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Reviews

E U G E N E

Y.

WANG

Shaping the Lotus Sutra Buddhist Visual

Culture in Medieval China

Seattle: UniversityofWashington Press,

2005.

50 1

pp.;

21 color ills.,

119 b/w.

160.00

Eugene Wang's bookon theworldof the

Lotus Sutrain medieval Chinais a new and

challenging contribution

to the

field

of art

history

of

east Asia,

an

ambitious undertak-

ing that exploresthevisual cultureof the

most importantand popular Buddhist scrip-

ture

in

China. While Wang's main focus

is

on

the

popular genre

of

painting called

transformation tableaux Jingbian) found

among muralsin the cave templesatDun-

huang,

he has no

hesitation

in

turning

to a

wide range

of

visual

and

textual m aterials

to

outline

the

proper spatial, temporal,

and

cognitive contextsofLotusSutraimagery.

ShapingtheLotus Sutra

is

also

a

book about

the complicated relation between text

and

image, including

the gap

between textual

and pictorial representation (p. xiv) that

Wang bridgesin an unconservative method-

ological manner. Instead

of

treating

Chi-

nese

Lotus

Siitradepictions

in a

systematic

chronological order, Wang takestheLotus

Sutraasa linchpinfor observations about

Buddhist pictorial

art and

culture

of

mainly

the seventh

and

eighth centuries

and

carries

these observations beyond traditionalart

historical categoriesandconsiderationsof

iconography.

O neofWang 's major claimsistbat a cer-

tain mental topography

or

imaginary world

(p .

xiv)

shaped

Lotus Sutra

representations

and determined what was depictedand how

it was depicted,aswellaswhat wasnot de-

picted

at

all. This position causes Wang

to

overemphasize

the

role

of the

individual

painter (see especially chapters2 and 5),

almostto theneglectof theinfluenceof

wealthy don ors, workshops,

and

clergy mem-

bers who advised painters

and

craftsmen

in

religious matters. 'In thecourseofhis book

Wang elucidates acollective 'proto pictu re,'

or mental picturethe sort

of

stuff that

dreams

are

made

of, so to

speak

(p. 75).

The main strength of the book liesin

Wang's ability

to

analyze

and

describe visual

objects according

to

their inherent composi-

tional principles,

an

ability that distin-

guishesanexcellentarthistorian fromthe

common observer

of

art.

In

this respect,

chapter

5,

titled Mirroring

and

Transfor-

mation,

is

truly outstanding

in

detecting

the guiding principles

of

the visual cultu re

of world making

(p.

xiii).

He

knows

how to

surprisehis readers with unexpected,and

eye-opening, juxtapositions

of

Buddhist

and

non-Buddhist pictorial schemes

and

illumi-

nating diagrams.In addition, thebookof-

fers numerous side-by-side illustrations

of a

certain sculptureor a paintingin photo-

graphs

and in

drawings, sometimes even

in

rubbings. Theseare helpful devicesfor the

reader

to

survey quickly

the

visual materials.

Fo rallthis,thebookischaracterized byless

than thorough research,

and

this reader was

often puzzledbyconclusions th atdid not

appear

to

match

the

visual evidence.

In

the

first chapter, Wang deals with

the

motifof the Many Treasures Stupa from

chapter 11

of theLotus

Sutra.

His aim is to

showhowtbis very popu lar imageof tbe

twin Buddbas Sakyamuni

and

Prabhtaratna

sitting sidebysidecan beconnected to pre-

Buddbist models

in

China, since

it

was

un-

knownin Indiaandcentral Asia. Further,

tbe Many Treasures Stupa motif consti-

tute s]a locus around whicha topography

of visionary experien ce could

be

built

(p . xxiii)

for the

further development

of the

imagery

of theLotus Sutra.

Wang then

dis-

cusses several versions

of the

Many Trea-

sures Stupa motifand their accompanying

votive inscriptions, from

the

first extant wall

paintinginCave169 atBinglingsi (420 CE)

to sculpted images

in the

cave temples

of

Yungang,theearliestonedatedto 489 CE

in

the

imperially donated Cave

5.

