Black Church Culture and Community Action - case.edu

Black Church Culture and Community Action

Sandra L. Barnes, Purdue University

AbstractCultural theory posits that social groups possess a cultural repertoire or “tool kit” thatreflects beliefs, ritual practices, stories and symbols that provide meaning and impetus forresource mobilization. However, little research based on quantitative techniques has beenforwarded relative to the relationship between longstanding Black Church culturalcomponents – specifically, scripture, songs, prayers and sermons – and activism amongBlack churches. Using a large national sample of Black congregations across sevendenominations, I test aspects of cultural theory. Findings support the consistent, directrelationship between prayer groups and gospel music and various forms of communityaction and less influence by spirituals and the general usage of sacred scripture.

The Black Church1 has long been considered a bulwark in the Black community. Researchsupports its’ religious, economic, socio-cultural and political dimensions (Billingsley 1999;Drake and Cayton 1962; Dubois 1953[1996], 1903[2003]; Ellison and Sherkat 2000; Frazier1964; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Mays and Nicholson 1933; Morris 1984; Nelsen and Nelsen1975). More contemporary studies tend to contradict some of these claims (Gregory 1998;McRoberts 2003). An ethnographic study by Pattillo-McCoy (1998) details aspects of BlackChurch cultural transference to Black community members in the Chicago neighborhood ofGroveland. An important point of departure for her seminal analysis presupposes arelationship between cultural “tools” such as prayer, songs and other religious symbols, andcommunity action among Black congregations. Although this correlation has been suggestedbased on theoretical, anecdotal or qualitative findings, to my knowledge, scholars have nottested this relationship using quantitative techniques.2 To address this limitation, I assesswhether key claims, derived largely from ethnographic studies, are evident for a nationalsample of 1,863 Black congregations in order to test aspects of cultural theory. This studyinvestigates whether cultural symbols such as gospel music, spirituals, prayer and socialjustice sermons endemic to the Black Church engender community action. Although not anexhaustive test, this study examines existing literature on the role of the Black Church as achange agent as well as possible correlates between common cultural patterns and specificstrategies to address social problems in the Black community.

Research also suggests variability in community action based on denomination, with lesshierarchical denominations generally encouraging civic and social engagement (Harris 1995;Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1993) and greater community support among the Methodistsand Baptists than Church of God in Christ due to the historic differences in community

Earlier versions of this article were presented at the 2004 Association for the Study of Religion andAmerican Sociological Association conferences. I would like to thank Clara Brown-Smith, KenFerraro, Nancy Ammerman, James Davidson, Stephen Rasor and Social Forces’ anonymousreviewers for their assistance. This research was funded by a 2001 Purdue University Incentive Grantand a 2002 Purdue University Research Foundation Grant and with support from the ITC FaithFactor 2000 Project sponsored by the Lilly Endowment and the Interdenominational TheologicalCenter. Direct correspondence to Sandra L. Barnes, Department of Sociology & Anthropology andthe African American Studies Research Center, Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN 47907-2059.E-mail: [email protected].

© The University of North Carolina Press Social Forces, Volume 84, Number 2, December 2005

involvement, denominational polity, socioeconomic status of the membership, infrastructureof local congregations, and theological tenure of the church culture (Billingsley 1999; Calhoun-Brown 1998; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; McRoberts 1999; Park and Smith 2000). In additionto less tangible factors associated with church culture, clergy education and their personaltheology as well as church size and economic stability also have been shown to influencecommunity action (Billingsley 1992, 1999; Calhoun-Brown 1999; Cavendish 2001; Chaves1999; Chaves and Higgins 1992; Day 2001; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; McRoberts 1999;Reese and Shields 2000; Sawyer 2001; Wilmore 1994).

Cultural Theory

Swidler (1986) defines culture as “symbolic vehicles of meaning, including beliefs, ritualpractices, art forms and ceremonies, as well as informal cultural practices such as language,gossip, stories and rituals of daily life.” (p. 273) Her definition is a departure from anunderstanding of culture that emphasizes how ideas shape group worldviews and behavior(Weber 1930, 1946) or one in which a collective consciousness helps establish groupdynamics (Durkheim 1964). The previous, more rudimentary definition of culture as a “sharedway of life” has also been supplanted by conceptualizations that position culture as themediator between social symbols, meaning and experience. According to Swidler (1986),culture consists of socially-constructed symbols and activities that provide meaning andestablish and reinforce expected behavior among group members. Based on cultural theory,a cultural repertoire or “tool kit” reflects rituals, stories, symbols and beliefs used to negotiatea place in society. Swidler (1986) posits that the components of culture are not themechanisms by which we explain end results, but more appropriately are the means toprocesses that bring about desired results. Furthermore, culture is expected to provide theimpetus and meaning for such processes and undergird resource mobilization. Via culture,persons are able to identify issues and challenges, make sense out of them, and formulatestrategies to address them. If, as she contends, “culture provides the materials from whichindividuals and groups construct strategies of action” (p. 280), one should be able, not onlyto identify those cultural components most effective in developing strategies, but ideally,quantify them. Findings could enable social actors to emphasize those cultural elements mosteffective in meeting desired objectives. Although terminology may differ, Swidler’s argumentparallels other scholars who have established linkages between cultural components andbehavioral patterns in general (Bellah et al 1996; Bourdieu 1977, 1984; Goffman 1974;Hannerz 1969) and for the Black Church in particular (Drake and Cayton 1940; McRoberts2003; West 1982; Wilmore 1994).

Another important aspect of cultural analysis centers on how culture is framed (i.e.,purposely arranged, produced and presented) to effect community action (Goffman 1974;Snow, Rochford Jr., Worden, and Benford 1986). Applying Benford (1993) specifically to BlackChurch dynamics, framing can be implemented to encourage advocates regarding theseverity and urgency of social problems that affect the Black community as well as theirindividual efficacy and propriety as potential change agents. He contends:

Vocabularies of motive and framing activities, as well as the actionsthey stimulate, facilitate the construction of shared identities withingroups. These shared definitions, or collective identities, in turn affectsubsequent framing and vocabulary of motive construction processesin a never-ending, recursive chain. (p. 210)

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In this way, songs, prayer and scripture in the Black Church tradition move beyond our originalunderstanding as mere cognitive templates and fortify social actors to meet ends.

Similarly, Bolman and Deal (1991) appropriate the concept of framing in their theoreticalassessment of organizational dynamics by arguing the necessity for varied framingapproaches to foster adaptability and resilience. For them, frames are: images or mapsrepresenting different vantage points, influenced by the social world, and models by whichthis same world can be evaluated, explained and acted upon. Thus using what they term“symbolic framing:”3

Organizations are cultures that are propelled more by rituals,ceremonies, stories, heroes and myths than by rules, policies andmanagerial authority. The symbolic frame seeks to interpret andilluminate the basic issues of meaning and faith that make symbolsso powerful in every aspect of the human experience, including lifein organizations… [and] religious orders. (Bolman and Deal1991:15, 244-45)

The authors further suggest that, for a given event, what is most crucial is not what happened,but rather what it means to the human actors involved. Such organizations may contend withconflict due to varied intra-group meanings for the same event, ambiguous events and difficultyassessing productivity and reconciling problems. In addition, challenges arise when culturalstories, rituals and ceremonies lose their meaning and ability to influence. These tenets ofsymbolically-framed organizations can be applied to our understanding of the Black Church.

For example, Black Church members have been shown to develop symbols such asrituals, songs, sayings, sacred meetings and biblical stories to help them interpret events,focus efforts and provide organizational vision (Felder 1991; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Marx1971; Wilmore 1995). However, according to Bolman and Deal (1991), in many cases,expressive rather than instrumental results enable such organizations to understand andorganize their experiences and efforts. Using symbolic framing, culture is both process andproduct that is especially important for sustaining organizations and members who faceuncertainty, circumstances beyond their control and paradoxes. For Black Churchcongregants, such symbols would help provide meaning and clarity for historical events suchas slavery and present day discrimination and poverty as well as possible avenues forcollective redress. And even when traditional channels are engaged to bring about change,the cultural motivation behind the action is often imbued with drama, metaphors andinspirationally-derived potency.

