Budi Buku Dars

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BAB I

PENDAHULUAN

Dunia intelektual Islam kerap menilai pemikiran keislaman para intelektual

Muslim Indonesia sebagai kelas dua dan bersifat pinggiran (periferi). Proses

pengislaman kawasan ini yang berlangsung pada saat kemunduran Islam dan

kehadiran Islam yang tidak langsung dari pusat Islam menyebabkan kemunculan

persepsi tersebut. Baru belakangan saja dunia intelektual Islam mengakui distingsi

dan kontribusi intelektual Muslim Indonesia dalam berbagai wacana keislaman

penting.

ernyata masyarakat! termasuk masyarakat Muslim Indonesia! sedikit sekali

yang mengenal! membaca! memahami! dan mengapresiasi kha"anah pemikiran

intelektual Muslim negeri sendiri. #anya para peminat atau pengkaji saja yang secara

intens membahas secara serius dan mendalam karya$karya mereka.

%esulitan semakin terasa untuk mendapatkan buku yang mengelaborasi

kha"anah pemikir Muslim Indonesia secara kronologis dari masa paling awal

kehadiran Islam hingga kontemporer! sehingga terlihat kontinuitas& aksentuasi& dangenuisitas mereka. Padahal fokus ini sangat penting sebagai bentuk apresiasi dan

pengenalan terhadap buah pemikiran mereka untuk melihat bagaimana Islam

dipahami dalam konteks keindonesia yang sebelumnya memiliki wadah sosial$

budaya mapan dari masyarakat pra$Islam.

'aya sendiri merasakan kesulitan untuk mendapatkan buku pengantar tentang

dinamika intelektual Muslim di Indonesia dan pemikiran mereka. Memang ada

beberapa dalam bentuk tesis maupun disertasi yang dipublikasikan maupun atau

karya umum yang membahasnya namun tidak secara kronologis memotret

perkembangan tersebut sehingga seringkali mahasiswa mesti membaca banyak bahan

yang terkadang dikeluhkan mereka. Belum lagi jika sumber tersebut dalam bahasa

asing! maka mereka akan lebih kesulitan.



tas dasar tersebut maka buku ini mencoba mengisi kekosangan di atas.

ujuannya memberikan bacaan awal kepada mahasiswa tentang dinamika intelektual

Islam sejak masa paling awal perkembangan masyarakat Muslim Indonesia hingga

sedikit masa kontemporer. Buku ini mensurei perkembangan! perubahan! dan

kesinambungan wacana intelektual Islam di Indonesia melalui penggalian pemikiran

figur$figur intelektual Muslim Indonesia terkemuka yang saya anggap memengaruhi

wacana keislaman dalam berbagai bidangnya. 'aya menganggap mereka sebagai

representasi dari arus dinamika intelektual Islam di Indonesia dari beberapa periode.

'urey ini bersifat kronologis dari abad ke$*+ M yang dianggap sebagai

periode awal kemajuan intelektual Islam di Indonesia berdasarkan ketersediaan

karya$karya intelektual Muslim Indonesia! sekalipun mungkin presedennya telah ada

sebelum periode itu. %emudian pelacakan mengalir secara periodik berdasarkan

hitungan abad hingga memasuki masa kontemporer.

'ecara metodologis kajian ini membahas tokoh$tokoh Muslim Indonesia

sebagai representasi tiap periode. Bahasannya mencakup biografi! konteks historis

kehidupan mereka! peran sosial mereka! pemikiran pokok! dan karya$karya

intelektualnya. 'umber buku ini lebih bertumpu pada sumber primer untuk

membahas bagian pemikiran mereka sejauh dapat ditemukan dan sumber skunder

untuk bagian lainnya. %emudian disajikan pula rekomendasi sumber bacaan untuk

pendalaman kajian lebih lanjut.

%esulitan dari kajian semacam ini adalah dalam menentukan figur

representatif yang dipilih karena banyak sekali tokoh yang ada. Dalam hal ini saya

menggunakan kriteria berupa pengaruh pemikiran mereka dalam perkembangan

intelektual Islam Indonesia pada masanya masing$masing. entu saya tidak dapat

menghindar dari subyektifitas yang kuat sehingga hal ini menjadi kelemahan bahasan

ini. %arena diharapkan muncul kajian lain untuk membahas figur penting yang

barangkali tidak termasuk dalam buku ini.

'istematika buku ini dibagi dalam tiga bab. Bab pertama pendahuluan yang

menjelaskan konteks kehadiran buku ini. Bab kedua menjelaskan kondisi geografis&



demografis& relegius& etnisitas! dan linguistik Indonesia yang menjadi wadah

kehadiran Islam dari abad ke$*,. Bab ini juga membahas keyakinan$keyakinan pra$

Islam yang berkembang di Indonesia dan pengaruhnya terhadap masyarakat

Indonesia pada waktu itu serta sketsa sejarah Islam sekaligus dialektikanya dengan

berbagai unsur keindonesiaan.

erakhir saya ingin menyampaikan terima kasih kepada beberapa pihak yang

mendukung penyelesaian buku ini. entu saja pertama Prof.Dr.Mohammad li!

Dirjen Pendidikan Islam %ementerian gama yang memberikan kesempatan kepada

saya untuk riset bahan selama sebulan di he utralian -ational niersity (-)

/anberra! Prof.Dr.Mahasin! M (mantan Direktur Perguruan inggi Islam)! Prof.Dr.

Dede 0osyada! M sebagai pengganti Prof. Mahasin yang 1menggawangi2 program

riset tersebut! %asubdit %etenagaan Diktis Dr. Mohamad Ishom! %asi Pengembangan

enaga kademik 'ubdit %etenagaan %hoirul #uda Basyir!3c!M! para

pembimbing riset Prof.Dr.bdul Mujib! Dr.Muchlis #anafi! M! Dr. Imam

'ubhi!M! 'uparto! P.hD! dan pihak$pihak lain yang tidak dapat saya sebutkan.

khirnya saya mengharapkan saran! kritik! dan masukan dari khalayak untuk

kesempurnaan buku ini. 'emoga bermanfaat.



BAB II

ISLAM DALAM KONTEKS INDONESIA

A. Gambaran Umum Indonesia

4eografi

he 0epublic of Indonesia comprises some four$fifths of the archipelago

which! stretching eastwards from the south$eastern angle of sia! separates the Indian

from the Pacific 5cean! at the same time as it constitutes a discontinuous land link

between sia and ustralasia. 67tending for appro7imately ,!899 miles from west to

east! and about *!:;9 miles from north to south (in a "one bounded by longitudes <:=

and *8*= east and by latitudes >= north and **= south)! it embraces some ,!999

islands of highly dierse si"e! character and resources. In popular topographical

terminology these are perceied as constituting four groups. he 'unda 0aja or

4reater 'unda comple7! including the four large islands of 'umatra! ?aa (Ḏ j @̲wa)!

/elebes ( 'ulawesi)! and the larger part of %alimantan! constitutes the core of the

country from the point of iew of areal e7tent! si"e of population! wealth of natural

resources! and intensity of economic actiity. he -usa enggara or 3esser 'undasform a chain of smaller islands e7tending from Bali to western imor (the eastern

half of this latter island is under Portuguese control). he third group! known as

Maluku! includes the island arcs lying north of the eastern 3esser 'undas and east of

/elebes. Irian Barat! or the western half of the island of -ew 4uinea! which was

incorporated within the Indonesian polity as recently as *<>,! is by all standards the

least deeloped part of the country.

'tructurally the Indonesian archipelago comprises three main tectonic

components! each with a distinctie morphological e7pression. Both the western and

eastern sectorsAknown to physiographers as the 'unda and 'ahul 'heles

respectielyAare deeloped on stable continental platforms of ancient indurated

rocks! relatiely subdued relief! and comparatiely shallow seas. Between! and

partially bounding! these platforms are a series of geologically recent mountain



ranges that now appear on the map as fragmented but structurally continuous island

arcs separated from each other by deep semi$oceanic basins. s might be e7pected in

iew of their geological history! these island arcs are "ones of instability! manifested

primarily in earthuakes of high freuency but moderate intensity and! more

particularly! in a wide range of olcanic actiity. 5n the continental platforms the

starkness of this tectonic skeleton is peripherally mitigated by a mantle of alluium

giing rise to e7tensie coastal plainsC elsewhere slopes tend to be steep! and leel

land e7iguous. inally! deriing from this structural conte7t are substantial mineral

resourcesC notably petroleum! tin ore! coal of arious grades! and bau7ite! all from the

'unda 'helf and its borders& low$grade iron ores from Borneo and /elebes& and small

uantities of high$grade magnetite and hematite elsewhere. 5ther mineral resources

which hae been e7ploited on a small scale include nickel in /elebes! manganese!

phosphate! sulphur! and iodine in ?aa! and gold and siler in 'umatra and Eest ?aa.

IndonesiaFs location determines that its climatic rGgime is broadly euatorial.

Hariations in insolation intensity and duration are minimal! so that temperatures at sea

leel are uniformly high and e7tremely constant. nnual ranges are small! usually of

the order of ;= ! with diurnal ranges up to three times that amount. he season!

distribution and uantity of rainfall depend on location and aspect in relation to the

seasonally reersed wind systems which the presence of continental land masses

here imposes on the euatorial rGgime. Ehereas an annual total of at least J9 inches

is e7perienced throughout most of the archipelago! slopes athwart the warm moist air

streams that preail during the northern$hemisphere summer are much wetter.

Padang! at the foot of the Barisan 0ange! for e7ample! has an aerage annual rainfall

of *++ inches. In the eastern half of ?aa and the -usa enggara! by contrast! an

e7treme southerly location within the Indonesian polity combines with pro7imity to

the ustralian arid "one to produce aerage annual totals of less than >9 inches. his

is also the only part of the country to e7perience a markedly drier season. 4enerally

speaking! rain eerywhere tends to fall in heay showers of comparatiely short

duration.



#igh temperatures and abundant moisture ensure that soils! apart from those

deeloped on recent alluium or olcanic ash! tend to be strongly ferrallitic in

character! their outstanding agronomic feature being a low natural fertility. In

primeal times irtually the whole territory was coered by a mantle of euatorial

rain$forest of great floristic richness! which itself subsumed a ariety of plant

associations ranging from true rain$forest to coastal mangroe! fresh$water swamp$

forest! limestone associations! and mountain egetation. /enturies of human

occupance! howeer! hae done much to modify both the e7tent and the character of

these forests. oday less than a fifth of the archipelago is under primary forest or

something approaching it! and this is distributed ery uneenly throughout the

country. Ehereas more than four$fifths of Irian Barat and eastern %alimantan are

forested! the comparable proportion for both ?aa and the -usa enggara is nearer

one fifth of their respectie areas.

rom the point of iew of ecological adaptation! as contrasted with that of

contemporary administration! the pre$eminent dichotomy in the Indonesian world is

that between ?aa and the rest of the country! the so$called 5uter Islands. nd

nowhere is this distinction more apparent than in the eolution of agricultural

practices. raditionally the first of these regions has been associated predominantly!

though by no means e7clusiely! with the delicate ecological euilibrium of slash$

and$burn shifting agriculture (technically known as swidden)! and the heartland of

?aa with the stable euilibrium of permanent$field! wet$padi farming. 5nly in the

nineteenth century was this distinction somewhat blurred by the introduction into

both regions of new crops such as sugar! tobacco! coffee! and subseuently rubber!

and by the imposition in ?aa! by a paternalistically inclined colonial goernment! of

an agro$industrial system which intruded the diseuilibrating forces of commercial

agriculture into the ery heart of the illage! often making the ?aanese farm worker

occupationally conduplicate! coolie and peasant at the same time time.

Indonesia is the fifth most populous nation in the world! with a current

population e7ceeding *99 million souls. 5f these! appro7imately two$thirds are liing



on the islands of ?aa and Madura! which together comprise only seen per cent of

the land area of the country. In terms of aerage densities! this means something like

*!:99 persons per suare mile in ?aa! but only >: per suare mile in the 5uter

Islands (though this figure conceals wide ariations within the region! e.g.! Bali with

+;9 persons per suare mile& 'umatra with J9! %alimantan with *J! and Irian Barat

with >). In large measure this imbalance in population distribution is attributable to

what /lifford 4eert" has described as the concentratie and tumescent ualities of the

wet$padi ecosystem as integrated with commercial farming in colonial ?aa. he

dispersie! inelastic properties of the swidden ecosystem would seem likely to make

large$scale transfers of population from ?aa to the apparently underpopulated 5uter

Islands not only unpopular! but also ineffectie unless accompanied by a major

transformation of the ecosystem.

he population of Indonesia is disposed in a hierarchy of settlements ranging

from innumerable illages at the lowest leel to the capital! ?akarta! at the highest.

lthough ?akarta! with a population of three million! is more than twice the si"e of

'urabaya! the ne7t largest city! it appears to accord better with the graduated

distribution of city si"es characteristic of economically deeloped countries than with

the concept of the primate city as eidenced in numerous other formerly colonial

territories. In fact the notion of primacy would seem to be more appropriate to the

situation in the 5uter Islands! where some of the higher order urban centres are nearly

four times as populous as the ne7t largest cities in their territories. Ehereas urbanism

reaches a higher leel in ?aa than elsewhere in Indonesia! urbani"ation appears to be

proceeding more rapidly in the 5uter Islands. he seeral leels of the city hierarchy

subsume a considerable ariety of urban forms! ranging from traditional ceremonial

and religious foci to the commercial$administratie conurbations which rose to pre$

eminence during the colonial period! from largely unchanged pre$industrial market

towns dominated by the e7pediential mores of the ba"aar to modern industrially

oriented port cities. (P. Eheatley)

6tnografi



he cultural diersity of the seeral hundred ethnic groups of Indonesia is

striking& a common pattern underlying the diersity is discernible! but elusie and

hard to specify. or this reason! no consensus has been reached on a classification or

ta7onomy of Indonesian peoples and cultures. workable! if somewhat imprecise!

classification is as followsC () societies with political organi"ation predominantly on

a territorial basis& (B) societies! politically organi"ed on a territorial basis! but with

chiefs of genealogical groups also haing political and legal powers& (/) societies in

which political power is e7clusiely ested in chiefs of genealogical groups (or of

local segments of such groups).

