Blood in Contexts

AN40CH02-Carsten ARI 16 August 2011 11:59

Substance and Relationality:Blood in ContextsJanet CarstenSchool of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh EH8 9LD,Scotland, United Kingdom; email: [email protected]

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011. 40:19–35

First published online as a Review in Advance onJune 10, 2011

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online atanthro.annualreviews.org

This article’s doi:10.1146/annurev.anthro.012809.105000

Copyright c© 2011 by Annual Reviews.All rights reserved

0084-6570/11/1021-0019$20.00

Keywords

kinship, body, personhood, medical technologies, donation,symbolism

Abstract

This article examines the way bodily substance has been deployed inthe anthropology of kinship. Analytically important in linking kinshipwith understandings of the body and person, substance has highlightedprocesses of change and transferability in kinship. Studies of organ do-nation and reproductive technologies in the West considered here chal-lenge any simple dichotomy between idioms of a bounded individualbody/person and immutable kinship relations in Euro-American con-texts and more fluid, mutable bodies and relations elsewhere. Focusingon blood as a bodily substance of everyday significance with a peculiarlyextensive symbolic repertoire, this article connects material propertiesof blood to the ways it flows between domains that are often kept apart.The analogies of money and ghosts illuminate blood’s capacity to partic-ipate in, and move between, multiple symbolic and practical spheres—capacities that carry important implications for ideas and practices ofrelationality.

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INTRODUCTION

Long ago, Claude Levi-Strauss alerted us to theidea that some things, in particular, are “goodto think” (Levi-Strauss 1969 [1962], p. 162;Tambiah 1969) and drew attention to the roleof metaphor as “a primary form of discursivethought” (Levi-Strauss 1969, p. 175). Aroundthe same time, Victor Turner’s classic studyof Ndembu symbolism (1967) highlighted thecondensed nature of ritual symbols. A symbolmay represent many different things, and thesemay be linked together by analogous qualitiesor associations (1967, p. 28). These insights in-form much of what follows below.

The Oxford English Dictionary Online (OED)(2009) entry for blood runs to some 31 pageswhen printed out (including draft additions,March 2009), beginning with “the red liquidcirculating in the arteries and veins of man andthe higher animals, by which the tissues areconstantly nourished and renewed” and finish-ing with its many combinatory and attributivemeanings. From blood agar to blood-wound,via (to pluck just a few examples) blood-bath,blood brother, blood count, blood-frenzy,blood line, blood-lust, blood orange, bloodpudding, blood-sausage, blood transfusion,and blood-wealth, these compounds gestureto the extraordinary breadth of meaningsand associations of this one bodily substance.Encompassing blessing and sacrifice, kinshipconnection, the culinary arts, medicine, andlife itself—as well as its negation in acts ofviolence—the terms seem to pile in on eachother to create a veritable excess of associations.

Is there something about bodily substancesin general that lend themselves to such remark-able elaboration? What kinds of relations canthe flows and transfers of such substances setin train? And what do these properties tell usabout relationality or how it may be envisaged?Exploring these questions, this article begins byreviewing examples from the anthropologicalliterature on bodily substance. Examining theway substance has been deployed, it notes theimportance of this concept as an analytic devicethat links the anthropology of kinship with un-

derstandings of the body and the person. Mostobviously, references to bodily substance bringto the fore ideas about process, change, vitality,and decay in accounts of kinship. Discoursesabout material transfers such as those that occurin organ donation and reproductive technolo-gies in Western contexts appear to undermineany simple dichotomy between an emphasis onfluid, mutable bodies premised on a pregivenrelationality in non-Western contexts and onmore fixed Euro-American idioms of a boundedbody and immutable kinship relations.

In the light of this discussion, the latter partsof this article focus on blood as a particularbodily substance of everyday significance—onethat also has a peculiarly extensive symbolicrepertoire. “Some objects,” suggest Bowker& Starr, “are naturalised in more than oneworld” (1999, p. 312). But what kinds ofobject are these, and how does this multiplenaturalization contribute to their symbolic ormetaphorical power? Which material qualitiesof blood (Fraser & Valentine 2006) mightbe important here? Looking beyond blooddonation and the idiom of the gift to theway in which blood participates in differentsymbolic and practical spheres, the articleconsiders how blood functions as a vectorbetween domains that in other contexts areactively kept apart. A search for analogies forthe extraordinary polyvalence and plasticity ofblood and its idioms (Edwards 2009, Franklin2011) takes us, perhaps unexpectedly, into theterrain of money and ghosts. It suggests thatthe unusual capacity of certain kinds of objectsto travel between domains carries importantimplications for how relations are conceived.In keeping with its flexible subject matter,rather than focusing on a particular subthemein anthropology, this article traverses severalterrains to grasp how ideas about substancecontribute to understandings of relationality.

THE ANTHROPOLOGYOF SUBSTANCE

Although the term substance has been widelyused in the recent anthropology of kinship

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(Sahlins 2011), what this term actually refersto has not always been clear (Carsten 2001,2004; Thomas 1999). One might imagine thatsubstance could be used for all kinds of bod-ily fluids or tissue—bones, flesh, saliva, blood,organs, breast milk, semen, and female sexualfluids, as well as hair, skin, and nails—eithersingly or in combination. Often it appears thatit is precisely this nonspecificity that is beingput to work. Interestingly, there is a tendencyfor the liquid, or at least the softer, squishier,and more internal bodily matter, to be looselydenoted by substance, whereas more clearly de-lineated, harder and bonier bodily material, aswell as that which comes from the exterior sur-face of the body, such as nails, hair, or skin,are referred to by their specific terms. I re-turn to these material properties of substancebelow.