Similarly, Swidler (1995) illustrates the often dynamic context in which culture manifests,exists and evolves, but also posits that processing culture can result in institutionalized androutinized patterns that raise the consciousness of adherents, attract new supporters for agiven movement, and even permeate public discourse. In addition, components of BlackChurch culture often become an intricate part of overall group identity for many AfricanAmericans (Gallup and Castelli 1989; Taylor 1988). Given the potential influence of culturalelements, scrutinizing suppositions regarding the relationship between church culture,meaning, praxis and congregational engagement among Black churches will broaden thestudy of the Black religious experience. This means testing the potential effects of commonlyconsidered elements of Black Church culture on social engagement to discover whether,“cultural power varies by context and specific contexts turn inchoate individual beliefs andbroad cultural idioms into particular demands for action.” (Swidler 1995: 35-36)

Lastly, Pattillo-McCoy’s (1998) ethnographic work examines cultural theory relative to theBlack religious experience and community action. She illustrates how Black Church cultural

Black Church Culture and Community Action • 969

elements infuse events designed to combat urban social problems such as drugs, gangs andcrime and facilitate activism. Church rituals such as songs, prayer, call-and-response andChristian symbols represent the “cultural tool kit” local leaders use to frame social issues toencourage community involvement. By doing so, the “symbolic” strengths found in thecontemporary Black Church are harnessed in non-traditional ways.

The Cultural Repertoire in the Black Church

Although diverse religious expressions exist among African Americans, research suggestscommonalities among those who identify themselves as Christian: scriptural interpretation,ritual development, and religious expression that are contextually relevant to the AfricanAmerican experience; emphasis on spiritual as well as temporal needs of congregants andcommunity members; and, a self-help tradition. Reliance on spirituals, call-and-response, gospelmusic, prayer and scriptural references that evoke both prophetic as well as priestly activityemerged as African Americans appropriated elements of Christianity and African religions toaddress their social reality (Billingsley 1999; Frazier 1964; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Wilmore1995). In doing so, rhetoric, rituals and symbols undergirded attempts at collective action andidentity formation (Johnston and Klandermans 1995; Pattillo-McCoy 1998).

The bible is central to Black Church culture. Slaves, as members of the “invisible institution,”and later, freedpersons in the organized Black Church, redacted scripture based on their ownexperiences. These scriptural interpretations became the point of departure for songs, prayers,sermons, behavioral rituals and values (Calhoun-Brown 1999; Costen 1993; Felder 1991). Biblicaltext, especially when presented during sermons, help socialize African Americans in regard toother-worldly and this-worldly pursuits. The former scriptural interpretations are consideredmore “priestly” compared to their “prophetic” counterparts (Lincoln and Mamiya 1990). Andcongregations that correlate religious/biblical symbols with temporal needs are more likely toengage in community activism (Cavendish 2001; Harris 1987; Marx 1971). Sermonic referencescan also be influential because of the focused nature of the biblical references, charismaticdelivery by the minister, strategic use of text to affect behavior, and captive audience during thepreaching moment. Thus scriptural usage, in general, and via sermons, in particular, couldplacate the masses (Marx 1848[1977]); evoke liberation (Cone 1995; West 1982; Wilmore 1994);manifest as particularistic rituals that undermine community involvement (McRoberts 2003);emphasize preeminence of the Deity and personal religious hygiene (Lincoln and Mamiya 1990);and encourage political action and other forms of community engagement (Billingsley 1999;Morris 1984; Sherkat and Ellison 1991).

Black religious music forms evolved from scripture. Scholars debate the point oforigination and intent of early spirituals or “sorrow songs” (DuBois 1953[1996]), but agree thatthey too represent scriptural redaction based on the African American experience. Lincoln andMamiya (1990) contend that spirituals grew out of call-and-response dynamics between theslave preacher and congregation, became a distinctive form of worship during revivals, andgenerally reflect an other-worldly theology. Other scholars suggest that symbolism inspirituals encouraged liberative efforts on the part of the oppressed and served as a copingmechanism (Cone 1995; Costen 1995) and rallying cry during the Civil Rights movement(Morris 1984). Cone (1992) posits:

It is the spirituals that show us the essence of black religion… Blackslaves did not devise philosophical and theological methodologies inorder to test the truth of God’s revelation as liberation. Instead oftesting God, they ritualized [emphasis is his] God in song and sermon.


That was what the spirituals were all about – a ritualization of God insong.” (pp. 33, 66)

While spirituals were largely shaped by the slave experience, gospel music is said to haveevolved in urban centers. As with spirituals, scholars and theologians have debated thepriestly or prophetic impetus of this music form; some considered it base.4 However, it wasreadily embraced among Pentecostal and Holiness churches, many of whose members andcommunity bases were impoverished. The socioeconomic profiles of early adherents,coupled with the communal nature, instrumental innovation and secularized elements ofmore contemporary gospel forms have resulted in its use in coordinated social action amongAfrican Americans (Baer and Singer 1992; Costen 1995; Pattillo-McCoy 1998). For example, intheir national study on Black churches, Lincoln and Mamiya (1990) find that more than 90percent of these churches embrace the use of spirituals and gospel music.

Less often the direct focus of inquiry on Black religiosity, studies illustrate the use ofprayer to frame religious and secular events (Pattillo-McCoy 1998), organized religious retreatscentered around prayer (Copeland 1995), and the prayer tradition as a means to communicatewith the Deity, intercede on behalf of others, and receive “validation” for future activities(Mattis 2002; Wilmore 1995). Studies suggest that African Americans are more likely to takepart in petitionary and ritual prayer than their White counterparts (Poloma and Gallup 1991)and believe in the collective and individual benefits associated with prayer (Taylor, Chattersand Levin 2004). For Carter (1976), African Americans embraced liberation as well as non-violence through their prayer tradition. The author characterizes individual and collectiveprayer as a weapon of social change:

And wherever Black people would bend their knees in prayer,whether in a big church or a small storefront, they would have thesame expectation from God and the same desires of their brothersand sisters. Their prayer meeting was their vehicle to community,affirming their personhood and keeping alive their hope for a betterday. (pp. 75, 117)

In contrast, McRoberts’ (2003) ethnographic analysis begs to differ in its presentation ofthe role of the Black Church in community involvement. His findings illustrate ways in whichsome Black congregations in African American areas develop membership niches throughthe use of symbolism, biblical redaction and particularistic rituals. These cultural markers, inturn, often undermine church members’ local interaction. His findings suggest that presencein the community does not necessarily translate into community involvement and beg theneed to explore long-suggested ways in which Black churches are believed to have engagedthe community. However, most of the abovementioned studies suggest that culture found inthe Black religious tradition has provided a common language to coordinate and directlyinfluence community action and “expresses in both language and affect the communal natureof activism, and God’s direct involvement in human affairs.” (Patillo-McCoy 1998: 771)

Black Church Cultural Processes and Community Action

Swidler’s (1986, 1995) idea of a cultural tool kit is the central theoretical framework for thisresearch. She asserts that culture provides the materials from which strategies of action areconstructed. As such, it is important to describe how the elements of Black Church culturestudied here organize, shape and influence community action. Although Swidler’s theory has


been presented earlier, I reference several of its components in this section to make clear theparallels to Black Church culture. Per Swidler (1986), strategies of action are products ofculture and “create moods and motivations, ways of organizing experience and evaluatingreality, modes of regulating conduct, and ways of forming social bonds.” (p. 277) Thus,meaning that results from cultural components resonate with adherents and ground thespecific strategies of action that groups and individuals develop. In this section, I referenceother research, largely qualitative in nature, and describe these Black Church repertoires ofaction, in general, and for each cultural tool, in particular.