In Yungang Cave 38, wbich was founded

by

a

certain

Wu

family

in the

early sixth

century, Wang finds

a

good example

of a

cave whose tempora l-spatial schem e. . . is

remarkably consistent, which

he

describes

asa chronotope (p.55). While themain

wall

is

dominated

by an

image

of the

Many

Treasures Stupa,theside wallsare occupied

by depictions

of the Six

Buddhas

of tbe

Past, Buddha Sakyamuni,andMaitreya.The

author identifies Buddha Sakyamuni

in a

pointed arcb nicheand hispredestinedsuc-

cessor,

the

bodhisattva Maitreya, above

in a

trabeated nicheon theeast wall.He points

out that

the

Buddha figure seated with

pen-

dant legson the west wall also represents

Maitreya,

as the

trabeated niche

in

which

he

sits indicates.In this cavehe identifies two

distinct spatial

and

temporal realms

(p. 57)

in alluding

to the two

aspects

of the

Mai-

treya cult, well known since Jan Na ttier 's

study

of

1988,^ namely,

the

ascent

to

Tusita

Heaven, where the bodhisattva Maitreyacan

be

met

here

and

now,

and the

descent

to

Maitreya's paradise

in

Ketumati, where

tbe

Buddhist believers might join his Three

assemblies under

the

Dragon Flower Tree

thereand in th efuture (Wang's italics).

Wang prefers

to

identify

tbe

west wall

Bud-

dhaas Maitreya Buddha presiding overthe

Tusita Heaven

and

greeting

the

newly

ar-

rived deceased soul (p. 57).However,he

gives

no

explanation why Maitreya should

be depicted twiceinTusita Heaven , firstas

a bodhisattva

and

second

as a

Buddha. Tbis

doesnot make sense because Maitreya will

achieve Budd bahood

in our

world

and not

in Tusita Heaven, albeitin a distant future.

It turns

out

that Wang needs

the

Maitreya

Buddha

in

Tusita Heaven in terpreta tion

because

of the

motif

of

flying

apsaras,or

heavenly musicians, that

is

more p rom inen t

on thenorthandwest walls tha n it is on the

east wall

(but not, as he

states

on p. 65, to-

tally absent) .Thefiyingapsarasservehim as

a station

on the

way th at

the

soul

of the Wti

family's deceasedson issupposed to take

from

the

Many Treasures Stupa upward

to

the ceiling, where more apsaras ride fantas-

tic animals,

and

tben further

on to the so-

called Buddha Maitreyain Tusita Heaven,

where

two

newborn figures

on

lotuses

are

shownon the trapezoidal arch abovethe

Budd ha niche. Again, since tbis widely used

motifof newborn figuresisalso foundon

the arch

of the

opposite wall, where

the

bodhisattva Maitreya sits,itcannotbe ex-

ploited

for

this interpretation.

Wang's treatment

of

Yungang Cave

38

exemplifies someof them ethodological

flaws

in

ShapingtheLotus Sutrathat might

be

characterized as acombination ofnegli-

gence

and

interpr etation toward

a

predeter-

minedend.Thisis also evidentin Wang's

new

and

provocative look

at the

Wei Wen-

lang stela dated to 424CE,so far theearli-

est known stela

of a

distinct Buddhist-Daoist

flavor (figs.1.22-23). Since Wang considers

tbe Wei Wenlang stela

to be an

importan t

link between

Han

funerary carvings

and the

Many Treasures Stupa motif from

theLotuj

Sutra,

he

identifies

the two

figures inside

th e

big

niche

on the

obverse

as

Sakyamuni

and Prabhtaratna.

The

fact that

the

figure

tothe left doesnot look Buddhistat all but

wears

a

Daoist gown

is

explained

as not un-

usualfor theearly fifth century, wbenBud-

dhism still borrowed many concepts,

as

well

as terms, from the indigenous Daoist reli-

gion. While Wang

has a

po in t

in

arguing

thatthewordingfodaoxiangof thevotive

inscription might well

be

understood

as an

imageof tbeBud dhist Way insteadof a

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Buddhist and Daoist image, his further

conclusions about the overall composition

of the stela are less convincing. As in the

case of Yungang Cave 38, he reconstructs a

symbolic topography traversed by the spirits

of Wei's deceased parents (p. 45) along

the four sides of the stela. In fact, this as-

sumed movement around the stela explains

neither the change of hand gestures in the

two Daoist-clad figures on the left-hand side

of the stela that are still called Budd has

nor the identity of the figure on the reverse,

which resembles a pensive bodhisattva but

one wearing a secular, or Daoist, robe.