Substance made its appearance in the an-thropological literature in connection with par-ticular regions: most notably Euro-America,South Asia, and Melanesia. David Schneider fa-mously argued that in American kinship “rela-tives” were defined by “blood,” or “biogeneticsubstance”—terms that he equated. He empha-sized two properties of blood relations: first,that blood relations were enduring and couldnot be severed, and second, that “kinship iswhatever the biogenetic relationship is. If sci-ence discovers new facts about biogenetic re-lationship, then that is what kinship is, andwas all along, although it may not have beenknown at the time” (Schneider 1980, p. 23).Blood and biogenetic substance [or “naturalsubstance,” as he sometimes renders it (1980,p. 24)] are, however, left strangely unexploredas symbols, as is the analytic shift from blood tobiogenetic substance—which, one might argue,is itself a symbol for heredity in American kin-ship (Carsten 2004, p. 112; Wade 2002, pp. 81–83). Schneider proposed that relationships werebuilt out of two orders in American culture,nature and law, from which were derived twoelements, substance and code. Whereas somerelationships (a spouse or an illegitimate child)existed by virtue of one of these only, “blood rel-atives” derived their legitimacy from a combi-

nation of nature and law or substance and codefor conduct.

It was crucial to Schneider’s argument thatsubstance and code were clearly distinct andthat they could occur alone or in combination(Schneider 1980, p. 91). The categorical separa-tion of the orders of nature and law and of sub-stance and code may, however, be considerablyless easy to distinguish in practice than Schnei-der proposed. Indeed, some kinds of kinship inNorth America and Britain involve an explicitblurring, mixing, or interpenetration of theseidioms (Baumann 1995; Carsten 2000, 2004;Edwards 2000; Edwards & Strathern 2000;Weston 1991, 1995). These studies of kinshipalso demonstrate that the straightforward linkSchneider proposed for North American kin-ship between the order of nature (or biogeneticsubstance) and fixity or permanence was highlyquestionable when applied to kinship in partic-ular ethnographic contexts in the United Statesor Britain. As Wade (2002, pp. 69–96; 2007) hasargued, the idea that nature may be more flex-ible and malleable than is sometimes assumedalso has important implications for understand-ings about race, which draw on the overlappingrealms of kinship and heredity.

Schneider’s analytic frame was transferredto India in the form of an ethnosociologicalmodel of South Asian transactions and person-hood (Marriott 1976, Marriott & Inden 1977),but here, in contrast with North America, bod-ily substance and code for conduct were arguedto be both inseparable and malleable. Con-duct and interpersonal transactions, includingsex, the sharing of food, coresidence, and gift-giving, transmit moral and spiritual proper-ties of the person (Daniel 1984). This modelhas been critiqued for its oversystematization,its tendency to ignore regional variations, andthe radical opposition proposed between In-dian monist and Western dualist notions ofthe person (Barnard & Good 1984; Barnett1976; Good 1991, 2000; McGilvray 1982; Parry1989).

Discussions of Indian transactions andnotions of the person made reference to bothsubstance and code, sometimes in the form

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of “code-substance” or “substance-code” toemphasize their inseparability (Marriott 1976,p. 110). Accounts of Melanesian kinship,personhood, and gender framed in termsof substance, however, largely omitted thereference to code. Here substance has beenseen as intrinsically exchangeable and mal-leable. Strathern (1988), building on Wagner’s(1977) analysis of “substantive flows” andthe substitutability of substance, focused onthe “analogizing” properties of substance, itsgenerative capacities, and its ability to take arange of forms, such as blood, milk, food, andsemen. These data had obvious resonanceswith the Indian material. As well as flow andfungibility, Strathern’s analysis also rested onthe disjunction in English between form andsubstance or content. Thus, in her reanalysis ofTrobriand material, a mere replication of form(not involving exchange or transformation ofsubstance) is not seen as a substantive connec-tion, which contrasts with Malinowski’ s (1929,p. 3) earlier assertion about the relation be-tween a Trobriand mother and child (Carsten2004, pp. 121–26; Strathern 1988, pp. 231–40;Weiner 1976). It is the substitutability or analo-gizing property of substance that Strathern(1988, p. 251) sees as enabling a transformationof form into content, or inner substance.

These understandings are comparable to theSouth Asian models cited, although differencesremain in terms of ideas about gender and theperson and therefore in the relations that en-sue from exchanges of substance (Busby 1997).Strathern’s model rests on the idea of partiblepersons, composed of elements of male andfemale substances, and gender here is unsta-ble and must be elicited through performance.Cecilia Busby suggests that Indian persons arepermeable and connected through exchanges ofsubstance that merge within the body. Thesesubstances, however, retain their male or fe-male essence. Whereas in Melanesia, “the bodyis a microcosm of relations” (Strathern 1988,p. 131, cited in Busby 1997, p. 273), in SouthIndia, flows of substance “are a manifestationof persons rather than the relationships theycreate” (Busby 1997, p. 273). In Melanesia,

Busby suggests, relationships are foregrounded,whereas in India the focus is on persons.