Hill (1997) emphasizes the use of Black Church culture to galvanize African Americansaround certain issues and ultimately encourage specific behavior toward tangible ends:

Using the inherited verbal artistry and eloquence of the griots, theycrafted sermons, prayers, narratives, hymns, poems, essays, andsongs to educate, uplift, and stir the African American spirit towardsocial action… from their churches... early ministers foundedbenevolent societies that not only aided needy African Americans butoffered services to larger communities as well. (p. 26 [emphasis is mine])

Similarly, Wilmore (1995) suggests that Black Church clergy are charged with: “helping thecongregation to discover how preaching and prayer, music, and worship… are all informed bybiblical and theological knowledge… and directed toward the fundamental transformation ofpersons and institutions of society.” (p. 357 [emphasis is mine]) A parallel observation is madeby Baer and Singer (1992): “Black religion has emerged as a sometimes stormy mixture ofdiverse responses to oppression and heartfelt yearning for both spiritual and materialsalvation.” (p. 27 [emphasis is mine]) Sawyer’s (2001) recent accounts of social activismamong African American clergy further point to the tendency to reference Black Churchculture to encourage community action. He suggests:

The resultant redaction is a black religious tradition that holds as itsultimate values communalism, the welfare of the collectivity, theintegral relation of the spiritual and the material, and the moralobligation to pursue social-political concretization of the theologicalprinciples of equality, justice, and inclusiveness. (p. 67)

Although each of the aforementioned scholars focuses on a certain context in whichcommunity action ultimately occurs (i.e., during slavery, the post-Reconstruction Jim CrowSouth, the Civil Rights era or present day), a pattern emerges by which a specific set ofdevices from the Black Church tradition – prayer, singing, preaching, scripture and collectiveworship – are used to garner support and involvement in programs to bring about tangiblechange. They posit that Black Church culture is a conduit between commonly held beliefs,rituals and experiences among African Americans and subsequent processes and plans toaddress pressing social problems. To this end: (1) common belief and unwavering confidencein a just, impartial God; (2) reminders of the inherent value of people of African descent andtheir right to equality in all its forms; (3) biblical examples and themes of victory overseemingly insurmountable odds and individuals who act as they anticipate deliverance; (4)shared communication with the Deity during corporate prayer; and (5) singing to fortifycourage and provide meaning during challenging times – all spur continued commitment,provide a common, reassuring language, and frame pending events. These cultural resourceshave been used to organize, shape and motivate slave escapes, direct and tacit revolts, sit-ins,


voting drives, freedom rides, economic aid and also squelch fear of lynching, beatings, job-termination and death (Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Morris 1984; Wilmore 1995).

The literature documents similar cross-denominational beliefs regarding appropriateprograms and activities to address community problems and transform society. The followingedict from the African Methodist Episcopal Church tradition provides a representativestatement that broadly reflects advocacy and community service by the Black Church in theBlack community via:

…a continuing program of: (1) preaching the gospel, (2) feeding thehungry, (3) clothing the naked, (4) housing the homeless… (6)providing jobs for the jobless, (7) administering to the needs of thosein prisons,… and (8) encouraging thrift and economic advancement.(Lincoln and Mamiya 1990: 55)

These same authors suggest the Black Church’s importance because of its focus on“supporting the family, and raising the children respectably and industriously.” (p. 243) Othersources show that early programmatic outcomes included special events for youth andchildren, food banks and voting campaigns (Mays and Nicholson 1933; Nelsen and Nelsen1975). Yet, because growing segments of African American society continue to face socialproblems similar to those of their foreparents (Anderson 1997; Massey and Denton; Wilson1986, 1997), as suggested by Swidler (1986), Black Church culture as a tool kit influences theprocess by which strategies of action are developed, not by determining their necessary ends.Other studies detail lines of conduct consistently correlated with each cultural elementstudied here.

According to Lovell (1969), there were “three central themes in the black spiritual duringslavery: (1) a desire for freedom; (2) a desire for justice in the judgment upon his betrayers;and (3) a tacit battle, the strategy by which he expected to gain an eminent future.” (pp.134-135) He continues, the slave was, “tearing down a wreck and building a new, solid world, andall along we thought he was romanticizing.” (p. 136) Lovell suggests that, when singingspirituals, slaves were remembering – reminding themselves not to lose hope, reassuringeach other of a future time when slaveholders would reap what they had sewn, andreinforcing beliefs that their faith would eventually manifest in a society where they would befree. Thus spirituals influenced how slaves understood their reality and what they did toattempt to change it. Like Lovell, Fisher (1953) concludes that, contrary to scholars whosuggest a singular, otherworldly emphasis, spirituals tell the story of the historical struggles ofAfrican Americans for “earthly freedom.” (p. 183) Spirituals were used to socially construct ananticipated future reality that included freedom because the songs enabled the enslaved, to“visualize and to believe in the impact of God’s power.” (Hill 1997: 15) In doing so, adherentslaves could conceptualize freedom and implement plans to actualize this goal.

In his post-slavery expose’ on spirituals, DuBois (1953[1996]) contends: “through all thesorrow of the Sorrow Songs there breathes a hope – a faith in the ultimate justice of things.The minor cadences of despair change often to triumph and calm confidence.” (p. 264)Lincoln and Mamiya (1990) contend that spirituals are important, “first in their coded meaning,and second in their therapeutic value as survival tools.” (p. 352) Scholarship documents thedual meaning of many spirituals – where songs such as “Let Us Praise God Together on OurKnees” and “Deep River, My Home is Over Jordan” also referred to slave resistance meetingsor a signal of an eminent escape (Cone 1995; Fisher 1953; Hill 1997). Cone (1992) concludesthat, “many spirituals referred originally to concrete historical events and that their languagecould, therefore, be transferred to later events, expressing similar responses to similarsituations.” (p. 16) As illustrated by these scholars, the ability to transfer a common


understanding and the associated fervor it evokes to future endeavors is a key characteristicof Swidler’s (1986, 1995) cultural thesis.

Use of readily available resources (example, even slaves could pray) appropriated for aspecific purpose also reflects Swidler’s (1986, 1995) notion of a cultural repertoire. Wilmore(1994) focuses on the effects of corporate scriptural references and redactions, “in the biblicalstories, psalms, and accounts of miracles they [slaves] found the convictions and hope thata better life was possible for them in this world.” (p. 7 [emphasis is mine]) He further suggeststhat slaves would appropriate scripture in practical ways “to fashion it according to their ownsocial, recreational and personal spiritual needs.” (p. 8) Although critical of certain dimensionsof Black culture, Frazier (1964) provides an important commentary on the effectiveness ofBlack Church culture as a stimulant during the Civil Rights Movement. He notes, “As Negrostudents go forth singing the spirituals or gospel hymns when they engage in sit-down strikesor sing their Gospel songs in response to violence, they are behaving in accordance with thereligious heritage of the Negro.” (p. 75) Here, Frazier suggests the common understandingand subsequent use of spirituals and gospel music for social advocacy (years after theirinception), and he contends that students are aware of the potentially unifying influence ofsinging to bolster solidarity and courage. Like African Americans who had sung them before,the songs remind students to expect and anticipate victory.

Wilmore (1995) also posits that contemporary Black Church leaders recognize “the usefulnessof the Bible as a support for the liberation of the Black poor.” (p. 185) Furthermore, a commonbiblical language resulted in social action that took the form of church-based organizations andcommunity service programs. For example, Frazier (1964) documents the benevolent societiesthat grew out of the Black Church tradition, “the influence of the simple religious conceptions ofthe Negro folk and the Bible is revealed in the names of these mutual aid societies…‘Builders ofthe Walls of Jerusalem’, ‘Sons and Daughters of Esther’,…‘Brothers and Sisters of Love.’” (p. 36)Thus the impetus to organize such groups as well as their respective names were informed andinspired by scripture. Such organizations were spearheaded by local clergy and providedeconomic co-operation in the form of banks, grocery stores and self-help programs.

When considering liberation-oriented redaction of scripture, Wilmore (1994) asserts thatsuch sermons reflect “a reinterpreted belief system that was essentially radical in both itsanalysis of the black condition and its programmatic solution [emphasis is mine] to racism andoppression.” (Wilmore 1994: 169) More specifically, tangible and intangible activities framedby Black Liberation Theology rhetoric resulted in “planning ghetto economic development,community control,… and talking about black power.” (Wilmore 1994: 195) In doing so,references to common biblical references, stories and examples of ways in which the Deityintervened via human agency firmly grounded specific events. And similar to my research,Cavendish (2001) “delved beneath the descriptive level of analysis to examine the strategiesclergy… use to generate and sustain their parishioners’ participation in social actionprograms.” (p. 203) His findings suggest that effective clergy rely on a “social gospel…making the scriptures relevant to the circumstances in his urban community.” (p. 206)Similarly, McRoberts (2003) concludes that theological interpretation that correlates ministrywith economic and social redress reflects “reliance on the Holy Spirit and Biblical insight [and],can be used as ‘fuel’ for libratory struggle and community development work.” (p. 109)Ministers in his study who were involved in community action understood the Bible to be aninfluence on one’s experiences, beliefs and behavior and also realized how scripturerepresented a common mode of departure for their congregants. McRoberts continues,“pastors took their theology as is and sifted and kneaded it to support their extroverted,socially transformative imperatives.” (p. 113)

And like scripture, prayer served as a unified approach to inform the Deity of personaland group problems, request strength to endure hardship, garner support for pending,


often potentially dangerous events, and sanction ministry in the larger society. According toCarter (1976):

The Black person, therefore, needs the traditional strength of Blackprayers to provide meaning from the past, affirmation for the present,and hope for the future. The creative prayer meeting can still fulfill thisneed when its power is released in songs, words, prayers, andtestimonies. (pp. 75, 117 [emphasis is mine])

Carter argues that, if one desires effective participation from African Americans in a churchcontext, it is necessary to evoke the Deity and refer to previous biblical situations werevictories resulted. For him, power (i.e., the ability to understand the process and wherewithalto complete tasks) to bring about change manifests during corporate prayer. Focus groupresults by Taylor, Chatters and Levin (2004) regarding the religious lives of African Americanspoint to both the validating and mediating influences of prayer that inform the corporatetradition. A respondent notes; “I go ask God to help show me the right way, lead me in theright direction…, and I know prayer changes things.” (p. 70) Another suggests, “I pray fordirection… I pray for instructions.” (p. 75) And yet another African American describes beliefin the power of prayer as protection: “…we had a covering. And the covering came frompeople that were praying for us.” (p. 77) These representative quotes suggest the importanceof prayer for support and protection as well as guidance and instruction for current and futureendeavors. The authors conclude, “Beyond their ability to protect, prayers also have thepower to change people – to change their characters, their behaviors, and their outcomes.”(p. 78) Just as there are certain programs sanctioned as appropriate mechanisms forcommunity action, literature points to the awareness of those elements of Black Churchculture needed to elicit specific attitudinal and behavioral responses towards these ends.

