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LITERATURE REVIEW IN SOCIOLOGY

     Literature on social movements is very complex. Here, too, I will ignore the questioning of sophisticated theoretical discussions. I will just follow the classic definitions of social movements that Charles Tilly and Sidney Tarrow gave: A social movement is a continuous challenge for the holders of power on behalf of the population living under their jurisdiction, by constantly re-demonstrating the population, its commitment, its unity and its value (Tilly, 1993, p. 7); Social movements are ... forms of collective opposition that are based on common goals and social solidarity, in a continuous interaction with elites, opposes and authorities (Tarrow, 2011, p. 9).      Let's consider what this means. Social movements, according to Tilly and Tarrow, are not groups but types of collective action, focused on social interaction. The interaction is complex, moving both within the movement as well as between the movement and those outside it. Constantly, it is about counter-action. Tarrow uses the metaphor of "strangers at the door" (Tarrow, 2012) to draw attention to the fact that social movements challenge the existing normative limits of what the regime and the dominant culture prescribed, sanctioned or allowed. Social movement policy is a combat. But how can this collective opposition be justified? In the core of justification we usually find an explicit statement that the social movement is struggling to correct injustice, that is, to establish justice for a particular population in a particular area of life. Thus, the action is represented as reactive, or in response to a situation that is presented as illegitimate. In more detail, the legitimacy response focuses on a situation that is presented as a state of inequality, oppression or unjustified denial of certain social, political, economic or cultural requirements. From this angle, social movements are seen as highly contextualized in given circumstances: their occurrence, existence and type of action depend on the problems they react. Reacting to the perceived injustice, the social movement addresses those outside it. Tilly to call the name by sending the WUNC message. The message reads: we are 1) worthiness, 2) unity, 

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

3) numbers and 4) commitment. Tilly immediately adds that this is a kind of mystification. There may be tension or even contradiction between these four elements. However, this does not mean that the message is misplaced: this is not a factual one, but a symbolic one claims. Actions are performative. Though other types of collective action may also be a struggle, the key feature of social movements is their interaction with those who do not belong to them, seen as addressees of their messages: silent or uninterested populations, opponents, elites, and authorities. Social movements are occurring as a conversation ... The elementary set of parties involved consists of actors who make the request, those to which the request is made by the actor and a public who has an interest in the fate of at least one of the two sides (Tilly, 1998, p. 467).      My other category is constitutive power. The central theoretical questions here are: who makes the first law, by which authority, when and how? Does the original authorship really matter, for example, for those who care about democratic legitimacy? In the classical considerations of the 18th century constituent power is presented as a source of constitution (constitutive power). But it was also clear that constituent power was not just "writing" and constitutional adoption. There is also a source of authority for establishing the first legal authority in the political community. In other words, the theory of constitutive power is concerned with the emergence of the first legal norm, one that establishes a political community. One theoretical appendix asks what is happening to the originator of the original authority once the constitutional order has been established once. Constituent power theory often rests on a difficult-to- understand dualism between the original power and the constituted powers: they often assume that constitutive power remains beyond the limits of the established constitutional order. Sometimes it is said that the bearer of that original power is the nation (nation) as the predestined category. But the people are also seen as the ultimate bearer of the constitutionally-formulated highest authority: this is expressed in the concept of constitutionalism, according to which the people are legally established and a constrained entity. Such ambiguity in the identification of peoples leads to circular resonance (the "paradox of constitutive power"): the ultimate author of the constitution is constitutional creation. This and the related ambiguities of this concept have exerted constituent power from the center of attention to constitutional theory and the theory of democracy. However, the issue remains important both for theory and for political practice - study of new European social movements.      So it is claimed that the movement brings economic, legal and political novelties. The novelty comes to us in response to the crisis, but its purposes go beyond the cost of reaction. Let's set the contextual interpretation, which says that the crisis sealed the essence of liberal constitutional democracy and expelled it as a rule of domination by law; the primary objective of this domination is to protect capital. Or, to serve the colorful phrase of Michael Hardt and Antonius Negri from their Declaration of 2012: "Human beings are transformed into a mass of subjects who are subordinate, meditated, overlapped and represented". These are the four cardinal wonders of modernity, among which, as a company, a bit strange together, found subordination 