Following these discussions, it is worthnoting that substance as an analytic termunderwent a shift in its migration from NorthAmerica to Melanesia. Whereas Schneideremphasized the immutable nature of substanceas opposed to code, Strathern suggested thatin Melanesia what was not immutable couldnot be considered as substance. The importantmove signaled by using substance as an analyticterm was attention to bodily flows and transfers,thus highlighting fluidity, transferability, andtransformability in the analysis of kinship andlinking these to ideas about the body. That suchprocesses should be highlighted in analyses ofSouth Asian, Melanesian, and Euro-Americankinship was not coincidental because thesewere regions where anthropologists had foundit problematic or impossible to apply earliermodels based on unilineal descent (Barnes1962, Strathern 1992). The emphasis on fungi-bility also signaled a wider dissatisfaction withkinship models that emphasized permanentor unchanging aspects in the structure ofkinship relations (Carsten 2004, Kuper 1988).Analysis of ideas about reproductive processes,the body, and gender in Africa that builds onan earlier generation of Africanist scholars(Beidelman 1980, 1993; Richards 1982; Turner1967, 1969) and is influenced by the workof Strathern and others reveals how bodilyprocesses here too are linked to wider socialand cosmological understandings of fertility(Broch-Due 1999; Devisch 1993; Hutchinson1996, 2000; Jacobson-Widding 1991, 1999;Kaspin 1996, 1999; Moore 1999; Taylor 1992).

The fact that the meaning of substancein English makes no explicit reference tofungible or transferable qualities suggests thatthe cooption of this term had less to do withits meaning than with an analytic space inthe study of kinship. The centrality of ideasabout substance in Christianity, particularly,the connotations of transubstantiation inthe Eucharist, in which physical or spiritualtransformation is precisely at issue (Bynum2007, Feeley-Harnik 1981), may, however,

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have implicitly influenced how the term hasbeen deployed by anthropologists. Cannell’s(2005) comments on the “Christianity of an-thropology” draw attention to the significanceand silences surrounding such linkages.

Bamford’s suggestion, that recent analysesof kinship have been too prone to assumethat kinship necessarily involves embodiedconnection, bears on this problem of theincorporation of Western ideas, althoughit ignores how, rather than being imposedanalytically, this emphasis may be present inthe ethnographic data (Bamford 2004, 2007,2009; Bamford & Leach 2009b; Carsten 1995,1997, 2004; Weismantel 1995). Among theKamea of Highland New Guinea, Bamfordnotes, “while both parents contribute sub-stance to the child, this is not seized upon as asalient feature of the parent-child relationship”(2004, p. 291). Bamford (2007) elucidatesan important distinction between Westernideas about blood, biogenetic substance, andpedigree, which incorporate directionality andtemporality into ideas of flow (Cassidy 2002,2009; Edwards 2009; Franklin 2007; Strathern1992), and Kamea understandings in whichideas about substance do not have this temporaldimension. Where siblingship takes priorityover filiation (as in the Malay or Kamea cases),it follows that siblings (rather than parentsand children) may be understood as having theclosest substantive connection, and this notionhas implications for ideas about genealogy.

Continuity in kinship may be evoked notthrough ancestry but through (gendered) tiesto land—as in the Kamea case—and the growthand consumption of staple foods produced fromland that is itself seen as generative may be thedominant idioms for shared substance or maycomplement procreative ties (Carsten 1997;Freeman 1970; Godelier 1998; Leach 2003,2009; Li Puma 1988; Merlan & Rumsey 1991;Munn 1986; Strathern 1973). The diversity ofthese ideas underscores not only that commonsubstance may be defined in many differentways, but also that it is “[n]either a universalnor an essential condition of kinship” (Sahlins2011, p. 14).

MATERIAL QUALITIES;METAPHORICAL ELABORATIONI suggest above that we make connectionsbetween material qualities of substances andthe relations that their transfers set in train.Such connections may, however, be implicitin anthropological accounts (Carsten 1995,1997, pp. 107–30). It is partly the link betweenphysical properties of substance and the rela-tional forms envisaged by their continuities,transfers, and transformations that interests mehere. Color and liquidity may, as in the Malaycase, invite a commentary on health, vitality,kinship connection, and the role of blood inreproduction.

Color was, of course, at the heart of Turner’s(1967) discussion of ritual symbols. The effi-cacy of his tripartite structure of white, red,and black rested on its reference to bodily fluids“whose emission, spilling, or production is as-sociated with a heightening of emotion” (1967,pp. 88–89). Furthermore, Turner (1967, p. 89)underlined how fluids such as semen, milk, andblood that are referenced by these colors evokedexperiences of social relationships. Jacobson-Widding (1999, p. 291) also notes the emotionalforce and dynamic potential of red in CentralAfrica. Others have seen liquidity rather thancolor as a key property. In a wonderful explo-ration of the “gift logic” of precolonial Rwan-dan social relations, Taylor (1992) shows howthe mobility of liquids, their capacity to flow,encapsulated the openness and dynamic quali-ties of exchange. Here people “construct socialrelations through the fluids they exchange incelebration, hospitality, and ordinary interac-tion” (1992, p. 105). Because bodily fluids, suchas blood, semen, or milk, “social fluids,” suchas beer or porridge, and rainfall are analogs ofeach other, their flow establishes connectionsamong body, society, and cosmos (1992, p. 105;see also Wagner 1986). The “spirit of the liquidgift” (1992, p. 207) on which this logic restedcould, however, be undermined by witches withthe power to poison and cause death by block-age and by a capitalist logic alternative to thatof the gift economy in which accumulation andprofit are positively valued.