It would be presumptuous to consider Black Church cultural dynamics to be the solemechanisms by which community action is spurred (i.e., consider the influence of clergy’spersonal motives or their personal activist tendencies or the social capital amongcongregants).5 However, the aforementioned scholars inform us about widely known culturalelements that are imbedded in the Black Church tradition and strategically implementedtoward specific outcomes. These cultural tools broadly reflect activities to initiate, statementsto make, themes to evoke and rituals to perform in order to corral support for action in theBlack community. And like earlier efforts, more contemporary studies show that theseprograms and solutions usually manifest as food and clothing banks, voter registrationcampaigns and efforts to rally behind political candidates believed to be allied with the Blackcommunity, special events to provide wholesome activities for youth, anti-drug and prisonministries (Billingsley 1992, 1999; Chaves and Higgins 1992; Drake and Cayton 1962; Lincolnand Mamiya 1990; Milbrath 1991; Morris 1984).

Research Hypothesis

Using the cultural repertoire presented by Pattillo-McCoy (1998) as the template, I testwhether its components directly affect community action among Black congregations. Theresearch question is: will rituals and symbols endemic to the Black Church foster variousforms of community action? Based on a sample of Black churches across sevendenominations, I examine “strategies of action” in the Black Church and cultural variables thathelp explain their adoption. I hypothesize that, even after controlling for congregational andpastoral profile and denomination, cultural components such as sacred scripture, spirituals,


gospel music, prayers and sermons will foster community action programs. And although Ianticipate that each of these cultural components will result in community involvement, Iexpect sermons with socio-political undertones to be most significant (Cavendish 2001;Felder 1991; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Marx 1971).

These tests will examine aspects of cultural theory as well as quantify some of theimportant qualitative assumptions suggested in Pattillo-McCoy’s (1998) study on the use ofBlack Church culture during community events. Her analysis focuses on form rather thancontent; here, I consider cultural form (i.e., common church styles) as well as elements ofcontent evident in Groveland activities (i.e., drugs in the community and youth issues).Specifically, I use multivariate techniques to test whether prayer, spiritual and gospel songs,sacred scripture and Christian imagery associated with sermons on social justice, race issuesand Black Liberation/Womanist Theology increase the likelihood of involvement in communityaction such as youth, substance abuse, voter registration and social advocacy programs.Although some of the variables I use do not directly parallel those in Pattillo-McCoy (1998)(example, Groveland residents were attempting to reduce drug dealing, whereas the variablehere captures church sponsorship of drug abuse programs), they reflect broad similaritiessuch that robust tests can be performed. In a broader sense, this analysis also illumines long-standing theoretical frameworks and studies by considering the Black Church’s continuedinvolvement in the Black community (Boyd 1998; Carter 1976; Cavendish 2000; Harris 1987;Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Mays and Nicholson 1933) as well as recent work that challengesBlack Church influence (McRoberts 2003). This study focuses on the type and generalinfluence of certain cultural markers. Although far from comprehensive in its ability to testcorrelates between Black Church cultural content and community involvement, limitedanalyses on claims of the impact of these cultural elements warrant investigation.6

Data and Methodology

The research is based on a national database of Black churches from the Faith Factor 2000Project, a joint venture between the Lilly Foundation and the Interdenominational TheologicalCenter (ITC) in Atlanta, Georgia, which was instituted to profile Black churches in the UnitedStates. The data collection process was spearheaded by the ITC with aid from Gallup, Inc. Atotal of 1,863 Black congregations from the following five Black denominations wereincluded; Baptist [502 churches], Church of God in Christ (COGIC) [503], Christian MethodistEpiscopal (CME) [295], African Methodist Episcopal (AME) [257], and African MethodistEpiscopal Zion (AMEZ) [110]. Predominately Black churches from the historically White UnitedMethodist and Presbyterian denominations, Black Presbyterian [101] and United Methodist(UM) [95], were also included for a total of seven denominations.7

Sampling frame identification and sample selection occurred in several phases. First, listsof all the congregations in the AME, AMEZ, CME, COGIC, UM and Presbyteriandenominations were provided by denominational heads or deans from the various schoolsat the ITC. However, the decentralized nature of the Baptist tradition precluded such a list. Inorder to develop the sampling frame for Baptists, ITC solicited information from Tri-Media,an organization that retains lists of all churches nationwide that purchase Sunday schoolmaterial and supplies. Tri-Media data were used to identify the population of Baptistcongregations affiliated with the three largest historically Black Baptist denominations.8 Unlikethe six other denominations, the sampling frame for Baptist churches is an approximationwith several clear limitations,9 but it represents a systematic attempt to identify such churchesgiven a lack of national hierarchy. After compiling the seven lists, Gallup selected a randomsample from each denomination to meet the desired sub-sample sizes.10


Telephone surveys of clergy and senior lay leaders were conducted by Gallup fromFebruary 22, 2000 through May 11, 2000. Thirty-seven (37) questions were posed and eachinterview averaged approximately 16 minutes in length. The church leaders were chargedwith providing aggregate demographic data on their congregations as well as answering avariety of attitudinal and behavioral questions on topics such as worship and identity,missions, church demographics and financial health, spirituality, leadership and organizationaldynamics, church climate, and community involvement.11 Initial screening was used to gaincooperation from the pastor and to confirm denomination. If the pastor was unavailable, anassistant pastor or senior lay leader was interviewed. Of the 1,863 interviews, 77 percent(1,482) were conducted with pastors and 23 percent (381) were conducted with an assistantpastor or senior lay leader. Senior staff was used because they would be expected to be themost knowledgeable about their respective communities of faith.12

Dependent and Independent Variables

To examine whether community action efforts are correlated with Black Church culturalcomponents, I consider a set of outreach possibilities noted in Pattillo-McCoy (1998). Theseven dependent variables identify whether congregations participate in (1) communityservice in general or sponsor; (2) youth programs, (3) food pantries, (4) substance abuseprograms, (5) voter registration programs, (6) prison or jail ministries, or (7) social issuesadvocacy programs in the past 12 months.13 For each of the variables, response options of“0” corresponds to “no” and “1” corresponds to “yes.” It should be noted that participationin any of these activities does not attest to the quality of involvement. For example, acongregation that offers a comprehensive drug treatment clinic, but is not involved in anyother outreach efforts may, in fact, be more community action-oriented than a church thatmarginally supports four other efforts. Although data limitations prevent my assessing thequality of involvement, these indicators enable me to examine possible links to churchcultural tool kits. In addition, the reader should note the strengths and limitations of usingsingle-item questions. Such variables are inherently limited in their reference to topics.However, the use of multiple variables enables me to measure community action on abroad range of specific areas.