'ocieties of group constitute real states! which hae played an actie rKle in

the history of 'outh$6ast sia. 67amples are the principalities of ?aa and Bali! the

Malay states of eastern 'umatra and of the Malay Peninsula! and the sultanates of the

Bugis$Makassar area of southern /elebes. Eithout e7ception they hae adopted a

world religionC mostly Islam! but a syncretic form of #induism and Buddhism in the

case of Bali. Political authority is (or was Ain Indonesia these 'tates hae lost the

semi$independence they hae presered in Malaya) in the hands of established

dynasties! assisted by courtiers! administrators! and territorial chiefs who form a

nobility! and (in the case of ?aa) drew their emoluments from the ta7es they leied in

the district granted to them by the ruler as an apanage of their office. he rulers! and

their regalia! are usually considered to be the sacral centres! the spiritual depositories!

of the wellbeing of their realms. %inship organi"ation in these societies is generally

of the bilateral (cognatic) type! based on single$family households. 6conomic

actiities are centred on agriculture (rice grown on elaborately irrigated fields)!

stockbreeding! and trade (some of it inter$insular).

'ocieties of type B (such as the Batak and the Minangkabau! both of 'umatra)

hae or had some measure of centrali"ed political goernment! but the chiefs of

genealogical groups (clans and lineages) hae considerable authority oer their

kinsfolk. he lineages in uestion may be matrilineal (Minangkabau) or patrilineal&

they hae a tendency to maintain regular marriage relationships with specific other



lineages! in which the bride$bestowing lineage is superior to the bride$receiers. his

type of social structure links up with a whole system of cosmic classifications!

inoling dichotomies as maleLfemale! upperworldLunderworld! and superiorLinferior!

and speculations on numerology and colour classification. 'uch a system appears

most clearly among those Batak groups which are not yet conerted to Islam or

/hristianity.

0ice cultiation (on irrigated fields as well as by the slash$and$burn method)

is important! as is the growing of commercial crops (coffee! rubber). Peoples of this

group are no less prominent in modern Indonesian affairs than those of group .

'ocieties of type /! finally! occur on the smaller! and in the interior of the

larger islandsC the Dayak peoples of Borneo! the oradja of /elebes! etc. Many still

adhere to their original religion! or were only recently conerted to Islam or

/hristianity. he archaic religion is predominantly an ancestor cult! with elaborate!

freuently potlatch$like! mortuary rites and (e.g.! with the Dayak) a deeloped

priestly theology and rich mythology! manifesting the same type of classification

system as mentioned for B. %inship forms ary around the theme of matrilineal

combined with patrilineal descent or inheritance. griculture (dryN rice! mai"e!

sago) predominates! foreign trade is rudimentary. or these people in particular a

general Indonesian problem is acuteC how much of their traditional way of life can

and should they presere in a nation striing towards a modern and unified cultureO

(P.6. de ?osselin de ?ong)

Bahasa

Eith a few e7ceptions which will be mentioned! the indigenous languages of

Indonesia belong to the ustronesian family. ustronesian languages e7tend oer

Madagascar! southern Hietnam! aiwan! the Philippine Islands! Malaysia! Indonesia!

PapuaL-ew 4uinea! the Melanesian! Micronesian and Polynesian islands and -ew

ealand. lthough the e7istence of such a family was postulated as early as *+J9 by

Eilliam Marsden! it was left to E. on #umboldt! in *J,>! to define it more closely

and to gie it the title Malayo$PolynesianN by which it was to be known for more



than a century& this has now been displaced by ustronesianN! a term coined by

Eilhelm 'chmidt in *J<<. he ustronesian family! comprising perhaps some ;99

languages in all! is currently subdiided into three subgroups! Indonesian! Polynesian

and Melanesian& Micronesian is held by some to constitute a fourth subgroup. he

majority of the people who hae embraced Islam in this area speak Indonesian

languages& therefore it is these languages that are important to the study of Islam in

'outh 6ast sia! particularly Malay! ?aanese! 'undanese! chenese! Minangkabau!

Buginese and Macassarese.

5wing to the lack of real eidence! the early history of the speakers of

ustronesian languages is little more than conjecture. heir probable original

homeland! which would of course be the homeland of the ancestors of the

Indonesians! has been located by speculation in places ranging from artary! the

Indo$/hina area and southern /hina to Melanesia or aiwan.

-ot all the languages of Indonesia belong to the Indonesian subgroup&

communities speaking non$Indonesian languages can be found in -orth #alṃahera!

ernate! idore and Irian Barat (formerly known as Eest -ew 4uinea). Besides these

should be mentioned the non$indigenous languages spoken in the country! such as/hinese (mainly #okkien! %heh! /antonese)! Dutch! 6nglish and rabic.

5n the other hand languages of the Indonesian subgroup are spoken by

communities beyond the borders of IndonesiaC Malay in Malaysia! southern hailand

and Brunei! and other languages of the Indonesian subgroup in 'arawak! 'abah!

aiwan! Madagascar! the Philippines and Portuguese imor. In addition! Malay or

other Indonesian languages are spoken by communities of Indonesian origin liing in

/eylon! 'outh frica! 'urinam and the -etherlands.

here is no general agreement on the total number of languages within

Indonesia. part from the absence of an agreed definition of language! detailed

linguistic studies are lacking for most areas. figure commonly mentioned is :;9!

but possibly more reliable estimates are those which put it at :99! or a little less. he

number of speakers of any single language can ary from perhaps oer ;9 millions! as



in the case of ?aanese! to the 89!999 or so who speak some of the lesser tongues.

'ome idea of the distribution of the main languages can be obtained from the

accompanying language map& for some suggested amendments to the data gien in it!

see I. Dyen! A lexicostatistical classification of the Austronesian Languages (Indiana

niersity *<>;! 8J$;9)& naturally a map of this scale cannot show the minority

speech communities which hae grown up outside their original areas as a result of

population moement.

broad diision of the Indonesian languages into Eestern and 6astern!

suggested by the Dutch scholar ?. 3. . Brandes! failed to withstand the test of time.

6pigraphic material.

he decisie early e7ternal influence on Indonesian culture was unuestionably

Indian! and the earliest known inscriptions are written in 'anskrit. 5ne of these!

found near %utei in the island of %alimantan (formerly called Borneo)! is thought to

date from about 899 .D.& it commemorates the rule of MQlaarman oer a

#indui"ed state. he earliest inscriptions from the Malay Peninsula! Buddhistic te7ts!

and also the earliest epigraphic eidence from Eestern ?aa! are judged likewise to

date from this time.

he oldest eidence of a language indigenous to the area is found in

inscriptions on stone from 'outh 'umatra! dating from >J: .D.! and associated with

the state of 'riijaya& despite the occurrence here too of many 'anskrit words! the

basic language has sufficient affinity with later Malay to be gien the name 5ld

Malay. lthough 5ld ?aanese inscriptions begin only about a century later (circa

+J>)! subseuent material in this language proed to be much more abundant than

that in 5ld Malay& copper inscriptions appeared up until about the *:thL*Jth century.

6pigraphic eidence of the other recorded ancient Indonesian language! 5ld Balinese!

begins in JJ: .D.! and continues to appear oer nearly two centuries. It may be

noted that all three languages employed scripts of Indian deriation. here is of

course no reference to Islam in the early inscriptions.

Malay and Bahasa Indonesia.



Malay! originating probably in 'umatra! has been disseminated widely

through the Indonesian area! in which it has for centuries been the lingua franca. 5n

account of its usefulness for commercial! political and religious purposes it has

always attracted more attention from foreigners than hae other Indonesian

languages. It is the language of a considerable corpus of manuscript material

produced in the **th$*,thL*+th$*<th centuries. Malay! the official language of

Malaysia! and Bahasa Indonesia (see below)! the official language of Indonesia! hae

both been deeloped directly from this earlier form of Malay. 3inguistically speaking!

Malay and Bahasa Indonesia can scarcely be held to be separate languages& the two

different names reflect the political diision of the Indonesian cultural area which

ensued on the nglo$Dutch reaty of *:,<L*J:8. he following remarks on some of

the characteristics of Malay apply eually to Bahasa Indonesia.

Ee may mention first some features of the Indonesian languages in general

which are at the same time applicable to Malay. 5bserers hae noted conspicuous

mutual resemblances between the languages of the Indonesian subgroup. he number

of owel phonemes is limited! being basically RaS! RiS! RuS and RǝS! with sometimes a

considerable range of non$phonemic ariation (RiS to ReS! RuS to RoS etc.)& ariation inthe length of owels! when it occurs! is also non$phonemic. /ommon diphthongs are

RaiS! RauS and RuiS. he consonantal system is relatiely simple& the glottal stop

(hamza) is widespread& single consonants are preferred! and consonantal clusters

aoided! both at the beginning and end of words& but certain two$consonant

combinations! notably nasal combinations such as -mb-, -nd- etc.! may occur within

the word. hus a common pattern for the Indonesian word$baseN! which is likely to

be disyllabic! will be consonantLowelLconsonantLowelLconsonant.

ffi7ation! another trait of the Indonesian languages! can best be illustrated

with specific reference to Malay e7amples& but it must be mentioned that infixation is

no longer productie in Malay! if indeed it eer was a feature of this language. Hery

briefly! the erbal prefi7es in Malay include ber-, me-7$! pe(r )$ and ter- and the

suffi7es are -i and -kan& a erb may occur without any affi7& in certain cases two



prefi7es may be used simultaneously! as may prefi7 and suffi7. Prefi7es commonly

employed in conjunction with or to form substanties are ke-, pe7$ and per-! while a

common suffi7 (which again may be used in conjunction with a prefi7) is -an.

urther! it may be remarked that substanties hae no grammatical gender!

and they do not normally undergo morphological change for case or number& thus

mata unless further ualified can be translated FeyeF or FeyesF. 0eduplication of the

substantie! a ery common feature of Indonesian languages! can correspond to the

plural number! but does not always do so. Perhaps the one syntactical feature of

Malay which ought to be mentioned is the fact that the attributie adjectie follows

the noun it ualifies.

Pengaruh 6ksternal terhadap bahasa Indonesia

5f the languages which were introduced into the area in historical times! it

was undoubtedly 'anskrit which first e7erted a major influence. he occurrence of

'anskrit and partially 'anskrit inscriptions has been mentioned. ?aanese and Malay

proed to be particularly susceptible to 'anskrit influence! and in many cases it was

ia these two languages that 'anskrit influence reached other languages of the area.

'anskrit has gien to these languages common grammatical particles! and moreoer

has enriched the le7icon in the spheres of religion (for e7ample āgama, dosha)! of

ideas (e.g., buddhi, !"a)! court ritual (e.g., upacāra, āsthāna)! of statecraft (e.g., d#ta,

drohaka)! of relationship (e.g., s"āmin, putra)! and so forth! with appropriate

adaptation to the phonology of the recipient language.

rabic is the other language which has e7erted a significant influence on the

Indonesian languages oer a long period if time& perhaps none was more deeply

influenced than Malay! and rabic influence has permeated through to the other

languages often ia Malay. his influence can be seen in Malay synta7! at least in

religious writings! and in the FpopularF le7icon as well as the FlearnedF! though

understandably to a greater e7tent in the latter. 67amples of eeryday Malay words of

rabic deriation areC asal (T aṣl )! fasal (T faṣl )! hal (T ḥāl )! ilmu (T ilmʿ )! mungkin

(T mumkin)! perlu (T far ḍ)! sebab (T sabab)! selamat (T salāma)! taubat (T tauba).