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Such associations might prompt furtherquestions about the explicit or implicit con-nections between physical properties of bodilysubstances and relations among persons. Herepermanence and transience come into play. Thepermanence of lineages, for example, may be in-voked by references to continuities of bone be-tween lineage members. By contrast, the softer,fleshier parts of human bodies that are less en-during may be metaphorically attached to as-pects of relations that cease with death (Bloch1988, Thompson 1988). And of course, similarkinds of dichotomous associations of soft fleshand hard bone with relative impermanence orpermanence occur in the absence of lineages,as in the Malay or Euro-American examples.These ideas highlight the metaphorical poten-tial of bodily material ( Jackson 1983, Lakoff& Johnson 1980) and suggest that this poten-tial is partly linked to its physical attributesbut also to associations that may be readilymade with vitality itself. The OED list of com-pound words involving blood, cited above, un-derscores the association of blood with life andalso, contrastingly, with death-dealing acts ofviolence. But this point also makes clear thatsome metaphors are more metaphorical thanothers. Blood seems to occupy a protean role inits capacity to be both metaphor and metonym(M. Mayblin, personal communication). De-bates about transubstantiation in the Eucharist(Bynum 2007) or the presence of blood in actsof martyrdom (Castelli 2011) indicate that thesymbolic potential of blood can be conceived ina highly literal manner, whereas in other con-texts (such as heredity or relationships) it maybe more removed from what it signifies.

To some extent, all bodily substances can beassociated with vitality, and this notion may beone source of their aptitude for metaphoricalextension. But some seem to be more “good tothink”—or good to enact—than others. Bloodmay be the most obvious example, but certainorgans, such as the heart or liver, and somebodily fluids, such as breast milk or sexual flu-ids, have more symbolic potential than others.Considering their attributes together, the vividcolor and the liquidity of blood, the obvious

importance of its internal flow to health, andits external flow to reproduction, wounding, ordeath, as well as blood’s ready alterability, seemto give a unique range and power to its imme-diate associations and its potential for furtherelaboration. The symbolic weight and range ofassociations of the heart and/or liver as the vitalorgan par excellence and also the seat of emo-tions could be explained in a similar way. Al-though less obviously striking in appearance,the association of sexual fluids and breast milkwith life itself and, as Turner suggested, the po-tential emotional resonance of processes of sex,reproduction, and maternal breast-feeding con-nect to the capacity of these bodily substancesfor symbolic elaboration. In considering whatmakes these particular objects the subject of re-lational speculation, we need to take into ac-count material qualities, the contexts in whichthey naturally occur, and the readiness withwhich they can be associated with life itself orqualities of animation.

Blood may be particularly apt for this kindof metaphorical extension because it scores sohighly in all three respects: It is visually striking,it can be seen inside and outside the body—both routinely and in exceptionally dramaticcircumstances—and it can be obviously associ-ated with life or life’s cessation. The example ofblood also underlines how these three differentaspects are, in fact, inseparable and reinforceeach other. I return to the special qualities ofblood below after considering transfers of otherkinds of bodily matter.

BODILY TRANSFERS;RELATIONAL MOVES

The rather unsubtle connection I have madebetween what we might think of as the lit-eral qualities of bodily substances and theirmetaphorical associations becomes immedi-ately more complex if we explore the relationaldimensions of how they are apprehended. Thiscomplexity reflects the fact that relationshipsand their qualities cannot really be grasped inthese terms: How would we tease apart literalor metaphorical dimensions of relationships?

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Here, the animating qualities of bodily sub-stance may suggest a way to explore what isbeing transferred.

Sexual intercourse and breast-feeding aretwo of the most common and obvious waysthat bodily fluids are transferred from one per-son to another. Nor is it surprising that theyare often surrounded by an elaborate discourseabout the possible results of mixing or trans-ferring bodily material from one person to an-other. The consequences of the physiologicalprocesses of intercourse, pregnancy, and breast-feeding in terms of relations between sexualpartners, spouses, parents and children, and sib-lings seem almost too obvious to mention. Butin fact the symbolic elaboration of such pro-cesses is extraordinarily varied. Ritual proscrip-tions of caste appear to be at one extreme of acultural elaboration concerned with controllingthe possible consequences of too much mixing(Daniel 1984, Lambert 2000, Marriott 1976,Marriott & Inden 1977). But Christian dis-courses about the creation of one flesh betweenhusband and wife and its implications in termsof the potential for incest between siblings-in-law suggest here too a profound concern aboutthe relational effects of mixing bodily substance.The long-running nineteenth-century Britishparliamentary debate over the possibility ofmarriage to a deceased wife’s sister is one ex-ample of this (Kuper 2009).

In many cultural contexts, transfers of sex-ual fluids, breast milk, or saliva are understoodto have a directly transformative effect on thenature of the person and that person’s rela-tions with others. As in the case of the con-troversy over marriage with a deceased wife’ssister, often there are further repercussions of amore indirect kind. Thus Malay women whomI knew in the 1980s spoke anxiously about thepotential consequences of breast-feeding otherwomen’s children in terms of Islamic proscrip-tions against marriages between them as adults(Carsten 1995; Parkes 2004, 2005). Perhaps itis not surprising that media reports of NewYork chef, Daniel Angerer, who made cheesefrom his wife’s surplus breast milk, describedthe responses as ranging from “mild yuckiness

to sheer revulsion” (Saner 2010, p. 3). Angererhimself reflected, “I suppose any kind of hu-man liquid takes on a weird, almost sexual, as-pect. But we drink milk from animals and, tome, this isn’t that different” (p. 3).

Concern about incest, although common, isof course not the only register of transforma-tions effected by the transfer of bodily matter.The literature on the social implications of re-cent medical advances, including organ trans-plants and reproductive technologies, providesilluminating material. Studies of patients whohave undergone organ transplants reveal a strik-ing tendency of many recipients to speculate onthe origins of donated organs in terms of thepersonal attributes of the donor and to under-stand transformations of themselves as an effectof incorporating these (Fox & Swazey 1992,2002; Lock 2002; Sharp 1995, 2006; Waldby2002). As Lock writes, “Body parts remain in-fused with life and even personality” (2002,p. 320).