Wang sees in this figure a meditative Mai-

treya image that marks the end of the jour-

ney of the deceased souls. This identifica-

tion is problematic . Asjung hee Lee has

demonstrated, not one single pensive bodhi-

sattva figure in early Chinese Buddhist art

can be identified as an image of Maitreya.^

Rather, these figures represent Prince Sid-

dhartha. * Interpretations of the Wei Wen-

lang stela as a Buddhist-Daoist stela^ or, as

Wang puts it, a monstro us hybrid yoking

hetero geneo us universes together (p. 41),

seem more reasonable, particularly in light

of numerous Buddhist-Daoist stelae in the

museum s of Yaoxian and Lintong in China

and in the Chicago Field Museum. These

stelae date from the sixth century on and

clearly illustrate how a particular Daoist ico-

nography was formed, first by borrowing

from B uddhist iconography, then by estab-

lishing its own iconographie formulas.^

To justify the journey of the soul inter-

pretation, Wang proposes that the composi-

tional scheme of a carriage procession

placed immediately beneath a niche with

two figures sitting side by side, as found on

the Wei Wenlang stela, was derived from

Han tomb carvings and bricks and repre-

sents a boundary-crossing situation

(p . 41). This might be true for the two

smaller figures sitting in an open building

to the lower left of the main niche of the

Wei Wenlang stela that are identified as the

donor's parents in an inscription. But to

extend this argument to the twin figures of

the main niche stretches it too far.

In laying out chapters 2 and 3 in the in-

troduction, Wang promises a new icono-

graphie identification of the early-eighth-

century

Lotus Sutra

tableau in Cave 217 at

Dunhuang, which he places in the tradition

of an imaginary topography (p. xxiv). In

an attempt to identify the scenes narrated

clockwise, starting from the lower right cor-

ner of the composition, he looks through

all the chapters of the Lotus Sutrafor textual

cues, and he finds them not only in the

well-known parable of the Burning House

from chap ter 3 but also in the four peace-

ful acts of bodhisattvas in chapte r 14, the

story of the Medicine King from chapter 23,

and , last bu t not least, in the Form er Af-

fairs of King Wonderful A dorn men t from

chapter 27, which justifies the host of royal

persons whom Wang identifies on the left

side ofthe tableau (fig. 2.10). At times

Wang turns to sources outside the

Lotus

Sutra

for identification, for example, when

he explains the two figures next to a skele-

ton, one kneeling and one standing (fig.

2.11 and p. 92), as two princes practicing

the Lotus Samadhi, which had been de-

scribed by the founder of the Tiantai

school, Zhiyi (538-597) in his

Mohe

zhiguan

as partly walking and partly sitting ban-

xing banzuo).

This association seems far-

fetched; it does not correspond to what is

depicted, since the second figure is not

walking at all but standing next to the body,

slighdy bending forward, with his arms

reaching out for the deceased in a gesture

of mourning and despair. The new icono-

graphie identification Wang introduces also

includes his recognition of the celestial

spheres on top of the painting as the Sum-

mit of Being AkanisthaHeaven), inhabited

by ancestral spirits, which nicely fits into his

otherworld scenario of Chinese medieval

Buddhism.

To cut a long story short, thejingbian

painting on the south wall of Cave 217 has

recently, and more convincingly, been iden-

tified as an illustration of the Sutra of

the

Dharani of the Jubilant

orona

(Taisho no.

967.19.349-53). This identification has been

accepted and comm ented on by Wang

Huimin from the Dunhuang Research Insti-

tute . ' According to the new interpretation,

the right side of the panel in Cave 217 tells

the story of Buddhapalita, traditionally re-

garded as the translator of the D harani of

the

JubilantCorona, who traveled from Khotan

to China and met an old man on Mount

Wutai. This old man advised Buddhapalita

to return to his home country immediately

to fetch theJubilant Corona. When the old

man suddenly disappeared, Buddhapalita

recognized him as a divine manifestation

and traveled to central Asia. Buddhapalita

finally brought the

siitra

to China and pre-

sented it to the emperor, who gave orders

for its translation. The scene in Cave 217 of

Buddhaplita's encounter with the old man

compares nicely to the large mural Manifes-

tations

on Mount Wutaion the west wall of

Cave 61 at Dunhuang, where it is provided

with an explanatory text in a cartouche.