I test two sets of independent variables. First, I consider seven variables associated withcommon cultural practices in the Black Church directly or indirectly referenced in Pattillo-McCoy (1998) – spirituals, gospel music, scripture, prayer and sermons that address socialjustice, racial issues and Black Liberation Theology. Although data limitations prevent directexamination of call-and-response as illustrated by the above author, Lincoln and Mamiya(1990) posit that spirituals grew out of the call-and-response tradition. As such, inclusion of avariable to identify spirituals serves as an indirect proxy to examine the effects of call-and-response. Although certain variables are broadly interpreted (i.e. sponsorship of prayer groupsrather than focusing on the use of prayer in specific settings), I contend that, despite theproblems inherent in secondary data usage, the current study advances our knowledge aboutBlack Church culture and community action beyond existing work by systematically testingelements and practices long-believed to be influential.14

Next, I control for 12 church demographic variables based on scholarship that asserts thatcommunity outreach is affected by church size and financial health, the existence of paidclergy, pastor’s education and denominational differences (Billingsley 1992, 1999; Lincoln andMamiya 1990).15 And because the Black Church experience has been shown to bridgesocioeconomic differences (Pattillo-McCoy 1998), I include a dummy variable to gaugehousehold income representation among congregations. A total of 19 independent variables


measure dimensions of church culture and demographics as understood by the respondent.Each variable’s operationalization and the survey questions are provided in Table 1.

Methods

First, means, proportions, standard deviations and descriptions of the dependent andindependent variables are presented in Table 1. In Table 2, the seven dependent variables areexamined using binary logistic regression analysis because the dependent variables considertwo distinct 0-1 outcomes. I regress the seven dependent variables on the seven culturalindicators in unadjusted models (Model A) and then in models controlling for church andpastoral profile (Model B). Because I am interested in differences in the effects of the culturalcomponents on community action, I include in the models, factors that may affect involvementsuch as denomination, church size and membership economic status. The data were alsoweighted to reflect the current estimates on denominational representation to correct for thedisproportionate sub-sample sizes (Billingsley 1992; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990).

Results

Modeling Black Church Culture and Community Action

Table 1 provides the descriptive statistics for the variables used in the analysis. Of the 1,863Black congregations sampled, more than 90 percent are involved in community service asbroadly defined here. A similar percentage sponsor youth programs; three-fourths of thechurches sponsor food pantries and voter registration drives; and at least 40 percent areinvolved in substance abuse or social issues programs. When I consider the use of BlackChurch cultural tools, churches include spirituals somewhat more frequently than gospelmusic in regular worship services. And the vast majority offer prayer groups. As expected,sacred scripture is considered important in worship and teaching, but specific sermons tendto focus on social justice issues more than references to racial situations or BlackLiberation/Womanist themes. Lastly, church profile variables show that the majority ofcongregations average approximately 220 members on a typical Sunday and have paid andformally educated pastors. About 10 percent of respondents note that the majority of theirregular adult participants have annual household incomes less than $20,000; thus mostchurches are in relatively good financial health.

The modeling results in Table 2 represent findings on overall congregational involvementin their respective communities followed by specific forms of community action. Findings inModel 1A on general levels of community action provide support, albeit minimal, for theinfluence of cultural components on community engagement; two of the seven variables areimportant and findings show that congregations with pastoral sermons that focus on BlackLiberation Theology/Womanist issues are more likely to engage in community action. Inaddition, churches that sponsor prayer groups are significantly more likely to take part incommunity action (b = 1.90) than those that do not. The latter cultural indicator remainssignificant even after controlling for congregational specifics (Model 1B). Varied effects ofcultural variables emerge when I consider specific forms of community action.

When Black Church cultural tools are considered alone to examine whether churchessponsor food pantries (Model 2A), those for whom spirituals are an integral part of regularworship service are less likely (b = -0.21) to provide food pantries than their counterparts.



Tab

le1:

Pro

port

ion

s,M

eans

,Sta

ndar

dD

evia

tion

s,an

dD

escr

ipti

ons

for

Stud

yV

aria

bles

:IT

CFa

ith

Fact

or20

00P

roje

ct(N

=1,

863)

Varia

ble

Nam

eD

escr

iptio

n/Q

uest

ion

Met

ricM

ean

S.D

.

Dep

ende

nt V

aria

bles

: C

omm

unity

Act

ion

Com

mun

ity S

ervi

ceD

urin

g th

e pa

st 1

2 m

onth

s, d

id y

our c

ongr

egat

ion

1 =

Yes

91.5

5--

parti

cipa

te in

any

of t

he fo

llow

ing

prog

ram

s or

act

iviti

es0

= N

oin

add

ition

to y

our r

egul

ar S

unda

y Sc

hool

?

Food

Pan

tryIn

the

past

12

mon

ths,

did

you

r con

greg

atio

n pr

ovid

e1

= Ye

s74

.84

--Su

bsta

nce

Abus

eor

coo

pera

te in

pro

vidi

ng fo

r any

of t

hese

soc

ial s

ervi

ces

0 =

No

50.8

4--

Yout

h Pr

ogra

ms

or c

omm

unity

out

reac

h pr

ogra

ms?

91.9

9--

Pris

on/ J

ail M

inis

try59

.91

--Vo

ter R

egis

tratio

n76

.12

--So

cial

Issu

e Ad

voca

cy47

.05

--

Inde

pend

ent V

aria

bles

: Cul

tura

l Com

pone

nts

Spiri

tual

sD

urin

g yo

ur c

ongr

egat

ions

’ reg

ular

wor

ship

ser

vice

s, h

ow1

= N

ever

4.2

6 .

89G

ospe

l Mus

icof

ten

are

the

follo

win

g in

clud

ed a

s pa

rt of

the

serv

ice?

5 =

Alw

ays

3.6

81.

10

Pray

er o

r Med

iatio

n G

roup

sD

urin

g th

e pa

st 1

2 m

onth

s, d

id y

our c

ongr

egat

ion

1 =

Yes

92.6

8--

parti

cipa

te in

any

of t

he fo

llow

ing

prog

ram

s or

act

iviti

es in

0 =

No

addi

tion

to y

our r

egul

ar S

unda

y Sc

hool

?

Sacr

ed S

crip

ture

How

impo

rtant

are

the

follo

win

g in

the

wor

ship

and

1 =

Littl

e/N

o Im

porta

nce

3.5

9 .

52te

achi

ng o

f you

r con

greg

atio

n?4

= Ex

trem

ely

Impo

rtant

Soci

al J

ustic

e/Ac

tion

How

wel

l doe

s ea

ch o

f the

follo

win

g st

atem

ents

1 =

Nev

er 3

.79

.94

Ref

er to

Rac

ial S

ituat

ions

desc

ribe

the

serm

on fo

cus?

5

= Al

way

s 3

.49

1.00

Blac

k Li

bera

tion/

Wom

anis

t The

olog

y 3

.19

1.10

Tabl

e 1:

Pro

port

ion

s,M

ean

s,St

anda

rd D

evia

tion

s an

d D

escr

ipti

ons

for

Stu

dy V

aria

bles

:IT

C F

aith

Fac

tor

2000

Pro

ject

(N =

1,8

63)

Con

trol

s: C

hurc

h D

emog

raph

ics

Den

omin

atio

nW

hat i

s yo

ur c

hurc

h de

nom

inat

ion?

1

= Ye

s 1

3.79

(AM

E)--

Bapt

ist,C

hurc

hof

God

inC

hrist

(CO

GIC

),U

nite

dM

etho

dist

0 =

No

5.

90 (A

MEZ

)--

(UM

), C

hris

tian

Met

hodi

st E

pisc

opal

(CM

E), A

frica

n 2

6.95

(Bap

tist)

--M

etho

dist

Epi

scop

al (A

ME)

, Afri

can

Met

hodi

st E

pisc

opal

1

5.83

(CM

E)--

Zion

(AM

EZ),

Blac

kPr

esby

teria

n[s

even

0-1

dum

my

varia

bles

, 2

7.00

(CO

GIC

)--

Bapt

ist i

s th

e re

fere

nce

cate

gory

].

5.42

(Pre

sb.)

--

5.10

(UM

)--

Varia

ble

Nam

eD

escr

iptio

n/Q

uest

ion

Met

ricM

ean

S.D

.Fi

nanc

ial H

ealth

How

would

you

desc

ribe

your

cong

rega

tion’

sfin

ancia

lhea

lth?

1 =

Goo

d 6

3.97

(% G

ood)

--0

= Ti

ght/D

iffic

ultie

s

Paid

Pas

tor

Are

you/

is y

our p

asto

r pai

d or

a v

olun

teer

?1

= Pa

id 7

8.41

(% P

aid)

--0

= Vo

lunt

eer

Past

or’s

Edu

catio

nW

hat i

s th

e hi

ghes

t lev

el o

f (yo

ur/y

our p

asto

r’s) m

inis

teria

l1

= N

one

4.

47

1.5

5ed

ucat

ion?

6

= D

r. M

inis

try/

Non

e, a

ppre

ntic

eshi

p w

ith s

enio

r pas

tor,

PhD

., ce

rtific

ate

or c

orre

spon

denc

e pr

ogra

m, B

ible

col

lege

or s

ome

sem

inar

y,se

min

ary

degr

ee, p

ost-g

radu

ate

of D

ivin

ity w

ork

or d

egre

e.