Sharp’s study of organ donation in theUnited States (2006) beautifully documentshow recipients of cadaveric organs articulateconnections to the kin of deceased donors interms of kinship, the role of the donor motherbeing particularly crucial for participants insuch relations. Recipients speak of the “natu-ralness” of using the idiom of kinship in thiscontext, and Sharp, following Schneider (1980,1984), underscores how the centrality of bio-genetic concepts of relatedness in Americankinship makes the idiom of blood ties partic-ularly apt in cases of organ transfer. Her studyalso suggests that heart transplants are partic-ularly likely to be understood to effect pro-found personality changes (Fox & Swazey 1992,Pearsall et al. 2002) and are prone to rela-tional elaboration in Western contexts. Andthis connects with the idea that the heart isthought to contain “the greatest amount of thedonor’s essence” (Sharp 2006, p. 200) and islinked to understandings of it as the seat of theemotions, which have a surprising endurancein Western contexts (Bound Alberti 2010), aswell as to its direct association with sustaininglife.


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Such examples illuminate how transfersof bodily material are imagined in relationalterms, which may be elaborated in more cre-ative and imaginative ways than the rather flatanthropological trope of “fictive kinship” im-plies. Adopting the term biosentimentality, indistinction to Rabinow’s (1992) “biosociality,”Sharp highlights how the positive overtonesof these relations may subvert the potentialof biosociality to reshape social relations indangerous or threatening ways (Rapp 1999).The importance of such multiple and layeredassociations thus plays a role in how a medicalprocedure (albeit a serious and dramatic one)can become the subject of what we could termrelational speculation and of negotiation ofideas of personhood. Such negotiations of theperson and relationality are brought into play indecision-making at the beginnings and ends oflife (Kaufman 2005, Kaufman & Morgan 2005)and in considering the implications of fertilitytreatment. Edwards (1993, 2000) has high-lighted concerns about the possible adulterousconnotations of gamete transfers as well as theopportunities for incest to occur unwittinglybetween those who may not know they aresiblings. But, as in the case of those undergoingsurrogacy, participants may, in fact, avoid thedisturbing implications of such proceduresand instead emphasize and extend normativeaspects of family ideology (Ragone 1994).Research carried out among patients receivingor donating gametes, however, demonstratesthat relational moves can also be innovative(Konrad 1998, 2005) and include stratagemsthat have the effect of excluding inappropriateadulterous or incestuous connotations. This“flexible choreography” (Thompson 2001,p. 198; Thompson 2005) between elementsof nature and culture suggests a subtle andimaginative process of accommodating existingand future relations to quite new situations.

Some have suggested that recent advances ingenetic medicine encourage a move away fromthe malleability of blood in kinship thinkingto a more fixed genetic essentialism (Finkler2000, 2001), or literalization, particularly inmedical contexts. Growing evidence indicates,

however, that confronted by incomplete orindecipherable genetic information, those con-cerned revert to more familiar tropes, buildingon the plasticity of historically prior idiomsof blood and family (Bestard 2009; Cepaitiene2009; Edwards 2009; Franklin 2003, 2011;Lock 2005; Porqueres i Gene & Wilgaux2009; Rapp 1999). “Blood,” as Franklin (2011)memorably puts it, “is thicker than genes.”

TRANSFERS OF BLOOD

Although studies of organ donation and fer-tility treatment are highly suggestive of con-cerns about the effects of transfers of bodilysubstance, they arise in rather special circum-stances. In placing such medical proceduresalongside more everyday matters of breast-feeding or sexual intercourse, we could considerthese processes as a continuum encompassing,at one extreme, fleeting kinds of physical con-tact, such as concerns about touching or feedingand, at the other, the most radical transfers rep-resented by organ donation. Blood would seemto occupy a paradoxical place in such a contin-uum. Blood flows are common and minor oc-currences, but they can also signal extreme actsof violence, illness, or death. Flows of blood canbe intentionally elicited for ritual, medical, orother purposes and can also occur involuntarily.Such flows are thus at once both more everydaythan donations of gametes or organs, but alsohave unique qualities.

In keeping with the range of contexts inwhich blood is found, the relevant literatureis dispersed across many subfields, includingreligion, symbolism, kinship, politics, andmedical anthropology (Bynum 2007, Copeman2009c, Feeley-Harnik 1981, Hugh-Jones 2011,Knight 1991, Schneider 1980, Starr 1998). Andthis is testament not just to blood’s importanceas a bodily substance but also to its potential“catchiness” in metaphor (Sperber 1985).Blood donation is of particular interest becauseit encompasses many of these associations,including medical, moral, personal, politi-cal, national, kinship, and religious aspects(Anagnost 2006; Baud 2011; Busby 2006;

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Chaveau 2011; Copeman 2004, 2005, 2008,2009a,b; Reddy 2007; Sanabria 2009; Simpson2004, 2009; Street 2009). Although such asso-ciations can be morally positive, it importantto note that, partly through the overlap ofideas of kinship, nation, and race—in both ofwhich blood and heredity are central (Wade2002, 2007; Williams 1995)—the flow ofblood through transfusion or heredity andintermarriage may also be blocked in exclu-sionary moves (Dauksas 2007, Lederer 2008,Poqueres i Gene 2007, Strong 2009, Valentine2005, Weston 2001). Such linkages, whichmay be highly politically charged, have longand specific histories in European cultures(de Miramon 2009, Nirenberg 2009), butneither historically in Europe nor elsewhereis it necessarily the case that the symbolismof blood connotes immutable essence ratherthan a substance subject to change dependingon environment, moral state, climate, sexualcontact, food consumption, or other influences(Stoler 1992, 1997; Wade 1993, 2002).