Before the coming of steam! contact between rabia and the Indonesian rchipelago

was maintained mainly ia India& traces of Indian languages! and Persian!

conseuently appear in borrowings from rabic. his possibly e7plains also!

perhaps! the une7pected occurrence of words of 'anskrit origin in the ocabulary of

Islamic practice in Malay& so! for FheaenF shurga (T 'kt. s"arga) is preferred to the

rabic samāʾ& for FhellF naraka (T 'kt. naraka) rather than ahannam or al-nār & for

FfastingF puasa (T 'kt. upa"āsa) rather than ṣawm. lternatielyAand this seems

more likelyAthe use of these words may be due to the taking oer by the first

Muslims of terms already current in the area of proselyti"ation.

he relatie position of 'anskrit and rabic as sources of influence on Malay

and other Indonesian languages can be summed up thusC p to and including the

+thL*,th century 'anskrit held the field& during that time 'anskrit appeared in

inscriptions in combination with Indonesian languages! and indeed inscriptions

wholly in 'anskrit occasionally appeared. #oweer! by the beginning of the JthL*8th

century Islam had secured a foothold in the rchipelago! and before the century was

out rabic influence had begun to manifest itself on the language& in that century

appears the first clearly Islamic Malay inscription! known as the rengganu 'tone!written moreoer in an rabic type of script. rom then on! 'anskrit was steadily to

yield ground to rabic in the field of language& some of the 'anskrit ocabulary in

the inscriptions has failed to surie into modern times! while there has been no

comparable loss of rabic elements once they hae been incorporated in the

language. he position of rabic has of course been strengthened by the force of

religion e7erted through religious instruction and the Ḳ ur @n! and numbers of ʾ

manuscripts in rabic hae been brought into! or produced in! Indonesia. 67cepting

possibly in the island of Bali! no comparable 'anskrit subculture persists&

neertheless! since *<8: Indonesian linguists hae often resorted to 'anskrit when

creating new terms for Bahasa Indonesia.

he remaining non$Indonesian languages which hae influenced Malay and

Bahasa Indonesia are relatiely unimportant and can be dealt with briefly.



/onsidering the centuries of /hinese contacts with the rchipelago! /hinese dialects

hae had a remarkably slight influence! e7cepting possibly at the collouial leel&

from India has come ocabulary of #indi! Persian! rdu! amil deriation& three

6uropean languages which hae e7ercised significant influence are Portuguese!

Dutch and 6nglish! the last! being the most widely taught foreign language in

Indonesia! can be e7pected to e7ert a continuing influence on Bahasa Indonesia.

hrough the centuries there has of course been a continuing interaction of the

Indonesian languages on one another.

ksara

Broadly speaking! the pattern of influences which emerged in the preious

section will be reflected in any discussion of the scripts used in Indonesia. he

earliest 'anskrit inscriptions were written in a Pallaa script! and deelopments of

this were used subseuently in the inscriptions and other writings in Indonesian

languagesC 5ld ?aanese (from which modern ?aanese script has been deried! and

akin to the 5ld Malayinscriptions from 'umatra)! Balinese! Madurese! 'undanese&

also in the 'umatran languages Batak! 0edjang and 3ampong! and others. lthough

superficially ery different! the Bugis and Makassar scripts show definite affinities

with those mentioned. In fact! there is so far no eidence to refute an opinion put

forward by #. %ern and others that all the early scripts of the rchipelago are of

Indian origin.



(3I-4

I'I/ MP 5 I-D5-6'I)

or some languages (e7emplified by Malay)! though not for others! the

diffusion of Islam resulted in the adoption of a new rabic type script. or Malay the

adoption was irtually total! and apart from epigraphic material referred to aboe no

writings are known in pre$rabic script. s far as the other languages are concerned

the new script met with arying degrees of acceptance& in ?aanese it was used for

certain kinds of literature! in Bugis and Makassarese it was rarely employed! while in

chenese and Minangkabau for e7ample it came into general use. he principal

modification to the script necessitated by Malay phonology was the addition of the

following letters to represent sounds not found in rabicC for ch& for ng & for p&

for g & and for n$. In the Malayalphabet (which in this respect is more consistent

than some other alphabets of Perso$rabic origin) the precedes the . he owel

signs fat ḥa, kasra and ḍamma are seldom used& their Malay names (baris diatas! Fline

aboeF! baris dibawah Fline belowF and baris dihadapan Fline in frontF! respectiely)

are reminiscent of the euialent terms in Persian. he letters of this script are known

in Bahasa Indonesia as huruf Arab! but in Malay as %awi. se of this script is

declining in Malaysia! and in Indonesia it has almost disappeared! suriing only in

the religious sphere. It has been superseded by romani"ed script! introduced from

6urope as early as the **thL*+th century by /hristian missionaries. hus other

languages than Bahasa Indonesia! ?aanese for e7ample! make use of a romani"ed

script for publications at the present time. he romani"ed spelling of Bahasa

Indonesia and of Malay! being based respectiely on Dutch and 6nglish orthography!

http://www.brillonline.nl/subscriber/uid=1859/largeimage?image=islam_V3p1216a&entry=islam_COM-0374



from the stratificationN of the ?aanese language! in part to the geographical

dissemination of Malay through the islands! Malay was to become the language of the

independent nation. he modern Indonesian form of Malay is known officially as

Bahasa Indonesia (literally the language of IndonesiaN)& foreign writers generally

use this term to refer to the language in preference to the less precise IndonesianN.

he adoption of Bahasa Indonesia to be the official language of the country was

irtually assured een before Dutch rule ended in *<8<. In spite of adocacy by some

that Dutch should become the primary language! and misgiings on the part of others

as to the capability of Bahasa Indonesia to function as the language of a moderni"ing

state! the determination of Indonesian nationalists to utili"e the language as the

ehicle of e7pression of their will in the end decided the issue. In *<:J the nationalist

youth moement formally resoled in this sense& and the suppression of the Dutch

language as a conseuence of the ?apanese occupation of the 6ast Indies in *<8:

remoed another obstacle from the path of Bahasa Indonesia! which was declared to

be the official language of the new 0epublic of Indonesia in the constitution adopted

in *<8;. he present situation therefore is that Bahasa Indonesia is in general use for

radio! newspapers and books& it is spoken and understood by nearly all Indonesians!

the e7ceptions being mostly middle$aged or elderly& since it is now taught in schools

throughout Indonesia it may be assumed that within a generation or so it will be the

eeryday tongue of all IndonesiansAand thus incidentally the eeryday tongue of

more Muslims than any other language. he majority of Indonesians will continue to

study and speak a regional language as well (?aanese! 'undanese etc.)! which will in

fact be their mother tongue. he use of Dutch! still surprisingly popular with older

educated Indonesians! is bound to decline rapidly& to a great e7tent it is being

displaced by 6nglish.(0ussell ?ones)

B. Indonesia Pra-Islam Se!i Kea!amaan

I-DI46-5' B63I6'

n important contribution to our understanding of indigenous beliefs comes in the

si7teenth and seenteenth centuries as 6uropean missionaries began to moe into areas of



eastern Indonesia and the Philippines which had to this point been relatiely isolated from

e7ternal religious ideas. Despite their obious cultural bias! the accounts missionaries

compiled proide the historian with the first sustained contemporary descriptions of natie

religious customs outside a court enironment. Most striking in these early 6uropean sources

is not the regional ariation in belief which obserers noted! but the similarities. ll affirm

that the ordinary man and woman conceied of the natural world as animated by a ast array

of deities who inhabited trees! riers! caes! mountains and who were capable of great

kindness or e7traordinary maleolence. 5therwise ine7plicable eents such as olcanic

eruptions! earthuakes! epidemics! a failure of the rains! were a sign that the spirits were

angry and needed to be appeased with appropriate offerings. In arming themseles against the

agaries of fate! indiiduals could seek assistance from their ancestors and from past leaders

and heroes who! after death! had become powerful spirits in their own right. 5ften they were

belieed to hae entered the bodies of animals! like the tiger! the crocodile or the pig. In

eastern Indonesia such beliefs were especially obious! and one Portuguese account describes

how the people of Maluku (the Moluccas) Fworshipped the celestial bodies! the sun! moon

and stars! they made idols to the honour of their fathers and forefathers. hese were made of

wood and stone with faces of men! dogs! cats and other animals.F* key factor in

communicating with the spirits was propitiation and ritual performed at designated sites like a

sacred mountain or at the grae of ancestors. 5fferings of food! drink! cloth! and certain

symbolic items were most common! but on some occasions the spilling of blood was deemed

necessary to allay anger! or ensure the fertility of the soil and the continuance of supernatural

faours. fter some animalAa goat! pig! or a buffaloAwas slaughtered! its head was usually

offered to the spirits while the participants ate the rest of the meat in a ceremonial feast. 5n

special occasions a human being might be sacrificed! the ictims usually obtained by raids

into neighbouring territory or by the purchase of slaes. In the Hisayas! for e7ample! the

people Fare in the habit of buying some Indios from other proinces to offer them as

sacrificial ictims to the deilF.: 0itual and offering were part of the lies of eeryone!

especially during the great life crises of birth! marriage and death! but the most elaborate

ceremonial was often that associated with funerals. he careful preparation of bodies for

burial! the dressing of the corpse! the proision of goods! food! drink! clothing and transport

described in seeral societies! attest to a belief in life after death! where an indiidual would



enjoy a status commensurate with his or her standing while alie. lthough men also

assumed high ceremonial positions! early 6uropean obserers were struck by the prominence

of females in religious ritual. Ehen the 'panish first arried in the Philippines they saw old

women (called baba$lan in the Hisayas and katalonan in the agalog areas) through whom

the spirits spoke. 'eeral societies accorded particular respect not only to women but to

FIndians dressed as womenF! a reference to the transestites who symbolically combined the

regeneratie powers of both se7es. o a considerable e7tent the prestige of such figures was

due to their ability to deal with both male and female sacral items and to proide a medium

for spirit pronouncements. Ehen they fell into a trance! induced by incantation! dance! and

the music of bells! drums and gongs! they became more than human. 'hamanistic skills were

especially alued in times of illness because this was attributed to non$human agencies.

Missionaries in the Philippines described curing sessions in which Fthe woman leader can talk

to herself with many posturingsF! anointing the head of the sick person with oil and telling

him the anito (spirit) would gie him strength. he secret knowledge which set such

indiiduals apart could not be obtained without instruction. In the late seenteenth

century in /eram the Dutch missionary Halentijn described how children were taken

into the jungle for months at a time to be inculcated by magic rituals as Fdeil priestsF.

6uipped with these secret skills! the shaman was able to help protect the communityagainst witches and sorcerers who had somehow mastered the magic arts and were

ready to use them in harmful designs. 'ome sorcerers could fly! some could kill

without raising a hand! others could cast charms to make the most loing wife reject

her husband. In Maluku these alleged FwitchesF were called collectiely by the Malay

word suangi (ghost) and were freuently accused by a shaman in trance of haing

caused illness or other calamities. FEhen kings! dukes or ministers fall ill! they order

some suangi to be killed.F, 5n one occasion missionaries said that oer a hundred

people were put to death as suangi because the ruler had died.8 'urrounded by an

army of supernatural beings! some kindly but capricious and others simply

maleolent! and facing the added danger of hostile elements in human form! the

communities depicted by the missionaries placed enormous importance on the



possession of amulets and other objects belieed to hae protectie powers. mong

the most widely alued weapons against magic were be"oar stones (called by Malays

mestika galiga(, especially from a wild pig and deer. 'imilar attitudes were attached

to other objects such as old spears! krises and cloth! possession of which gae to the

owner an e7tra$human power. In mbon! for instance! a ery rare type of bracelet

known as mamakur, together with holy stones! /hinese porcelain and clothes worn by

deceased ancestors! were carefully presered to ward off harm. 4reat credence was

also gien to dreams and omens! by which messages from the non$human world

could be transmitted. If a snee"e on leaing the house was a warning of ill fortune!

how much more did the eclipse of the sun or moon presage impending catastropheO

In ernate! said the Dutch! people belieed it was a portent of death! either of their

own relaties or the king himself. It was in the hope of appeasing the mighty forces

inherent in the heaenly bodies that the people of Makassar kept representations of

the sun and moon in their homes long after the court had adopted Islam. 6idence

from this period relating to indigenous religious practices is not as e7tensie for the

rest of 'outheast sia as it is for eastern Indonesia and the Philippines. It is

nonetheless apparent that many of the customs described by missionaries in the island

world were once common throughout the region. nimal and sometimes human

sacrifices to the spirits! for e7ample! could be found in Burma at least into the

eighteenth century! despite Buddhist prohibitions against the taking of life. lthough

some obserances hae disappeared! students of the modern period will certainly

discern much that is familiar in early missionary descriptions of natie religions.

