Bilingual Substrate
Transcript of Bilingual Substrate
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Bilingual first language acquisition
and the mechanisms
of substrate influence
Stephen Matthews,
University of Hong Kong
&
Virginia Yip,Chinese University of Hong Kong
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1. Theoretical background
Linguists who study language contact often
seek to describe changes at the level of
linguistics systems in isolation and
abstraction from speakers. Sometimes theytend to treat the outcome of bilingual
interaction in static rather than dynamic terms,
and lose sight of the fact that the bilingualindividual is the ultimate locus of language
contact(Romaine 1996: 573, our emphasis)
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1.1 Mechanisms of contact-induced
language change (Thomason 2001)1. Code-switching
2. Code alternation
3. Passive familiarity
4. Negotiation (approximation)
5. Second language acquisition strategies(interference/transfer)
6. Bilingual first language acquisition
7. Deliberate decision (language planning/engineering)
Synergy: in situations of widespread
bi-/multilingualism, any combination of these factors
could be operating.
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Thomason's example of bilingual first
language acquisition
In bilingual acquisition of French and German,frequencies of some French word orders areaffected, relative to monolingual children
Also in French/Dutch (Hulk & van der Linden1996)
(1) live lire (Anouk, 2;05;20)
book read
(2) Anouk riz manger (Anouk, 2;05;20)
Anouk rice eat-INFIN
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subjects exposed to Cantonese andEnglish from birth in one parent one
language families longitudinal data for Timmy (1;5-3;6),
Sophie (1;06-3;0), Kathryn (3;6-4;6) andLlywelyn (2;0-3;04)
Total of 191 tagged files in 2 languages
special features: digital audio and videodemo files
The Hong Kong Bilingual
Child Language Corpus
http://localhost/var/www/apps/conversion/tmp/My%20Documents/cancorphp/getmsg.htmlhttp://localhost/var/www/apps/conversion/tmp/My%20Documents/cancorphp/getmsg.htmlhttp://localhost/var/www/apps/conversion/tmp/My%20Documents/cancorphp/getmsg.htmlhttp://localhost/var/www/apps/conversion/tmp/My%20Documents/cancorphp/getmsg.htmlhttp://localhost/var/www/apps/conversion/tmp/My%20Documents/cancorphp/getmsg.html -
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Corpus information
project homepage:
http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ils/home/
bilingual.htm corpus available at CHILDES (Child
Language Data Exchange System )
archive:http://childes.psy.cmu.edu
http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ils/home/bilingual.htmhttp://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ils/home/bilingual.htmhttp://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ils/home/bilingual.htmhttp://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ils/home/bilingual.htmhttp://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ils/home/bilingual.htm -
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Subject Information
Subjects
(Name)
Native language of parents Age span during
Study
Mother Father
Timmy Cantonese English 1;05.20-3;06.25
Kathryn English Cantonese 2;09.23-4;06.07
Llywelyn Cantonese English 1;06.00-3;05.28
Sophie Cantonese English 1;06.00-4;00.00Charlotte Cantonese English 1;05.10-3;06.14
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1.2 Mechanisms of creole formation
1.2.1 Theories invoking child first language
acquisition
The Language Bioprogram Hypothesis
(Bickerton 1981, 1984)
Little discussion of the role of bilingual
children
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Theories invoking adult second language
acquisition
Contact ecology: attestations of transfers
from substrate languages in several creoles
are among convincing evidence against the
central role of childrenin theirdevelopment. (Mufwene 2001: 131)
Assumption of these approaches: adults, notchildren are agents of substrate influence
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A role for bilingual children?
Additional possibilities: transfer in bilingual
first language acquisition (BFLA) and/or child
second language acquisition (child SLA)
Transfer is relatively well understood in adultSLA, still poorly understood in BFLA (e.g.
directionality of transfer, determining factors)
The epistemological relationship anddemarcation between BFLA and child SLA
remain unclear (Yip, to appear)
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2.1 Factors determining transfer
Language dominance: development ofLanguage A is ahead of that of Language B.Can be measured by Mean Length of
Utterance (MLU). e.g. wh-in situ interrogatives develop early in
Cantonese and are transferred to English inCantonese-dominant children (Yip &
Matthews 2000):(3) You go to the what? (Timmy, 2;05)
(4) Daddy, you writing what? (Sophie, 3;5)
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Dominance of Cantonese reflected in Timmys
MLUw between age 2;012;08.
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2.1.2 Input ambiguity
sentences in the adult input to children mayallow more than one analysis, one based onlanguage A and one based on languageB
(5) Input sentence: I want to eat
English (target) analysis: I want to eat (something)
Chinese-based analysis: [TOPICi] I want to eat [xi]
(= I want to eat this/that)-> This ambiguity allows the child to hypothesize that
English allows null objects, like Cantonese
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2.Bilingual first language acquisition
= both languages acquired simultaneously frombirth (De Houwer 1990, 1995)
Possible courses of development (bothattested):
(i) Separate development (De Houwer 1990)(ii) Interactive development (Dpke 2000,
Yip & Matthews 2000, among others)
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Null objects in bilingual data
(6) You get, I eat (Timmy, 2;02;03)
[father takes chocolates off shelf]
(7) Daddy: Timmy, do you want the rest of this?
Timmy: I dont want. (2;07;07)
(8) Dont break! [cautioning the adult not to
break a toy cup] (Sophie, 3;06;06)
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2.2 Resolution of transfer-based structures
It is not the case that errors or innovations in achilds grammar survive into adulthood. Instead,childrens errors which presumably manifest agrammar (or lexicon) different from that of theirparents tend to disappear in a later phase oflanguage acquisition (Croft 2000: 47)
Dodevelopmental errors/innovations go away? How?