Titmuss’s foundational study of blood do-nation, The Gift Relationship (1997), comparedthe policy implications of the altruistic unpaiddonation of blood under the British NationalHealth Service with the payment of donorsin the United States and elsewhere. His con-clusion, that a system of unpaid donation wassafer because it ruled out the intrusion of com-mercial interests into blood donation, has, inthe light of infected blood scandals set in trainby the HIV/AIDS pandemic in France, China,the United Kingdom, and elsewhere proven tobe an oversimplification (Baud 2011, Chaveau2011, Feldman & Bayer 1999, Laqueur 1999,Shao 2006, Shao & Scoggin 2009, Starr 1998).Nevertheless, Titmuss’s insistence on the im-portance of attempting to ring-fence a purelyaltruistic system of blood donation to ensurethe safety of transfused blood is worth consid-ering more closely.

The difficulty of insulating a morallycharged altruistic sphere of donation is not, ofcourse, confined to medical contexts (Douglas1990, Weiner 1992). Studies of organ donationilluminate the complex play of motivations

that underlie acts of donation as well as theprofound guilt or obligation often felt byrecipients, leading Renee Fox to write of the“tyranny of the gift” (Fox 1978, p. 1168; Fox &Swazey 1992, 2002, p. 199; see also Das 2010;Lock 2000, 2002; Simmons et al. 1987; Sharp1995). Whereas such studies show the intensepressure relatives may feel to donate a kidneyto a close family member, the more diffusenexus of discourses and connotations of blooddonation as good citizenship, nationalism,histories of kinship, health, and other matterssuggests the potential fruitfulness of analyzingblood or organs through the lens of the“entangled” and plural meanings of particularobjects as they travel through biographicaland social contexts (Appadurai 1986, Hoskins1998, Kopytoff 1986, Thomas 1991), a kind of“thinking through things” (Henare et al. 2007).

Assumptions about the adequacy of nonpay-ment of donors to ensure safety are based on theidea that payment is the only or the most seriouspotential intrusion into the pure altruism of thegift. But of course moral acts may bring theirown significant rewards; blood donors as wellas those who take blood from them, and thosewho administer and run blood transfusion ser-vices, have their own interests and histories ofrelationships that may constrain or dictate theirbehavior. In Malaysia, many donors to whom Ispoke situated their acts of donation in storiesabout their own families, including the previ-ous illnesses of close family members. Sometook obvious pride in the small gifts or mate-rial forms of acknowledgment given to regulardonors. Some described how their donation waswoven into their employment history; othersknew or were connected in some way to bloodbank staff who took their blood. These layeredentanglements make clear that it would be ex-tremely difficult to construct a system of blooddonation divorced from human interest. Sucha system would have to be run by robots in aworld immune from human intervention.

The multiple imbrications and associationsof donating blood have significant policy im-plications, but they also provide clues for un-derstanding the links between relationality and


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bodily substance. Although the gift relationshipmay be a fertile trope through which to ana-lyze relations between donors and recipients oracts of donation, and also fits neatly into an al-ready well-worked seam of anthropological dis-cussion about the gift, it may also obscure thesignificance of other kinds of relations that en-able blood transfers to occur.

BLOOD FLOWS: DONATION,MONEY, AND GHOSTS

Probing further the uncontained quality ofblood that is revealed in studies of blood do-nation, we could seek analogies in other objectsor beings that have similar unbounded proper-ties without blood’s liquid form. Here I brieflyconsider just two: money and ghosts. Althoughthese parallels may seem counterintuitive be-cause they are drawn from outside the realmof bodily substances, the propensities of moneyand ghosts to move between domains help il-luminate our understandings of substance andrelationality.

Given the sharp antipathy between com-merce and transfers of blood in at least someWestern contexts, a comparison between bloodand money might seem paradoxical. But theproblematic status of payment in the contextof blood donation, highlighted by Titmuss,recalls another sphere in which monetary pay-ment raises moral and categorical issues: sex.And here too bodily transfers are involved. Sexand money are commonly deemed antitheticalin the West, partly because payment for sexis redolent of a breach between the world offamily and that of work, or the private and thepublic (Day 2007). Payment for blood wouldbreach another closely related boundary:between a sphere of altruism and one ofcommercial interest (see also Ragone 1996 onthe similar tensions of commercial surrogacyarrangements). Giving blood also traverses theboundary of the body/person and its inalienableparts. That bodily exchanges should be involvedin both sex work and blood donation, and thataltruism is strongly evoked in the ideology ofthe family, whereas the world of work is one of

monetary renumeration, suggests resonancesbetween the two cases. Whereas payment forsex characteristically remains hidden or secret,however, blood donation is imbued with thepositive moral values of public giving.

Pursuing for a moment the analogy be-tween blood and money, one key attribute ofthe latter has been taken to be its functionas a means of exchange. Famously, money fa-cilitates exchanges between spheres that maybe, to some degree, insulated from each other(Bohannan 1959, Maurer 2006, Parry & Bloch1989, Strathern & Stewart 1999). Althoughthis is clearly not the prime function of blood(despite the suggestive metaphor of the bloodbank), we could nevertheless see some similar-ity to money in the propensity of blood to flowfrom one domain to another (Copeman 2009c,Street 2009).