Indeed! any study of 'outheast sian cultures will stress the tenacity of indigenous

beliefs and will point out that for a number of societies they hae remained a

completely satisfactory means of e7plaining the world. 'uch studies will also

emphasi"e that all the world religions which became established in 'outheast sia

succeeded because they not only made some accommodation with e7isting attitudes

but elaborated and enhanced them. In Burma! for instance! kings on behalf of their

subjects continued to honour the spirits of their forebears before statues coered with



gold in the belief that Fproper respect to the ancestors will bring prosperityF.;

'ignificantly! these ceremonies came to be held on Buddhist holy days een though

propitiation of the spirits of departed relaties receies no canonical sanction in

Buddhist teachings. In Hietnam (Dai Hiet) by contrast! the classical /hinese works of

/onfucianism eleated the indigenous eneration for deceased forebears into the

central focus of household ritual. Fhe piety they display towards the souls of their

relaties!F said the ?esuit missionary le7ander of 0hodes! Fsurpasses anything we

could imagine in 6urope. hey go to incredible lengths to find suitable places for

tombs . . . and spare no trouble or e7pense to lay out banuets for them after death.F>

Eell before the arrial of Islam and /hristianity! a dominant theme in 'outheast

siaFs religious deelopment is thus already apparent. he major features of the

indigenous belief system suried because for the most part they were able to coe7ist

or to be engrossed by the ritual and teachings associated with the world religions. In a

sense an alliance was struck between the new FdeitiesF and the old. story found in

Burma and the hai areas describes how the earth goddess! wringing water from her

hair! aids the Buddha to ictory by flooding the armies of the eil Mara. In Burma

this conjoining of indigenous and imported ideas is symboli"ed by the common

depiction of the seated Buddha in the pose of touching the earth with his right hand!

the signal to the earth goddess to witness the merit of his preious lies.+ In much the

same way the elaboration of ceremonial and the incorporation of awe$inspiring

ocabulary had confirmed the importance of many e7isting customs. Beneath the

formali"ed /onfucian 5ath to #eaen carried out in fifteenth$century Hietnam! for

instance! can be seen traces of earlier allegiance rituals during which spirits were

inoked! animals sacrificed and their blood communally drunk. or Buddhists the

notion of kamma )karma( and the possibility of punishment for wrongful action

e7tending into future lies imbued the oath$taking ceremony with added solemnity.

fourteenth$century inscription from the hai kingdom of 'ukothai thus describes a

pact with a neighbouring king calling on the ancestors and guardian spirits of waters

and caes to bear witness that all those who broke the oath were destined for hell and



would Fneer e7pect to see the Buddha! the Dharma or the natie religions. Indeed!

any study of 'outheast sian cultures will stress the tenacity of indigenous beliefs

and will point out that for a number of societies they hae remained a completely

satisfactory means of e7plaining the world. 'uch studies will also emphasi"e that all

the world religions which became established in 'outheast sia succeeded because

they not only made some accommodation with e7isting attitudes but elaborated and

enhanced them. In Burma! for instance! kings on behalf of their subjects continued to

honour the spirits of their forebears before statues coered with gold in the belief that

Fproper respect to the ancestors will bring prosperityF.; 'ignificantly! these

ceremonies came to be held on Buddhist holy days een though propitiation of the

spirits of departed relaties receies no canonical sanction in Buddhist teachings. In

Hietnam (Dai Hiet) by contrast! the classical /hinese works of /onfucianism

eleated the indigenous eneration for deceased forebears into the central focus of

household ritual. Fhe piety they display towards the souls of their relaties!F said the

?esuit missionary le7ander of 0hodes! Fsurpasses anything we could imagine in

6urope. hey go to incredible lengths to find suitable places for tombs . . . and spare

no trouble or e7pense to lay out banuets for them after death.F> Eell before the

arrial of Islam and /hristianity! a dominant theme in 'outheast siaFs religious

deelopment is thus already apparent. he major features of the indigenous belief

system suried because for the most part they were able to coe7ist or to be

engrossed by the ritual and teachings associated with the world religions. In a sense

an alliance was struck between the new FdeitiesF and the old. story found in Burma

and the hai areas describes how the earth goddess! wringing water from her hair!

aids the Buddha to ictory by flooding the armies of the eil Mara. In Burma this

conjoining of indigenous and imported ideas is symboli"ed by the common depiction

of the seated Buddha in the pose of touching the earth with his right hand! the signal

to the earth goddess to witness the merit of his preious lies.+ In much the same way

the elaboration of ceremonial and the incorporation of awe$inspiring ocabulary had

confirmed the importance of many e7isting customs. Beneath the formali"ed



/onfucian 5ath to #eaen carried out in fifteenth$century Hietnam! for instance! can

be seen traces of earlier allegiance rituals during which spirits were inoked! animals

sacrificed and their blood communally drunk. or Buddhists the notion of kamma

)karma( and the possibility of punishment for wrongful action e7tending into future

lies imbued the oath$taking ceremony with added solemnity. fourteenth$century

inscription from the hai kingdom of 'ukothai thus describes a pact with a

neighbouring king calling on the ancestors and guardian spirits of waters and caes to

bear witness that all those who broke the oath were destined for hell and would Fneer

e7pect to see the Buddha! the Dharma or the 'anghaF. 'imilarly the amulets and

talismans which proided such protection against harmful forces became een more

effectie as they absorbed the potency of beliefs from outside. In the Buddhist states

such items were commonly made in the form of the Buddha or a reered monk! and

larger Buddha images often became the palladium of the kingdom! special powers

being attributed to them. he persistence of spirits is the primary heritage of

indigenous religious beliefs! but increasingly spirits became drawn into a world

where the dominant religion was that patroni"ed by the king and his court. In Burma

the official abode of a pantheon of ,+ nats (spirits) was the 'hwe"igon pagoda at

Pagan! but the ruler gae each one a specific fief from whose inhabitants the nat

receied propitiation. In return for this royal patronage and the peopleFs homage!

spirits were e7pected to render serice to the king and recogni"e the moral authority

of the court religions. In Hietnam a fourteenth$century Buddhist scholar related how

an earth spirit appeared to an earlier king in a dream! promising that his planned

attack on /hampa would be successful if he sacrificed to her. Eith the aid of a

Buddhist monk the appropriate offerings were made! and subseuently a shrine was

established for the FImperial 6arth 3adyF in the capital. 3egends suggest that this

process of political and religious integration sometimes met resistance. his same

scholar referred to Fdepraed diinitiesF and Feil demonsF who had refused to act as

guardians of religion and who were therefore ordered to Fuickly depart to another

placeF.J In Buddhist history across the mainland the subjection of spirits to the



* #ubert h. h. M. ?acobs! A reatise on the oluccas )c. /00(, 0ome! *<+*! +;.

: /ited in Pablo ernande"! 1istor$ of the +hurch in the *hilippines )/2-343(,

Manila! *<+<! ,.

, ?acobs! A reatise, *J*.

8 4eorg 'churhammer! 5rancis 6a"ier. 1is Life, 1is imes, III! trans. M. ?oseph

/ostelloe! 0omeC ?esuit #istorical Institute! *<J9! <:.

; han un! trans.! he 7o$al 8rders of Burma, A9/43-33/, %yotoC /enter for

'outheast sian 'tudies! %yoto niersity! *<J,$+! IH. *88.

> 'olange #ert"! trans.! 7hodes of :ietnam, Eestminster! Maryland! *<>>! ;<.

+ ?ohn erguson! Fhe symbolic dimensions of the Burmese sanghaF! Ph.D. thesis!

/ornell niersity! *<+;! :8. he emphasis on the earth goddess legend found in

'outheast sia is absent in orthodo7 heraada Buddhist literature from India and 'ri

3anka.

J %eith aylor! Futhority and legitimacy in **th /entury HietnamF in Daid 4. Marr

and . /. Milner! eds! ;outheast Asia in the 4th to the 0th +enturies, /anberra and

'ingapore! *<J>! *,<$+>.

< 'ao 'aimong Mangrai! he *adaeng +hronicle and the %engtung ;tate +hronicle

ranslated, Michigan Papers on 'outh and 'outheast sia! niersity of Michigan!

*<J*! **,$*8.

". S#e$sa Islam di Indonesia

Islam came to Indonesia as the second of three more or less successie waes

of profound influence from outside. 5f the three! it is the only one to hae spread

uite generally and to hae achieed an immediately isible and dominating imprint

on the IndonesianFs thought and action. 6en so! this imprint is not uniform

throughout the ast area of the Indonesian archipelago. here are notable regional

differences. 5n the other hand! Indonesia clearly constitutes one of the outer fringes

of the world of Islam. here is relatiely much adaptation of Islam to local customs

and traditions& conersely there is relatiely little positie contribution to Islam!



whether as doctrine or as practice! een so far as Indonesia proper is concerned! let

alone the more centrally located parts of the Islamic world.

-either the chronology nor the nature of the spread of Islam in the Indonesian

archipelago is satisfactorily established! especially for the earlier period.

he nature of the spread is often described as a combination of two kinds of

process. t times it operates like an oil stain! with people (on an indiidual or on a

familial basis) gradually deciding to embrace Islam. t other times it goes by leaps

and bounds! with entire communities opting for Islam! often as the only aailable

means to hold their own! for e7ample in the face of Eestern e7pansionism or other

critical eents. nder the latter kind of circumstances! prompting or pressure by

Muslims may occasionally play a role. 5n rare occasions the use of force has been

recorded! but this appears as untypical. Ehateer the nature of its spread! Islam

reached Indonesia as a fully$grown way of lifeC there was no necessity for an

Indonesian contribution to its tenets and practices.

During historic times! the cultural! religious! economic and political history of

the area has been marked to a large e7tent by three successie waes of influence

from outside. 5ne originates from the Indian subcontinent and is e7pressed in terms

of the naturalist religions and philosophies of that area! especially #induism and

Buddhism. he second is Islamic& at first it originated from the Indian sub$continent

as well! but later on its source of inspiration shifted to the Middle 6ast. he third is

6uropean! especially Dutch& it has a /hristian component! but this has not been

preponderant at all times. fourth outside influence! not comparable to a wae

because of its more or less persistent nature and also its restricted impact! is the ages$

old /hinese presence in Indonesia. 5f the three waes! the first was more or less

spent when the second arried. But the third was already adancing when the second

was still in full flow& and the two hae kept moing simultaneously eer since! up to

the present.

Ehen each of these waes first arried! the territory of the present$day state of

Indonesia was not distinct as such. o discuss these forces as impinging on



the Moroccan MuslimIbn BaṭṭQṭa! +8>L*,8;$>. he slow spread that would hae

been likely! gien such a foothold! gained a dramatic impetus by the islami"ation of

the coastal state of Malacca! originally the creation (around *899 D) of an

e7patriate ?aanese. highly successful maritime empire! Malacca became a centre

for the diffusion of Islam in all directions. nother /ambay tomb stone coers the

remains of one MalikIbr@hWm! who died in 4resik! 6ast ?aa! in J::L*8*<. Malaya

and the arious parts of -ortheast 'umatra were islami"ed in the coastal areas& and in

the early *9thL*>th century some small Muslim principalities e7isted on the -orth

coast of ?aa. Ehat introduced the decisie element of competition was the

Portuguese crusader spirit! established in India in *8<J and immediately carried

6astward in the capture of MalaccaAby then MuslimAin *;**. he third wae!

when reaching Indonesia! was engaged in a race against the second. hus! the further

spread of Islam acuired a disproportionately important element of religious$

commercial$political strategy.

s regards 'umatra! the second half of the *9thL*>th century saw the

islami"ation of the 3ampung and Bengkulen areas& but it was only in *<*< that the

last group of people in the inland parts of 'outh'umatra became Muslims.

Menangkabau was islami"ed soon after the fall of Malacca by people from -orth

'umatra! the realm of tjXh! who engaged in the spice trade. Indeed! during the

*9thL*>th and **thL*+th centuries the eer continuing spice trade sered as the token

under which irtually eery major commercial$political$religious eent in the

archipelago took place. he Batak area! in central -orth 'umatra! took longer to be

penetrated. he southern reaches were islami"ed during the third uarter of the *<th

century! but the central part gae in slowly to /hristianity. 'omehow the islands Eest

of 'umatra! -ias! eluded the appeal of Islam and also to an e7tent that of /hristianity

as well.

%alimantan (Borneo) has kept its pagan interior up to the present. Its coastal

areas hae been settled! and largely islami"ed! by people from arious other parts of

the archipelago! and particularly in the -orth and Eest! also by /hinese and ḤaḍramW



rabs. he arious emerging realms had inariably a Muslim! sometimes ḤaḍramW!

imprint. -otable amongst these were the realms of Banjarmasin! %utai and Pontianak.

he former lasted from the middle of the *9thL*>th to the middle of the *<th century!

and it included the #ulu 'ungai area.

/elebes ( 'ulawesi)! in its turn! remained mostly pagan in its central area

where only the oraja embraced /hristianity. Its -orthern tip became /hristiani"ed.

But its two 'outhern tips! containing important maritime areasAagain in the spice

tradeA! were islami"ed! mainly from ?aa! early in the **thL*+th century. his

spread was not without iolence.

he Moluccas succumbed partly to Portuguese efforts at christiani"ation and

then saw /atholicism replaced by Protestantism under Dutch pressure. But as from

the second half of the *>th century the realm of ernate was a centre of diffusion of

Islam! both Eestward and 6astward.