LITERATURE REVIEW IN SOCIOLOGY/ SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 

and political representation. In our eyes, this formalized violence conventionally referred to as constitutional democracy is placed in the service of protecting the social and political state of affairs, even though this state does not meet the minimum requirements of justice (Mils, 2013).       Things can only change better if the regime of ownership, its state and its right are rejected and replaced by a common asset regime. Here's how the Statute Valle identifies legal news and its relationship to the old regime: Shared assets are a new legal category, independent of property, directly related to the values of the Constitution ... The state power that wants to privatize common goods extends its constitutional mandate. Occupation is a justified response in the light of the Italian Constitution. On the one hand, the thing is that it violates the law to challenge the regime (civic disobedience) and has shown to the general public why the movement thinks the regime is illegitimate. But, as Mattei says, the attitude of the social movements "towards institutions of the state is often strategic, dependent on circumstances and opportunistic" (Bailey & Mattei, 2013). Here, however, this opportunistic attitude to the law largely reflects not only Lenin's attitude to existing law (Lenin, 1962), but also a position that was inherent in the US constitution of the 18th century when separation from Britain was justified by the thesis of the necessity of the defense of British constitutionalism (Becker, 1956). The rejection of the authority of the state and the law goes along with allegations of attachment to the basic normative provisions of the Italian Constitution, hence the Constitution of the regime with which the movement is opposed.      However, that is not enough. Two key issues remain. First, you can use Leninist tactics, but after all, you will need no one opportunistic, but one principled attitude to end up justifying the termination of the reality of existing laws and policies. That is why the movement disputes the legitimacy of the legal and political order by arguing that the character and gravity of the injustice necessitated autonomously to bring about a difficult but only correct decision to step out of the legal and political framework and accept the status of "stranger at the door". Yet, and this is another problem, one must answer the question we are about to circulate all the time. How to imagine a new, alternative law and order? Mattei insists that the new order must surpass the false dualism of the economy and state of the old regime. This can be achieved only by a complete rejection of private property, individualism, and competition: The common system-based legal system must use the "eco-system" as a model where a single community of individuals or social groups links mutually horizontal links to a network in which power scattered; it should completely reject the idea of hierarchy (and competition, produced by the same logic) in favor of the model of participation and cooperation, which prevents concentration of power in one party or entity, placing the center of community interest (Mattei, 2011).

LITERATURE REVIEW IN SOCIOLOGY/ SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 

LITERATURE REVIEW IN SOCIOLOGY/ SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 

REFERENCES

Tilly, C. (1993). Social Movements as Historically Specific Clusters of Political Performances”, Berkeley Journal of Sociology, Vol. 38. Tarrow, S. (2011). Power in Movement. Social Movements and Contentious Politics, Revised and updated 3rd edition. New York: Cambridge University Press. Tarrow, S. (2012). Strangers at the Gates. Movements and States in Contentious Politics. New York: Cambridge University Press. Tilly, C. (1998). Social Movements and (All Sorts of) Other Political Interactions – Local, National, and International – Including Identities, Theory and Society, Vol. 27, No. 4. Hardt, M. & Negri, A. (2012). Declaration, 2012, available at http://antonionegriinenglish.wordpress.com/2012/05/16/declaration-by- hardt-and-negri/  Mills, F. (2013). Commons & Constituent Power: Notes from the Social Movements and the Struggles in Italy, 7. november 2013, available at http://www.globalproject.info/it/in_movimento/commons-constituent- power-notes-from-the-socialmovements-and-the-struggles-in-italy/15667 Statute of Teatro Valle Bene Comune, available at http://www.teatrovalleoccupato.it/teatro-valle-occupato-one-year-and- half-of-commoning-english-version Bailey, S. & Mattei, U. (2013). Social Movements as Constituent Power: The Italian Struggle for the Commons”, Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies, Vol. 20, Issue 2. Lenin, V. I. (1962). Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution, in Collected Works, Vol. 9. Moscow: Progress Publishers. Becker, C. (1956). The Declaration of Independence. A Study in the History of Political Ideas. New York: Alfred Knopf. Mattei, U. (2011). The State, the Market, and some Preliminary Questions about the Commons, available at http://dupublicaucommun.blogspot.com/2011/03/contribution-dugo-mattei- pour-le-seance.html