convention against Torture, art. 12 of the Declaration on the Protection

against Torture

Ensuring that any statement that is established to have been made as a result of torture shall not be invoked as evidence in any proceedings,

except against a person accused of torture as evidence that the statement was made

Art. 12 of the Convention against Torture, principles 33 and 34 of the Body of

Principles on Detention, art. 9 of the Declaration on the Protection against

Torture

Ensuring that the competent authorities undertake a prompt and impartial investigation, whenever there are reasonable grounds to believe that torture

has been committed

Arts. 13 and 14 of the Convention against Torture, art. 11 of the Declaration on the

Protection against Torture, paras. 35 and 36 of the Standard Minimum Rules for the

Treatment of Prisoners

Ensuring that victims of torture have the right to redress and adequate compensation

Art. 7 of the Convention against Torture, art. 10

of the Declaration on the Protection against Torture

Ensuring that the alleged offender or offenders is subject to criminal proceedings if an investigation establishes that an act of torture appears to have been committed. If an allegation of other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment is considered to be well founded, the alleged offender or offenders shall be subject to criminal, disciplinary or

other appropriate proceedings

59

Figure 13: UN bodies and mechanisms against torture (OHCHR, 2014)

Committee against Torture

Human Rights Committee

Commission on Human Rights

Special Rapporteur on the question of torture

Special Rapporteur on violence against women

United Nations Voluntary Fund for Victims of Torture

Figure 14: Section A of Legal Torture Investigation (OHCHR, 2014:17)

Section A: Purposes of an investigation into torture

Purpose Guideline

The broad purpose of the investigation is to establish the facts relating to alleged

incidents of torture

(a)Obtain statements from the victims of alleged torture; (b) to recover and preserve evidence, including medical

evidence, related to the alleged torture to aid in any potential prosecution of those responsible;

(c) to identify possible witnesses and obtain statements from them concerning the alleged torture;

(d) to determine how, when and where the alleged incidents of torture occurred as well as any pattern or

practice that may have brought about the torture.

60

Figure 15: Section B of Legal Torture Investigation (OHCHR, 2014:17) Section B: Principles on the Effective Investigation and Documentation of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading

Treatment or Punishment

Purpose Guideline

Effective Investigation and

Documentation of Torture

(a) Clarification of the facts and establishment and acknowledgement of individual and State responsibility for victims and their families;

(b) Identification of measures needed to prevent recurrence; (c) Facilitation of prosecution or, as appropriate, disciplinary sanctions for those indicated by the investigation as being responsible and demonstration of the need for full reparation and redress from the State, including fair and adequate financial compensation

and provision of the means for medical care and rehabilitation.

States must ensure that complaints and reports of torture or

ill-treatment are promptly and

effectively investigated. Even

in the absence of an express complaint,

an investigation should be

undertaken if there are other

indications that torture or ill-

treatment might have occurred

(a)The investigative authority shall have the power and obligation to obtain all the information necessary to the inquiry, all the necessary budgetary and technical resources for effective investigation.

(b)They must also have the authority to oblige all those acting in an official capacity allegedly involved in torture or illtreatment to appear and testify.

(c) the investigative authority is entitled to issue summonses to witnesses, including any officials allegedly involved, and to demand the production of evidence.

(d) Alleged victims of torture or ill-treatment, witnesses, those conducting the investigation and their families must be protected from violence, threats of violence or any other form of intimidation that may arise pursuant to the investigation.

(e)Those potentially implicated in torture or ill-treatment should be removed from any position of control or power, whether direct or indirect, over complainants, witnesses or their families, as well as those conducting the investigation

Alleged victims of torture or ill-

treatment and their legal representatives must be informed of, and have access to, any hearing as

well as to all information

relevant to the investigation and

must be entitled to present other

evidence.

Creation of a a commission chosen for their recognized

impartiality, competence and independence as

individuals

(a)Production of a report by the aforementioned experts must be made public

Medical experts involved in the investigation of torture or ill-

treatment should behave at all times in conformity with the highest ethical

standards

(a) The circumstances of the interview. The name of the subject and name and affiliation of those present at the examination; the exact time and date, location, nature and address of the institution where the examination is being conducted; any appropriate

circumstances at the time of the examination; and any other relevant factor; (b) A detailed record of the subject’s story as given during the interview, including alleged methods of torture or ill-treatment, the

time when torture or ill-treatment was alleged to have occurred and all complaints of physical and psychological symptoms; (c) A physical and psychological examination. A record of all physical and psychological findings upon clinical examination

including appropriate diagnostic tests and, where possible, colour photographs of all injuries; (d) An opinion. An interpretation as to the probable relationship of physical and psychological findings to possible torture or ill-

treatment. A recommendation for any necessary medical and psychological treatment or further examination should also be given; (e) A record of authorship. The report should clearly identify those carrying out the examination and should be signed.

