Building a lexicon-grammar of frozen sentences of Portuguese The inheritance problem revisited
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Building a lexicon-grammar Building a lexicon-grammar of frozen sentences of Portugueseof frozen sentences of PortugueseThe inheritance problem revisitedThe inheritance problem revisited
J. Baptista1,2 , G. Fernandes1 and A. Correia1
1 Universidade do Algarve – FCHSCampus de Gambelas, P – 8005-139 Faro, Portugal.
[email protected]; w3.ualg.pt/~jbaptis2 L2F – Spoken Language Systems Laboratory, Inesc-ID Lisboa,
R. Alves Redol, 91000-029 Lisbon, Portugal.
8th Intex/NooJ WorkshopBesançon, May 30-June 1, 2005
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Lexicon-grammar Lexicon-grammar of Portuguese Frozen Sentencesof Portuguese Frozen Sentences
PlanPlan the lexicon-grammar of frozen sentencesthe lexicon-grammar of frozen sentences
general definition of frozen sentencescurrent status of the lexicon-grammar of frozen sentencesmain linguistic properties described in the lexicon-grammar
the inheritance problemthe inheritance problemrevisitation of the inheritance problemimportance of inheritance for the processing of frozen sentences
future perspectivesfuture perspectives
«De boas intenções está o Inferno cheio»(De bonnes intentions, l’Enfer est complet)
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theoretical and methodological framework
• lexicon-grammar (M. Gross 1975, 1982, 1989, 1996)
• transformational operator grammar (Zellig S. Harris 1976, 1982, 1991)
• the basic meaning unit is the elementary sentence (and not the word), tipically considered as a verb, its subject and its essential complements
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general definition of frozen sentences
• frozen sentence is an elementary sentence, in the sense it conveys a semantic predicate, but
• different from free, distributional verbs, since• the global meaning can not be calculated from the
meaning of their components when they are used separately
• follow general syntactic rules for sentence building• show important combinatorial constraints, namely, • on distributional variation on argument positions
and• on the application of several transformations
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general definition of frozen sentences (cont.)
O Pedro passou de cavalo para burro(Peter went from horse to donkey)‘Peter came to be in a worst situation then he was’
*O Pedro passou de burro para cavaloPeter went from donkey to horse
*O Pedro passou do cavalo castanho para o burro cinzentoPeter went from the brown horse to the grey donkey
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general definition of frozen sentences (cont.)
*O Pedro passou de cavalos para burros(Peter went from horses to donkeys)
* O Pedro passou para burro de cavalo (Peter went to donkey from horse)
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general definition of frozen sentences (cont.)
O Pedro passou de cavalo para burro- De (onde + quê) para (onde + quê) passou o Pedro?- *De cavalo para burro
- From where/what to where/what did Peter go?- from horse to donkey
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general definition of frozen sentences (cont.)
• completely frozen sentences are very rare:
A procissão ainda vai no adro(The procession is still in the yard)‘some process <kown but not mentioned> is still in its
begining’
• usually one (often the subject) or more argument positions are distributionally ‘free’
• these positions are described as in free sentences
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general definition of frozen sentences (cont.)
• distributional constraints on free argument positions depend not only on the verb but on the verb-frozen arguments combination:
O Pedro amarinhou pelas paredes acima(Peter climbed the walls up)‘Peter became very irritated’
º(o macaco+a aranha) amarinhou pelas paredes acima
‘the ape/spider climbed the walls up’
º = literal
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general definition of frozen sentences (cont.)
• ambiguous frozen sentences:
O Pedro amarinhou pelas paredes acima (ambiguous)
(O Pedro + o macaco + a aranha) amarinhou pela parede acima (litteral)
• total number of frozen sentences may be similar to free, ordinary, distributional verbs
• appear often in discourse, • include everyday vocabulary, technical terms, etc.
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current status of the lexicon-grammar of frozen sentences of European Portuguese
• collection from several sources• over 4,000 frozen sentences• formal classification based on M. Gross (1982, 1989)
• description by way of LG binary matrixes• examples in tables (testing)• INTEX to formalize master-graphs and apply them
to corpora (Silberztein 1993, 2000)• CetemPúblico corpus (www.linguateca.pt)
frag. 1 & 2 (~20 M words)• Portuguese lexical ressources (delaf_v2) from public
domain (label.ist.utl.pt)
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current status (cont.)