50%

+ of

Hou

seho

ldO

f you

r tot

al n

umbe

r of r

egul

arly

par

ticip

atin

g ad

ults

, wha

t 0

= 0-

508.

96

--In

com

es <

$20

Kto

tal p

erce

nt w

ould

you

est

imat

e ar

e fro

m h

ouse

hold

1

= 50

.01

or m

ore

inco

mes

bel

ow $

20K?

Sund

ay A

ttend

ance

17W

hat i

s th

e to

tal a

ttend

ance

for a

ll C

ontin

uous

220.

8336

3.84

serv

ices

on

a ty

pica

l Sun

day?

0-6,

000

Not

es: P

erce

nt

“Yes

” pr

ovid

ed fo

r di

chot

omou

s va

riab

les,

sta

nda

rd d

evia

tion

s w

ere

omit

ted

for

thes

e va

riab

les.

Var

iabl

e “P

erce

nt

of H

H I

nco

mes

< $

20K

”co

ded

as s

uch

to

min

imiz

e m

ult

icol

linea

rity

.

980 • Social Forces Volume 84, Number 2 • December 2005Ta

ble

1:co

nti

nu

ed

However, the use of gospel music during worship tends to increase the likelihood of this typeof community involvement. Furthermore, sponsorship of prayer groups directly affectssponsorship of food pantries. However, when church controls are considered in Model 2B,only the effects of prayer groups remain significant.

Drugs and drug-related crime have been correlated with social problems in impoverishedurban spaces. Several components of the Black Church cultural tool kit are directly related towhether churches sponsor substance abuse programs (Model 3A). Churches that incorporategospel music regularly in worship are more apt to sponsor such programs than churches thatdo not. As in earlier tests, prayer groups continue to improve the odds of this type ofcommunity action. However, when I also consider church and pastoral demographics (Model3B), the influence of gospel music is no longer important, but sermons that emphasize BlackLiberation Theology or Womanist issues become predictive; prayer continues to besignificant. Next, when I consider the relationship between cultural components and whetheryouth programs are provided, findings show that the influence of gospel music remainsimportant (Model 4A, b = .24) as does prayer services. However, results from the adjustedmodel (Model 4B) show that only prayer groups are significant, and churches that sponsorsuch groups are almost four times more likely to also sponsor youth programs as comparedto their counterparts that do not (odds = 3.87). A similar pattern emerges relative to variablesthat explain prison ministry sponsorship. The influence of gospel music and prayer groups isimportant in both unadjusted (Model 5A) and adjusted (Model 5B) models. However, morevaried results emerge when considering voter registration and social advocacy programs.

Based on results presented in Model 6A, five of the seven components of Black Churchculture are important and positively influence whether churches sponsor voter registrationprograms. Only the use of spirituals and sacred scripture are insignificant. Even after I controlfor church type, pastoral profile and church and congregant economic stability in Model 6B,findings show that churches that are frequently exposed to sermons about social justice, raceissues and Black Liberation Theology or Womanist issues are more likely to sponsor voterregistration programs. Such sponsorship is further spurred by the usage of gospel music(however, the effects of prayer groups become insignificant). Similarly, social advocacyinvolvement (Models 7A and 7B) is most likely in churches exposed to sermons on socialjustice, Black Liberation Theology or Womanist issues, and gospel music as well as those thatoffer prayer groups. Churches also report increased social advocacy given frequent exposureto sermons on racial issues in the unadjusted model (b = .21), but this pattern is accountedfor by the church control variables included in Model 7B.16

Summary and Discussion

This study examines how Black Church culture is appropriated for community action.Ethnographic and anecdotal findings as well as long-standing theoretical framing indicate thepositive influence of prayer, songs, scripture and activist-oriented sermons; I examinewhether this pattern prevails in a representative sample. My findings support the importanceof Black Church culture as stimuli for community action, but in specific ways. Several patternsemerge in unadjusted (Figure 1) and adjusted (Figure 2) models. It is important to consider thefrequency in which the cultural components are significant as well as the number ofcommunity activities in which the variables are predictive. For example, the importance ofprayer, as identified through church prayer groups, is evident in each of the tests and directlyinfluences whether congregations are involved in community action in general as well as inthe more specific forms of action I examine (Carter 1976). As suggested in earlier studies,gospel music is significant in six of the seven unadjusted models and is directly correlated



Table 2: Binary Logit Regression Analyses Coefficients for Community Action from the ITC FaithFactor 2000 Project (N = 1,863)Table 2: Binary Logit Regression Analyses Coefficients for Community Actionfrom the ITC Faith Factor 2000 Project (N=1,863)

Independent Variables Community Food Substance YouthService Pantry Abuse Programs

Cultural Components M1A M1B M2A M2B M3A M3B M4A M4B

Spirituals -.17 -.09 -.21* -.13 .04 .06 .03 .14(.11) (.12) (.08) (.09) (.07) (.07) (.14) (.15)

Gospel Music .10 .02 .14* .12 .12* .11 .24* .10(.10) (.10) (.06) (.07) (.06) (.06) (.10) (.11)

Prayer 1.90*** 1.85*** .72** .64* 1.08*** .74** 1.49*** 1.35***

(.26) (.32) (.23) (.27) (.26) (.27) (.29) (.30)Sacred Scripture .03 .12 .01 -.02 .04 -.00 .04 .08

(.23) (.26) (.13) (.14) (.12) (.12) (.19) (.22)Justice Sermons .22 .23 -.03 -.01 .11 .11 .03 .08

(.15) (.15) (.09) (.09) (.08) (.08) (.14) (.14)Racial Sermons .20 .20 .14 .07 .13 .07 .20 .24

(.13) (.14) (.09) (.09) (.07) (.08) (.14) (.16)Liberation Sermons .24* .20 .12 .07 .12 .14* .19 .10

(.12) (.14) (.08) (.08) (.07) (.07) (.13) (.14)

Church DemographicsAME (1 = yes) .40 .26 -.02 .47

(.41) (.23) (.19) (.46)AMEZ (1 = yes) .61 .43 .62** -.08

(.53) (.28) (.23) (.48)CME (1 = yes) .17 -.23 -.12 -.20

(.34) (.20) (.18) (.37)COGIC (1 = yes) .12 .25 .24 -.05

(.30) (.19) (.16) (.33)Presbyterian (1 = yes) .58 .19 -.36 -.45

(.58) (.31) (.26) (.51)UM (1 = yes) .28 .42 .12 -.67

(.51) (.31) (.25) (.47)Fin. Health (1 = good) .20 .22 .06 -.02

(.26) (.17) (.14) (.30)Paid Pastor (1 = yes) .40 .38 -.14 .35

(.31) (.20) (.18) (.32)Pastor’s Education .17* .08 .08 .14 (1 = none, 6 = Post Dr.) (.08) (.05) (.05) (.09)50%+ HH Inc. < $20K -.58 -.20 -.04 -1.17***

(.36) (.25) (.22) (.34)Sunday Attendance (1-6000) .00 .00 .00* .00

(.00) (.00) (.00) (.00)

X2 73.43 116.04 31.59 65.02 50.27 68.54 52.32 119.93Pseudo R2 .09 .15 .02 .05 .03 .05 .06 .13N 1,761 1,627 1,765 1,630 1,761 1,628 1,763 1,628


Independent Variables Prison/Jail Voter Social IssuesMinistry Registration Advocacy

Cultural Components M5A M5B M6A M6B M7A M7B

Spirituals -.11 -.09 -.06 .02 -.12 -.00(.07) (.07) (.08) (.09) (.07) (.08)

Gospel Music .21*** .18** .22*** .19** .18** .14*

(.06) (.06) (.06) (.07) (.06) (.07)Prayer 1.01*** .80*** .62** .09 .63** .57*

(.24) (.25) (.25) (.29) (.26) (.29)Sacred Scripture -.17 -.16 .05 .08 .11 .14

(.12) (.12) (.13) (.15) (.12) (.13)Justice Sermons .12 .09 .20* .22* .36*** .35***

(.08) (.08) (.09) (.10) (.08) (.09)Racial Sermons .07 .00 .23** .27** .21** .14

(.08) (.08) (.09) (.10) (.08) (.08)Liberation Sermons -.01 .05 .27*** .25** .21*** .21**

(.06) (.07) (.08) (.09) (.07) (.07)