In the 3esser 'unda Islands! another clear demonstration is found of how the

spread of Islam was related to political icissitudes. he phenomenon of emergent

realms imposing themseles by means of religious identification is isible een in

these relatiely remote parts. hus! the Eestern tip of Bali and also the islands of

3ombok and 'umbawa hae been largely islami"ed at some time! while the

remaining islands hae hardly been touched by Islam until recently.

In ?aa! the political oertones of islami"ation hae been een more

noticeable. he Muslim coastal principalities already mentioned began as assals of

the #indu$Buddhist kingdom of the interior. 4radually! there was a shift in

supremacy. 5nce united under the realm of Demak! Muslim power could tip the

scales. s from the second half of the *9thL*>th century! all of ?aa and also Madura

hae become formally islami"edC by leaps and bounds in the political centres and

much more slowly in remote mountain areas.

shift! gradual but important! in the oertones of Indonesian Islam has

occurred with the onset of more effectie and intensie direct contacts between

Indonesia and the heartlands of Islam. It is sometimes argued that this process! which



population. 'tatistically unerifiable! this figure is generally accepted as a rough

estimate. 4ien a total population of about *,9 millions! this makes the Indonesians

one of the largest sections of the world Muslim community.

he specific characteristics of Islam thus spread and still spreading throughout

Indonesia are so difficult to sum up that time and again disputes hae arisen! mostly

between non$Muslim obserers! as to the uestion whether Indonesians are or are not

true Muslims. hose trying to argue a negatie answer hae tended to assert that

Islam is merely a eneer under which the solid base of Indonesian paganism! with

here and there a top layer of #indu$Buddhism! remains fully distinct. If there is truth

in this! yet it does not detract from the efficacy and tenacity of the Islamic

identification of the Indonesian Muslims. he rationali"ation and legitimation een of

things possibly pre$Islamic in origin or conception yet currently effectie will

inariably occur in terms of Islam and be generally deemed adeuate as such.

In matters of law! the ' h̲ @̲fi ʿW school reigns supreme! and seems neer to hae

suffered from real competition. 6en so! the Indonesian situation may well hae been

more markedly comple7 than situations elsewhere! especially because colonial

administration has tended to emphasi"e rather than to obscure such matters as thediscrepancy between formal Islamic law on the one hand and customary law on the

other. Indeed Islamic law has figured for long years as the least important of three

competing systemsC customary law! as represented by uite numerous and ery

different systems in the seeral parts of the archipelago! Dutch code law

(constitutional and penal! not ciil) as more and more emphatically imposed for

purposes of uniform administration! and Islamic law itself! adopted by Indonesians

for uite limited purposes only! and to an e7tent arying with time and place. he

tendency has been to hae each legal system represented by its own jurisdictional

arrangements. In the case of Islam this has tended to bring to the fore the category of

the scholars of Islam! the ʿulam@ʾ or kyahi. -ot only was this one way in which these

scholars of Islam managed to maintain part of their importance dating back to the pre$

colonial days of the early Muslim e7pansion& it also pitted them! unintentionally



perhaps yet uite effectiely! against the traditional Glites of pre$Islamic days! the

class who in ?aa are called prijaji. 5n the other hand! it is this ery competition that

e7cludes for Indonesia the possibility of an important public role! as in the heartlands

of Islam! for religious functionaries like the muftW and the ḳ@ḍ W.

Ehat does appear! howeer! is the scholar in a slightly different! somewhat

less traditionally institutionali"ed role. he politically effectie scholar is perhaps the

main common link between the political structure in the heartlands of Islam and those

of Indonesian tradition as modified! here and there! by #indu$Buddhist influence. t

the same time! he has made for continuity in the history of Indonesian Islam eer

since its adoption. #e is the power behind the ruler! at once effectuating and

rendering isible the Islamic character of the state. It does not matter! in this

connection! that the nature and operations of the state in uestion remain conceied

along typically and traditionally Indonesian lines. hus it is to him! for e7ample in the

semi$mythical form of the nine walWs of ?aa! that the islami"ation of Indonesia is

mostly ascribed. nd it is again upon him! once he has regained his public oice

through modern organi"ation! that the task deoles to speak the binding or

unbinding word on political authority. It is he! once more! who plays a leading role in

recent and contemporary political organi"ations of Muslims.

5f the legal institutions of Islam! the waḳf should be mentioned at this point.

here are no specifically Indonesian proisions or uses! een though the institution

occurs uite generally. It is assumed that the economic importance of property thus

set aside is less than in many other Islamic countries. he matter of guardianship has

tended to be difficult! as almost eerywhere else.

urning to Islamic education! one can distinguish two main types. 5ne is the

traditional boarding school! the pesantrXn! also called madrasa& the other is more

modern education as proided originally by priate organi"ations as for e7ample

MuhammadWya! to be mentioned below. he latter type now embraces the full range

from elementary to higher education. s regards the former type! some of its features

are perhaps still reminiscent of the Persian or urkish derish conenticle. But the



preponderant feature of the pesantrXn! in its turn perhaps reminiscent of the Indian

ashram! is to be a centre of learning and of education for pupils from nearby andAif

it is well$knownAalso from far away. he leader! kyahi! is primarily the scholar who

retains his authority oer his pupils een after haing granted the id ̲ j @̲"a R..S or

licence to teach. #e will be the spiritual leader and mentor at all times. In the notion

of the teacher! the Indian idea of the guru has come to emphasi"e the Islamic respect

for the ʿ@lim. here has traditionally been unorgani"ed! yet more or less regular!

intercourse between the best of these schools and the centres of learning at Mecca and

/airoC the former reflecting! with a time$lag! what went on in the latter. It has proed

e7tremely difficult! both in colonial days and later! to forge a link between this type

of schooling and so$called modern education. his has by and large worked to the

detriment of traditional Muslimeducation. 4radually! the name madrasa has been

adopted for religious schools conforming to a more modernN pattern of education.

By *<;8! there were three leels of these! namely elementary (*,!9;+ schools)!

intermediate (++>)! and secondary (*>).

nother peculiar aspect of Indonesian Islam is architecture. Eith a few fairly

recent e7ceptions! of imitation of rab style (e.g.! Medan! %ebajoran)! mosues inIndonesia show a style that illustrates nothing better than the continuity from pre$

Islamic into Islamic periods. Mosues like the one of %udus recall #indu$?aanese

building styles! een though they are now uneuiocally recogni"ed as Islamic

buildings. common feature is the roof in three or four layers or tiers! almost

pagoda$like! that contributes significantly to the circulation of fresh air. n entirely

Indonesian feature is the use of the bedug! a huge drum! to announce the times of

prayer een to those who might fail to hear the ad h̲ @̲n. 5n the other hand! the arious

grades of mosue personnel are hardly e7ceptional.

s regards the fulfilment of religious obligations Indonesians are again not

ery special or e7ceptional. he ṣal@t is ariably performed! as eerywhere& the

payment of "ak@t is hapha"ard. In matters of ritual purity Indonesians are relatiely

strict! perhaps on account of traditions older than Islam. lso the pilgrimage has



always tended to be an attraction and a challenge to Indonesians. 0elatiely many!

including women! will perform it when circumstances allow. Indeed the pilgrim may

achiee a kind of special status in his community. he ḥajjW is a potential leader of

opinion if he returns to a relatiely small and remote community. he pilgrim will not

enjoy great prestige unless he is at the same time more or less learned in Islamic

doctrine. his applies the more since the pilgrimage has become safer and more

within the means of relatiely manyC all this thanks to means of transport made

aailable by non$Muslim Eesterners. he attraction of the pilgrimage is

demonstrated by the tendency for Indonesians to borrow money for the journey! in

contraention of the e7plicit injunctions of Islam.

Mysticism remained influential for uite some time. In -orthern 'umatra! its

sway must hae stretched at least into the first decades of the :9th century. In

'outhern /elebes! it seems to hae lasted almost until the ?apanese occupation. In

these areas there are indications of the e7istence of local chapters of arious mystic

orders! including the more famous ones from the heartlands of Islam. he list of

brotherhoods is impressie and includes such famous names as ' h̲ @̲diliyya!

Ḳ adariyya! -aḳs h̲ ̲ bandiyya! Ḵ h a̲lwatiyya! 'amaniyya! 0if@ʿiyya! id ̲ j @̲niyya. here ishoweer no effectie record of their organi"ation! let alone of their functioning. -or

is it clear what role they hae played in the spreading of Islam or! for that matter! in

society at large.

he two areas referred to differ from the third area influenced by mysticism!

?aa! in one major respect. In ?aanese Islamic mystical writings a clear and decisie

adaptation of mystical ideas is manifest. t the point where 'umatran took oer from

Indian mystics! not much of a break occurred& but here! one sees a complete change in

the spiritual climate. 5n the other hand! this specifically ?aanese mysticism does not

seem to hae spread to other islands.

6erywhere! orthodo7 teachings hae gradually gained the upper hand.

nfortunately! this process and its causes hae hitherto eluded historical research.

ccordingly! it comes as something of a surprise to see that in the middle of the



In the latter case! Islam tends to become instrumental! a legitimation for a nationalism

that may or may not articulate itself in Islamic terms.

he turning$point was! in a sense! the period of enlightenment in colonial

policy! which was at the same time the period of more or less forcible introduction of

effectie -etherlands$Indies administration in parts of the archipelago hitherto not

really controlled. Most notable for its e7pressly Muslim resistance was the so$called

tjXh war of *J+,$*<98. his is also the period during which the -etherlands Indies

authorities! guided by the famous orientalist and islamologist /. 'nouck #urgronje!

adopted a new policy. Its aim was! in the last resort! to promote effectie Dutch rule

by remoing Islamic moties for resistance& or! to e7press it more crudely! to rule

effectiely notwithstanding the potential or actual aderse implications! for such rule!

of the fact that so many Indonesians identify as Muslims.

During roughly the same period! Indonesian Islam shows a ariety of

tendencies! as is to be e7pected in times of turbulence. o begin with! Indonesia has

seen the refle7ion of the so$called reformist or modernist tendencies in the heartlands

of Islam! een though no Indonesian thinkers hae arisen who could be compared

with modernistic Muslim leaders in an area like the Indian subcontinent. It has een

seen its own ariant of the breach between the two components of this tendencyC one

ending up in the rationalism of a Muslim assertion of a predominantly political

nature! the other in a most typically Indonesian ariant of fundamentalism entrenched

in local chauinism. he former trend will be discussed in more detail below. he

latter! somewhat belated in its effectie manifestation! appeared after the end of the

?apanese occupation! first in the remote mountains near the 'outh coast between

/entral and Eestern ?aa in the form of a small! entrenched state! the -egara D@r ul$

Isl@m founded by %artosuwiryo in *<8J (suppressed in *<>:)! and then also as a

militant moement in areas like 'outhern /elebes and %alimantan (*<8<). It was

subdued! but not necessarily eliminated so far as its true inspiration goes! by the

Indonesian state.



In the second place! a range of more or less sectarian moements and

organi"ations appeared. hese were inadeuately studied at the time. common trait

seems to be that if they strie for the reassertion of the Islamic identity! this does not

so much aim at determining the full round of life but rather at proiding adeuate

shelter under aderse circumstances. 'ome of this sectarianism is imported from

elseuere in the world of Islam. Eahh@bism see wahh@biyyaS! a forerunner here as

eerywhere else! had made its influence felt in 'umatra and also in ?aa already by

the end of the *:thL*Jth century. he Indian sect of the ḥmadiyya R..S maintained

missionaries in Indonesia for a number of years before and after the ?apanese

occupation& but it does not appear to hae reached more than a handful of more or

less marginal indiiduals! mostly in towns. -ot unlike the ḥmadiyya in their basic

inspiration! arious sects hae emerged on Indonesian soil in the course of time! each

representing some syncretistic attempt to harmoni"e elements from arious sources

(old$Indonesian pagan! #indu$Buddhist! /hristian! Muslim) into religious$

philosophical teachings! not without mystical or een magical (inulnerabilityZ)

elements! to satisfy thirsty souls. he contemporary kebatinan moements hae been

mentioned. 'ome parts of Indonesia are clearly more fertile in this respect than

others& at all times the appeal of sects of this kind is mostly local. It is not unusual to

find the leaders of such sects described as kyahi! the word that! as stated! also seres

as the Indonesian translation of ʿ@lim! scholar in the sciences of Islam.