Now we understand that the city with a

four-gated stupa inside, identified by Wang

as the Phantom City of the

Lotus

Sutra,rep-

resents the place in central Asia where Bud-

dhapalita found theJubilantCorona. T he

large palace compound underneath is by no

means an illustration of the parable of the

prodigal son; it actually shows the palace of

the Chinese emperor, to whom the scrip-

ture is presented. The scenes at the bottom

and left side of the painting depict ritual

uses of the

Jubilant orona

and the benefits

that are to be achieved by reciting or teach-

ing it, including recovery from sickness and

safeguarding the passage of the souls of the

deceased to the heavens. Wang's host of

royal persons who listen to the teachin g

Buddha turn out to be Sakra Devnm-In-

dra and his entoura ge, who have just de-

scended for this purpose from his heaven

on top of Mount Sumeru, which is shown

above, inhabited by more celestial beings.

In light of this interpretation of the paint-

ing in Cave 217, which neatly explains the

narrative sequence of all the scenes on the

right side of the painting and the majority

of the remaining scenes, Wang's new inter-

pretation comes across as rather unusual.

Certainly, Wang had remarked earlier that

the celebration of the power and reward of

venerating theLotus Sutrais the dom inant

theme that dictates the assemblage of

scenes of both the bottom and left side of

the tableau (p. 95), but he does not seem

to have considered that it might not be the

Lotus Sutra

illustrated here but a noth er

scripture more concerned with ritual. Wang

observes that on the right side the Phan-

tom City centers on an exotic, foreign-look-

ing stupa of Western Region style (p. 116),

but he did not recognize it as an illustration

of historical events in an uninterrupted nar-

rative, representing the homeland of Bud-

dhapalita.

In ch apter 3, Wang takes the royal sce-

nario of King Wonderful Adornm ent,

which is certainly unusually prominent

compared with other narrative situations

(p . 124), in Cave 217 as the point of depar-

ture to elaborate on the connection of the

donating Ym family with the imperial court

in Chang'an, and to assert the direct impact

of court policy on the formation of the jing-

bian.

He goes so far as to say that Emp ress

Wu Zetian's renewed interest in Daoism

about 700 CE left its traces on the tableau

in its depiction of several types of flights to

immortality that were current in Daoist

scriptures at that time. But since the trans-

formation tableau in Cave 217 does not de-

pict scenes from the

Loties

Sutra,or the story

about King Wonderful A dornment, there is

nothing left to sustain this claim.

In chapters 4 and 5, Wang traces two

modes of visual represen tation exemplified

by the tableau in Cave 217 to earlier exam-

ples in Chinese art. The sequence of narra-

tive scenes in a landscape setting at the bot-

tom left- and right-hand sides of the panel

is classified as a topo grap hic map, while

the central panel of the Buddha preaching

to an assembly, constructed in a perspectival

mo de, is com pared in its visual function to

that of a mirror. Concerning the first visual

mode, Wang lines up Han dynasty vessels

with early topographic representations, bird-

script decorations, a map from the tomb at

Mawangdui, and Daoist charts, in this case

on a mirror from the eighth century, to as-

sert that they belong to a type of talismanic

picture that is continued in the Dunhuang

wall paintings. As one example, he quotes

the so-called

Treasure

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REVIEWS: D'SOUZA ON CHU

489

(elsewhere alternatively identified as an il-

lustrationof the

Sutra oftheTen Wheels,

and

thereby closely conn ectedto the cultof

bodhisattva Ksitigarbha), which Wang

con-

sidersto becharacterized by an overwhelm-

ing iconographyofdem onology. In this

sense,the topograph ic mode both maps

out

the

existential anxiety

of the

living

world andassuresitsviewerofsurvivalby

wayof its tortuous form evocativeof the tal-

ismanic graphs

and

maps

(p. 237). In con-

trast, spatial

or

architectural illusionism

is

supposed topresent the ordered world of a

Buddha's Pure Land orparadise. While this

explanation works well with thereliefon a

stela from Wanfosi, which picturesa geo-

metrically arranged Pure Landat the top

and illustrates belowin topographic mode

all the calamities encountered in this world

from the Guanyin chapterof the

Lotus

Sutra,

it

cannot

be

generalized. There

are

instancesof Maitreya paradises that alsouse

the topographic mode of representation

(Dunhtiang Cave445 and Yulin Cave25),

albeit only describing

the

disaster-free,

peaceftil,

and

auspicious state

of the

human

world after the next Buddha has achieved

enlightenment.