61

Figure 16: Section C of Legal Torture Investigation (OHCHR, 2014:17)

Section C: Procedures of a torture investigation

Purpose Guideline

Determination of the

appropriate investigative

body

The state is considered to be involved in torture if: (a) Where the victim was last seen unharmed in police custody or detention;

(b) Where the modus operandi is recognizably attributable to State-sponsored torture; (c) Where persons in the State or associated with the State have attempted to obstruct or delay the

investigation of the torture; (d) Where public interest would be served by an independent inquiry;

(e) Where investigation by regular investigative agencies is in question because of lack of expertise or lack of impartiality or for other reasons, including the importance of the matter, the apparent existence of a pattern

of abuse, complaints from the person or the above inadequacies or other substantial reasons.

Interviewing the alleged victim and

other witnesses

(a)Informed consent and other protection for the alleged victim, they should be given contact information for advocacy and treatment groups that might be of assistance to them, including regular informs about the

process (b)Selection of the investigator should have prior training or experience in documenting torture and in

working with victims of trauma, including torture (c)Context of the investigation, investigators should carefully consider the context in which they are working, take necessary precautions and provide safeguards accordingly, the investigator’s choice of

language and attitude will greatly affect the alleged victim’s ability and willingness to be interviewed. The location of the interview should be as safe and comfortable as possible, including access to toilet facilities and refreshments. Sufficient time should be allotted to interview the alleged torture victim. Investigators

should not expect to get the full story during the first interview. Questions of a private nature will be traumatic for the alleged victim. The investigator must be sensitive in tone, phrasing and sequencing of

questions, given the traumatic nature of the alleged victim’s testimony. The witness must be told of the right to stop the questioning at any time, to take a break if needed or to choose not to respond to any question (d)Safety of witnesses, the State is responsible for protecting alleged victims, witnesses and their families

from violence, threats of violence or any other form of intimidation that may arise pursuant to the investigation.

(e)Use of interpreters and working through an interpreter (f)Information to be obtained from the person alleged to have been tortured (g)Statement from the person

who is alleging torture should be based on answers given in response to non-leading questions, asking questions that increase in specificity

(h)Alleged perpetrator's statement must have legal protections guaranteed under international and national law.

Securing and obtaining physical evidence

The investigator should gather as much physical evidence as possible to document an incident or pattern of torture. Any building or area under investigation must be closed off so as not to lose any possible evidence.

Medical evidence

The investigator should arrange for a medical examination of the alleged victim. In formulating a clinical impression for the purpose of reporting physical and psychological evidence of torture, there are six

important questions to ask: (a) Are the physical and psychological findings consistent with the alleged report of torture?

(b) What physical conditions contribute to the clinical picture? (c) Are the psychological findings expected or typical reactions to extreme stress within the cultural and

social context of the individual? (d) Given the fluctuating course of trauma-related mental disorders over time, what is the time frame in

relation to the torture events? Where in the course of recovery is the individual? (e) What other stressful factors are affecting the individual (e.g. ongoing persecution, forced migration,

exile, loss of family and social role, etc.)? What impact do these issues have on the victim? (f) Does the clinical picture suggest a false allegation of torture?

Photography Colour photographs should be taken of the injuries of persons alleging that they have been tortured, of the

premises where torture has allegedly occurred (interior and exterior) and of any other physical evidence found there

62

Figure 17: Section D of Legal Torture Investigation (OHCHR, 2014:17)

Section D: Commission of inquiry

Purpose Guideline

Defining the scope of the inquiry (a)They should be neutrally framed

(b)They should state precisely which events and issues are to be investigated (c)They should provide flexibility in the scope of inquiry

The power of the commission

(a) Authority to obtain all information necessary to the inquiry including the authority to compel testimony under legal sanction, to order the production of documents including

State and medical records, and to protect witnesses, families of the victim and other sources;

(b) Authority to issue a public report; (c) Authority to conduct on-site visits, including at the location where the torture is

suspected to have occurred; (d) Authority to receive evidence from witnesses and organizations located outside the

country

Membership criteria (a)Impartiality

(b)Competence (c)Indepedence

The commission’s staff Commissions of inquiry should have impartial, expert counsel. Where the commission is

investigating allegations of State misconduct, it would be advisable to appoint counsel outside the Ministry of Justice.

Protection of witnesses The State shall protect complainants, witnesses, those conducting the investigation and

their families from violence, threats of violence or any other form of intimidation

Proceedings It follows from general principles of criminal procedure that hearings should be

conducted in public, unless in-camera proceedings are necessary to protect the safety of a witness

Notice of inquiry Wide notice of the establishment of a commission and the subject of the inquiry should

be given.