In the third place! there is the phenomenon! already alluded to! of Islam

sering as an ideological support for political action. his places Islam in a somewhat

odd conte7t! namely as one out of three main competing bases for the political self$

assertion that nationalism purports to achiee. nother is Mar7ism! whether in the

strict (0ussian or /hinese) communist form or in more diluted! socialist$reisionist

presentations. he third is nationalism pure and simple! which assumes the goals of

national self$assertion as against Eestern domination to be a sufficient ideology in its

own rightC in the last resort! a kind of anti$ideology! as represented! for e7ample! in

'ukarnoFs ideal of the ongoing reolution. In this connection! a source of confusion



e7ists in the circumstance that Islam as an ideology is not necessarily restricted to one

of the three basic positions! but will in fact tend to permeate each of the others as

well! if only to an unclear yet limited e7tent. he point is that whilst the three

formulae are mutually e7clusie! and thus fiercely competitie! they are at the same

time necessarily comprehensie! in the sense that each must make a point of

embracing any of the specific features of the others! lest it forfeit public appeal. fter

all! each is! by its own standards! the moement that embodies the entire nation in its

effort to reassert itself. Indeed! before independence they were for all practical

purposes one and undistinguishable.

he actual manifestation! during the four decades prior to Eorld Ear II! of

the three tendencies just described! has been greatly influenced by the adoption of

Eestern organi"ational patterns and communication deices. his is the period of

emerging Muslim organi"ations of many different kinds. 'ometimes (as in the case of

most sects) they are regionally confined& but not seldom they aim at! and achiee! a

nation$wide scope.

he first properly Indonesian association! a ?aanese one with mainly educational

purposes! was founded in *<9J. It was followed in *<** by the first typically Muslim

organi"ation! 'arekat Dagang Islam! later 'arekat Islam. /onceied as an

organi"ation of (small) traders! it was initially economic rather than political! and

anti$/hinese rather than anti$Dutch. Eithin fie years it was perhaps still to some

e7tent religiously determined and kyahi$influencedC but to all intents and purposes it

had become a political party of a clearly nationalist character.

he year *<*: saw the establishment of a somewhat different organi"ation!

the Muḥammadiyya. 4uided by such men as %. #. Dahlan! it represented an attempt

to spread amongst Indonesian Muslims the modernism then fashionable in 6gypt and

India. 4ien the Indonesian setting! this moement was perhaps somewhat more

orthodo7$puritanical than similar organi"ations elsewhere! and also somewhat more

concerned with education. 'ignificantly! these and other organi"ations tended to



he Islamic policy of the ?apanese forces was a relatiely well$prepared two$

pronged attempt to sole two problems at onceC to nip any Muslim opposition in the

bud! and to obtain if possible public allegiance through making Muslim leaders of

public opinion rally to the ?apanese cause. specially trained ?apanese staff was in

charge. 5n the one hand the e7isting organi"ations were abolished and a series of

efforts made to replace them by one comprehensie organi"ation that would abide by

?apanese instructions. 5n the other hand! the kyahi category were made into special

targets of opinion$control. his went to the e7tent of making them attend special

courses. In order to support the actiities concerned! a network of offices was

maintained throughout the area! as a kind of pererted deelopment from the one

5ffice for Indigenous ffairs that the Dutch had maintained preiously.

-otwithstanding all this! there was an element of waering on basic issues in the

?apanese Islamic policy that only strengthened the urge of Indonesian Muslims to

assert themseles regardless of outside pressures! and that did nothing to help them

articulate this urge.

he end of the ?apanese occupation! in ugust *<8;! ushered in Indonesian

independence! in two stages. he emergency declaration of independence of *+

ugust Rsee dustur! p. >>;S resulted in an Indonesian 0epublic! really effectie in part

of ?aa only! ying with Dutch attempts to set Indonesia on its feet again according to

a new formula. 'oereignty was officially transferred in *<8<! to the Indonesian state.

During the intermediary stage! the two claimants for authority were eually

preoccupied with soliciting the allegiance of Muslims& and in the process Muslims

were largely left to their own deices in their attempts to oercome the disruptie

effects of ?apanese$imposed organi"ation and ideas.

'ince independence! Indonesian Islam has played mainly two roles in public

life. 5n the one hand! it is one of the main tributaries to the national identity and

indeed to national ideology. he Pantja 'ila! the fie$point national doctrine! has been

carefully phrased so as to allow Muslims to recogni"e it as theirs! without alienating

non$Muslims. 5ne of the fie points is the recognition of the oerlordship of the



unhampered by earlier defections (*<:,! *<,:! *<,>! *<,J). s a more or less local

organi"ation for Menangkabau ('umatra)! there emerged the Partai Islam Persa$

tuan arbiyah IslamiyaN. In *<;:! the -ahdat al$ʿlam@ʾ broke away from the

Mashumi and established itself as an independent party! thus resuming a tradition

begun in *<:>. nder the political pressures of the day! the Mashumi and P'II were

suppressed and an attempt at a reunification of the remaining organi"ations was made

in *<;<. fter the end of the 'ukarno rGgime! yet another Islamic party emerged in

*<>+! the Partai Muslimin Indonesia. he similarity of political platforms as between

these seeral parties is such that it is not really clear which could be identified as

fundamentalist and which as more or less modernistN. 6ach and eery one figures

primarily as the political organ of all the Muslims of the country! with a degree of

mutual competition as the ineitable result.

nder the circumstances! yet another dimension of Islamic life demands

attention. his is the need for the consciously pious indiidual Muslim to enisage!

and accordingly to mould! life on the socio$economic and political plane in

accordance with the teachings of Islam. 'o far! some of this need finds e7pression

(but hardly any effectuation) in the kebatinan moements already mentioned. But political parties and other aailable institutional forms seem hardly euipped to

satisfy it. (/..5. an -ieuwenhuij"e)



BAB III

SE%A&AH INTELEKTUAL MUSLIM INDONESIA

. ormasi Intelektual Muslim Indonesia

B. Intelektual Muslim Indonesia

*. -urdin al$0aniri

:. 1bd al$0auf al$'inkili

-ama lengkapnya adalah 1bd l 0auf bin 1li l ?awi l ansuri l

'inkili.* Menurutnya tidak diketahui secara pasti tahun kelahirannya. #anya saja

berdasarkan dugaan 0inkes dan hal ini disepakati mayoritas para pengkaji l 'inkili

ia diperkirakan lahir sekitar tahun *>*; M.

Masih menurut "ra! l 'inkili mengawali pendidikannya bersama ayahnya

yang juga seorang ulama kenamaan di %esultanan ceh pada masa itu. da

kemungkinan! lanjut "ra! ia sempat mengenyam pendidikan di ansur sebelum

melanjutnya kembara intelektualnya ke anah 'uci mulai dari Doha [atar! Vaman!

hingga Makkah dan Madinah. Di kawasan inilah ia terlibat aktif menimba aneka

pengetahuan agama dengan beberapa ulama terkemuka sehingga membentuk jaringan

keilmuan yang luas. 'alah satu ulama yang banyak memengaruhi pembentukan

intelektualnya adalah Ibrahim l %urani ?ika menurut dugaan l 'inkili berangkat

ke kawasan rabia sekitar tahun *>8: M dan kembali ke ceh tahun *>>* M! maka

hampir dua dasawarsa ia menempa diri sebelum mengembangkan karirnya sebagai

ulama terkemuka di -usantara.:

* "yumardi "ra! ?aringan lama imur engah dan %epulauan -usantara bad \HII dan \HIII

Melacak kar$kar Pembaruan Pemikiran Islam di Indonesia! /et H (BandungC Mi"an)! *<<<! *J<.: "ra! ?aringan lama]! h. *<9$*<>



Melanjutkan uraian "ra! kehadiran l 'inkili di tanah kelahirannya segera

saja menarik pihak istana untuk menempatkannya sebagai [adhi Malik l dli atau

Mufti yang berwenang mengelola peradilan agama. 'etelah dinyatakan layak menurut

pandangan pihak istana! maka dengan mudah ia menggenggam jabatan tersebut.

ugas utamanya menangani administrasi masalah$masalah keagamaan.,

l 'inkili termasuk figur prolifik sehingga produktif menulis berbagai karya

dalam beragam disiplin pengetahuan. Di antara karya pentingnya adalah arjuman l

Mustafid di bidang tafsir yang disebut$sebut sebagai karya pionir bidang ini dalam

bahasa Melayu! 'yarh #adits rba2in dan l Mawa2i"h l Badi2ah dalam bidang

hadits! Da2i l #uruf dan %ifayat l Muhatajin ila Masyrab l Muwahhidin l

[a2ilin bi Eahdat l Eujud! dan 0isalah Mukhtasharah fi Bayan 'yurut l 'yaikh

wa l Murid pada bidang tasawuf! serta Mir2ah l hullab fi ashil Ma2rifat l

hkam l 'yar2iyyah li l Malik l Eahhab pada disiplin fiih yang sebagian isinya

menjadi subyek bahasan kajian ini. Menutip catatan Hoorhoee "ra menyebutkan

selama karirinya ia telah menghasilkan sekitar :: karya. 8 Dan nampaknya mayoritas

karyanya masih berbentuk manuskrip sehingga perlu kajian lebih jauh untuk

mengungkap kandungannya! sekalipun telah ada yang menjadi landasan kajian

dengan berbagai pendekatan.

'elain kedudukan resminya sebagai Mufti %esultanan ceh yang banyak

berurusan dengan prolematika keagamaan! ia juga aktif dalam dunia pendidikan.

Bahkan! menurut "ra! terdapat kemungkinan sejak di anah 'uci ia sudah memulai

, Penunjukan l 'inkili sebagai Mufti %esultanan setelah ia lolos erifikasi yang dilakukan %atib 'eri

0aja bin #am"ah l syi! pejabat %eureukon %atiboy Mulo yang menangani bidang peradilan. 'istem

peradilan di ceh telah terbentuk sejak masa 'ultan Iskandar Muda yang terdiri dari empat macam

pengadilan yaituC pengadilan yang berwenang menangai masalah sengketa piutang berikut sanksinya

yang digelar selama enam hari dalam seminggu bertempat di dekat Masjid 0aya! pengadilan kriminalyang dipimpin 5rangkaya (pejabatLbangsawan istana)! pengadilan agama yang dipimpin [adi! dan

lfandeue (pangadilan niaga) di kawasan pelabuhan dipimpin 5rangkaya 3aksamana yang

menangani sengketa perdagangan. 3ihatC nthony 0eid! n Indonesian rontiers cehness and 5ther

#istories of 'umatra ('ingaporeC 'ingapore niersity Press)! h. *9,$*98. pabila melihat isi naskahM yang membahas masalah muamalah! munakahah! dan jinayah! maka terdapat kemungkinan ia

dijadikan pedoman para hakim di lembaga pengadilan tersebut meskipun bukti$bukti ke arah itu belum

ditemukan.8 "ra! ?aringan lama]! h. :9*$:9J.



karir sebagai pendidik. Di antara hasil didikannya yang kemudian menjadi ulama

terkemuka -usantara dan berkontribusi penting dalam insemenasi gagasan$gagasan

keislaman antara lain adalah 'yaikh Burhan l Din lakan yang berperan penting

dalam proses intensifikasi Islam di kawasan 'umatra Barat. 3alu terdapat nama

'yaikh 1bd l Muhyi atau 'yaikh Pamijahan yang bertanggung jawab dalam

penguatan keislaman di wilayah ?awa Barat khususnsya kawasan asik Malaya dan

sekitarnya. Muridnya yang lain adalah 1bd l Malik bin 1bd llah asal rengganu

Malaysia yang juga aktif mengajar di kawasan tersebut. igur penting lain yang

menjadi muridnya ialah Dawud l ?awi l 0umi yang bahu$membahu bersamanya

mendirikan institusi pendidikan Islam di Banda ceh.;

'etelah sekian lama berkhidmat sebagai ulama dan mufti! akhirnya l 'inkili

wafat sekitar tahun *><, M dan dimakamkan di dekat muara (kuala) 'ungai ceh

sehingga ia pun terkenal dengan sebutan 'yaikh %uala. Pada saat terjadi gempa dan

tsunami yang meluluh$lantakkan ceh di tahun :99; kompleks pemakaman tersebut

hanya mengalami kerusakan di beberapa bagiannya saja dan saat ini telah direnoasi

dengan baik.

,. Vusuf al$Makassari

8. 1bd al$'amad al$Palimbani

;. -awawi al$Bantani

>. bdullah bin 1bd al$[ahhar al$Bantani

+. #asyim sy2ari

%yai #aji Muhammad #asyim sy2ari (?aa! *J+*^*<8+) is widely regarded

in Indonesia as one of the most respected religious leaders of the twentieth century.

6ducated in his fatherFs school in ?aa! with further studies at Mecca! he founded andtaught at seeral pesantren (seminaries) in 6ast ?aa and was a primary organi"er of

the -ahdlatul lama (0enaissance of the 0eligious 'cholars) association in *<:>!

leading that organi"ation until his death in *<8;. #e was actie in nationalist politics!usually calling for greater unity among Muslims in the independence moement.

