Beyer. Andrej Belyj. the Berlin Years 1921—1923

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Andrej Belyj: The Berlin Years 1921—1923 Author(s): Thomas R. Beyer, Jr. Source: Zeitschrift für Slavische Philologie, Vol. 50, No. 1 (1990), pp. 90-142Published by: Universitätsverlag WINTER GmbhStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/24002634Accessed: 31-08-2015 04:58 UTC

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Andrej Belyj The Berlin Years 1921-1923

One of the most controversial periods in the life and work of An

drej Belyj is the two year period which he spent in Berlin. Belyj's

stay abroad is troubling to both Soviet and emigre scholars. Peter

Drews describes the enigma: "So wenig seine Abreise aus der Sowjet union im Herbst 1921 eine plausible Erklärung findet, so wenig gibt es einsichtige Gründe für seine Rückreise im November 1923.

Konstantin Mocul'skij, relying primarily on the memoirs of Cve

taeva and Xodasevic, portrays Belyj as absent-minded, distracted

and estranged.2 Soviet critics and scholars have depicted him, not

as an emigre, but rather a lost sheep returned to the fold of Soviet

literature.3 Neither view adequately explains Belyj's extraordinary burst of creative activity in Berlin. Not since the first decade of the

Century had Belyj been so prolific, so engaged, so in demand. To

dismiss Belyj merely as a sick and troubled eccentric is to ignore his

central role in "Russian Berlin". Scholarship to date lacks an

"Überblick" examining the entire period of Belyj's stay in Berlin

from November 1921 to October 1923 missing in the views of Cve

taeva, Xodasevic and others who arrived in Berlin in mid 1922, а

time of acute psychological crisis in Belyj's life. With this in-depth review of Belyj's activities, I hope to balance the reality, vividly re

1 Peter Drews, Russische Schriftsteller am Scheideweg - Berlin 1921-1923.

In: Anzeiger für Slavische Philologie, 12, 1981, p. 127. 2 Konstantin Moöul'skij, Andrej Belyj, Paris 1955, pp. 233-257. See also

Fedor Stepun, Pamjati Andreja Belogo. In: Sovremennye Zapiski, 56, 1934, pp. 257-259.

3 See L. Skorino, Slusaju velikuju muzyku budusöego. In: Znamja, 5, 1974, p. 236: "A. Belyj's departure abroad in the fall of 1921 was not an emigration; he

was called by the hardships of life in the starving, devasted Petrograd." Pravda,

January 11, 1934 in Belyj's obituary declares: "It is important to note, that he

did not share the fate of other leaders of that literary movement (Merezkovskij,

Gippius, Bal'mont) who slipped into the swamp of Whiteguard emigration. A.

Belyj died a Soviet writer."



Andrej Belyj. The Berlin Years 1921-1923 91

called in the Russian press in Berlin, with the perceptions of

emigres, Soviets and Belyj's own harsh and one-sided recollection in

"Одна из обителей царства теней."4 No such study сап be complete

without considering the special roles played by Asja Turgeneva-Bu gaeva, Rudolf Steiner and Berlin itself for Belyj's arrival and the

corresponding roles played by Klavdija Vasil'eva, Rudolf Steiner and conditions in Berlin for his departure.5

There are several references as early as 1920 for Belyj's desire to

go abroad and rejoin Asja in Dornach.6 Two events in August 1921

4 Andrej Belyj, Odna iz obitelej carstva tenej, Leningrad 1924. This work

was written shortly after his return to Moscow and not unmotivated by certain

political realities of resuming a career in Soviet Russia. The work itself is dated

by Belyj March 1924, but he gave a lecture with the same title on January 14, 1924. The English translation of the title, "In the Kingdom of Shadows", ig nores the word obitel'. Yet Belyj was constantly in search of this "monastery" or "abbey." In a letter to Tomasevskij in 1933, he wrote: "this 'distant monas

tery' doesn't exist anywhere: we must build it inside of ourselves." (Α. V. Lav

rov, "В. B. Tomasevskij ν perepiske s Andreem Belym". In: Puskinskij Dom:

Stat'i, Dokumenty, Leningrad 1982, p. 239. The concept of "shadow" for the emi

gration is oft repeated. See V. Sklovskij, Sentimental'noe putesestvie, Moscow

1929, p. 332 "And know I live among the emigres, and I myself am turning into

a shadow among shadows" [v ten' sredi tenej], 5

Many scholars have contributed bits and pieces to an understanding of Be

lyj's time in Berlin and their works will be cited in the course of this article. I

am indebted to the many individuals who were generous with their time, critical

reactions and suggestions, especially those eyewitnesses of the Berlin period who

shared with me their memories: Nina Berberova, Aleksandr Baxrax, Vera Lur'e

and Roman Gul'. The Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung and Middlebury College

provided generous support for travel and research. 6 Α biographical note on Belyj printed in Russkaja Kniga, 1, 1921, p. 19 as

serts: "Permission to travel abroad was not received." For some time there was

a question of the official status of Belyj's and Asja's relationship. Asja in a letter

to Ν. V. Vol'skij declared: "We actually -

purely a formality - were married

civily in Bern in 1914 in order to not scandalize the unfriendly peasant popula

tion in Switzerland. I didn't want a marriage at all - and certainly not a church

one." p. 65 in "K biografii Andreja Belogo: A. Belyj i Α. A. Turgeneva" by Gi.eb

Struve in Annali dell'Instituto Universitario Orientale, Sezione Slava, 13, Na

poli, 1970, p. 65. Both John Malmstad and Ron Peterson have noted that Boris

Bugaieff and Anna Turgenieff had their marriage officially registered with the

Zivilstandsamt of Bern on March 23, 1914. Cf. Band 1914 Seite 78 Nr. 157

Eheregister des Zivilstandskreises Bern. Belyj and Asja had arrived in Dornach to

take up residence on February, 1914 and to avoid difficulties with the local au

thorities or to avoid scandalizing the "aunties" at Dornach, they formalized

their living together.



92 Thomas Beyeb

provided new impetus for Belyj's departure: the death of Alexander

Blok and the arrest and execution of Nikolaj Gumilev. The most

dramatic and profound event for the writer and the man was the

death of his friend-foe, Aleksandr Blok on August 7, 1921. Their

twenty-year relationship, both personal and professional, dominated

Russian Symbolism. Born in the same year Belyj and Blok had been

alternately united and divided by a series of philosophical and aes

thetic concerns throughout their brilliant careers. In a letter to Xo

dasevic written only two days after Blok's death, Belyj described

his initial reaction. "Эта смерть для меня - роковой часов бой:

чувствую, что часть меня самого ушла с ним."7 At the same time, the loss was tempered by the sobering thought. of his own mortality and the realization that at the age of forty he must be resolute:

"вот и стукнуло мне его смертью: пробудись или умри: начнись или

кончись. И смерть Блока для меня это зов 'погибнуть или любить.'

Эта смерть - первый удар колокола."8

Over the next few months, Belyj would speak eloquently in mem

ory of his own one-time literary brother. Blok's death provided а

clear focus for a flood of memories, especially of the earlier days of

their literary careers from 1902 to 1905. He certainly saw Ljubov' Dmitrievna at the funeral who also opened the doors to retrospec tion and re-evaluation of his life.9 Often these retrospective mo

ments concerned Belyj more than they did Blok, but their content

was captivating and Belyj, a hypnotic orator, spellbound the audi ence at a morning memorial ceremony at the Petersburg section of

Vol'fila (Вольная Философская Ассоциация) on August 28, 1921.

Заседание открыл Андрей Белый, выступивший с кратким

вступительным словом и за тем - с большим докладом о Блоке. . . . Андрей Белый в тот день возник передо мной не только как

7 Sovremennye Zapiski, 55, 1934, р. 258. Quoted from a letter of August 9,

1921. 8

Belyj quotes here from а poem by Α. A. Del'vig "Elegija": "Kogda dusa

prosilas' ty/Pogibnut', il' ljubit' . . ." He will repeat these words to Cvetaeva а

year later. 9

Belyj's infatuation with Blok's wife, Ljubov' Dmitrievna, had precipitated one of his first crises. See A. Lavrov, Stranicy istorii: Iz neizdannyx pisem An

dreja Belogo к Aleksandru Bloku. In: Literaturnoe obozrenie, 10, 1980, p. 105. In

a letter written between April 11-14, 1905 Belyj admitted: "I recognize myself in Ljuba. I need her in spirit . . . But more than that I'm in love with Ljuba. Un

thinkingly and completely."