Chapter 5 opens with astr iking charac-

terization of the preaching Buddha in the

recessed central panelof the tableau in

Cave

217 as a

mirror image

of its

implied

viewerthat is, us (p. 242). The plane

between the frontally depicted Budd ha

imageand the observer istantamount to a

mirror surface,

or

even

a

gate

to

another

world. Wang takes thisas his starting point

for investigations into the perceptualex-

change between mirrorand painting [that]

reached

its

apex

in the

early eighth

cen-

tury

(p. 249). He

tracks

the

mirror trope

down to traditional Chinese sources, suchas

The Master Embracing Simplicity {Baopuzi),

an d toBtiddhist sources like depictionsof

the so-called karma mirror, the famousmir-

ror installation by thescholar-monk Fazang

(643-712CE), the third patriarch of the

Huayan school,and other casesof textual

evidence

for

minor halls .

He

concludes that

Cave31 in Dunhtiang constitutes sucha

mirror hall. Even though the east ceiling

slopeofCave31 can no longerbe consid-

ered

a

Lotus Sutratableau

(but is,

like Cave

217,

an illustrationof theDhranofthe fubi-

tant

Corona), Wangis to be honored here

for being

the

first scholar

to

identify

the

objects

in

front

of the

meditating figures

or

on top of the architectural structuresas

rectangular mirrors. Wang might also have

remarked that rectangular mirrors seem to

have been used specifically

to

detect

and

wardoff evil spirits,and are thus morein

accord with protective rituals like those

propagated in the

Dhran

of

the fubilant

Co -

rona.

InZhiyi's

Creat Calmingand Contempla-

tion,the following procedure is explained:

Hermitsand asceticsall keep rectangular

mirrorsand hang them behind their seats.

Chosts cannot change their appearancesin

a mirror. When they lookin the mirrorand

recognize themselves, theycan banish them-

selves.In this way,the innerand outer

[spheres]

are

regulated. ^

A

similar explana-

tion isfound inZhiyi's commentaryon the

Vimalakrti-nirdesa-stra: For example, when

a person who practices meditation doesnot

discriminate

bad

ghosts,

he

should install

a

rectangular mirror. Even though aghostis

able

to

delude

the

human

eye, it

cannot

change itsoriginal shape in a mirror . '

Chapter 6 isdedicatedto the four trans-

formation tableaux reliefsof the Longhuta

(Dragon and Tiger Pagoda) of Shentong

monastery in Shandong Province. Wang

identifies the four reliefs iconographically

and then explains their underlying spatial

and temporal schemes.He observes thatthe

reliefson theopposite sides relate to each

other in a spatialized time scheme thathe

calls pastand future for thesymbolic

northsouth axis

and

here

and

there

for

the symbolic east-west axis.Tobuttresshis

case, Wang introdu ces the iconographie

program

of the

relic pagoda

at

Benyuan

monastery

in

Luquan, Hebei Province,

which isexplained in asurviving votivein-

scription. However, Wang overlooks the fact

that the iconographie program of this relic

pagoda

(fig. 6.35)

perfectly matches that

of

the Longhuta (fig.6.21).The relief oppo-

sitetheMaitreyain Tusita Heavenon the

symbolic north sideof the Longhuta should

be identified as Maitreya residingin Ketu-

mati insteadof Sakyamuniin his Pure

Land ofVulture Peak. Moreover, the Bud-

dha statue seated belowtheSubjugationof

Demons reliefof the symbolic east side,op-

posite Amitbhaand his Pure Land, which

Wang does

not

identify,

is

more likely

Sak-

yamuni. Again, Wangdid notcarefully in-

vestigate them aterialshe presentsand thus

misses

an

important point

by

single-mind-

edly followinghislineof interpretation.