Church DemographicsAME (1 = yes) -.37* .72** .23

(.19) (.28) (.20)AMEZ (1 = yes) .04 .36 .26

(.24) (.29) (.23)CME (1 = yes) -.28 .31 .03

(.18) (.23) (.19)COGIC (1 = yes) .45** -.01 -.15

(.17) (.20) (.17)Presbyterian (1 = yes) -1.03*** -.17 .50

(.27) (.30) (.28)UM (1 = yes) -.75** -.64* .49

(.25) (.29) (.26)Fin. Health (1 = good) .14 .05 .28

(.15) (.17) (.15)Paid Pastor (1 = yes) .41* .19 .11

(.19) (.20) (.19)Pastor’s Education -.01 .19*** .26***

(1 = none, 6 = Post Dr.) (.05) (.05) (.05)50%+ HH Inc. < $20K -.28 .07 -.36

(.22) (.27) (.25)Sunday Attendance .00** .00** .00(1-6000) (.00) (.00) (.00)

X2 43.30 93.27 80.59 135.76 99.94 167.81Pseudo R2 .03 .06 .06 .13 .07 .12N 1,757 1,624 1,760 1,626 1,729 1,601

Notes: Robust standard errors in parentheses*p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001 (two-tailed tests)

Table 2: Continued

with community involvement (Baer and Singer 1992; Costen 1995; Pattillo-McCoy 1998);sermonic references to Black Liberation Theology/Womanist issues are also important(Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Marx 1971). And the latter indicator is as consistent a predictor asthe former in adjusted models (Figure 2). When I consider the frequency of occurrence foreach community event (as evidenced by the same shaded regions across bar charts), findingsshow that the majority of cultural variables help explain whether voter registration and socialadvocacy programs are sponsored (in each case, five of the seven cultural variables inunadjusted models). Lastly, including controls increases explanatory power in each of theseven tests, but initially significant cultural variables tend to remain so. These findingssuggest that the effects of the Black Church cultural indicators tend to remain importantregardless of denominational, church or clergy demographics.

Contrary to my hypotheses and existing theoretical and anecdotal information (Cone 1995;Costen 1995), spirituals do not appear to significantly influence the community actioninvestigated here; when they are influential, their usage results in decreased chances ofcommunity action suggesting effects more traditionally associated with priestly aspects ofBlack Church culture (Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Marable 1995; Wilmore 1994). Similarly,general references to sacred scripture do not significantly influence community action in anyof the seven tests. However, specific redaction of scripture results in influential effects, butonly for certain types of community action. Contrary to my expectations, although sermonswith socio-political undertones (i.e., focus on race issues, liberation themes or social justice)are cultural motivators, they are only consistently important in determining whether churchesare involved in politically-focused activities (voter registration and social advocacy). However,


Figure 1. Frequency of Black Church Cultural Tools by Community Service Event

Bars represent significance of variable in unadjusted models.

based on adjusted model results, support is evident for the positive influence of sermonicemphasis on Black Liberation Theology/Womanist issues on community action. Although notdefinitive, these results add credence to existing research on the importance of Black Churchculture on community action (Calhoun-Brown 1999; Cavendish 2001; Day 2001; Drake andCayton 1962; Dubois 1903[2003]; Harris 1987; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Marx 1971; Maysand Nicholson 1933; Morris 1984; Pattillo-McCoy 1998; Sawyer 2001; Wilmore 1994).

Conclusion

In this study, I test prevailing theoretical assumptions regarding the influence of specific BlackChurch cultural tools on community action for a national sample of Black churches. Findingssupport the influence of long-standing forms of Black Church culture, but often in unexpectedways. These results show clear linkages between gospel music as a cultural symbol andcommunity action regardless of church and pastoral dynamics. And although generalreferences to scripture do not appear to have an impact on community involvement, specificreferences to cultural symbols historically linked to group solidarity, liberation themes, racialdynamics and the need for social justice result in church involvement in socio-politicalcommunity events (Cone 1995; West 1982; Wilmore 1994). Readers should be cautious ininferring the ineffectiveness of sacred scripture in the Black Church tradition. Rather thisfinding suggests that more focused themes and scriptural applications are influential inexplaining the types of community action studied here.


Figure 2. Frequency of Black Church Cultural Tools by Community Service Event

Bars represent significance of variable in adjusted models.

Quite possibly one of the most interesting results of this analysis is the consistent, positiveinfluence of prayer groups in effecting community action. One might expect religioussymbolism associated with prophetic issues or activism such as sermons about BlackLiberation Theology or social justice to evoke community involvement (Billingsley 1999;Cavendish 2001; Harris 1987; Marx 1971; Morris 1984; Sherkat and Ellison 1991) more readilythan the use of prayer, which might tend to be considered a more priestly event. Thissuggests the need to explore the possible multi-dimensional nature of prayer as both a toolfor other-worldly communication and subsequent temporal activity (Carter 1976; Wilmore1995). In doing so, scholars may uncover ways in which events and processes believed toplacate groups may also serve to empower them as change agents (Lincoln and Mamiya1990). As Pattillo-McCoy (1998) notes in her ethnographic study, many Groveland communitypolitical and cultural events were framed using prayer; the prayer tradition is important here.These results also suggest that components of Black Church culture may serve as naturalextensions of Black community culture and vice versa, and that activities linked to the“intangible” may influence more tangible outcomes (Carter 1976; Copeland 1995; Mattis2002; Taylor, Chatters and Levin 2004).

These findings also beg for additional research on specific symbols and messagespossibly imbedded in music expressions and sermons that foster community action. Basedon the “cross-over” appeal of contemporary music in general and fusion of gospel, rap andinspirational music, a musicological analysis may uncover relationships with other urbanmusic forms such as hip-hop that could foster community action or church involvementamong younger African Americans who have become distant from the organized BlackChurch (Lincoln and Mamiya 1990). Furthermore, the importance of gospel music andsermonic references to Black Liberation Theology and Womanist issues in this study mayinform and call into question work that suggests increased involvement, on the part of AfricanAmericans, in the contemporary Christian Fundamentalist movement (Wilmore 1994).

Additionally, there is a need to study the relationship between semiotic coding, education,Black Church involvement and activism among African Americans. For example, there is along-standing dispute among segments of the Christian community, in general, and amongAfrican Americans, in particular, regarding the infallibility of scripture that tends to vary by raceand education (Swidler 1995). Will differences in the inherent understanding and canonicplace of scripture influence biblical symbolism and its effective use as a cultural componentto spur community action? Given the racial differences in church activism (Chaves andHiggins 1992), what groups will be most affected? I argue that these types of questions arefruitful for future research in the sociology of religion and cultural studies.

My findings support existing theoretical and qualitative results concerning culture’s abilityto develop, explain, shape and reinforce experiences. As posited by Swidler (1986), BlackChurch cultural components of beliefs, rituals and other symbols can provide shared meaningand motivations among group members and reinforce beliefs and behavior associated withcommunity involvement. Just as strategies of action in the Black Church tradition differ –whether voter registration or food pantries are sponsored – so do the cultural componentsthat undergird them. However, based on Bolman and Deal’s (1991) theoretical posture,cultural framing is an art. Leadership must contend with multiple realities and multiplemeanings because members often use different frames to interpret the same event. Thistendency does not lend itself easily to sustained collective behavior – particularly during timesof social upheaval.

Given that many organizations may reflect a mixture of frames, it will be important to studyhow and whether this is the case for the Black Church, possible variants acrossdenominations and congregations, and influential factors. Studies should explore the degreeto which the Black Church employs multiple frames to adapt to changing demographics and


alternatives for members as well as systemic changes due to globalization and increasedtechnology or whether current framings are too narrow or broad. Bolman and Deal (1991)argue that organizations “need multiple frames to survive” (p. 341) based on the situation(immediacy of action), participants (congregational size), purpose (addressing drug dealingin the Black community vs. developing youth programs), internal constraints (economicstanding of congregants), and external stimuli. Resilient churches would employ moreproactive rather than reactive framings to foster cohesiveness and a collective agenda.Increased adaptability may require restructuring, recruiting and retraining. In such cases, BlackChurch leaders would be challenged to combat entrenched symbolic agreements and ritualsand help create new cultural tool kits to assist members during organizational changes tominimize conflict and feelings of loss and to sustain congregants during adjustment periods.From an applied perspective, other important questions include: What transitional rituals arerequired during periods of change? How should reframing occur? How can the Black Churchsynthesize the most germane elements of current cultural tools to effect change and sustainitself? These issues also represent interesting areas for future inquiry.