оратор и человек, но и как явление . . . Мне долго казалось, да и

теперь кажется, что эта речь Белого по своему духовному

подъему, по власти и силе звучащего слова, по глубине дыхания

была выше всех речей, которые мне когда-либо приходилось

слышать.10

Still, even as Belyj was undergoing an intellectual rebirth, his

physical health was by no means assured.11 Blok and Belyj had both endured material hardship in Russian. Just as ominous was the threat to those too outspoken (and Belyj had never been known for his restraint). Maria Razumovsky writes:

Bloks Tod bot Andrej Belyj Anlaß zu einem flammenden Pro test an die Adresse der verantwortlichen Stellen, denen er die

Schuld am vorzeitigen Tod seines Freundes gab, und auf die men

schenunwürdige Lage hinwies, in der die russischen Intellektuel len vegetieren mußten. Möglicherweise hat dieser Appell dazu

beigetragen, daß ihm selbst und anderen die Ausreise ermöglicht wurde.12

Nikolaj Gumilev's arrest on the night of 3-4 August and subse

quent execution signaled an end to the tolerance for cultural fi

gures.13

Belyj was finally granted permission to leave in September.14 For the next month he moved between Moscow and Petrograd maintain

10 D. Maksimov, 0 tom, как ja videl i slysal Andreja Belogo. Zvezda, 7, 1982,

pp. 171, 172. 11 Il'ja Erenburg in an article of 1921 mentions "the sick Β. N. Belyj". "Au

dessus de la melee" in Russkaja Kniga, 7-8, July -

August 1921, p. 2. 12 Maria Razumovsky, Marina Zwetajeva: Mythos und Wahrheit, Wien

1981, p. 162. 13 Prof. A. JaSöenko summing up the early years of the Bolshevik powers ad

mits: "it must be recognized, that if the life of anyone during this time was sub

ject to minimum danger, it was the life of writers and scholars. In spite of the

great terror we know of only a few instances of executions in this milieu. This

respect and careful handling of intellectual workers was displayed from the very

beginning of the revolution and continues to this day." Cf. Russkaja kniga posle

oktjabr'skogo perevorota. In: Russkaja Kniga, 1, January 1921, 3. 14

Belyj had been summoned from Switzerland to Russia in the summer of

1916 for induction into the armed forces. First the war, then the events of 1917

and following prevented his departure abroad and return to Asja. In his letter to

her from Kowno dated November 11-12, 1921 Belyj recalls: "Don't forget, that

simultaneously, I tirelessly sought to leave. I wasn't permitted in February



94 Thomas Beyer

ing an active schedule of lectures, meetings and negotiations for the

publication of his works.15 He departed Russia on October 20, 1921

and after a few hours in Riga, where he was granted only a transit

visa, he travelled on to the city of Kowno (Kaunas) where he gave two lectures on poetry and one on Tolstoj.16 From Kowno, where he

was still awaiting a visa and the necessary permission to travel to

Germany, he wrote to Asja. Time was running out and Belyj desper ately wanted to make his way to "Ты, Доктор, Дорнах." (Letter to

Asja, p. 301).17

1920; then in August 1920 I was turned down a second time, . . . Then Blok

died, they shot Gumilev, and - they were ashamed; the young people began to

shout: 'let Belyj go abroad, or he'll die, like Blok.'" (p. 306). In Vozdusnye puti, 5, 1967, pp. 296-309. This is the complete version of the letter which Xodase

viö edited for Sovremennye Zapiski, 55, 1934. For an overview of Belyj's state of

mind and desire to leave Russia see Α. V. Lavrov, Materialy Andreja Belogo ν

Rukopisnom otdele Puskinskogo Dorna. In: Ezegodnik Rukopisnogo otdela Pus

kinskogo Dorna na 1979 god, Leningrad 1981, pp. 58-68. John Malmstad in his

"Introduction" to Κ. N. Bugaeva, Vospominanija о Belom, p. 13 states: "Offi

cially he, like many others who left Russia at the time, had been granted an exit

visa for reasons of health." 15

Already on August 11, 1921 Belyj was setting about to record his memories

of Blok, a task which would grow and expand until it would become a major thrust of his literary life. He had written to the director of the Rumjantsev Lib

rary asking that copies of his own correspondence with Blok be made - a task

given to Klavdija Nikolaevna Vasil'eva, who would later play а key role in Be

lyj's life.

On September 6, 1921 Belyj returned to Moscow and gave his diary and notes to Ivanov-Razumnik for safe-keeping. On September 26 he spoke in Moscow about Blok. See Literaturnoe nasledstvo, 92/93, Moscow 1982, pp. 535-538. In October Belyj tried to arrange his professional affairs. Most important was to obtain a release from his contractual obligations with Grebin: See Ezegodnik . . na 1979, pp. 66-67.

Also in October, Belyj organized a chapter of Vol'fila in Moscow based on the

original group in Petersburg and on October 9 gave a lecture there on "Dosto

evskij and Tolstoj." On October 16 Belyj met with the Anthroposophical Circle in Moscow and the Group Kuznecy (See L. Skorino, p. 236). On October 17 he read from his "Pervoe svidanie" at a special meeting of the Union of Writers in Moscow and was hosted at a farewell dinner by the All Russian Union of Wri ters.

16 S. S. Greöiskin, Α. A. Lavrov, О stixovedöeskom nasledii Andreja Belogo. In: Ucenye zapiski Tartuskogo universiteta, 5125, 1981, p. 109.

17 The Doctor, of course, is Rudolf Steiner and Dornach is the village in Swit zerland where Steiner had located his Anthroposophical colony. Α note in Rus

skaja Kniga, 5, May 1921, p. 20 had noted that Andrej Belyj "Is preparing to travel to Switzerland."



Andrej Belyj. The Berlin Years l!)21-l!)23 95

Belyj's departure was tnotivaled not so much Ьу a desire to leave

as it. was a need to see and spcak with Asja. "Моя милая, милая,

милая, милая деточка! Боже мой, до чего я соскучился по Тебе

. . Belyj weites in February of 1920.18 Their rclationship is diffi cult to define, but they had been bound together uniquely by inysti eal and spiritual experiences. "Соединила не радость: «опрос - тот

единый, который стоит перед каждым: 'Как жить?'"19 Belyj has de

seribed how in 1912 the two had experieneed a mystiea! together ness which саше to füll fruition in the person of Rudolf Steiner, and

tlius the triangle (Belyj's favorite form) of Belyj - Asja - Steiner.20

After his return to Russia in 1916 Belyj kept alive the hope of a re

lationship with Asja. He refers to her with tenderness (albeit pater nalistie - she was ten years his junior) and harbored the eonvietion

that a face to face meeting and baring of their souls would restore

the unity between the two. His own expeetations were in sharp eon

trast to those of Asja. In her own mind the relationship had already ended before Belyj's departure in the sumrner of 1916.

Лишь и последние недели, прощаясь с прошлым, он «нош.

обрел спокойствие. Но «ера « то. что самое значительное, что

мы пережили, сохраниться ненрикоспоиенпым. была надлом

'* <) koim: es Nivat. Lettre« «ГAndrej Belyj a la Camille d'Asja. In: Cahitrx du

Monde rux.il· il χoriilit/uc. XVIII, 1-2, janv. - juin 1977. p. 138. 19 Andhej Bei.y.i. Putevye zametki, Т. I. Berlin 1922. p. 73. -°

Belyj Ii ixt writes to Blök about the experience in a letter of May 14, 1912.

Later he will deseribe in artistie prose the lil'e оГ "Nelli" |Asjaj in "Zapiski cu

daka". and ultimatelv he will deseribe |>ersonal detail.« in Iz vospominanij" B<

xcila, 2, 1923, pp. 8.3-127. Asja herseif says it would be illejiitimate (nepravo

merno) to eomment «n these experience,ч were it not Cor the Caet that Belyj had

deseribed them in detail. See "Andrej Belyj i Rudolf Steiner". Moxty, 13-14.

19(57-1908, p. 242. In a letter tu N. Valentinov (УоГккд), Asja eornplains that

"Andr. Belyj in Iiis last works deseribes our relationship subjeetively (in detail«

not always laithl'ully) and tastelessly - but in депега! eorreetly." "After 'Putev.

Zametki' I eonsidered it necessary to show him in lil'e (ziznenno) that we had

separat,ed in lil'e (ziznenno razoslis')." In Struve. "K bionralli Andreja Ве1одо

. . ." pp. (>4-(i5. Maoni « L.h noohen, The üream of Rebirth, Stockholm 1982, p.

80 refers to Belyj « own "Material к biogralii (intimnyj)" to explore the man and

wil'e asjiect. "Turgeneva deelared in Bogoluby that she had finally l'ound 'her

own path' in anthroposophy as an asoetic. and that she was no longer able to

play the role of his 'wil'e', but could only be a 'sister' to him. Crom this moment

on Belyj says that Turgeneva categorically rel'used him sexual eontaet . . ."



96 Thomas Beyer

лена. Он это знал. Будущее показало, что и сохраняя ему вер

ность, уберечь его он не сумел.21

Asja's remarks that the correspondence soon ended are not com

pletely accurate. Belyj continued to send letters to her and he re

fers to one of her letters in 1920 (her Christmas present for 1919) and her request passed on by an acquaintance in 1918 for money.