Receipt of evidence Commissions of inquiry should have the power to compel testimony and produce

documents, plus the authority to compel testimony from officials allegedly involved in torture.

Right of parties Those alleging that they have been tortured and their legal representatives should be

informed of and have access to any hearing and all information relevant to the investigation and must be entitled to present evidence.

Evaluation of evidence The commission must assess all information and evidence it receives to determine reliability and probity. The commission should evaluate oral testimony, taking into

account the demeanour and overall credibility of the witness.

Report of the commission

(a) The scope of inquiry and terms of reference; (b) The procedures and methods of evaluating evidence;

(c) A list of all witnesses, including age and gender, who have testified, except for those whose identities are withheld for protection or who have testified in camera, and exhibits received as

evidence; (d) The time and place of each sitting (this might be annexed to the report);

(e) The background of the inquiry, such as relevant social, political and economic conditions; (f) The specific events that occurred and the evidence upon which such findings are based;

(g) The law upon which the commission relied; (h) The commission’s conclusions based on applicable law and findings of fact;

(i) Recommendations based on the findings of the commission

63

Figure 18: Physical evidence of torture (OHCHR, 2014:45)

Evaluating factors Symptons or signals

General Considerations 1. The central role of the psychological evaluation: the mainpsychiatric disorders associated

with torture are PTSD and major depression 2. The context of the psychological evaluation

Psychological consequences of torture

1. Cautionary Remarks 2. Common Psychological Responses: (a) Re-experiencing the trauma; (b) Avoidance and emotional numbing; (c) Hyperarousal; (d) Symptoms of depression; (e) Damaged self-

concept and foreshortened future; (f) Dissociation, depersonalization and atypical behaviour; (g) Somatic complaints; (h) Sexual dysfunction; (i) Psychosis; (j) Substance

abuse; (k) Neuropsychological impairment 3. Diagnostic classifications: (a) Depressive disorders; (b) Post-traumatic stress disorder; (c) Enduring personality change; (d) Substance abuse; (e)PTSD; (f) Anxiety disorder; (g)Panic

disorders; (h)Somatoform disorders; (i)Bipolar disorders; (j)Phobias development;

The psychological/psychiatric evaluation

(a) Avoidance, withdrawal and defensive indifference in reaction to being exposed to disturbing material. This may lead to forgetting some details and underestimating the severity of physical or psychological consequences; (b) Disillusionment, helplessness,

hopelessness and overidentification that may lead to symptoms of depression or vicarious traumatization, such as nightmares, anxiety and fear; (c) Omnipotence and grandiosity in

the form of feeling like a saviour, the great expert on trauma or the last hope for the survivor’s recovery and well-being; (d) Feelings of insecurity about professional skills when

faced with the gravity of the reported history or suffering. This may manifest as lack of confidence in the ability to do justice to the survivor and unrealistic preoccupation with

idealized medical norms; (e) Feelings of guilt over not sharing the torture survivor’s experience and pain or over the awareness of what has not been done on a political level

may result in overly sentimental or idealized approaches to the survivor; (f) Anger and rage towards torturers and persecutors are expectable, but may undermine the ability to maintain

objectivity when they are driven by unrecognized personal experiences and thus become chronic or excessive; (g) Anger or repugnance against the victim may arise as a result of

feeling exposed to unaccustomed levels of anxiety. This may also arise as a result of feeling used by the victim when the clinician experiences doubt about the truth of the alleged torture history and the victim stands to benefit from an evaluation that documents the

consequences of the alleged incident; (h) Significant differences between the cultural value systems of the clinician and the individual alleging torture may include belief in myths about

ethnic groups, condescending attitudes and underestimation of the individual’s sophistication or capacity for insight. Conversely, clinicians who are members of the same

ethnic group as a victim might form a non-verbalized alliance that can also affect the objectivity of the evaluation.

64

Figure 19: Torture Methods (OHCHR, 2014:45) (a) Blunt trauma, such as a punch, kick, slap, whipping, a beating with wires or truncheons or falling down;

(b) Positional torture, using suspension, stretching limbs apart, prolonged constraint of movement, forced positioning;

(c) Burns with cigarettes, heated instruments, scalding liquid or a caustic substance;

(d) Electric shocks;

(e) Asphyxiation, such as wet and dry methods, drowning, smothering, choking or use of chemicals;

(f) Crush injuries, such as smashing fingers or using a heavy roller to injure the thighs or back;

(g) Penetrating injuries, such as stab and gunshot wounds, wires under nails;

(h) Chemical exposure to salt, chilli pepper, gasoline, etc. (in wounds or body cavities);

(i) Sexual violence to genitals, molestation, instrumentation, rape;

(j) Crush injury or traumatic removal of digits and limbs;

(k) Medical amputation of digits or limbs, surgical removal of organs;

(l) Pharmacological torture using toxic doses of sedatives, neuroleptics, paralytics, etc.