; "ra! ?aringan lama]! h. :9<$:**.



sy2ari was a transitional figure between traditionalism and modernism in Muslim

religious thought. #e held tightly to the importance of the traditional Muslim schools

of law! stating that they held the ital truth about Islamic doctrine. t the same time!he left room for new interpretation by scholars who were appropriately trained and

who stayed within traditional bounds. #e introduced new teaching methods in his

schools and encouraged his son and his faorite students to undertake furthere7perimentation in subject matter and styles of teaching. #e attempted to seek

reconciliation with modernists! but was usually rebuffed by them& at the same time he

apparently coninced many in the Muslim community at large of his sincerity. he

selection chosen for translation! a *<,; speech deliered to the -ahdlatul lamaorgani"ation sy2ari helped to found! appeals for harmony between traditionalists and

modernists. sy2ari describes the Islamic community as all$inclusie and tolerant!

though his opponents did not iew him or his efforts as achieing these goals.

89<7=I; I;LA, 30>?40> A ;8@7+<B88 - ;ome Ad"ice - ;ome Ad"ice -

8xford Islamic ;tudies 8nlinehttpCCwww.oxfordislamicstudies.comCarticleCbookCislam-4D3>4//0ED2Cislam-

4D3>4//0ED2-chapter-/FGhiHDGposHDJ3CC2> K0K>/ *

In the name of 4od! the beneficent! the merciful. rom the lowest and the

most contemptible serant of 4od! namely Muhammad #asyim sy2ari. May 4od

forgie him! his parents! and the entire umma RMuslim communityS. men.

o my respected Muslim brothers! 1ulama2 Rreligious scholarsS! and ordinary people. Peace! 4odFs mercy and blessing be upon all of you.

he news has reached me that among you there is rage! slander! and conflict at

present. I know the reasons for this condition. 'urely this happens because they haechanged and replaced 4odFs book! the [urFan! and the hadith RsayingsS and sunna

RpracticeS of the Prophet! een though 4od! the most merciful! has statedC he

faithful are surely brothers! so restore friendship among your brothers.N R[urFan! 'ura8<!

Herse *9S

-owadays! some members of the umma regard their Muslim brothers as

enemies and do not want to improe brotherhood! but rather to destroy it. he prophethas statedC Vou should not be jealous of others& you should not diide people& you

should not uarrel& all of you should be 4odFs serants who are close to one another.N

Rnfortunately!S people nowadays are enious! angry! diided! uarrelsome! andhostile to each other.

5! you 1ulama2 who hae fanatically supported narrow opinionsZ bandon

your fanaticism concerning contentious matters! since een the greatest scholars heldmore than one opinion about them. 5ne stated that eery ijtihad Rrational! in this case

scholarly! interpretationS is correct! while the other mentioned that een though only

one interpretation can be correct! those who engage in such interpretation can still be

rewarded! een though the end product of thinking is incorrect.



I ask my brothers to leae behind their cliue mentality and abandon passions that are

destructie. ight for Islam by giing all your strength! and oercome them who

slander the [urFan and the attributes of 4od. ight against those who teach harmfulknowledge and who harm faith. Indeed! it is an obligation Rfor MuslimsS to fight

against those people. 'o! let us! brothers! sacrifice ourseles to meet these obligations.

5! all belieersZ Before you stand infidels who deny 4od. hey fill eerycorner of the country. Eho Ramong youS is ready to engage in dialogue with them and

guide them to the right pathO 5! 1ulama2Z Vour discipline is the application of

religious thought! and in that effort there are those who are stubborn. Brothers! indeed

your obstinacy in religious knowledge and the uarreling among you to gain a particular iew are not appreciated by 4od! the most highZ nd such obstinacy and

uarreling are also not appreciated by the Prophet! peace be upon him. If you Rfollow

such a path! indeedS your real motiation is fanaticism! conflict! and hatred for one

another.If Imam Rbu 1bdullah MuhammadS 'hafi1i R+>+^J:9S! Imam bu #anifa

Rcirca ><<^+>+S! Imam Malik Ribn nas! +*9^+<>S! Imam hmad Ribn #anbal! +J9^ J;;S! Rbu2l$1bbasS Ibn #ajar Ral$#aytami! *;98^*;>+S! and RMuhammad ibn

hmadS 0amli Rcirca *;**^*;<;S were still alie! they would certainly condemn your

behaior and distance themseles from you and from your behaior. ll of you surelysee the great number of ordinary peopleAonly 4od the greatest knows their number

Awho do not perform prayer fie times a day! whereas according to Imam 'hafi1i!

Imam Malik! and Imam hmad they will be punished Rin the #ereafter for that

failureS by haing their throats cut. Vou certainly cannot deny this! for certainly youyourself see your neighbor who does not perform prayers! and there are een those in

our own group who! more and more! neglect their prayers and put them aside.

hen! what is the significance and the need of uarreling about triialreligious matters which are also disputed by the e7perts of Islamic jurisprudenceO 5n

the contrary! you do not differ concerning some specific matters which are certainly

forbidden by all scholars! such as fornication! usury! drinking alcohol! and the like.here should be no argument here! e7cept between Imam 'hafi1i and 'haykh Ibn

#ajar Ron minor points of interpretationS. 'uch arguing only creates diision in the

unity of faith and destroys your brotherhood. It gies the ignorant power oer you. It

diminishes your authority in the eyes of the people! especially those of poor character.hese foolish people will humiliate your honor by saying impolite and improper

things about you.

hese people hae suffered ruin because of you 1ulama2. nd you yourseleshae suffered great harm because of your own great sin Rof uarreling with one

anotherS. 5! 1ulama2Z If you see people doing good deeds based on the opinions of the

great teachers of the past! or accepting their word as truth without e7amining originalsources! een if the teacherFs opinion is not really correct! then! een if you do not

agree! do not insult such people! but guide them in a nice wayZ /ertainly those who

Rinsult others with such condemnationS iolate 4odFs commands and commit great



sin. hose who do that destroy the integrity of a nation and close eery door to

RcommunalS well$being.

urther! 4od forbids #is belieing serants to be hostile toward one another.0ather! gie others adice on the ill effects of improper thought and behaior! that is!

how certain actions will lead to sad eents and bad conseuences. 4od statedC nd

do not eer be hostile to one another because hostility will cause brittleness! andcause your authority to disappear.N: Rhis may be a paraphrase of the [urFan! 'ura ,!

Herse *9,! or 'ura J! Herse 8>.Arans.S

5! MuslimsZ Indeed! current eents can be used as an instructional deice& and the

lessons drawn from this source are far from insignificant. Eise people are able tomake use of and take adantage of such eeryday e7periences and eents! een more

than the preaching of some sermon giers and the adice of those RlegalistsS

proffering it. ake eents to heart that occur before our eyes each and eery day. Do

we not regret RcertainS actionsO re we not be aware of drunkenness Rin our midstSODon2t we make mistakesO nd are we also aware of Rinstances ofS our own success!

based on helping one another and unityO hese positie cases e7ist because of cleanhearts and pure intentions. 5r will we continue to be diided! to be hypocritesC

outwardly pleasant! inwardly hostile! hearts full of hatred and legacies of deep

resentment.Indeed! our religion is oneC IslamZ 5ur legal allegiance is oneC the 'hafi1i

Rschool of Islamic legal scholarshipSZ 5ur region is oneC ?aaZ, R0eligious scholars of

sy2ariFs generation used ?aaN to refer to all of Indonesia! following the practice of

the rabs.Arans.S nd we are all 'unnis.'o I swear by 4od! in truth! that your feeling of hateful dissension is woefully

apparent! and that this constitutes a great danger to our progress. 5! MuslimsZ ear

4od and return to the book of 4od! behae according to the way of the Prophet! andestablish good models of conduct in order that you be successful! een as the early

Muslims before us were successful. ear 4od and help each other in matters of

goodness and piety. Do not abet others in sin and abomination.4od will reward you in #is mercy and grace. nd do not be like people who

say! Ee hae heard!N but actually are not listening. May good will be with us from

the beginning to the end Rof this congressS.

89<7=I; I;LA, 30>?40> A ;8@7+<B88 - ;ome Ad"ice - ;ome Ad"ice -

8xford Islamic ;tudies 8nline

httpCCwww.oxfordislamicstudies.comCarticleCbookCislam-4D3>4//0ED2Cislam-4D3>4//0ED2-chapter-/FGhiHDGposHDJ3CC2> K0K>/ *

.* #arry ?. Benda! he +rescent and the 7ising ;un (he #ague! -etherlandsC Han

#oee! *<;J)! pp. *;* and forward& boebakar tjeh! ;earah 1idup .1.A. Mahid 1asim dan arangan ersiar (Biography of %.#.. Eahid #asjim and #is

Harious Eritings) (?akarta! IndonesiaC %ementerian gama! *<;+)& 3athiful %hulu!

.1. 1as$im As$NariOs +ontribution to Indonesian Independence!N 'tudia Islamika!



olume ;! number *! *<<J! pp. 8>^>+& 3athiful %hulu! 5aar ebangunan @lama

Biographi .1. 1as$im As$Nari (raining 0eligious 'cholarsC Biography of

%.#. #asyim sy2ari) (Vogyakarta! IndonesiaC 3ki'! :999).M5D60-I' I'3M! *J89^*<89 '50/6B55% $ 'ome dice $ 'ome

dice $ 57ford Islamic 'tudies 5nline

httpCLLwww.o7fordislamicstudies.comLarticleLbookLislam$<+J9*<;*;8>+:Lislam$<+J9*<;*;8>+:$chapter$;*O_hi`+_pos`+R*JL**L:9** ,C8,C9; PMS

Bibliography referencesC

%yai #aji Muhammad #asyim sy2ari! Beberapa -asehat %yai #aji Muhammad

#asyim sy2ariN ('omedice of 'haykh #asyim sy2ari)! in Pesan$Pesan Dua Pemimpin Besar Islam

Indonesia (he Messages of

wo 4reat 3eaders of Indonesian Islam)! edited by bdul Munir Malkan

(Vogyakarta! IndonesiaC Medio! *<J>)! pp. *>^:9. e7t of a speech deliered in *<,;.ranslation from Indonesian by 3athiful %hulu. Introduction by #oward M.

ederspiel.

No$es

*. #arry ?. Benda! he +rescent and the 7ising ;un (he #ague! -etherlandsC Han

#oee! *<;J)! pp. *;*and forward& boebakar tjeh! ;earah 1idup .1.A. Mahid 1asim dan aranganersiar (Biography of %.#.. Eahid #asjim and #is Harious Eritings) (?akarta!

IndonesiaC %ementerian gama! *<;+)& 3athiful %hulu! .1. 1as$im As$NariOs

+ontribution to Indonesian Independence!N 'tudia Islamika! olume ;! number *!*<<J! pp. 8>^>+& 3athiful %hulu! Aar ebangunan @lama Biographi .1. 1as$im

As$Nari (raining 0eligious 'cholarsC Biography of %.#. #asyim sy2ari)

(Vogyakarta! IndonesiaC 3ki'! :999).:. Rhis may be a paraphrase of the [urFan! 'ura ,! Herse *9,! or 'ura J! Herse 8>.A

rans.S

,. R0eligious scholars of sy2ariFs generation used ?aaN to refer to all of Indonesia!following the practiceof the rabs.Arans.S

J. hmad Dahlan

chmad Dachlan (?aa! *J>J^*<:,) receied a traditional education in ?aa!

but was influenced by modernist teachings during his three years of study at Mecca.

#e spent much of his life as a teacher of religion in the new educational system

promoted by the Dutch dministration. 5ne of seeral reformers who held that

secular education needed a leaening of Islamic teaching! he and his followers

deised and used new teaching material in Dutch! ?aanese! and Indonesian. ctie in

many of the leading organi"ations of the dayAthe cultural Budi tomo (#igh



6ndeaor)! the educational ?ami1at %hair (Beneolent ssociation)! and the political

'arekat Islam (Islamic ssociation)Ahe also founded his own organi"ation! the

Muhammadiyah! which became the largest modernist Muslim organi"ation in

'outheast sia. he Muhammadiyah was originally concerned with Muslim

education! but later e7panded into the entire social welfare sector. Dachlan was an

accomplished teacher and organi"er! but he wrote ery few essays. he te7t selected

here appears to hae been part of instructions to Muhammadiyah leaders! e7horting

them to proide role models! oercome the force of local custom! gain more

knowledge of true Islam! and make it accessible to their followers. he work is not

marked by intellectual citations or een religious allusions! but uses Islamic language!

such as happiness in the #ereafterN and the reality of 4od. Despite DachlanFs

opposition to 'ufi mysticism! he consistently draws that tradition into his work!

especially with his rejection of human desires and reference to the importance of

human conscience.