Regardless of her perception, Belyj intended to join his wife and he

refers to her often.22 The best indication of Belyj's true desire to see

Asja is in the November letter from Kowno. After chiding her for

the tone of her own letters, her lack of understanding of Soviet real

ity and his accusation that "Ты покинула меня в самое критическое

время." (р. 304), Belyj nonetheless affirms: "Тебя лично я глубоко

люблю; но эта любовь - все эти года доставляла одно сплошное

страдание; и от этой любви - 'ни привета, ни ответа'." (р. 307). Α second motive for his trip abroad was Belyj's desire to rejoin

the Doctor - Rudolf Steiner. This relationship, too, is complex and

controversial. The Doctor Donner of Belyj's Moscow novels remains

today an obstacle in attempts to define Belyj's reaction to the man

who was his spiritual mentor, and intellectual foster father. This as

sociation with Steiner is central to any unterstanding of the Berlin

period as well as to Belyj's mental state, and while the stränge fa

ther-son bond between the two men has been treated elsewhere,

Steiner was so central to Belyj during the Berlin years, some

aspects deserve repetition. Belyj's own father had died in 1903, and

the Oedipus complex in the novel "Петербург" is merely one indica

tion of Belyj's ambiguious feelings toward him. Rudolf Steiner

stepped into that gap and there are references that make it clear that Belyj looked upon Steiner as a father.23 Belyj believed that

21 Α Tukgeneva, Andrej Belyj i Rudol'f Stejner. In: Mosty, 13-14, 1967-1968,

p. 248. 22 In a letter from December 1920 Belyj writes to Konstantin Erberg: "My en

tire life is in Asja and in 'Epopeja' . . . My soul longs for Asja. I was ready to

Нее." Α. V. Lavrov, Materialy Andreja Belogo ν Rukopisnom otdele Puskin

skogo Dorna. In: Ezegodnik Rukopisnogo otdela Puskinskogo Dorna na 1979 god,

Leningrad 1981, p. 60. In a letter to Grzbin on October 6, 1921 Belyj refers

twice to his desperate need for money: "I must again earn a living for myself and my wife." ibid. 67.

23 See Thomas R. Beyer, Jr., Andrej Belyj's "Reminiscences of Rudolf

Steiner": Α Review Artiele. Slavic and East European Journal, XXV, 4, Winter

1981, pp. 76-86. Α more recent discussion appears in my "Belyj and Steiner:




Steiner could easily arrange his entry into Berlin, and while he wrote that he did not want to bother the "great one" with a re

quest for intercession, he clearly hoped for Steiner's support on his

behalf. This conflicts with Asja's account, who quotes Steiner as

saying

'Бугаев болен,' - сказал мне Рудольф Штейнер, по поводу этого письма. - Ή рад был бы пригласить его сюда, но это не

пойдет ему на пользу. Мы тут живем на пороховой бочке (это было за несколько месяцев до пожара в Гетеануме, А. Т.) По

старайтесь отговорить его, я делаю, что могу, чтобы облегчить

ему въезд в Германию.'

Asja recalls, these words made their way to Belyj, who found

them "offensive."24 Already in Kowno, however, Belyj realized that

visa and currency problems would preclude moving to Switzerland.

Consequently he decided to travel to Berlin.

Several factors at the beginning of 1920 combined to make Berlin

an appealing Community for the Russian intelligentsia. Berlin had

emerged from World War I somewhat poorer and wiser than before - but its cultural and architectural heritage were intact. In 1920

with the uniilcation of the surrounding communities Berlin became

a metropolis of four million inhabitants. The events of the nineteen

thirties have overshadowed the city's heritage of tolerance. In the

seventeenth Century Berlin had granted refuge to the Jews of Eu

rope and later to the French Huguenots. In the early 1920's some

100,000 Russians lived here and another 300,000 were scattered

around other parts of Germany.25 Political factors likewise favored

The Berlin Period 1921-1923." Andrej Belyj Society Newsletter, 6, 1987, pp. 13

26 and "Andrej Belyj's First and Last Encounters with Rudolf Steiner: Two Let

ters to Marie von Sivers." Journal for Anthroposophy, 46, Winter 1987, pp. 71

76. An excellent overview of Steiner and Anthroposophy can be found in the

series "Anthroposophen" in Der Spiegel, 17-20, 22 (1984). 24 A. Turgeneva p. 248. This reaction of Steiner comes apparently on the ba

sis of Belyj's letter from Kowno. Most have assumed that the letter was never

sent. Could it be that Asja returned the letter to Belyj who left it in the trunk

which the landlady at the Crampe Pension gave to Xodaseviö and Berberova

when Belyj left? 25 Little remains of their physical presence. The Russian cemetery at Witte

strasse (Русская Православная Церковь св. Равноапостольных царей Констан

тина и Елены) guards peacefully the remains of the few hundred Russians who

perished in the city after 1917 including the grave of V. D. Nabokov. Most of



98 Thomas Beyer

Berlin. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk had brought an early cessation

of hostilities between Russia and Germany. The Bolshevik regime

desperately needed trading partners and the Weimar Republic still

smarting from the bürden of the Treaty of Versailles had signed an

economic agreement in Berlin on May 6, 1921 which resulted in de

facto recognition of Soviet Russia. By November 1921 Russia would

have permanent diplomatic representation in Berlin and on April 16, 1922 the Treaty of Rapallo extending diplomatic and economic relations was signed.

Vasilij Nemirovic-Dancenko described the conditions as follows:

"Германия сейчас земля обетованная. К нам относятся привет ливо, а после соглашения с советской властью и совсем хорошо."26 Differences in the value of currencies resulted in a particularly low

cost of living for those with access to the more stable currencies. This seemingly favorable arrangement would soon have drastic con

sequences for those living in Germany, but for the years 1921 and most of 1922 there was a real window of opportunity in Berlin. By 1923 Berlin would have forty Russian language publishing houses, three major daily Russian newspapers and more than twenty Rus sian journals. There was a more or less free interchange of ideas as well as persons between Berlin and Moscow. The emigration, which

many still hoped was only temporary, was much like a return to

pre-war days when Russia's intelligentsia frequently spent time in the major cultural centers and universities of Europe.

the houses are gone too - victime of the bombing of Berlin. Twenty percent of

all the buildings were destroyed and another fifty percent severely damaged. The Cafe Landgraf, the Grand Casino Nollendorf and the Cafe Leon (actually the Cafe and Conditorei of Gustav Leon) where Erenburg, Remizov, Esenin, Pas

ternak, Majakovskij, Sklovskij, Cvetaeva, Xodaseviö, A. Tolstoj and A. Belyj would come together are no longer to be found. The Prager Pension and Prager Diele are gone. Here at Erenburg's "Stammtisch" the literary elite would gather and in the words of Belyj "прагердильствовать". Α curious exception is the

house at Viktoria Luise Platz 9 where the top floors were occupied by the wi

dow Ella Crampe's Pension. Xodasevic lived here with Nina Berberova. So, too

for a time, did Andrej Belyj, Gersenson and Nikolaj Nikitin. For one of the first

discussions of the Berlin emigration see Hans von Rimscha, Rußland jenseits der Grenzen 1921-1926, Jena 1927. Α recent and excellent overview is contained in Fritz Mierau, Russen in Berlin: 1918-1933: Eine kulturelle Begegnung, Weinheim 1988.

26 Vas. I. Nemiroviö-Danöenko, Pis'mo iz Berlina. In: Literatmnye Zapiski, 2, June 23, 1922, pp. 10-11. See also the continuation "Pis'mo iz Berlina", Lite

raturnye Zapiski, 3, August 1, 1923, pp. 14-15.




The emergence of the Russian press and printing industry in Ber

lin is a topic once well documented. As they Consolidated their poli tical gains in 1918 the Bolshevik authorities succeeded in stifling newspapers and journals unsympathetic to their cause and views in

those areas where they had military control. The Civil War pre sents a complicated picture of temporary papers in pockets unoccu

pied by the Bolsheviks. At least as effective as the political and le

gal obstructions to printing were the material difficulties and shor

tages of newsprint, ink and paper which even when available were

allocated to more mundane and pragmatic areas.