(m) Conditions of detention, such as a small or overcrowded cell, solitary confinement, unhygienic conditions, no access to toilet facilities, irregular or contaminated food and water, exposure to extremes of

temperature, denial of privacy and forced nakedness;

(n) Deprivation of normal sensory stimulation, such as sound, light, sense of time, isolation, manipulation of brightness of the cell, abuse of physiological needs, restriction of sleep, food, water, toilet facilities, bathing, motor activities, medical care, social contacts, isolation within prison, loss of contact with the outside world (victims are often kept in isolation in order to prevent bonding and mutual identification and to encourage

traumatic bonding with the torturer);

(o) Humiliation, such as verbal abuse, performance of humiliating acts;

(p) Threats of death, harm to family, further torture, imprisonment, mock executions;

(q) Threats of attack by animals, such as dogs, cats, rats or scorpions;

(r) Psychological techniques to break down the individual, including forced betrayals, accentuating feelings of helplessness, exposure to ambiguous situations or contradictory messages;

(s) Violation of taboos;

(t) Behavioural coercion, such as forced engagement in practices against the religion of the victim (e.g. forcing Muslims to eat pork), forced harm to others through torture or other abuses, forced destruction of

property, forced betrayal of someone placing them at risk of harm;

(u) Forcing the victim to witness torture or atrocities being inflicted on others.

65

Figure 20: State policy-making recommendations by OHCHR (Special Rapporteur on torture, 2019:2)

(a.1) Countries must sign and ratify the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or punishment and its Optional Protocal or the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

(a.2)Within national law, torture should be designated as a utmost gravity crime and embrace the universalist application

(b.1) Countries should sign and ratify or accede to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court

(c.1) Legislation providing for corporal punishment, including excessive chastisement ordered as a punishment for a crime or disciplinary punishment, should be abolished

(c.2) Effective legal, preventive and protective measures should be put in place

(d.1) The highest authorities should publicly condemn torture in all its forms whenever it occurs (d.2) Public campaigns aimed at informing the population at large

(e.1) Interrogation should take place only at official centres and the maintenance of secret places of detention should be abolished under law

(f.1) Regular inspection of places of detention, especially when carried out as part of a system of periodic visits (f.2) Independent non-governmental organizations should be authorized to have full access to all places of detention

(f.3)Ombudsmen and national or human rights institutions should be granted access to all places of detention with a view to monitoring the conditions of detention

(f.4) International Committee of the Red Cross should be granted access to places of detention

(g.1) Incommunicado detention should be made illegal, and persons held incommunicado should be released without delay (g.2) Information regarding the time and place of arrest as well as the identity of the law enforcement officials having carried out the

arrest should be scrupulously recorded (g.3) Legal provisions should ensure that detainees are given access to legal counsel within 24 hours of detention, as well to be

informed of their right to be assisted by a lawyer of their choice or a State-appointed lawyer able to provide effective legal assistance (g.4) A relative of the detainee should be

informed of the arrest and place of detention within 18 hours (g.5) A person should undergo a medical inspection, and medical inspections should be repeated regularly and should be compulsory

upon transfer to another place of detention (g.6)Each interrogation should be initiated with the identification of all persons present

(g.7) All interrogation sessions should be recorded and preferably video-recorded (g.8) Blindfolding and hooding practices are forbidden

(g.9) Detention status without judicial warrant must not surprass 48 hours period

(h.1) Persons under administrative detention should be entitled to the same degree of protection as persons under criminal detention

(i.1) Provisions should give all detained persons the ability to challenge the lawfulness of the detention, e.g. through habeas corpus or amparo

(j.1) Training programmes should be envisaged to sensitize prison officials to the importance of taking effective steps to prevent and remedy prisoner-on-prisoner

abuse and to provide them with the means to do so (k.1) When a detainee or relative or lawyer lodges a torture complaint, an inquiry should always take place the public officials involved

should be suspended from their duties pending the outcome of the investigation (k.2) creation of witness protection programmes for witnesses to incidents of torture

(k.3) Legal provisions granting exemptions from criminal responsibility for torturers, such as amnesty laws (including laws in the name of national reconciliation or the consolidation of democracy and peace), indemnity laws, etc. should be abrogated

(k.4) If torture has occurred in an official place of detention, the official in charge of that place should be disciplined or punished (k.5) Military tribunals should not be used to try persons accused of torture

(k.6) Independent national authorities, such as a national commission or ombudsman with investigatory and/or prosecutorial powers, should be established to receive and to investigate complaints

(k.7) Complaints about torture should be dealt with immediately

(l.1) Legislation should be enacted to ensure that the victim of an act of torture obtains redress and fair and adequate compensation, including the means for the fullest rehabilitation possible, including the principles of restitution,

compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition.