But we can discern another quality that theyhold in common. If the metaphorical capacitiesof blood derive partly from its contribution tovitality and animation, it is worth noting thatmoney, although part of a world of inanimateobjects, is also prone to be “enlivened” throughmetaphors of growth and fertility. Here, Marx’s(1954, pp. 76–87) observations on fetishismare pertinent. And of course these qualities ofmoney derive from its ability to acquire interest,to seed commercial or other projects, to growin itself, or to make other things grow. In sodoing, it travels between persons, institutions,and projects. Like blood, money may flow and isperceived as generative. It thus seems plausibleto link this flow, and the processes of increaseor depletion that thereby ensue, to the qual-ity of animation with which it is metaphoricallyendowed.

The commonalities between blood andmoney thus derive from two linked attributes:their circulation among different domains andtheir (incomplete or unstable) properties of an-imation. Movement among domains that inother contexts are kept separate and a ques-tionable status of animation suggest one fur-ther analogy: ghosts. If blood is alive only to alimited extent—it cannot by itself sustain life,and donated blood and blood products have a

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relatively short shelf-life—ghosts can be viewedas incompletely dead. Unable to “rest in peace,”they seek to intrude in the lives of the living.But one might also reverse this proposition be-cause it is not necessarily clear whether it is thedead or the living who are the most unwill-ing to give up their connection. Intriguingly,Sharp comments on the persistent appearanceof ghosts in the narratives of the kin of cadavericorgan donors in the United States, “extendingthe life,” as she puts it, “of a donor beyond thegrave” (2006, p. 155). But the capacity of ghoststo make their presence felt is limited by variousfactors, including the particular locations withwhich they are associated and the times whenthey may appear.

The most well-known tendency of ghosts istheir ability to pass through solid objects andto inhabit different spheres: the worlds of thedead and that of the living. Like blood, onemight almost say ghosts flow between domains.Vampire spirits are, of course, a special class ofghosts with an affinity for blood (White 2000).Perhaps it is not coincidental that a contem-porary efflorescence of vampire stories in thepopular culture of the United States, UnitedKingdom, and elsewhere has closely followedwidespread public anxiety about infected bloodin the context of HIV/AIDS and bovine spongi-form encephalopathy (BSE) epidemics. As en-thusiasts of the Buffy the Vampire Slayer se-ries and many other such modern tales knowall too well, the quality of blood that vampiresseek above all is its animation. Fresh supplies ofliving, human blood keep vampires going. Al-though much about this genre can be the sub-ject of enjoyable innovation, the desire for thisanimation remains constant.

CONCLUSION

Any attempt to link together ideas about bodilysubstance with understandings of relatedness isat risk of being either too general or too par-ticular. Not only are these topics very broad,but the ways in which they manifest themselvesseem all too obviously culturally and historicallysituated. Negotiating between specific cases to

find the threads that might connect these ideas,I have set out some points for comparison. Sug-gesting that a consideration of the metaphor-ical capacity of different substances is linkedto their material and sensual properties is onesuch avenue for comparison. Relative density,softness or hardness, color, smell, and alterabil-ity or permanence may play a role in just how“good to think” a substance is. But the contextsin which substances occur, their bodily associ-ations, seem to be another crucial vector in theaptitude of particular substances for metaphor-ical elaboration, and here flow and transfer-ability enhance such capacities. Breast milk andsexual fluids stand out as substances whose oc-currence involves being passed between bodies(in contrast, say, to saliva or urine). Althoughthey originate within bodies, these substancesflow between bodies and persons—sometimesin emotionally charged contexts—and are par-ticularly prone to invite speculation about therelations enabled by such transfers. Crucially,they may be literally life-giving.

I have suggested that, by virtue of its manyextraordinary qualities, blood is worthy of spe-cial consideration. Perhaps most significant ofall is the fact that its flow within and from thebody is closely bound up with life itself. If ex-cessive bleeding is closely connected with death(I was told by Malay informants in the 1980sthat death occurred when all blood had left thebody, whether or not this was visible to the hu-man eye), transfusions of blood are the apotheo-sis of that which is life-saving. It is perhaps notsurprising that blood donation is often takento be a supremely altruistic act that can be at-tributed with all the values of secular good citi-zenship, religious giving, and familial duty. Theuniquely animating properties of blood are as-sociated with the properties of flow and move-ment that connote vitality. Through the analo-gies of money and ghosts, I have underlinedthe ways in which transfers and flow betweendomains entail both physical and imaginativeconnections among objects, bodies, or realmsthat are linked by such media.

The ways in which relationality is under-stood to derive from flows of substance are


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heightened by the polyvalent properties that Ihave described. Thus striking material quali-ties, special contexts of occurrence or a closeassociation with life itself or life-giving proper-ties, may together enhance the emotional reso-nance as well as the tendency for metaphoricalextension of particular bodily substances, andhence the likelihood of their being a vehicle forthe elaboration of ideas about relatedness. Suchqualities, I suggest, tend to pile in on each other,creating and extending further resonances andassociations in a self-fulfilling manner. Someobjects are indeed naturalized in many worlds.

In writing this review, I have been struck byhow often, and in how many contexts, I havecome across such phrases as “blood relations”or “blood ties” used by anthropologists in unre-flective or unanalyzed ways, without specifyingif these locutions are their own or those of their

informants, and as if such usages did not comealready encumbered by peculiarly weighty (andculturally particular) baggage (see Ingold 2007,pp. 110–11). Trying to disinter these multi-ple associations has involved picking apart dif-ferent properties whose co-occurrence is notalways coincidental. The quality of animationthat is above all signaled by flow and move-ment (just as being at rest or immobile can sug-gest its opposite) perhaps accounts for a verywidespread connection that can be made be-tween substances that flow within and betweenbodies and relations that are apprehended interms of such flows. That such connections areprone to be made in diverse cultures should not,however, blind us to the equally striking cul-tural and historical specificity of how they canbe constantly elaborated and reimagined in newways.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that mightbe perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am very grateful to Jacob Copeman, Sarah Franklin, Ian Harper, Toby Kelly, Rebecca Marsland,Maya Mayblin, and Jonathan Spencer for their comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of thisarticle and to Julie Hartley and Joanna Wiseman for help preparing the bibliography and collectingmaterials. Writing was made possible by a Leverhulme Major Research Fellowship.