Shaping theLotus Sutra

is abeautifullyil-

lustrated book that connectsa dazzlingar-

rayof visual objects under the intellectual

auspicesof notionsof Chinese medieval

world making, specifically throughDun-

huang transformation tableaux.Thebookis

more successful

in

uncovering similar prin-

ciplesofcomposition in different media

from Han to Tang times than it is in inter-

preting these objectsbymarshalingabroad

variety

of

textual sources, from votive

in-

scriptions, historical sources,and Buddhist

canonical scriptures to Daoist scriptures.All

the same,itoffers afreshand attimespro-

vocative perspective

on

unsolved problems

of Chinese Buddhistart.Vividly written, this

book guides the nonspecialist through the

complexitiesof medieval Buddhist visual

culture. Wang knowshow to engagehis au-

dience with materials that the non-Chinese

reader might otherwise never have known.

Albeit Wang's enthusiasmfor hism aterials

is appreciated, mo re consistency in matters

of methodology in Buddhist studies would

have proven useful in harvesting the fruits

ofan inquiry about the relation between

imagesand textsin Chinese Btiddhistcul-

ture. Altogether,

in the

fields

of art

histori-

cal

and

textual studies

it is

certain

to

foster

more lively discussion

and

debate.

And

that

isno small achievement.

CLAUDIA WENZEL isresearchfellow in the

project Buddhist Stone Scriptures

in

China

at theHeidelberg Academy ofSciencesand

Humanities [Heidelberger Akademie derWissen-

schaften, Buddhistische Steinschriften in China,

Seminarstrasse 4, 69117 Heidelberg, Germany].

Notes

1. Sarah E. Fraser, Performing

the Visual: The Prac-

tice of Buddhist Wall Painting in China and Cen-

tralAsia, 618-960

(Stanford: Stanford Univer-

sity Press, 2004).

2. DanNattier, TheMeaningsof the Maitreya

Myth:ATypological Analysis, in

Maitrtya, the

Future

Buddha,

ed.Alan S ponbergand Helen

Hardacre (Cambridge: Cambridge LJniversity

Press,

1988), 23-47.

3. Junghee Lee, TheOriginsand Development

of

the

Pensive Bodhisaitva Images

of

Asia,

rtihus AsiaebS,

nos. 3-4 (1993): 3n-.57.

4.

Afact observedin the reviewof Wang's book

by MiaoZhe, Yishushi zhongdevvenxianyii

'jiafa' [Textu al sourc esand dom estic disci-

pline in thehistoryofarts],

Dushu

(May

2006): 112-22.

5. Dorothy C. Wong,

Chinese Steles: Pre-Buildhist

and Buddhist

Us e

ofa Symbolic Form(Honolulu:

Universityof Hawai'i Press, 2004), 109-14,

who offers a more cautious analysisoficons,

donors,

and

votive inscription

on

this stela.

6. Ibid.; and Jean M.Jam es, Some Iconographie

Problems inEarly Daoist-Buddhist Sculptures

in China,

rchives of Asian Art

42

(1989):

71 -

76 .

7.

Wang Huimin, Cheng Tang shiji Dun huang

Foding zuns heng tuolu oni jing kaoshi [Inves-

tigations in the Siitra of

t he

Dhran of the Jubi-

lantCorona

atDunh uang from High Tang

dynasty] (pa per presen ted atthe Joint Semi-

na ron BuddhistArt,Yale Universityand Dun-

huang Academy, Jtily 11, 2006).

8. Wang Huimin, Dunhuang 321ku, 74 ku Shi-

km jingbian kaoshi [Investigationsin the

transformation tableauxof the

SutraoftheTen

Wheels

in Caves321 and 74 at Dunhnang],

Yishushi yanjiu6 (December 2004).

9. Zhiyi,

Great Calming and Contemplation,

T. 46,

n o .

1911, p. 116, a21-24 , trans. ChineseElec-

tronic Tripitaha Collection,

Feb.

2007: Taisho

Tripitaka Vol. 1-55 85; Shinsan Zokuzokyo

(Xuzangjing), Vot. 1-88,

CD-ROM, CBETA

(Chinese B uddhist Electronic Text A ssociation).

10. Ibid.,T. 38, no. 1778, p. 644, c8-9.

PETRA TEN DOESSCHATE

HU

The Most Arrogant

Man in

France:

GustaveCourbet

and

the N ineteenth-

Century Media Culture

Princeton: Princeton University Press,

2007.246 pp.; 49

color ills.,

88 b/w.

$45.00

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