(m.1) Training courses and training manuals should be provided for police and security personnel

(n.1) Health-sector personnel should be instructed

(o.1) National legislation and practice should reflect the principle enunciated in article 3 of the Convention against Torture, namely the prohibition on the return (refoulement),

expulsion or extradition of a person to another State “where there are substantial grounds for believing that he would be in danger of being subjected to torture”

66

Figure 21: International Standards about Torture (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2019)

Convention on the Rights of the Child

Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT)

Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (OP-CAT)

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners

Basic Principles for the Treatment of Prisoners

Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women

Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment

Principles on the Effective Investigation and Documentation of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

Principles of Medical Ethics relevant to the Role of Health Personnel, particularly Physicians, in the Protection of Prisoners and Detainees against Torture and Other Cruel,

Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials

Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials

United Nations Rules for the Protection of Juveniles Deprived of the Liberty

United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice

Principles relating to the status of national institutions (The Paris Principles)

67

68

Figure 32: Universal and Regional Human Rights Instruments protecting torture (International Justice Resource Center, 2019)

African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (art. 5)

American Convention on Human Rights (art. 5)

American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man (art. 27)

Arab Charter on Human Rights (art. 8)

Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam (arts. 19, 20)

Charter of Paris for a New Europe

Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Convention Against Torture)

Convention on the Protection of the Rights of Migrant Workers and Members of their Families (art. 10)

Convention on the Rights of the Child (art. 37)

European Convention for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment

European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (art. 3)

Inter-American Convention To Prevent and Punish Torture

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (arts. 4, 7, 10)

United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (art. 31)

Universal Declaration of Human Rights (art. 5)

69

Figure 33: Preeminent International Instruments regarding Torture protection

Universal Regional National

Humanitarian soft law

Special Rapporteur on the question of torture, Human Rights Committee,

Committee against Torture, United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment

of Prisoners, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, UN Charter, Human Rights Universal Declaration

African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, American

Convention on Human Rights, American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, Arab Charter on

Human Rights (art. 8), Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in

Islam, Inter-American Convention To Prevent and Punish Torture

Penal Code and 1958 French Constitution

Humanitarian hard law

Geneva Conventions, Hague Conventions, UNCAT, Convention on the Rights of the

Child, Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or

Degrading Treatment or Punishment (OP-CAT), International Covenant on Civil and

Political Rights, Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, Basic Principles for the Treatment of Prisoners, Declaration

on the Elimination of Violence against Women, Body of Principles for the

Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment, Principles on

the Effective Investigation and Documentation of Torture and Other Cruel,

Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

Principles of Medical Ethics relevant to the Role of Health Personnel, particularly

Physicians, in the Protection of Prisoners and Detainees against Torture and Other Cruel,

Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

Charter of Paris for a New Europe, European Convention for the

Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment, Inter-

American Convention To Prevent and Punish Torture

Penal Code and 1958 French Constitution

Legal / Penal International Criminal Court

European Court of Human Rights, Inter-american court of Human

Rights, African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights

Penal Code

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Figure 44: UN Proposed indicators for UNSDG Goal 16 (UNGA A/RES/71/313, 2017)

UNSDG Goal 16 Targets UNSDG Goal 16 Indicators

16.1 Significantly reduce all forms of violence and related

death rates everywhere

16.1.1 Number of victims of intentional homicide per 100,000 population, by sex and age

16.1.2 Conflict-related deaths per 100,000 population, by sex, age and cause

16.1.3 Proportion of population subjected to (a) physical violence, (b) psychological violence and (c) sexual violence in the previous 12 months

16.1.4 Proportion of population that feel safe walking alone around the area they live

16.2 End abuse, exploitation, trafficking and all forms of violence against and torture of

children

16.2.1 Proportion of children aged 1–17 years who experienced any physical punishment and/or psychological aggression by caregivers in the past month

16.2.2 Number of victims of human trafficking per 100,000 population, by sex, age and form of exploitation

16.2.3 Proportion of young women and men aged 18–29 years who experienced sexual violence by age 18

16.3 Promote the rule of law at the national and international levels and ensure equal access

to justice for all

16.3.1 Proportion of victims of violence in the previous 12 months who reported their victimization to competent authorities or other officially recognized conflict

resolution mechanisms

16.3.2 Unsentenced detainees as a proportion of overall prison population

16.4 By 2030, significantly reduce illicit financial and arms flows, strengthen the recovery and return of stolen assets and

combat all forms of organized crime

16.4.1 Total value of inward and outward illicit financial flows (in current United States dollars)

16.4.2 Proportion of seized, found or surrendered arms whose illicit origin or context has been traced or established by a competent authority in line with

international instruments

16.5 Substantially reduce corruption and bribery in all their forms

16.5.1 Proportion of persons who had at least one contact with a public official and who paid a bribe to a public official, or were asked for a bribe by those public

officials, during the previous 12 months

16.5.2 Proportion of businesses that had at least one contact with a public official and that paid a bribe to a public official, or were asked for a bribe by those public

officials during the previous 12 months

16.6 Develop effective, accountable and transparent institutions at all levels

16.6.1 Primary government expenditures as a proportion of original approved budget, by sector (or by budget codes or similar)