Still, within the borders of Soviet Russia precious little was

printed. There were the Publishing houses of Alkonost' and Grzbin, but the figures for new titles which appeared in 1920 were disap

pointing: Great Britain 11,026, America 8,329, Germany 32,345, Russia 742.27 Meanwhile the explosive growth of the numbers of

Russians living abroad, including many of the intellectual elite, con

stituted fertile grounds for literally hundreds of publishing ven

tures. Figures vary on this account. "Справочник для русских в

Берлине" (Berlin 1923, рр. 26-28) lists forty-six publishers and

twenty one periodicals. Volkmann notes that Berlin had fifty five

periodicals in 1922 and forty seven in 1923. He also finds 471 Rus

sian language books published in the city in 1922 and 667 in 1923.28

Many were short-lived (the collapse of the German economy would

doom them), but while they flourished Russian writers prospered. The publishing houses which sprang up would soon compete with

each other for writers and works as vigorously as they advertised

their wares in the newspapers. And the center of this activity would

become Berlin:

К началу 1922 года определилось в этой области подавля

ющее значение Берлина. Свобода и терпимость германской рес

публики, дружелюбное и гостеприимное отношение германского

народа (единственного, оказавшегося истинным другом русских в эти трудные годы), скопление здесь, в силу этого, значи

тельных русских интеллигентных и предпринимательных сил,

дешевизна производства, совершенство и эластичность герман

27 Quoted from Publishers Weekly in Novosti Literatury, I, August 1922, p. 39.

28 Hans-Erich Volkmann, Die russische Emigration in Deutschland 1919—

1929, Würzburg 1966, pp. 121-126.



100 Thomas Beyer

ской типографической техники, разработанность методов меж

дународной торговли, либерализм германского законода

тельства и закона о прессе, - все эти, и многие другие, условия

способствовали тому, что Берлин действительно стал "третьей

(умственной) столицей" России. Законы экономической конку

ренции на едином рынке привели к тому, что мало по малу

почти все русские книгоиздательства в других странах, кроме

Германии, должны были прекратить свою деятельность или пе

ренести печатание книг в Германию.29

Belyj was по stranger to Germany - he had considerable intellec

tual ties to the country. In an autobiographical note he had writ

ten:

Первым реальным прикосновением к искусству считаю те ве

чера далекого прошлого, когда мать моя играла сонаты Бетхо

вена и прелюди Шопена; первым прикосновением к поэзии - чте

ние вслух для меня моей гувернанткой (немкой) стихов Уланда,

Гете и сказки Андерсена. Музыка, Уланд, Гете и Андерсен про

будили во мне непрекращавшуюся любовь к искусству, любовь,

которую, повинуясь какой-то детской стыдливостью, я долгое

время скрывал тщательным образом. Может быть, то обстоя

тельство, что пробужденье во мне эстетических эмоций связано

с Андерсеном и Уландом, и отразилось в последствии на харак

тер моей юношеской симфонии ("Северная Симфония"), выдер

жанной в старогерманских тонах. Может быть, оттого жива во

мне и по сю пору любовь к старой Германии (да и к Германии

вообще), к германской музыке (Бетховен, Шуман, Вагнер), жи вописи (Дюрер, Вольгемут, Грюневальд, Штригель), поэзии (Гете, романтики, Ницше), философии (Кант, Лейбниц, Шеллинг, Шопенгауэр, Риккерт и опять таки Ницше), науке (Гельмгольц, Оствальд, Вундт, Деиссен и др.) и мистике (Эккарт, Беме и из нынешних - Рудольф Штейнер). Все, что люблю я на Западе, не вольно как-то связано для меня с Германией.30

29 Α. JaSöenko, "Literatura za pjat' isteksix let." Novaja Russkaja Kniga, 11/

12, Nov.-Dec. 1922, p. 2. Α recent overview of this Publishing with an excellent

bibliography is contained in Habtmut Walravens, "Blaue Nächte in Berlin

. . Zum russischen Verlagswesen im Berlin der zwanziger Jahre." Aus dem An

tiquariat, 5, 1987, pp. А 189-A 195. 30 Andrej Belyj "Avtobiografiöeskaja spravka" in S. A. Vengerov, Russkaja

Literatura XX veka, 2, III, pp. 9-10. For an overview of Belyj's thoughts on




On the eve of his departure for Berlin, however, he was decidedly less enthusiastic: "В Берлине я буду один ... я стараюсь, пока что

рассматривать Ausland, как санаторий, в котором мне надо окреп

нуть нервами, написать начатые книги, издать их."31 Belyj would

not be alone in Berlin and his plans to finish and publish his works

would be fulfilled far beyond even his expectations. He boarded а

ship in Pilau to Königsberg and then on to Stettin in a journey de

scribed in "Одна из обителей царства теней." (рр. 13-28). From

there he boarded a train for the journey to Berlin where he arrived

on November 19, 1921.

Belyj's first day in Berlin coincided with a lecture that very even

ing by Rudolf Steiner on "Anthroposophie und Wissenschaft." And

so on the evening of November 19 just having arrived, he hurried

off to the lecture -

куда я попал в первый день приезда в Берлин и где встре тился с "БЛИЗКИМИ" некогда мне, и рядом старых знакомств, и с "ДОРНАХАМИ", и со Штейнером.32

The Doctor, however, was likely not prepared for Belyj's appear ance at his lecture. The result was far from the expected welcome

for the Prodigal Son.

в условиях моего состояния, разумеется, падали все намере ния, среди вопросов, свидания, самому Штейнеру, спросившему меня: "Ну, - как дела?", - я мог лишь ответить с гримасою

сокращения лицевых мускулов под приятную улыбку: "Труд ности с жилищным отделом." Этим и ограничился в 1921 году пять лет леяемый [(sie) желаемый] и нужный мне всячески раз говор (р. 114).

The German polite but cool greeting, the crash of reality against

Germany see also Thomas R. Beyer, Jr. "Zwischen Moskau und Goetheanum -

Andrej Belyj" in Deutsche und Deutschland in der russischen Lyrik des frühen 20.

Jahrhunderts, München 1988, pp. 41-58. 31

Vozduinye puti, 5, 1967, p. 307. 32 A. Belyj, Poöemu ja stal simvolistom, Ann Arbor 1982, pp. 112-113. It was

in a discussion with FrädIsric Kozlik that I realized the true impact of this

coincidental meeting. Kozlik's monumental work is a valuable resource for scho

lars of the Belyj - Steiner connection: L'influence de l'anthroposophie sur

l'oeuvre d'Andrei Bieli, Frankfurt 1981.



102 Thomas Beyer

the inflated expectations set the tone for the personal crises that

Belyj would experience in Berlin.33

For the Germans Belyj (Boris Nikolaevic Bugaev) would be an

other statistic, one of 17,500 foreigners and 1,040 Russians who en

tered the country in November. His arrival was officially reported in Голос России (No. 820, November 22, 1921, p. 3) "Приежал в

Берлин известный писатель Андрей Белый."34 The first few even

ings Belyj spent at the residence of Evgenij Lundberg, director of

the Скифы publishing house in Berlin before moving into Passauer

straße 3 bei Boraus across the street from KaDeWe (Kaufhaus des

Westens), one of the largest department stores in the world.

Germany of 1921 and the bustling Berlin presented a clear con

trast to the cold and hunger of Moscow and Petrograd. The mate

rial side of Berlin and its Russian Community were piain to see. А

look at the Sunday issue of Голос России (No. 825, November 27,

1921) highlights the restaurant "Alerverdi" with a selection of Cau

casian and Russian dishes. One could dine and dance at the Russian

bar at Spichernstraße. The Kurfürstendamm Casino was advertising

33 V. Xodaseviö in "Andrej Belyj", Nekropol', Paris 1976, pp. 88-89. Re

peated by Moöul'skij, Xodaseviö makes much of Belyj's remark that "Finally at

some sort of meeting, in Berlin, Belyj saw Steiner. He rushed up to him - and

heard the emphatically prosaic question, delivered in a paternalistic condescend

ing tone: 'Na, wie geht's?' Belyj understood that there was nothing to talk

about, and answered with contemptuous rage. 'Schwierigkeiten mit dem Woh

nungsamt!'"

Xodaseviö, who recalls most of this from Belyj's own words, had arrived in

Berlin in late June 1922. The more memorable line is spoken by Belyj on the

U-Bahn who threatened to go to Dornach and shout out "Herr Doktor, Sie sind

ein alter Affe!" (p. 90). Belyj would recall with regret his illness at the time and

his intemperate outbursts. Unfortunately Belyj's own apologies contained in let

ters, and "Vospominanija о Stejnere" and "Poöemu ja stal simvolistom" came to

light in the past few years and were not general knowledge in the Russian

emigre Community which continued to speak of Belyj's alienation from Steiner.

While the conflict was no doubt real, it was not permanent nor very long-lived as events of 1923 will show. At any rate, contacts did take place during the

days following Belyj's arrival in Berlin, and the result was to shatter Belyj's dreams and leave his personal life in shambles.

34 In gathering Information on this period I have relied heavily on the daily Russian language newspapers printed in Berlin. Rul' provides valuable Informa

tion on events between 1921 and 1922. Nakanune began publishing in March

1922. Golos Rossii ceases publication in October 1922, but is quickly replaced by Dni.




its five o'clock tea with a Russian Gypsy orchestra. The "Alexan

der" restaurant at Behrenstraße 57 offered an orchestra of balalai

kists. There were Russian chocolates, coffee, papirosy, cigars.