* lfian! MuhammadiyahC he *olitical Beha"ior of a uslim odernist

8rganization @nder 9utch +olonialism (Vogyakarta! IndonesiaC 4adjah Madaniersity Press! *<J<)& bdul Mukti 1li! odern Islamic hought in Indonesia!N

Mi"an (he 'cales)! olume :! number *! *<J8! pp. **^:<& #oward M. ederspiel!

he uhammadiah A ;tud$ of an 8rthodox Islamic o"ement in Indonesia !NIndonesia! number *9! 5ctober *<+9! pp. ;+^J9& chmad ?ainuri! uhammadiah

Perakan 7eformasi Islam di %awa pada Awal Abad edua *uluh )he

uhammadi$ah An Islamic 7eform o"ement in wentieth +entur$ %a"a(('urabaya! IndonesiaC Bina Ilmu! *<J*)& ?ames 3. Peacock! *urif$ing the 5aith he

uhammaiah o"ement in Indonesian Islam (empe! ri".C ri"ona 'tate

niersity Program for 'outheast sian 'tudies! *<<:).

he binding role for human life consists of a knowledge that is too large for

humans to consider. herefore it is hoped that readers will gie this lesson serious

consideration! remember it! and read it slowly. o manage oneFs life a person should

use an instrument! that is! the [urFan. re there reasons for all people to hae

common feelingsO R5f course there areZS irst of all! human beings! regardless of

ethnicity! actually come from one Rset ofS ancestors! that is! dam and 6e. 'o all



89<7=I; I;LA, 30>?40> A ;8@7+<B88 - he @nit$ of 1uman Life -

he @nit$ of 1uman Life - 8xford Islamic ;tudies 8nline

httpCCwww.oxfordislamicstudies.comCarticleCbookCislam-4D3>4//0ED2Cislam

4D3>4//0ED2-chapter-0DFGhiH0GposH2J3CC2> K042K *

he third reason is that the majority of leaders do not hae a uniersal goal.

R. . .S hey relate only to their own group! not uniersal humanity. ctually! some of

them just think about themseles! their own bodies! and their own life. If their bodies

get what they need and are satiated! they feel they earned the reward from 4od! and

they beliee that they hae reached their goal. his kind of thing is so common in our

society that the organi"ation and community Rsuch leadersS proide are broken into

many parts& een to the original condition before the leaders arried. heir hearts are

then so heay Rwhen they reali"e they hae not succeededS.

T'e &oad $o(ard Uni$)

3eaders hae understood the behaior! condition! and traditions held by the

people they lead! so as to be able to proceed properly! that is! remembering the

conditions of their own bodies.N Do not rush! be clear! and understand which

conditions are acceptable and which ones to reject. Do not eer oppress and force

people to speak and act against their will. By following these suggestions! conditions

for effectie communication will be established and proceed to the goal itself! that is!

the unity of human hearts.

It is common in society that what is understood and done in accordance with

the teacherFs guidance! a friendFs opinion! or personal preference will make an

indiidual happy. he adice will be followed consistently! particularly when such

adice was also followed by their forebears. hat adice is considered as bringing

happiness to those who beliee and causing suffering to those who are in denial. 5

leaders! please look and seeZ Does this kind of thing occur only in our own Muslim

communityO Buddhists! /hristians! and ?ews are much the same! RI suspect!S much

the same as among Muslims& isn2t this trueO 5 leadersZ 'ince truthN is actually

http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/book/islam-9780195154672/islam

http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/book/islam-9780195154672/islam



unified (tawhidi)! the uestion is how we obtain truthN in order not to be false before

4od lmighty.

People usually refuse a new way that is different from what they hae been

following! because they beliee that the new way will cause unhappiness and

suffering! een though! in reality! the new matter will actually bring happiness and

pleasure. his refusal will always occur! unless the Rpresenters of the newS hae the

common interests of people at heart and work for the uniersal human future.

Is the traditional conduct! described aboe! right and goodO 5f course not!

because such people only use local tradition as their legal reference! while this

tradition should not be used as a determinant for good!N bad!N right!N and wrong.N

he reference for those legal and ethical judgments is the holy heart.

his situation should be studied! perceied! and pondered! because! in

essence! happiness and unhappiness are at stake. herefore! I call on leaders to think

together to bring human hearts together. If this cannot be reali"ed! the leaders will

need to start from themseles! by unifying their own hearts for the interest of all

people Ras a precursor to the effort in the wider communityS. his is the real

obligation for them.

5 leadersZ 3et us come together in a common place to speak the truthA

without diision! but for all uniersally. Do not feel self$satisfied and indifferent! or

else we will not discoer the truth. fter that! let us promote one mode of conduct!

one ision! and one mission. In short! all human beings should be in agreement with

united hearts! so that they will attain happiness and reali"e the ultimate purpose of

life.

R5ne might askS why people neglect or deny the truthO ctually! there are seeral

reasonsC

*. 'tupidity! which is ery common.

:. Disagreement with the person bringing the truth.

,. #olding to traditional ways from forebears.

8. ear of being separated from relaties and friends.



;. ear of losing honor! position! job status! pleasure! and the like.

here are a few things to rememberC

*. People need religion.

:. 5riginally! religion shines! but later it appears to become dull. ruly! it is not

religion that becomes dull! but the person who follows the religion.

,. People should follow the rules made in accordance with the edicts of religious

scholars. 5ne should neer make decisions by oneself Rin matters of religionS.

8. People must eer seek new knowledge. hey should neer feel satisfied with their

own knowledge! or eer refuse knowledge from others.

;. People need to apply the knowledge they hae. Do not let knowledge go wasted.

M5D60-I' I'3M! *J89^*<89 '50/6B55% $ he nity of #uman 3ife $

he nity of #uman 3ife $ 57ford Islamic 'tudies 5nline

httpCLLwww.o7fordislamicstudies.comLarticleLbookLislam$<+J9*<;*;8>+:Lislam$

<+J9*<;*;8>+:$chapter$8+O_hi`*8_pos`:R*JL**L:9** ,C8<C:, PMS

T'e "rea$ure o* God

ll 4odFs creatures hae destiny. 6ery destiny e7tends toward a goal. nd

truly there must be a road to that goal. It is obious that 4od creates time and the path

by which the goal can be reached. If this is so! then the destiny of a creature can be

attained by following its time and path. Indeed! eery condition depends on 4odFs

will! and 4od has proided all the necessary conditions.

Human#ind

ctually! humans want no destiny but safety and happiness in this world and

in the #ereafter. he path for achieing human destiny reuires the use of common

sense! that is! the common intellect. good intellect is characteri"ed by the ability to

select with care and consideration! and to place Rthe decisionS in a courageous heart

after selecting it.

In$elle+$



he nature of intellect is to accept all knowledge. hat knowledge becomes

the passion of intellect! because the intellect is like a seed in the earth. In order for a

seed to grow! the seed needs to be watered and hae all its needs fulfilled. 'imilarly!

the intellect will not grow properly without being showered by knowledge.

nd all of this is absolutely in accordance with 4odFs will.





T'e Tea+'in! o* Lo!i+

he teaching of logic is conducted through learning 1ilm manthi! the science

of logic! which reflects reality. his science can be gained only through the learning

and teaching process! because humans hae no other way to know names and

languages without teachers who got the knowledge from their teachers! and so on.

he Rdependence on such learningS indicates that human beings hae no power to

know the primary source of knowledge! e7cept those who get guidance from 4od

lmighty.

#uman beings who obtain more than basic principles of knowledge are like

the person who takes jewelry! makes a fastener! and then uses it as a decoration on an

item of clothing. his means that a person who can speak clearly and straight to the

point! is actually supported by the other knowledge he or she has.

'o! it is not surprising that some people speak ery well and to the point.

Ehat is especially good and helpful is when a person can accept or agree with

anotherFs good religious opinion and pass it on to others. People should not be

considered weak if they do not add to the e7planation that they receied. 0ather! they

should be regarded as furthering wisdom.

T'e Per*e+$ion o* In$elle+$

here are si7 conditions for maintaining the perfect intellect and keeping it

functioningC



irst of all! logic should base itself on loe and affection. Eithout this

selection of loe and affection! a human will not reach ultimate wisdom. 5n the other

hand! a person with no loe and affection will only follow behaior that is guided by

negatie emotional power.

he second is oneFs struggle to gain the highest happiness in this world and

the #ereafter. his takes serious effort! for it will not be attained without great effort!

and een sacrifices of a spiritual! financial! emotional! and intellectual nature.

hird! the RintellectualS endeaor should be undertaken carefully! since

goodN is often accompanied by bad.N #ence! sometimes! a person who seeks a

good thing gains a bad thing that should be refused. his occurs especially when the

seeker has no real knowledge on the matter! but simply follows the traditions of

his community.

-e7t! the seeker should hae good intentions with regard to the matter under

consideration! so that good and strong motiation will keep his search on the right

path. ifth! the seeker of intellectual actiity should take care and gie it full

attention. his is ery important! because humans hae a natural inclination to forget

and become careless. inally! the person undertaking the actiity should apply it

properly. %nowledge will not bring a aluable and meaningful result without being

set in its proper place.

Human Needs

6ery indiidual in this world has personal needs. In reality! no human being

can e7ist properly without support from others. ccordingly! eery human being

should understand the releance of such needs. ctually! useful knowledge for the

intellect and brain is needed by human beings een more than food is needed for the

stomach to help grow physically. ctually! seeking riches in the world is not as

demanding as seeking knowledge to improe the spiritual uality of oneFs own

behaior. In reality! we can find that the number of people deoted to this Rspiritual

improementS is fewer than those who are less deoted! and the number of people

who understand in principle is greater than those who manifest understanding in real



behaior. herefore! een people with perfect logic at their disposal need to

understand by searching within.





T'e Person (i$' A++om,lis'ed In$elle+$

If human intellect falls into danger! there is an instrument in the human body

that can control Rthe intellectS! that is! the holy heart that consistently loes spiritual

serenity. It is an obligation that the person with the accomplished intellect should

aoid any risk that would destroy the holiness of the heart. he spiritual leel of a

good person is truly regulated by the holiness of oneFs heart. person will not reach

real happiness in this world and the #ereafter without haing e7hibited behaior with

an ethical basis. herefore! one who wants to be wise should follow the road of wise

people! that is! by striing to defeat oneFs own personal desires. In this way! one will

be able to behae in accordance with legal! ethical! and aesthetic alues! and will

hae a great opportunity to attain real happiness in this world and the #ereafter! as

well as promoting spiritual serenity.

herefore! it is obious that those who want the good life in this world and the

#ereafter cannot attain it simply by following the desire for fun and pleasure! or by

being enious of the aims of others. It is possible to attain enjoyment in this world!

een in ery negatie ways. But for genuine happiness in the #ereafter! one must

attach oneself to the positie ways mentioned earlier.

T'e Di**eren+e be$(een Smar$ and S$u,id

he words smartN and stupidN are contradictory in meaning. or some

people! howeer! they can hae similar meanings! that is! in actual life the smart and



the stupid person both like what they agree with and hate what they dislike. R#ence! it

is difficult to ascertain stupidity or smartness from those choices.S Moreoer! some

matters that smart people can resole can also sometimes be resoled by stupid ones.

herefore! it is necessary that a person with an accomplished intellect be able

to perceie the difference between smart and stupid people. ctually! the difference

between the smart and stupid person can be seen clearly when they appear together.

In this situation! the smart man will look confident! while the stupid one looks shaky

and uncertain.

ctually there are three differences between them. he first is that the smart

person absolutely understands what will lead him to happiness or to suffering! while

the stupid person does not. he smart person will! of course! always try to seek the

right road toward real happiness! and to aoid the situation that will lead to

unhappiness or suffering. he smart person who neglects 4odFs guidance and follows

personal desires will gradually fall into danger and suffering.

Bibliography referencesC

%yai #aji hmad Dachlan! esatuan 1idup anusiaN (he nity of #uman 3ife)!

in Pesan$Pesan Dua M5D60-I' I'3M! *J89^*<89 '50/6B55% $ he

nity of #uman 3ife $ he nity of #uman 3ife $ 57ford Islamic 'tudies 5nline



*emimpin Besar Islam Indonesia (he Messages of wo 4reat 3eaders of Indonesian

Islam)! edited by bdul Munir Malkan (Vogyakarta! IndonesiaC Medio! *<J>)! pp. +^

*;. e7t deliered as a speech to Muhammadiyah leaders in *<:,. ranslation from

Indonesian by chmad ?ainuri. Introduction by #oward M. ederspiel.

No$es

*. lfian! MuhammadiyahC he *olitical Beha"ior of a uslim odernist

8rganization @nder 9utch +olonialism (Vogyakarta! IndonesiaC 4adjah Mada

niersity Press! *<J<)& bdul Mukti 1li! odern Islamic hought in Indonesia!N



Mi"an (he 'cales)! olume :! number *! *<J8! pp. **^:<& #oward M. ederspiel!

he uhammadiah A ;tud$ of an 8rthodox Islamic o"ement in Indonesia !N

Indonesia! number *9! 5ctober *<+9! pp. ;+^J9& chmad ?ainuri! uhammadiah

Perakan 7eformasi Islam di %awa pada Awal Abad edua *uluh (he

MuhammadiyahC n Islamic 0eform Moement in wentieth /entury ?aa)

('urabaya! IndonesiaC Bina Ilmu! *<J*)& ?ames 3. Peacock! *urif$ing the 5aith he

uhammaiah o"ement in Indonesian Islam (empe! ri".C ri"ona 'tate

niersity Program for 'outheast sian 'tudies! *<<:).

<. #amka

*9. -urcholish Madjid

**. bdurrahman Eahid

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