16.6.2 Proportion of population satisfied with their last experience of public services

16.7 Ensure responsive, inclusive, participatory and representative decision-making at all levels

16.7.1 Proportions of positions in national and local institutions, including (a) the legislatures; (b) the public service; and (c) the judiciary, compared to national

distributions, by sex, age, persons with disabilities and population groups

16.7.2 Proportion of population who believe decisionmaking is inclusive and responsive, by sex, age, disability and population group

16.8 Broaden and strengthen the participation of developing countries in the institutions of

global governance

16.8.1 Proportion of members and voting rights of developing countries in international organizations

16.9 By 2030, provide legal identity for all, including birth registration

16.9.1 Proportion of children under 5 years of age whose births have been registered with a civil authority, by age

16.10 Ensure public access to information and protect fundamental freedoms, in accordance

with national legislation and international agreements

16.10.1 Number of verified cases of killing, kidnapping, enforced disappearance, arbitrary detention and torture of journalists, associated media personnel, trade

unionists and human rights advocates in the previous 12 months

16.10.2 Number of countries that adopt and implement constitutional, statutory and/or policy guarantees for public access to information

16.a Strengthen relevant national institutions, including through international cooperation,

for building capacity at all levels, in particular in developing countries, to

prevent violence and combat terrorism and crime

16.a.1 Existence of independent national human rights institutions in compliance with the Paris Principles

16.b Promote and enforce non-discriminatory laws and policies for sustainable development

16.b.1 Proportion of population reporting having personally felt discriminated against or harassed in the previous 12 months on the basis of a ground of

discrimination prohibited under international human rights law

75

76

Figure 46: Unsentenced detainees as a proportion of overall prision population (UN Data, 2019)

Country 2005 2016

"Afghanistan" 81 31.29

"Albania" 26.56 49.99

"Algeria" 35.46 7.68

"Antigua and Barbuda" 27.01 44.34

"Argentina" 57.58 50.89

"Armenia" 28.13 29.58

"Australia" 20.43 27.79

"Austria" 23.25 20.8

"Azerbaijan" 12.05 18.12

"Andorra" 24.59 61.7

"Angola" 63.69 45.76

"Japan" 15.01 11.32

"Bahamas" 22.53 38.42

"Bangladesh" 63.96 75.84

"Belarus" 18.91 14.3

"Belgium" 38.13 26.53

"Belize" 5.58 54.88

"Bolivia (Plurinational State of)" 73.33 66.76

"Bosnia and Herzegovina" 18 13.57

"Botswana" 52.95 23.98

"Brazil" 31.17 39.57

"Brunei Darussalam" 7.18 6.9

"Bulgaria" 18.31 8.6

"Burkina Faso" 47.37 46.64

"Burundi" 64.89 52.3

"Cambodia" 32.59 49.29

"Cameroon" 76.15 59

"Jersey" 28.82 26.43

"Jordan" 47.93 41.52

"Kazakhstan" 15.57 14.56

"Kenya" 49.93 39.89

"Kiribati" 2.58 5.29

"Kosovo" 38.57 27.41

"Canada" 29.14 36.36

"Cayman Islands" 24.47 30.11

"Chile" 37.23 26.97

"China, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region"

11.46 18.78

"China, Macao Special Administrative Region"