Several jewelers were doing business in Buying and selling Dia

monds. You could find Russian doctors and lawyers and shop at the

Modehaus Petersburg at Passauerstraße 4, next door to Belyj. There was also the promenade - the Russian "parti-de-plaisir"

along Tauenzienstraße. More shocking was the incomparable Berlin

night life of cocaine, easy women, gay bars and transvestite clubs.

Berlin, however, was also a center of Russian culture and in the

last week of November 1921 one could attend the opening of the

Moscow Art Theater with a Performance of Chexov's "Три сестры". There was also a public reading by Aleksej Tolstoj of his new play, "Любовь - книга золотая", and by Lev Sestov on "Dostoevskij."35

It was quite naturally to this other side of Berlin that Belyj turned and immediately assumed an active and leading role in the

artistic and literary Community. For one who had complained of too

much outside activity which distracted him from his writing, Belyj was quick to establish organizational ties with the literary elite of

Berlin. Lundberg asserted: "Когда для Андрея Белого наступает

успокоение, он, вероятно, перестает быть."36 Only two days after

his arrival, on Monday evening November 21, 1921, Belyj attended

an organizational meeting of a group at the Cafe Landgraf

(Kurfürstenstraße 75) to discuss the establishment of the Дом ис

кусств в Берлине (House of the Arts) (GR, 822, Nov. 24, 1921, p.

3).37 Α week later on November 29 the board of directors which in

cluded Belyj was chosen. (GR, 829, Dec. 2, 1921, p. 4). Belyj had al

ways had a penchant for forming groups. On November 30 a group of friends and co-workers of Skify met to open a chapter of the

Вольная Философская Ассоциация (Vol'iila) in Berlin. Among those at the meeting were Nikolaj Minskij, Lev Sestov, II'ja Eren

burg and Aleksej Remizov. Sestov was chosen honorary president, but Belyj was elected president, a position he held in the Moscow

and Petrograd chapters. (GR, 831, Dec. 4, 1921, р. 1 and Rul', 318,

36 See Golos Rossii, 822, Nov. 24, 1921, p. 3. 36 E. Lundberg, Zapiski pisatelja, Berlin 1922, p. 177. 37 See Thomas R. Beyer, Jr., The House of the Arts and Writers' Club in

Berlin 1921-1923. In: "Russische Autoren und Verlage in Berlin nach dem

Ersten Weltkrieg", Berlin 1987, pp. 9-38.



104 Thomas Beyer

Dec. 3, 1921, p. 4). Belyj had also made a commitment to deliver

two lectures on behalf of Russian Student organizations for the Un

ion of Russian journalists and Writers in Berlin. (Rul', 310, Nov. 24,

1921, p. 4). One other note in the Russian language Berlin press that fall

would have far-reaching consequences for Belyj: "Московское Ли

тературное и Художественное книгоиздательство 'Геликон' в

скором времени возобновляет свою деятельность в Берлине." (GR, 802, Oct. 30, 1921, р. 5).38 In spite of this flurry of activity B. re

calls in his "Раккурс к дневнику" for November "сумбур . . . удар за ударом."39 Berlin had not reunited Belyj with Steiner or with

Asja but it would permit him to publish the works he had written

since 1916, and so he turned for consolation to his work.

If Belyj was looking for a rest, his activities in December seemed

to preclude it. At the regulär weekly meeting of the House of the

Arts on December 3, Belyj read from Эпопея (GR, 834, Dec. 8, 1921,

p. 3).40 On December 5, there was a meeting of Vol'fda to elect new

members attended by I. V. Gessen, the editor of Rul' and director

of the Committee for Aid to Russian Writers, and A. Jascenko, edi

tor of Русская Книга, the valuable bibliographical journal of the

Russian emigration (GR, 836, Dec. 10, 1921, p. 3). Α number of open Vol'fila meetings was also announced. Belyj's first public lecture for

the House of the Arts had been scheduled for that evening of the

38 Ultimately Belyj would publish several works with Gelikon, including the

journal Epopeja, and the publisher, A. G. Visnjak, would be one of Belyj's most

faithful supporters. 39 "The Raccoursy Diary" is quoted in Klavdija Nikolaevna Bugaeva, An

drej Belyj: Letopis' zizni i tvoröestva in GEB Saltykov Scedrin F 60 ed. xr. 107.

They have been extensively cited by John Malmstad in his introduction to Bu

gaeva's Vospominanija о Belom, Berkeley 1981. Scholars have repeatedly ref

ered to the diary indirectly through Klavdija Nikolaevna. The actual "Rakkurs"

is preserved in CGALI. In a letter to me of March 6, 1986, the Director of the

Central Literary Archives, Ν. B. Volkova wrote: "This material entered the ar

chives with the note of the author 'For personal use.' This means, that the diary notes, contained in the cited manuscript, bear an extremely personal character

and therefore cannot be provided for examination and research." I am grateful to Professor Maria Carlson for sharing with me her notes for the Berlin period in

Belyj's life. 40 These are presumably excerpts from "Prestuplenie Nikolaja Letaeva." See

the review of Epopeja by Marietta Saginjan in Letopis' doma literatorov, 1, Nov 1, 1921, pp. 2-3.




fifth, but had been postponed. On December 10, the House held its

regulär Saturday meeting with readings scheduled by Tolstoj, Remi

zov and Minskij. On Monday, December 12, there was a closed

meeting of Vol'fila.41 On December 14, Belyj finally delivered his

earlier promised lecture on "Современная культура в России" at

the Logenhaus (Kleiststraße 10).42

Belyj's first public statement is both profoundly personal, as well

as a daring defense of Soviet Russia and а попе too veiled criticism

of the emigration.

Культурная жизнь современной России представляет собой

пеструю смесь противоречий и крайностей; красота перепле тается с безобразием, головные утопии с конкретнейшими до стижениями в области искусства, забота о куске хлеба, одежде,

дровах переплетается с мыслями о Вечности и о Гробе; смерть и

воскресенье, гибель и рождение новой культуры - все это

столкнуто; норма отсутствует (р. 2).

Belyj points to those who "эмигривали в абстрактную сферу без

жизненных принципов, в воспоминания о прошлом." The accusa

tory tone is ironic, because Belyj too will eventually arrive at "a

land of Memories."43 Belyj defends the new culture, especially the

proletarian poets with whom he had labored in 1918-1919 and con

cludes "есть культура в России, культура видавшая перед собой

лик гроба и смерти, не убоявшаяся ни гробов современности, ни

гробов, ей сколачиваемых издалека. Это - культура сходящей к

России Вечности" (р. 6).

41 As one of the Organizers and а key figure in both the House of the Arts and

Vol'fda, it is likely that Belyj attended most of their meetings. Where Belyj's

participation is either announced prior to the event or commented on after the

meeting I have provided specific references to the newspapers or journals of the

day. Where no citation is given, I have been unable to confirm Belyj's presence. 42 Mixail Svarc, Andrej Belyj о grjadusöej Rossii, in Oolos Rossii, 845, Dec.

21, 1921, p. 2. Belyj published his article "Kul'tura ν sovremennoj Rossii" in

Nova ja Russkaja Kniga, 1, 1922, pp. 2-6. The article with an introduction by

Thomas R. Beyer, Jr. was republished in Andrej Belyj Society Newsletter, 5,

1986, pp. 13-28. 43 W. Polensky, Die Suche nach der objectiven Wahrheit, Russische Korres

pondenz, 1-3, Jan - March, 1922, p. 216. "Wir stehen an der Quelle eines

Flusses, der sehr wasserreich zu werden verspricht, - des Flusses der Erinner

ungen . . . Schon jetzt zählt die Memoirenliteratur über die große russische Re

volution nach Dutzenden von Bänden."



106 Thomas Beyer

If we look to the beginning for a hint of the end, we can see one

reason Belyj would choose to return to Russia: the young poets and

young people in general from whom he drew sustenance which was

unavailable anywhere eise. In his letter to Asja, he had spoken of

being alone in Berlin, but cautioned her not to repeat his comments

especially because of Cheka agents who might arrest his mother and

because he did not want to spoil a return entry "ибо близкие

сердцу друзья - в России" (р. 308). Indeed, if Asja did not love him

he could, he believed, always return to his fans.

Если бы ты знала, как провожала меня молодежь в Петер

бурге, какие слова благодарности я слышал (кто-то из публики мне крикнул: "Милый Котик Летаев, - когда вам будет одиноко

там, помните, что мы здесь, вас любим\" Также меня про вожали в Москве: представители студий, писатели, молодежь.