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AN40-FrontMatter ARI 23 August 2011 7:33

Annual Review ofAnthropology

Volume 40, 2011 Contents

Prefatory Chapter

Anthropological Relocations and the Limits of DesignLucy Suchman � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 1

Archaeology

The Archaeology of ConsumptionPaul R. Mullins � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 133

Migration Concepts in Central Eurasian ArchaeologyMichael D. Frachetti � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 195

Archaeologists and Indigenous People: A Maturing Relationship?Tim Murray � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 363

Archaeological Ethnography: A Multitemporal Meeting Groundfor Archaeology and AnthropologyYannis Hamilakis � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 399

Archaeologies of SovereigntyAdam T. Smith � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 415

A Century of Feasting StudiesBrian Hayden and Suzanne Villeneuve � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 433

Biological Anthropology

Menopause, A Biocultural PerspectiveMelissa K. Melby and Michelle Lampl � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �53

Ethnic Groups as Migrant Groups: Improving Understandingof Links Between Ethnicity/Race and Risk of Type 2 Diabetes andAssociated ConditionsTessa M. Pollard � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 145

From Mirror Neurons to Complex Imitation in the Evolutionof Language and Tool UseMichael A. Arbib � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 257

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From Hominoid to Hominid Mind: What Changed and Why?Brian Hare � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 293

The Human Microbiota as a Marker for Migrations of Individualsand PopulationsMaria Gloria Dominguez-Bello and Martin J. Blaser � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 451

Linguistics and Communicative Practices

Publics and PoliticsFrancis Cody � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �37

Ritual and Oratory Revisited: The Semiotics of Effective ActionRupert Stasch � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 159

Language and Migration to the United StatesHilary Parsons Dick � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 227

The Balkan Languages and Balkan LinguisticsVictor A. Friedman � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 275

International Anthropology and Regional Studies

Central Asia in the Post–Cold War WorldMorgan Y. Liu � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 115

The Ethnographic Arriving of PalestineKhaled Furani and Dan Rabinowitz � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 475

Sociocultural Anthropology

Substance and Relationality: Blood in ContextsJanet Carsten � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �19

Hallucinations and Sensory OverridesT.M. Luhrmann � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �71

Phenomenological Approaches in AnthropologyRobert Desjarlais and C. Jason Throop � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �87

Migration, Remittances, and Household StrategiesJeffrey H. Cohen � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 103

Climate and Culture: Anthropology in the Era of ContemporaryClimate ChangeSusan A. Crate � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 175

Policing Borders, Producing Boundaries. The Governmentalityof Immigration in Dark TimesDidier Fassin � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 213

Contents vii

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The Cultural Politics of Nation and MigrationSteven Vertovec � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 241

Migrations and SchoolingMarcelo M. Suarez-Orozco, Tasha Darbes, Sandra Isabel Dias, and Matt Sutin � � � � � � 311

TobaccoMatthew Kohrman and Peter Benson � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 329

Transnational Migration and Global Health: The Production andManagement of Risk, Illness, and Access to CareCarolyn Sargent and Stephanie Larchanche � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 345

Concepts and Folk TheoriesSusan A. Gelman and Cristine H. Legare � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 379

Migration-Religion Studies in France: Evolving Toward a ReligiousAnthropology of MovementSophie Bava � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 493

Theme I: Anthropology of Mind

Hallucinations and Sensory OverridesT.M. Luhrmann � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �71

Phenomenological Approaches in AnthropologyRobert Desjarlais and C. Jason Throop � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �87

From Mirror Neurons to Complex Imitation in the Evolution ofLanguage and Tool UseMichael A. Arbib � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 257

From Hominoid to Hominid Mind: What Changed and Why?Brian Hare � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 293

Concepts and Folk TheoriesSusan A. Gelman and Cristine H. Legare � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 379

Theme II: Migration

Migration, Remittances, and Household StrategiesJeffrey H. Cohen � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 103

Ethnic Groups as Migrant Groups: Improving Understanding of LinksBetween Ethnicity/Race and Risk of Type 2 Diabetes and AssociatedConditionsTessa M. Pollard � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 145

Migration Concepts in Central Eurasian ArchaeologyMichael D. Frachetti � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 195

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Policing Borders, Producing Boundaries. The Governmentalityof Immigration in Dark TimesDidier Fassin � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 213

Language and Migration to the United StatesHilary Parsons Dick � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 227

The Cultural Politics of Nation and MigrationSteven Vertovec � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 241

Migrations and SchoolingMarcelo M. Suarez-Orozco, Tasha Darbes, Sandra Isabel Dias,

and Matt Sutin � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 311

Transnational Migration and Global Health: The Productionand Management of Risk, Illness, and Access to CareCarolyn Sargent and Stephanie Larchanche � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 345

The Human Microbiota as a Marker for Migrations of Individualsand PopulationsMaria Gloria Dominguez-Bello and Martin J. Blaser � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 451

Migration-Religion Studies in France: Evolving Toward a ReligiousAnthropology of MovementSophie Bava � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 493

Indexes

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 31–40 � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 509

Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 31–40 � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 512

Errata

An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found athttp://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml

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Blood in Contexts

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Transcript of Blood in Contexts