In closing, one would expect the relationship between cultural components and thesubsequent strategies of action to be much more dynamic and nuanced than has beenpresented here. However, theses results provide the impetus for other interesting studies onthe subject. Lastly, the link between Pattillo-McCoy’s (1998) ethnographic analysis and theseresults based on survey research lend increasing credence to the benefits of incorporatingvaried data collection methods for more robust theory testing. The next step in this query willrequire a detailed qualitative analysis to examine actual “discourse in action” relative to culturaltool kit content and its possible influence on community involvement.

Notes

1. Throughout this manuscript, the term “the Black Church” is used to represent theinstitution as a collective and “Black church” when specific congregations are referenced.The “Black community” is used to reference the collective. However, the descriptive toidentify race/ethnicity, “African American,” is used rather than “Black.”

2. In his important analysis on the mobilizing effects of religion for African Americans, Harris(1994) uses path and regression analyses to investigate possible race and religiondifferences in political activism. However, he considers the effects of broadly-definedvariables such as internal religiosity, church attendance and church activism rather thanthe specific forms of Black Church culture considered here.

3. The authors also present three additional types of frames, including structural, humanresource and political frames that emphasize other organizational resources. For example,structural framing tends to be heavily influenced by technologies, information systems,legitimate authority and decisive goals. In contrast, symbolically-framed organizationstend to reflect ambiguous goals, weak technologies and information systems, charismaticauthority and cultural diversity. Rather than rank the types of frames, Bolman and Deal(1991) encourage organizations to understand the dynamics of the typology and considerusing multiple frames in order to adapt based on their internal needs, resources andobjectives, as well as external challenges.

4. Musicologist Melva Costen (1995) posits that, “the major differences between Blackgospel and spirituals are the identifiable composers of gospels and fewer references to


Old Testament stories and characters. Equally important is the use of accompanyinginstruments to enhance the improvisation. The delivery is highly upbeat in tempo, withan important role for soloists.” (p. 399)

5. Although not the focus of this analysis, the reader should be mindful of other possiblemotivating factors for community action. A competing perspective involves the possibleinfluence of intrinsic and extrinsic religion. For intrinsically religious persons, religion is anactive force that directs their lives and not merely a mechanism to achieve self-servingends – unlike their extrinsically religious counterparts. For the former persons, religion isan end in itself and would guide community involvement. Similarly, an extrinsically-motivated person could take part in community action, but for non-religious reasons(Allport 1966; Batson, Schoenrade, and Ventis 1993; Lenski 1961). Thus based on socio-psychological influences, although the desired outcomes might parallel those invoked byBlack Church culture, the motives differ dramatically.

6. A comprehensive analysis would include interpretive work, for example, on sermon andsong content that act as conduits for specific community engagement. However, this typeof analysis is not possible using the current data source and methodology.

7. The intent was to focus on historically Black denominations and include Black churchesthat have historically been affiliated with predominately White denominations and that aretypically included in research on the Black Church (i.e., United Methodists andPresbyterians). African Americans have historically been involved in the United Methodistand Presbyterian traditions. The influence and involvement of African Americans in thetwo denominations have differed as compared to that of African Americans inpredominately Black denominations, but their long time involvement in these twotraditions warranted inclusion of such churches in the sample. The Black Presbyterianchurches were selected from the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) which, since 1983, includesthe two largest American Presbyterian denominations – United Presbyterian Church in theU.S.A. and Presbyterian Church in the United States. Survey screening questions wereused to identify predominately Black churches from the lists of United Methodist andPresbyterian churches. The reader should note that focus on these seven denominationsexcludes Black, non-denominationally affiliated churches and Black churches affiliatedwith other White denominations. The sampling process is representative for non-Baptistdenominations and provides a conservative, systematic attempt to approximate BlackBaptists in light of the challenges associated with this task. The use of these seven Blackdenominations is common in research on the subject and provides a comparativebenchmark for other studies (Billingsley 1992; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990).

8. They are the Progressive National Baptist Convention, National Baptist Convention, U.S.A.,and the National Baptist Convention of America. Tri-Media data were also used toaugment the lists from the six remaining denominations; churches found on either sourcewere included on the composite list for that denomination and duplicate churches wereidentified and only included once.

9. For example, Baptist churches that purchase Sunday school items at venues not listedwith Tri-Media or those that do, but that are not affiliated with any of the threeconventions, would not be included in the sampling frame. Thus the Baptist list can beconsidered a lower bound of the number of Black Baptist churches nationwide.


10. The desired sample was: 500 Baptist, 500 COGIC, 250 AME and CME, 125 AMEZ and 100each for Black United Methodists and Black Presbyterians. In order to take advantage ofthe available data for subsequent studies, the two latter groups were over-sampledrelative to their presence in the population. The data were weighted to reflect the currentestimates on denominational representation to correct for the disproportionate sub-sample sizes (Billingsley 1992; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990). The sample margin of errorwas +/-2.3.

11. Chaves et al (1999) discuss the validity and reliability of relying on a single key informantto report church characteristics. Such persons are likely to over-estimate the extent towhich their views correspond to their congregation’s views. They note, “an informant’sjudgment about an organization’s goals or mission is likely to represent the informant’sinterpretation of a complex reality rather than a more or less publicly available cultural factabout the congregation.” (p. 464) In light of this dynamic, these data can be considered abest case scenario relative to community action. However, the vast majority ofrespondents are senior pastors, and because research shows that African Americanpastors tend to have a greater degree of authority and influence over their congregantsthan their White counterparts, they are expected to have greater influence over the focusand activities of their churches (Billingsley 1999; McRoberts 1999; Wilmore 1994).

12. The response and cooperation rates by denomination are as follows; B (.22, .49), COGIC(.19, .51), AME (.25, .52), CME (.40, .66), AMEZ (.24, .55), UM (.46, .69) and BP (.37, .65).The overall sample rates were .24, and .54, respectively. Although the most currentavailable lists were used, low response rates were due to situations such as disconnectedtelephones or relocation which counts against the response rate. (Referrals were used tolocate many such churches.) In such situations, the cooperation rate can be used as areasonable proxy. The figures represent the CASRO Standard calculation for the responserate and the cooperation rate reflects the percent of churches that participated oncecontact was made. As noted earlier, models presented here are weighted to reflectdenominational representation.

13. I considered developing a single factor to capture community action by determiningwhether the seven dependent variables are statistically related. However, becausescholars have failed to quantitatively analyze the potential effects of culture andcommunity action in this way, developing a factor would result in a lost opportunity toexplore the potential effects of each cultural component on each type of communityactivity. For example, does prayer help explain sponsorship of community youth programsbut not drug abuse programs? Are spirituals more important in explaining prison ministryprograms more than social advocacy programs? This objective would not be possibleusing a single factor as the dependent variable. There are arguably other ways to considerthe outcome variables. However, the independent variables, specifically those linked toculture, are the focal points of this study.

14. Comments on causal ordering are necessary. The cultural indicators are the independentvariables in this analysis. However, it is possible for the opposite causal ordering to occurin some cases. For example, community-oriented churches may be more likely to hirepastors who preach social justice sermons, and pastors of such churches may tend tosing gospel music more frequently. However, a large body of literature suggests that BlackChurch cultural components (i.e., songs, sermons, prayer) affect the attitudes andbehavior of adherents (Billingsley 1999; Carter 1976; Cavendish 2001; Cone 1995; Frazier


1964; Harris 1987; Johnston and Klandermans 1995; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Morris1984; Sherkat and Ellison 1991; West 1982; Wilmore 1994, 1995) and supports my causalordering choice. Thus this study reflects the above noted causal ordering but alsoacknowledges the possibility of the opposite causal process.

15. Based on research that suggests community action by Baptists (Billingsley 1999; Lincolnand Mamiya 1990) and in order to evaluate the specific influence of each denomination, Ichose to use the Baptist category as the control group in the multivariate analyses.

16. Although not the focus of this article, the reader should note the influence of the controlvariables in explaining community action. Although denominational influence generallyhas inconsistent effects (example AMEZ churches are more likely to sponsor substanceabuse programs than Baptists are, but less likely to sponsor prison ministries than areBaptists), church size is directly related to whether substance abuse and voter registrationprograms are provided. However, pastor’s education is consistent in four of the seventests and increases chances of sponsorship of community service, in general, and voterregistration, social advocacy and prison ministry programs, in particular.

17. I choose to use average Sunday attendance rather than number on the church roll as ameasure of church population. Because inactive members are often maintained on rolland can unduly inflate the membership roster, I believe the former variable better capturesconsistent involvement and represents a more conservative estimate of membership.

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