26.42 20.28

"Colombia" 41.07 33.53

"Kuwait" 9.72 7.14

"Kyrgyzstan" 16.18 18.92

"Latvia" 39.02 31.22

77

"Cook Islands" 3.7 21.62

"Costa Rica" 20.09 19.61

"Croatia" 31.4 22.63

"Cyprus" 16.96 19.56

"Czechia" 16.83 9.76

"Denmark" 27.89 28.63

"Dominica" 21.03 22.83

"Dominican Republic" 62.02 52.89

"Ecuador" 63.07 39.6

"El Salvador" 28.77 23.88

"Estonia" 25.64 24.11

"Faroe Islands" 26.09 22.18

"Fiji" 8.65 23.13

"Finland" 13.27 19.21

"France" 36.55 27.02

"Georgia" 54.19 13.35

"Germany" 23.71 21.71

"Ghana" 30.61 12.79

"Gibraltar" 54.8 26.8

"Greece" 29.75 25.28

"Greenland" 8.11 22.57

"Grenada" 19.57 17.73

"Guam" 43.51 59.47

"Guatemala" 46.04 50.11

"Lebanon" 99.04 55.57

"Lesotho" 18.99 19.49

"Libya" 68.54 90.01

"Guernsey" 22.58 25.27

"Guyana" 33.24 37.69

"Haiti" 106.89 72.79

"Honduras" 65.35 54.73

"Hungary" 24.56 22.72

"Iceland" 10.2 16.55

"India" 67.9 67.31

"Indonesia" 46.65 36.05

"Ireland" 15.79 14.86

"Isle of Man" 31.37 21.05

"Israel" 22.37 25.23

"Italy" 37.1 18.22

"Jamaica" 14.08 22.35

"Timor-Leste" 64.69 24.78

"Tonga" 2.58 7.39

"Liechtenstein" 16.92 46.07

"Lithuania" 15.51 9.57

"Luxembourg" 43.24 47.08

78

"Trinidad and Tobago" 40.88 66.03

"Turkey" 52.98 14.33

"Uganda" 60.7 54.19

"Ukraine" 12.09 26.82

"United Arab Emirates" 41.2 38.21

"United Kingdom (England and Wales)" 10.61 9.2

"Madagascar" 88.76 53.2

"Malawi" 30.39 16.13

"Malaysia" 33.77 26.48

"United Kingdom (Northern Ireland)" 32.71 24.35

"United Kingdom (Scotland)" 18.33 19.12

"United Republic of Tanzania" 57.03 50.15

"United States of America" 22.13 21.53

"Uruguay" 84.5 67.5

"Vanuatu" 22.51 10

"Malta" 27.82 22.95

"Mauritius" 35.91 38.79

"Mexico" 42.11 45.12

"Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of)" 48.28 62.43

"Zambia" 44.61 34.65

"Zimbabwe" 30.22 17.74

"Monaco" 40.86 33.85

"Mongolia" 18.77 16.02

"Montenegro" 36.2 25.11

"Morocco" 51.79 41.91

"Mozambique" 75.32 32.31

"Netherlands" 38.03 24.68

"New Zealand" 18.43 13.58

"Nigeria" 72.72 66.29

"North Macedonia" 10.09 10.7

"Norway" 19.04 24.74

"Other non-specified areas" 10.88 5.16

"Pakistan" 57.78 69.34

"Panama" 58.31 61.47

"Papua New Guinea" 31.26 38.99

"Paraguay" 72.41 74.99

"Peru" 69.71 48.46

"Philippines" 66.74 60.02

"Poland" 19.26 7.29

"Portugal" 23.96 15.89

"Republic of Korea" 34.19 35.55

"Republic of Moldova" 22.82 21.22

"Romania" 15.28 5.43

"Russian Federation" 19.39 18.08

"Saint Kitts and Nevis" 29.23 24.19

79

"Saint Lucia" 33.85 48.49

"Saint Vincent and the Grenadines" 76.24 23.3

"Sao Tome and Principe" 46.45 2.25

"Senegal" 8.26 48.56

"Serbia" 30.31 15.67

"Sierra Leone" 14.9 53.42

"Singapore" 4.1 10.59

"Slovakia" 32.75 13.71

"Slovenia" 24.76 8.54

"Solomon Islands" 35.44 60.04

"South Africa" 26.47 28.28

"Spain" 22.15 13.04

"Sri Lanka" 291.77 51.85

"Sweden" 20.69 25.15

"Switzerland" 37.68 42.59

"Thailand" 24.62 19.9

80

81

82

83

PHOTOGRAPHIES

Picture 1: Grafiti in Marché Neuf Street near Pont Neuf Bridge in Paris

tagged with the words “Here we drown Algerians” referring to the

Paris Massacre of 17 October 1961 where dozens of Algerian

Protestors were thrown (Jean Taxier)

Picture 2: Algerian workers demonstrations of 17 October 1961 in

Paris (Rofer-Viollet)

Picture 4: Wounded emonstrator during the protests of 17 October

1961 in Nanterre (Elie Kagan)

Picture 5: Wounded demonstrator during the protests of 17 October

1961 in Nanterre (Elie Kagan)

Picture 3: Maurice Papon (Second on the left), Prêfet de Police de Paris

in October 1961 (Bibliothèque de documentation international

contemporaine)

Picture 6: Demonstors being registered after 17 October 1961

demonstrations in Paris, Concorde Metro Station (Bibliothèque de

documentation international contemporaine)

84

Picture 7: Algerian women trying to enter to La Santé prison in Paris

to see their relatives jailed after 17 October 1961 protests

(Bibliothèque de documentation international contemporaine)