Is this the result of normal acquisition processes,
orof schooling and literacy? What happens when a community of such bi/multi-
lingual children develops?
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Possible outcomes in the individual
1. Preemption: e.g. wh-movement largely replaces
wh-in situ between age 3-4
2. Persistence: e.g. null objects persist to age 7
and beyond (Yip & Matthews 2000)
(9) Alicia: I want to put. [bringing jar of face cream]
Sophie: You want to put on your face? (6;11;10)Alicia: Yah. (2;08;10)
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Differential outcomes in the individual
These differential outcomes
(preemption vs. persistence) are
determined in part by considerations of
learnability,
e.g. input ambiguity favours null objects(Yip & Matthews 2003)
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Possible outcomes in a speech community
1. Replacement: transfer-based structure(s)ironed out by adult community
2. Persistence: transfer-based structure
persists as innovation in adult usage
These differential outcomes must bedetermined in part by language-internalconsiderations such as learnability, and inpart by external factors such as ecology(Mufwene 2001)
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Transfer in bilingual development and
substrate influence
Interaction of English with southern Chinese
dialects leads to similar results in Singapore
Colloquial English (SCE) and in Hong Kong
bilingual children
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Singapore Colloquial
English (SCE, Gupta1994)
Hong Kong bilingual
children (Yip & Matthews
2000)
Is it come? (EB, 7:8) Is it works? (SP, 3;8)
And I go where? (YB, 4;6) Put in where? SP, 3;8)
My this can change one
ah (EB, 5;11)
The... blow the flute that
one? (SP, 5;3)
You put there, then how to
go up? (MB)
Eat so much this, then got
sore throat. (SP, 3;3)
John give his boss scold Here is give Timmy
scratch (SP, 3;6)
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alreadymarking perfective aspect
(10) She wake already. (Sophie 2;06)
(11) He go already he go already the
monster (Sophie 2;10;21)
(12) Keoi seng-zo laa (adult Cantonese)
S/he wake-PFV PRT
Shes woken up
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alreadymarking perfective aspect in SCE
(Bao 1995, 2002)
(13) I wash my hand already
I have washed/washed my hand
(14) The tongue red already
The tongue has turned/turned red/
*The tongue was red
Despite the syntactic difference, V-le and S-le in
Chinese and S already in Singapore English, thesubstrate source of alreadyis unmistakable.
(Bao 2002: 9)
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giveas passive marker
(15) Here is give Timmy scratch.
(points to scratched leg) (Sophie, 3;06)
(16) Daddy, I already give the mosquito to
bite (shows bite on tummy) (Sophie, 3;09)
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oneas a nominalizer in relative clauses
(20) Sophie: I also want.
Father: What do you want?
Sophie: Timmy said that one. (3;08;21)[the child has been asking for a piggy-bank]
(21) Ngo jiu Timmy gong go go (adult Cantonese)I want Timmy talk that CL
I want what Timmy was talking about
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Relative clauses with oneas head in adult
SCE (Alsagoff and Ho 1998)
(22) They grow one very sweet.
The fruit that they grow is very sweet.
(23) Don't have car one, I don't want.
I don't want [a man] who does not own a car.
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give-passives in SCE
(Bao & Wee 1999)
(17) John give his boss scold
(18) John bei loubaan laau (adult Cantonese)
John give boss scold
John is scolded by his boss
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4. Discussion
SCE: (almost) a creole? (Ho & Platt 1993,
Gupta 1994, Bao 2002)
- no longer an issue if creole is not seen as a
unique structural type (cf. e.g. Corne 1999,
DeGraff 2001, Mufwene 2001)
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Ecology in which SCE developed (Gupta
1994: 33)
(i) English-medium schools
(ii) Racially mixed districts (in which most of theseschools were located) including Eurasians, Jews,Armenians and Straits Chinese
Both these ecologies involve child bilingualism,hence possibility of transfer in BFLA/child SLA; (ii)may resemble circumstances of creole formation,e.g. Baba Malay in Malacca (Ansaldo & Matthews1999).
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5. Implications
Bilingual first language acquisition is a
possible route for substrate influence, both in
general and specifically in creole formation.
Parallel phenomena in bilingual development(HK) and in Singapore Colloquial English
(SCE) illustrate this possibility.
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Implications: BFLA and/or SLA?
These effects occur alongside classical secondlanguage acquisition, e.g. Chinese substratefeatures are incorporated into SCE in the course ofboth bilingual first language and child/adult second
language acquisition. In principle such effects are only possible in cases
where interactive development occurs; theconditions for this to occur still need further
investigation. Language dominance and inputambiguity both appear to be factors favoringinteraction (Yip & Matthews 2000).
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Implications: creole formation
Balanced development with little or no
interaction is also possible, at least in ideal
circumstances where the input from both
languages is both balanced (resulting in noclear pattern of language dominance) and
separate (e.g. by domains of use). But such
ideal situations are most unlikely to prevail in
complex contact ecologies such as those of
creole formation.
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Acknowledgements
Hong Kong Research Grants Council (RGC),
ref. nos. HKU336/94H,CUHK 4002/97H,CUHK4014/02H and CUHK Direct Grant
01/02 Special thanks to members of our research
team, especially Huang Yue-Yuan, PengLing-Ling, Bella Leung, Simon Huang Pai-
Yuan, Gene Chu, Chen Ee San, Michelle Liand Uta Lam for their dedication andcommitment at various stages of the project.