Да, Ася, меня крепко любит Россия! (рр. 306-307)

If not with love and adulation, then with curiosity and eager an

ticipation, Berlin crowds waited to hear him. On December 15 in

the Philharmonie Hall along with Ol'ga Knipper of the Moscow Art

Theater, Remizov and Tolstoj, Belyj was featured at an evening or

ganized by the Russian Social Committee where he was scheduled

to read from Эпопея and share his impressions about Russia. (GR,

839, Dec. 14, 1921, p. 3). On December 17, another meeting was

held at the House of the Arts to choose officers of the literary, ar

tistic and musical section. On the 18th Belyj was scheduled to give an address to the YMCA in the Cafe Abazia am Knie on "Проблема

культуры." (Rul', 329, Dec. 16, 1921, p. 5). Belyj read at the House

of the Arts on the 24th from his "Первое свидание" (GR, 852, Dec.

30, 1921, p. 3), on the 26th he was scheduled to deliver the Vol'fila

lecture "Ветхий и Новый Завет" (GR, 836, Dec. 10, 1921, р. 3). On

December 29 he read from his роет "Христос воскресе" for the li

terary Thursday get-together of the Union of Russian Students at

the Speisehaus (Stuttgarter Platz 20) (GR, 851, Dec. 29, 1921, p. 3). On the 30th the House of the Arts held its final meeting before the

new year and a switch of meeting night from Saturday to Friday. Also in December Gelikon somewhat prematurely announced that

Belyj's "Путевые заметки", 1 и 2 as well as "Записки чудака" were in print and would soon be on sale. Another milestone was the com

pletion of the first installment of his "Воспоминания о Блоке" which would appear in the journal Эпопея that Belyj would edit. In




spite of this activity, Belyj was not happy. His diary for the month

speaks of "Угрюмость . . . ужас отчаяния". The New Year 1922 opened with mixed emotions. In a letter of

January 15, 1922 to Ivanov-Razumnik he wrote:

Сердце сжимается болью: у меня трагедия: Ася ушла от

меня; Штейнер - разочаровывает ... От боли стискиваю зубы; и - пью . . . Провалилась Ася, Штейнер, движение, - все: нелегко

мне вынести эту утрату . . . когда я слушал Штейнера, то . . .

мне казалось Штейнер - разжизненная "Волъфила". Берегите ".Волъфилу".44

And yet even given his disappointments or perhaps in spite of

them the year 1922 would be one of the most crucial in the writer's

career. It was a time of intense and incredibly productive literary

activity - and the most prolific publishing year of his life.45

Much of January 1922 was devoted to writing the second install

ment of the "Воспоминания о Блоке" which are dated January 1922. They would eventually be published in the journal Эпопея

which would serve as a center of Belyj's activity in 1922. "Изд-во

44 CGALI, 1782 op. 1 No. 73 quoted in A. Lavrov, "Rukopisnyj arxiv Andreja

Belogo ν Puskinskom Dome", Ezeqodnik Puskinskoqo Dorna na 1979 qod, Lenin

grad 1981, p. 54. 45

Belyj's own list of completed works and projects for the year is contained in

an autobiographical note "Andrei Belyj, arrived in Berlin in November 1921

(Passauerstraße 3 bei Boraus) ... 1) Όη Poetic Meaning' the manuscript re

mained in Russia, 2) Four 'Crises' (Crisis of Life, Crisis of Thought, Crisis of Cul

ture, Crisis of Consciousness); the first three crises appeared as separate book

lets; the manuscript of the last Crisis I lost (there are rumors it has been found)

3) work on 'Tolstoj' (brief): a Latvian editor took the work for a Latvian edition;

and after taking it he disappeared with it (I did not have а сору, - in the condi

tions of Russian life I could not permit myself the luxury of copying what had

been written), 4) 'Notes of an Eccentric' a povest' (a part of it has been published in 'Zapiski meötatelja'), the story will come out as a separate book in the Pu

blishing house Helikon, 5) Ά Star', a book of verse (everything could not appear in Russia), 6) 'On Rhythmic Gesture' (a small study, supposed to have appeared in Russia), 7) Reworked again 2 volumes of "Travel Notes". The first volume

will appear soon in the Berlin publishing house Gelikon. 8) 'Glossolalija' (a poem

about sound) (never published anywhere). Everything written lay for years and

continues in part to lie in Russia . . . At present I am finishing work on Blok

which will appear in the journal 'Epopeja', and I am also working on the first

volume of 'Epopeja', the first part of which 'The Christened Chinaman' is

printed in No. 4 of 'Zapiski meötatelej.'" In: Novaja Russkaja Kniga, 1, Jan.

1922, pp. 38-39.



108 Thomas Beyer

'Геликон' в Берлине предполагает выпускать с начала 1922 г.

ежемесячный журнал под редакцией Андрея Белого."46

On January 4 Belyj delivered the inaugural lecture of the Berlin

section of Vol'fila "Культура духа" at the Logensaal at Kleist

straße 10 (Rul\ 343, Jan. 3, 1922, p. 5) and participated at the sec

ond public session of Vol'fila at the Berliner Secessionssaal

Kurfürstendamm 238, on January 24 (Rul\ 358, Jan. 20, 1922, ρ

3). Minskij read a paper followed by a discussion including Belyj Remizov and Lundberg. "Вольная Философская Ассоциация со

средоточивает свое внимание на проблемах философии, религии

культуры, сознания и общественности, взятых в свете кризиса жизни и в свете поисков положительных начал жизни и мысли."47

At least temporarily "Vol'fila" seems to have filled the gap left by Steiner and Anthroposophy.

On Jan. 15 Belyj delivered a lecture "Культура сознания" at the

Berlin YMCA billed as a continuation of his December lecture to

that group (Rul\ 350, Jan. 11, 1922, p. 7). The House of the Arts

continued to flourish with meetings on January 13, devoted to the

memory of V. G. Korolenko, and on January 20 and 27. On the

20th they discussed the publication of the journal "Bulletin of the

House of Arts" in Petrograd. Belyj was presumably present, though he is not mentioned in the newspaper announcements or reports.

February 1922 was likewise filled with meetings for Belyj. Vol'fila

organized a public session devoted to Blok on February 2. On Feb

ruary 3 the House of the Arts dedicated the evening to the memory of the conductor, Arthur Nikisch, at which Belyj participated (Rul\ 368, Feb. 1, 1922, p. 4). On February 4, Gessen and V. D. Nabokov

joined together with Belyj in a panel discussion sponsored by the

Student journal Звено at the Logenhaus at Joachimstaler Straße 12.

Belyj's topic was "Из студенческих лет" (RuV, 367, Jan. 31, 1922,

р. 5). The House of the Arts met again on February 10 and the wri

ter Boris Pil'njak and the poet Aleksandr Kusikov, both recently ar

46 Volja Rossii, I, January, 1922, p. 22. "The character of the new journal can

be judged by the following statement of the directors of Gelikon: the publishing house is apolitical, among its tasks is to shed more light on problems of new art

rather than surveys of the former: the interests of the Publishing house are di

rected toward Russia, both in the sense of the market for books and in relation

to literary-artistic materials." 47 Andrej Belyj, Vol'naja filosofskaja associacija. In: Novaja Russkaja Kniga,

1, 1922, pp. 32-33.




rived from Russia, were scheduled to read there on February 17.

Kusikov would publish poems in Belyj's Эпопея, but would play an even more painful role in the Belyj-Asja relationship. The February 24 meeting was devoted primarily to a musical program.48 Belyj's own literary and artistic Output continued alongside of his busy per sonal schedule. An ad for the forthcoming Эпопея listed as а

monthly with the first issue scheduled for March announced that the editor [Belyj] was now receiving on Wednesdays between 1:00

and 4:00 PM at the offices of Gelikon on Alte Jakobstraße 129 (GR, 902, Feb. 26, 1921, p. 7). On February 20, 1922, he finishes an ex

cerpt from "Записки чудака" for Альманах and on the 26th he pu blishes "Блок в юности: Из воспоминаний о нем Андрея Белого"

(GR, 902, р. 5). Finally the first issue of the Бюллетени Дома Ис

кусств Берлин appears with a number of items relating to Belyj. Published by Minskij, Remizov and Sumskij-Kaplun, this nineteen

page brochure was modeled on the Petrograd version. Issue I—II

was dated February 17, 1922. The first article contains a request from the Committee for the Preservation of the Memory of Blok

"that all manuscripts, letters, other materials be turned over for

the establishment of the Dom-Muzej imeni A. Bloka." The next arti

cle is a report of Belyj's speech at Vol'fila on August 28 (Much of

this material was taken verbatim from the journal of the Dom Lite

ratorov). Other articles concerned the founding of Vol'fila in Berlin

and a report on Belyj's lecture "О культуре." There is also a satiri

cal interview with Andrej Belyj, which gently chides his foibles, and

is likely a total fabrication by the master of practical jokers, Remi

zov. Belyj's most fascinating poetic creation of February is the

роет "Ты тень теней" first published with the title "Асе". Com

posed before Asja's arrival in Berlin, the poem also appeared in Be

lyj's "После Разлуки". The "lost poet" reaches out to find and em

brace her, the soul of light, hidden behind the pale of years and the

invisible boundaries of space and time. "Тебя, себя Я обниму," if

only in his mind. In February Belyj could still hope for re-unifica

tion with Asja, which he considered necessary for his own re-inte

gration of body and spirit. March 1922 began optimistically for Belyj and the Russian Com

munity in general in Berlin, but it would end in tragedy and signal

48 К. Bugaeva's notes indicate that Belyj read both poetry and from "Kresöe

nyj kitaec" at the House of the Arts in February.