• on-going research (far from concluded!)
• current classes only include V-NPs combinations(see classification table)
• certain formal classes were left out for the moment:– frozen subjects (C0)– exclamations, interjections (C0E)– sentential arguments (CV, C5, etc.)– frozen verb-adverb combinations (CADV)– sentences with ‘support-verbs’ and ‘operator-verbs’
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current status (cont.)
• frozen subjects:A brincadeira saiu cara ao Pedro(The game came out expensive to Peter)‘something was prejudicial to Peter’
• exclamations, interjections:Vai ver se está a chover !(go see if it is raining!)‘Get lost, don’t bother me!’
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current status (cont.)
• sentential arguments:Vale a pena ler esse livro(it worth the sacrifice to read that book)‘It is very useful to read that book’
• frozen verb-adverb combinations:Parece mal fazer isso(‘it looks bad to do that’)
O Pedro foi-se abaixo(Peter went himself down)‘Peter became depressed’
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current status (cont.)• ‘support-verbs’
– difficulty in distinguishing support-verbs from frozen sentences
– many sentences with elementary support-verbs and their main aspectual and stylistic variants
– some with two frozen complements– noun is not a obviously predicative noun (abstract,
associated with verb or adjective)
O Pedro fez trinta por uma linha(Peter did thirty by one line) ’Peter made much mischief’
O Pedro deu com os burros na água(Peter gave with donkeys on the water) ‘Peter lost’
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current status (cont.)• ‘operator-verbs’
– sentences involving operator-verbs but otherwise not analyzable by syntactic decomposition into Vop + elementary sentence:
O Pedroi pôs as barbasi de molho(Peter put the beard-fp in the water)
‘Peter is getting old/tired and retired to a quieter life’
Pedroi pôs # As barbasi do Pedroi estão de molho(Peter put # Peter’s beard is in the water)
NB: estar de molho (be in the water/sauce) is considered to be a Vsup_Npred combination (Ranchhod 1990)
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linguistic properties
• absolute constructions (NP deletion)
A Maria chorou (lágrimas de crocodilo + *E)(Mary cried crocodile tears)‘Mary faked to be sad’
A Maria chorou (rios de lágrimas + E)(Mary cried rivers of tears)‘Mary cried a lot’
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linguistic properties
• obligatory permutations:
O Pedro fez das fraquezas forças(Peter did from weaknesses strengths)‘Peter overcome his own difficulties’
*O Pedro fez forças das fraquezas
O Pedro fez das tripas coração(Peter did from guts heart)‘Peter overcome his own difficulties’
*O Pedro fez coração das tripas
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linguistic properties (cont.)
• dative restructuring (Guillet & Leclère 1981; Leclère 1995)
N0 V (Na de Nb)1
[Rdat] =N0 V (Na)1 a (Nb)2
O Pedro lambeu as botas do chefe= O Pedro lambeu as botas ao chefe
(Peter licked the boots of the bossPeter licked the boots to the boss)
‘Peter was subservient to his boss(with the goal of personal gain)’
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linguistic properties (cont.)
• Symmetry
O Pedro juntou os trapinhos com a Maria(Peter put together the rags with Mary)‘Peter and Mary got married/went to live together’
= A Maria juntou os trapinhos com o Pedro= O Pedro e Maria juntaram os trapinhos= A Maria e o Pedro juntaram os trapinhos
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linguistic properties (cont.)
• PronouningO Pedro apertou a mãoi do Joãoi
(Peter squeezed the hand of John)‘Peter shook hands with John’
O Pedro apertou (a suai mãoi + a mãoi d_elei)(Peter squeezed his hand + the hand of him)
O Pedro apertou os ossosi do Joãoi(Peter squeezed the bones of John)‘Peter shook hands with John’
*O Pedro apertou (os seusi ossosi + os ossosi d_elei)(Peter squeezed his hand + the hand of him)
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linguistic properties (cont.)
• Passive– usually possible whenever direct object is a free NP
O Pedro lançou o João às feras(Peter threw John to the beasts)‘Peter put John is a difficult situation’
O João foi lançado às feras (E + pelo Pedro)(John was thrown to the beasts E/by Peter)
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linguistic properties (cont.)