Picture 11: Chopped heads of Algerian civilians by the FLN that

allegedly seeked harmony with french settlers, 28 May 1956 (Source:

https://la-guerre-en-image.forumactif.org)

Picture 8: Said ould laid, algerian civilian that refused to stop working

for an European business dead after being tortured by the FLN, 26

January 1957 (Source: https://la-guerre-en-image.forumactif.org)

Picture 10: Maurice Feignon, French Medical aide dead with signals

on his skin of being tortured with boiling liquid and incandescent iron

by the FLN, aftermath of 18 May 1956 Palestro Massacre (Source:

https://la-guerre-en-image.forumactif.org)

Picture 9: Dead civilians in the aftermath of the May 1957 massacre in

Melouza perpetrated by the FLN (Source: https://la-guerre-en-

image.forumactif.org)

Picture 12: Gonzague Heffner mutilated by the FLN the 1st January

1956 (Source: http://tenes.info/nostalgie/A1)

85

Picture 13: Sequence of pictures showing the alleged execution of a

civilian by a French Army Officer using the fuyard abattu technique

(Source: https://la-guerre-en-image.forumactif.org)

Picture 15: Sequence of pictures showing the alleged execution of a

civilian by a French Army Officer (Source: https://la-guerre-en-

image.forumactif.org)

Picture 16: Young boy with evidences of being tortured in the

aftermath of 20 August 1955 El Halia massacre (Source: https://la-

guerre-en-image.forumactif.org)

Picture 17: Young girl with evidences of being tortured after FLN

massacred her family, May 1956 (Source: https://la-guerre-en-

image.forumactif.org)

Picture 14: human remainings of Gasmi Bachir, postman, after being tortured by FLN in Douar for refusing to abandon his job (Source:

https://la-guerre-en-image.forumactif.org)

86

Picture 18: Unknown muslim civlian tortured by the FLN during the

massive killings in Larba (Source: http://www.algerie-française.org)

Picture 19: Benmrah Bouhassoun and Beneli Mohamed after being tortured by the FLN in Remchi, 27 May 1956 (Source:

http://www.algerie-francaise.org)

Picture 21: Tortured body of Caporal Couvreur after being captured by

the FLN (Source: http://www.algerie-française.org)

Picture 22: Young girl with torture signs in the aftermath of the 20

August 1955 El Halia massacre (Source: http://www.algerie- francaise.org)

Picture 23: unknown Harki tortured by the FLN (Source:

http://www.algerie-francaise.org)

Picture 20: FLN militant hanging while tortured in a French Army

prison, 1957 (Source: http://www.memoria.dz)

87

Picture 24: man in the aftermath of being tortured by the FLN,

unkwown date (Source: http://www.algerie-française.org)

Picture 27: political poster (Source: http://www.algerie-française.org)

Picture 25: FLN fighter arrested by the French Army, date and place

unknown (Source: http://www.tv5monde.com)

Picture 28: FLN fighter captured by the French Army, date and place

unknwon (Source: http://www.tv5monde.com)

Picture 29: FLN fighter Omar Merouane being questioned by French

Army Airborne, 14 March 1957 (AFP/J.Grevin)

Picture 26: French Army troops in Algiers during the 1957 Battle

(Source: https://contropiano.org)

88

Picture 30: FLN fighter Djamila Boupacha arrested by the French Army during the Algiers Battle 1957 (Source: http://www.histoire-en-

questions.fr)

Picture 31: suspected FLN militants being searched by the French

Army during the Algiers Battle (Source: http://www.histoire-en-

questions.fr)

Picture 33: alleged FLN fighters captured by French Army officers,

unknown date and place (Bibliothèque de documentation international

contemporaine)

Picture 34: massive civilian massacres, unknown place and date

(Source: http://www.histoire-en-questions.fr)

Picture 35: display by French Army officers of executing method corvée de bois where the executed had to dig its own grave (Source:

http://www.histoire-en-questions.fr)

Picture 32: Demonstrators in Paris during the 17 October 1961 protests

(Bibliothèque de documentation international contemporaine)

89

Picture 36: French Army officers searching for an alleged FLN militant

near to Algiers, date unknown (Source: http://www.histoire-en-

questions.fr)

Picture 39: Tucker Telephone electricity generator known as gégène

(Source: Google Images)

Picture 37: Territorial administrative organization of Algeria used by the

FLN during the Independence War (Beckett and Pimlott, 2011:61)

Picture 38: Military administrative division of Algeria used by the

French military authorities (Branche, 2016:32)

Picture 40: Military administrative division of Algiers used by the

French military authorities (Branche, 2016:164)

Picture 41: French military operations in Algeria (Pervillé et Marin,

2011:38)

90

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