110 Thomas Beyer

hard times to come. Belyj was particularly active during the month

which was rieh with cultural and social events. In fact, in the next

few months Belyj would ascend to a professional peak and descend

into a personal nadir. Asja arrived in Berlin, but little is known

about her activities. On March 1 Vol'fda held another in a series of

public lectures with Professor Braun, the keynote Speaker. On

March 5 Belyj published his article "О духе России и 'духе' в Рос

сии" in which he weighs the hardships of life in Russia against the

special "что-то" of intellectual and spiritual rebirth.49 Two articles

in March recalled his work with the Proletkul't.50 He also published the роет "Бессоница" which had been written in the hospital in

1921 (GR, 914, March 12, 1922, p. 5). In addition, Belyj was busy with preparations for the republication of his significantly revised

version of "Петербург".51

On March 10, there was a public meeting at the Philharmonie

Hall, Bernburger Straße 22-23. This activity was sponsored by the

Russian Social Committee to Aid the Starving Population of Russia.

Belyj, along with Gessen and V. D. Nabokov, was one of the pri

mary Speakers. Belyj was both eloquent and convincing (GR, 914, March 12, 1922, p. 3). Testimony to his power of persuasion was а

note printed a few days later "от неизвестной были присланы через детей 100 марок и 2 золотых цепочки при письме, где говориться, что 'после речи Андрея Белого все наше золотое украшение кажется печатью черного духа' и жертвуется на голодающих."

(GR, 919, March 18, р. 5). In all the evening raised eighty-iive thou

sand marks.

49 Golos Rossii, 908, March 5, 1922, pp. 5-6. Belyj draws the title of his article

from Dostoevskij's story "Bobok" in which "dux" (scent, smell) is juxtaposed to

"Dux" (the Spirit). Belyj also published an article "0 duxe Rossii i о 'duxe' ν

Rossii" in Novaja Rossija, 2, 1922, pp. 145-147. 50

"Moskovskij prolet-kul't II" Golos Rossii, 926, March 26, p. 5. John Malm

stad, Andrej Belyj in Berlin, 1921-1923. Addenda for a Bibliography of His

Works. In: Andrej Belyj Society Newsletter, 4, 1985, p. 21 notes that Belyj's en

try onto the pages of Golos Rossii in late February 1922 was connected with а

change in the paper's editorial board. 51 The subject of Belyj's major revision of "Peterburg" has been the source of

much scholarship and speculation, beginning with Ivanov-Razumnik's "Ver

siny" written in March-April, 1923. More recently the question of texts has been

examined by L. Dolgopolov in "Roman A. Belogo 'Peterburg'" in Peterburg, Moscow 1981, and in his book, Andrej Belyj i ego roman "Peterburg", Leningrad 1988.




Starvation in Russia served as a common cause uniting various

political factions in the emigre Community. Worldwide attention was focused on the problem and a week later on Sunday, March 19,

the House of the Arts organized a concert ball at the Brüderver

einshaus (Kurfürstenstraße 115-116) to aid the hungry. Among those scheduled to appear were Belyj, Remizov, and the poet Kusi

kov (GR, 920, March 19, 1922, p. 9). The following evening, the

House staged another major event with the appearance of Thomas

Mann who spoke at a benefit Performance for writers in Petrograd. At 8:30 PM at the Logenhaus on Kleiststrasse 10, Mann spoke lirst

on the theme of Goethe and Tolstoj after which Belyj thanked the

writer (in German) for his help. At the second half of his Perform ance Mann read from his "Das Eisenbahnunglück."52

On March 24, the regulär meeting of the House of the Arts with

Belyj scheduled to attend was held at the Flora Diele at Motz

strasse 65 (on the corner of Martin-Luther-Straße). The regulär

meeting on March 31 was dedicated to the memory of V. D. Nabo

kov who had been shot on March 28. This assassination, perhaps more than any other event, symbolized the new emerging intoler

ance in the Russian emigre Community. Nabokov, a leading figure in

the Kadet Party (Constitutional Democrats) was shot several times

as he attempted to protect Pavel Miljukov, who had just finished

the first half of his lecture. The terrorist, a monarchist apparently

angered by Miljukov's liberal stance within the Kadet Party, ironi

cally murdered one of the staunchest defenders of the monarchy.

On March 30, the funeral Service was held at the old Russian Em

bassy Church, which had continued operating at Unter den Linden

7 even after the fall of the Romanovs. Among other representatives

of Russian groups, Belyj was present (Rul\ 418, March 31, р. 3).53

52 К. Μ. Azadovskij, А. В. Lavrov, Novoe о vstreöax Tomasa Manna s rus

skimi pisateljami. In: Russkaja Literatura, 4, 1978, pp. 146-151. 53 V. D. Nabokov was the father of the writer Vladimir Nabokov, who was а

young man at the time. Vladimir returned to Berlin after his father's death and

began to contribute to the newspaper Rul'. Nabokov recalls in "Strong Opin

ions", NY 1973, pp. 62-64: "Once in 1921 or 1922, at a Berlin restaurant where

I was dining with two girls, I happened to be sitting back to back with Andrej

Belyj who was dining with . . . Aleksej Tolstoy, at the table behind me." Nabo

kov, in his early twenties, knew and admired Belyj's novel, "

Peterburg", and

his metric studies in "Simvolizm", was clearly influenced by his style and yet

here and elsewhere he seemed determined to understate any influence which Be

lyj might have had upon him.



112 Thomas Beyer

On March 31, the body was transferred to the Orthodox Church at

tached to the cemetery in Tegel, and on the next day, April 1, Nab

okov was buried.

The March 31 meeting of the House of the Arts found the group in another location, the Nollendorf Casino on Kleiststraße 41. Α cu

rious argument developed between A. Belyj and Aleksej Tolstoj, which was reported in the new Russian language daily рарег, Нака

нуне:

Между Α. Η. Толстым и Андреем Белым разгорелся частный

спор, который так воспламенил последнего, что он вскочил с

места, и, обращаясь уже ко всей аудитории, быстро собрал во

круг себя "род веча" . . . Спор на модную тему - о "Смене вех", о "Накануне", против которых А. Белый ополчился с горяч ностью, не соответствующей его обычному спокойствию в част ной беседе. (Νο. 7, April 2, 1922, р. 5).

The tongue-in-cheek description of Belyj notwithstanding, this was an issue of great concern to many and one which would seri

ously divide the emigre Community in Berlin. The Bolshevik news

paper Новый Мир would announce in the April 5 issue that it was

ceasing publication with the April 5, 1922 issue,54 and Накануне had begun just a few days previously. There was widespread belief that the paper was sponsored by and controlled from Soviet Russia.

Struve writes of the group and notes that while the established

parties were quick to denounce this idealized view of Bolshevism, the movement nevertheless succeeded in attracting a number of fol

lowers and in some ways served as an intermediary stage on the

road back to Russia.55 Aleksej Tolstoj would become the literary editor of the newspaper and many found it difficult to reconcile the one time "Count" with his newfound political views. Tolstoj would become a figure of considerable controversy over the next few

months, and Belyj would be unable to avoid taking a stand. There was also the arrest in Russia reported in March of the Social Revo

lutionaries, which would further divide the Berlin Community.56

54 The demise of Novyj Mir caused few tears at Golos Rossii which reported in

its article: "Konöina 'Novogo Mira'" that: "This is simply a renaming and а

change of clothes. 'Novyj Mir' is dying, so that its heir can be immediately born in its own successor - 'Nakanune'" (Nr. 935, Apr. 6, 1922, p. 2).

55 Gleb Struve, Russkaja literatura ν izgnanii, NY 1965, pp. 30-35. 56 S. Sumskij, 0 literaturnyx nravax. In: Golos Rossii, 932, Apr 2, 1921, p. 7.