• Passive (cont.)– sometimes, even frozen object NP can undergo Passive
O Governo prometeu mundos e fundos ao povo(The Government promised worlds and funds to the people)‘to promise too much, impossible to comply’
= Mundos e fundos foram prometidos ao povo (E + pelo Governo)
(Worlds and funds were promised to the people E/by the Government)
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linguistic properties (cont.)
• Passive (cont.)– as far as recognition of frozen sentences is concerned,
Passives do not constitute insurmountable problem– for each verb, the corresponding adjective is given in the
LG– the master-graph describes such adjectival-like
constructions, including adnominal position of V-a form next to C1
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Os alunos, que foram lançados às feras pelos professores, revoltaram-se(the students, which were thrown to the beast by the
teacher, rebelled)
Os mundos e fundos prometidos pelo Governo <...>(the worlds and funds promised by the Government)
Uma santa mártir que morreu queimada, depois de ter sido lançada às feras e sobrevivido, porque <sic> estas se terem deitado e lambido os seus pés (CetemPúblico#1)
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linguistic properties (cont.)
• Conversion-like operations (G. Gaston 1989)
O Pedro deu no coco ao João(Peter gave in the coconut to John)‘Peter spanked John’
O João apanhou no coco do Pedro(John got in the coconut from Peter)‘John was spanked by Peter’
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linguistic properties (cont.)
• Conversion-like operations (cont.)
O Pedro foi aos cornos (a + de)_o João(Peter went to the horns of John)‘Peter spanked John’
O João apanhou nos cornos do Pedro(John got on the horns from Peter)‘Peter spanked John’
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linguistic properties (cont.)
• Obligatory negation (NegObrig)
O Pedro não chega aos calcanhares do João(Peter does not get to the heels of John)‘Peter is not a match for/is much inferior to John’
*O Pedro chega aos calcanhares do João
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linguistic properties (cont.)
• intrinsically pronominal constructions (Vse):
O Pedro fechou-se em copas(Peter closed himself in diamonds )‘Peter kept himself silent’
*O Pedro fechou (E + o João) em copas
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linguistic properties (cont.)
• interaction between NegOblig and Vse
O Pedro não se deu por achado(Peter did not gave himself by found_ms)‘Peter did not restrain himself’ <from doing something>
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LG Tables & Master-graphs
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LG Tables & Master-graphs
N0 =: N
hum
N0 =: N
-hum
V
Vse
NegO
brig
Prep
Det
C
[Rdat]
de N = PR
O:O
de N = PR
O:Pos
Exemplo + - <atirar> + - a os pés + + + O Zé atirou-se aos pés da Ana + - <cair> - - em os braços + + + O Zé caiu nos braços da Ana + - <chegar> - + a os calcanhares + + + O Zé não chega aos calcanhares da Ana + - <chorar> - - em o ombro + + + O Zé chora no ombro da Ana + - <cortar> - - em a casaca + + + O Zé corta na casaca da Ana + - <crescer> - - a os olhos - + + O Zé cresceu aos olhos do patrão + - <cuspir> - - em a cara + + + O Zé cuspiu-lhe na cara + - <dar> - - em o focinho + + + A Ana deu no focinho do Zé + - <descer> - - em a consideração + + + O Zé desceu na consideração da Ana + - <entrar> - - em o jogo - + + O Zé entrou no jogo da Ana + - <falar> - - em as costas - + + O Zé fala nas costas da Ana + - <ir> - - em a cantiga - + + O Zé foi na cantiga da Ana - + <passar> - - por as mãos + + + O projecto passou pelas mãos da Ana + - <pegar> - - em a palavra - + + O Zé pegou na palavra da Ana + - <puxar> - - por a língua + + + A Ana puxou pela língua do Zé + - <reger> + - por a cabeça - + + O Zé rege-se pela cabeça da Ana - + <sair> - - de o corpo + + + A riqueza do Zé saiu-lhe do corpo + - <sentar> + - em a cadeira - + + O Zé sentou-se na cadeira do Pedro - + <subir> - - a a cabeça + + + O dinheiro subiu à cabeça do Zé + - <tocar> - - em a ferida + + + O Zé tocou na ferida da Ana + - <viver> - - em a sombra - + + O Zé vive na sombra da Ana
Extract from table CPN
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LG Tables & Master-graphs
• until now, priority was given to building the LG• some tests over LG examples and different sized
corpora• problems on matching LG examples
– e.g. CP1 (70% recall)– <CATEG> at lema but <PRO+Pes:R> in M_grf ok– embedded graphs “:Graph”– unknown causes for mismatch
• waiting for new solutions under NooJ
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Inheritance
– no solutions, just talking about it...– so far, under INTEX it is not possible to locate neither
compound words nor frozen sentences by lemma under INTEX
– M_grf do not allow strings matched by *cfg of delae to inherit inflection values of the <V> element:
O Pedro <brincou,brincar.V:P3s> com o fogo(Peter played with the fire)‘Peter did something dangerous’
dle: O Pedro <brincou com o fogo,brincar com o fogo.V+CP1>
O Pedro <brincou com o fogo,brincar com o fogo.V+CP1:P3s>
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Inheritance – a re-visitation
• main reason for implementing inheritance in NLP systems, beyond morphology, is the processing of compound tenses
• compound tenses are very frequent in Portuguese• around ~100 auxiliary verbs (Vaux) have already been
described in Portuguese (Pontes 1977, Gonçalves 2000)
• their combination with main verbs is complex (e.g. clitic positioning)
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a very naïf approximation to Vaux-V combinations(clitic pronouns were ignored)
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Inheritance (cont.)
• their combination with other Vaux gives rise to complex syntactical patterns (M. Gross 1999; Ranchhod 2003)
• many frozen sentences appear in compound tenses, this being one of the main causes for low precision (only part of the V complex is matched)
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Inheritance (cont.)• Calculation of compound tenses poses a serious
challenge, • Vaux-V combinations can not be predicted a priori
from V• highly specific meaning that a Vaux-V combination
may convey, • multiple Vaux combination in front of V
(average 1-3, but up to 4; limited recursiveness of Vaux*-V and limited patterns of combination may ‘ease’ the task of describing it)
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Inheritance (cont.)
dealing with compound tenses in the M_grf • is linguistically inadequate• mixes two distinct linguistic phenomena• and unnecessarily complicates the graphs
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Inheritance (cont.)
• compound tense calculation can not, at least a priori, be coded in the same way as simple tenses (lexical form of Vaux plays an important role)
• it is controversial the decomposing of compound tenses in multiple tense/aspect/mode/x? features, collapsing in a single word
• it is unclear how to derive final attributes of a long string of Vaux from the features of each one, since they are not always cumulative
• except, perhaps, commonly used tenses such as ter + Vpp(for example, the solution proposed by Silberztein 2000)
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Inheritance
• Intex already deals in a limited way with inheritance at the morphological module (it stores the information associated to an entry and reuses it when calculating the information of the word being morphologically analyzed)
• It should be possible to tackle the problem in a similar way in a two stages process (eventually with
recursive first step):
1. processing of compound tenses (recursive)2. lexical analysis of frozen sentences
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Inheritance (cont.)
Some exceptions of frozen sentences of CV:
Esta estrada vai (ter + dar) a Paris(This road goes have:w/give:w to Paris)‘This road leads to Paris’
that should be analyzed as CV, in the present:
vai ter,ir ter.V+CV:P3s, vai dar,ir dar.V+CV:P3s
and not as a compound future tense of the last V:
vai ter, ter.V:F3s, vai dar, dar.V:F3s
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Inheritance
• inheriting properties can apply to other cases• frozen sentences with gender/number agreement with other
words (other than V); (note: this case is rather rare)
[O Pedro]NP_ms não se deu por <achado>Adj_ms
(Peter did not give himself found)‘Peter didn’t wait to be asked in order to do something’
where a suitable analysis should be:
não se deu por achado, Neg dar-se por achado.V+CP1:J3ms
the ‘ms’ being derived from the Adj, the ‘s’ of deu <V:J3s> is reduced to avoid duplication.
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Inheritance (cont.)
• Another case: Named Entities Recognition (of strings of proper
names designating a single person)
[José_cn:ms Manuel_cn:ms Durão_fn Barroso_fn] Npr:ms
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Inheritance (conclusion)
• hélas! no solution, • but showing problems may help finding some
solutions• minimalist solution with pre-processing of common
Vaux-V combinations
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Future Perspectives
• Continue the building of the LG of frozen sentences• associate UNAMB feature, • apply them to large-sized corpora• associate FRQ information• improve and integrate FS in the syntactic analysis
(along with simple, distributional verbs)
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