April was a troubled month for Belyj. On April 5 he spoke at а

meeting of "Vol'fila" in the Flora Diele on the subject "Индивидуа лизм и коллективизм" (GR, 934, April 5, р. 4).57 He again partici

pated fully in the meetings of the House of the Arts. On April 7 at

the House, Tolstoj, Vengerov and Belyj were supposed to speak about the theater. Instead, Belyj delivered an impromptu explana tion on Eurythmy (the basis of his idiosyncratic "Глоссолалия"

based on Rudolph Steiner's teachings) (Nakanune, 13, Apr. 9, 1922,

p. 4). Another meeting was held on April 14. Belyj was listed as the

moderator for the April 15 meeting of "Vol'fila" (GR, 942, Apr. 14,

1922, p. 6). But at a public lecture by Minskij on April 24, Belyj who had been announced as one of the discussants did not appear (Rul', 438, Apr. 26, 1922, p. 5). On April 28, he did show up at the

House to attack the journal Вещь. The first issue (March-April, I—II) was an attempt to expand the cultural horizons of Russians.

The title page is in three languages, German, French and Russian.

Edited by I. Erenburg and E. Lisitckij, the journal was defended at

the meeting by both. Nakanune in its customary fashion reported:

Во время прений выяснилась любопытная подробность: А.

Белый, громивший "Вещь" со всех точек зрения, увидевший в

ней даже "личинку Антихриста", - признался в конце концов, что самой "Вещи" он никогда не читал и даже не видел. Пу блика, по обыкновению, смеялась.58

If Belyj was still comical at this point in time, he would soon be

come pathetic. Earlier in the month he had signed an introduction

to Московский Альманах (April 6, 1922). The collection published by

Ogon'ki contained a number of works brought from Moscow by

Pil'njak plus works by Belyj and Remizov (both who had been for

mer "Moscow" writers). In his introduction to this collection of wri

ters in one volume Belyj writes:

Встреча авторов под покровом одной, их сплетающей, книги,

должна не случайна быть ... В самом деле: книга, в которой

Sumskij questions Tolstoj's alignment with Nalcanune especially given the up

coming trial of the SR's. 57 This theme of "Individualism and collectivism" had appeared in Belyj's ar

ticle "0 duxe Rossii i о 'duxe' ν Rossii." 58 Nakanune, 29, April 30, 1922, p. 5.



114 Thomas Beyer

мы встретились, сложилась - сама собой; и в ней оказались мы,

не размышляя о том, почему именно в ней те, а не иные.59

Belyj's own contribution, а part of "Записки чудака" had been

dated February 20, 1922, just days after Pilnjak's arrival when

there had been no question about his participation. By April he feit

called upon to justify his own presence alongside Soviet writers.

Harmony was similarly absent in Belyj's own personal Situation in

April. Still publishing prolifically he prints excerpts from "Из вос

поминаний об Α. Α. Блоке", with a footnote citing the permission from Gelikon to publish from his book on Blok (GR, 934, Apr. 5,

1922, pp. 2-3). The appearance of "Сирин ученого варварства", Berlin: Skify, 1922, a reply to Vjaceslav Ivanov's "Вселенское и

родное", caused Belyj to apologize for his failure to check the

proofs of the work written in 1918. In Belyj's words: "Понятно, что в начале 1918 года можно было иметь романтическое отношение к

событиям в России . . . Мне отчаянно грустно, что, забыв содер жание перепечатываемой статьи, я не провел ее сквозь собствен

ную цензуру."60 Unfortunately the issue did not end here. Five

days later Belyj publishes an article "Du gleichst dem Geist den du

begreifst" (GR, 954, Apr. 30, 1922, pp. 1-2) which in spite of the ti tle was a reply in Russian to an attack on him and the publishing house Skify in a Nakanune article "Самоугрызение" of April 28, 1922.

Belyj's inner peace was also shattered by the departure of Asja. Their conversation had made clear that Belyj's hope of a reconcilia tion were unrealistic. "Нэлли я видел недавно; она - изменилась;

худая - и бледная. Мы посиживали с ней в кафе; раза два гово

рили о прошлом, но мало: ей нет уже времени разговаривать о

пустяках: 'Прощай!'" (Записки чудака, р. 232). The break-up was described prosaically, with uncharacteristic Understatement by Be

lyj, but the reality, unembellished in prose was cruel, painful and

physically and psychologically almost disabling.61

59 Andrej Belyj, "Vstuplenie" in Al'manax, Berlin 1922. 60 Andrej Belyj, "Pis'mo ν redakciju" in Golos Rossii, 949, Apr. 25, 1922, p.

2. 61 L. Dolgopolov, "V poiskax samogo sebja". IAN, 39, 6, 1980, p. 510 writes:

"she simply dropped him, began appearing with another man, demonstratively, she turned away from Belyj before his eyes, just as Ljubov' Dmitrievna had previ

ously done." Note: Dolgopolov errs, however, when he dates this break as 1921.

Kusikov did not arrive in Berlin until February 1922. It is difficult to establish




May and June of 1922 are marked by an attempt at imposing sol itude. Belyj moves to Zossen around May 5, a village to the south of Berlin.

Целый ряд месяцев прожил я в буржуазнейшем квартале

Берлина; к весне я почувствовал, что более я не могу выносить

этой жизни, ... Я бежал из Берлина и поселился в предместьи сонного городышки Цоссена, сняв себе комнату в бедном до

мике, населяемом наборщиками цоссеновской типографии. ("Одна из обителей", р. 63).62

In а letter to Jascenko Belyj complains that he is suffering from а

case of frayed nerves and has moved because of his doctor's orders:

quoting his physician he writes "Если бы не почувствуете хотя бы

на 3 месяца себя свободным от всех обязательств, то вы умрете: нельзя жить в такой нравственной заторможенности."63 In his own

words, he was working twenty hours a day. All of this came against a background of increased nervousness in

the Russian Community in Berlin. Intolerance would grow as Soviet

the exact chronology, but for a brief period Asja was seen in the Company of the

poet Aleksandr Kusikov. Cvetaeva recalls that Belyj had seen Asja and Kusikov

in a cafe in June 1922. Asja would feel compelled to explain: "Dear Borja, from

time to time rumors reach me, that I have married for second time. I don't

know what you could think and say about my behavior for the outside world . . .

For you I personally repeat that besides the fact that I had no desire to marry, I could unite my life only with a man, with whom I was connected by mutual in

terests and mutual aspirations. In any case, anyone who saw me together with

Kjusikov] could not have concluded that from my behavior." The letter was

published by Nina Berberova in "Kursiv moj", München 1972, p. 188. For ac

quaintances of Belyj their actione were tasteless. Professor Georges Nivat noted

that Kusikov, who considered himself a ladies' man recalled later in life his brief

affair with Asja Turgeneva with fond memories. Nivat recalls that at one time

Kusikov received some of the letters which Belyj had sent to Asja. 62 Aleksandr Baxrax, p. 300, recalls: "I visited Belyj several times in

Zossen and only recall that the trip there was very difficult, that from the ar

chitectural paysage of the town came the smells of melancholy and barracks life

(it was not for nothing that during the war some important headquarters was lo

cated there and that the house in which Belyj lived lay on a wide highway, ac

ross from a spacious cemetery. But I also recall that there in Isolation, no one to

disturb him, he could write almost a printer's page per day." Johannes Holt

husen mentioned to me that it was the Oberkommando des Heeres and appar

ently avoided detection until March 1945. 63 L. FlejSman et alii, Russkij Berlin 1921-1923, Paris 1983, p. 222. The let

ter also gives Belyj's Zossen address as Stubenrauchstraße 68 bei Lai.



1 I 0 Thomas Внуки

Russin began to exercise its rights under the Treaty of Rapallo. At

the end of May A. Tolstoj would be expelled from the Berlin Union

of Russian Writers and Journalists. There was a June 1 deadline

for Russians to apply for Soviel passports or find their citizenship revoked. In June the trial of the Social Revolutionaries began; Rathenau was assassinated and the printers in Berlin went on

strike.

Still, Zossen was within eominuting distanec of Berlin, and Bclyj had several occasions to visit the city. On May 10, he attended а

closed meeting of Vol'fda to diseuss "Мир искусстн". Α similar

meeting was seheduled for a week on May 17 laier on the sanie

topic. Escnin arrived in May in one of the first regularly seheduled

flights hetween Moscow and Berlin and with Isadora Dunean caused

a mild scandal at the May 12 meeting of the House of the Arts

when thcy demanded that all join in a rendition of the Interna

tional. Capitalizing on Esenin's arrivai in Berlin in May. Skifv re

printed "Россия и Инония" (Belyj's "Христос воскресе" and Es

enin's "Товарищ Инония" with an introductory article by Ivanov

Razumnik first published in 1920).64 The most important event of the month was the encounter on

May 16 at the Prager Diele with Marina Cvetaeva. Cvetaeva and

her daughtcr, Ariadna Efron, had arrived in Berlin the previous day

(May 15) and taken up residente in the Prager Pension wherc Ereil

bürg and bis wife lived. Here on Pragerplatz was the famous

Stammtisch of 11 'ja Erenburg, who had been helpful in establishing contaet with Cvetaeva's husband. Sergej Efron, and instrumental in

Publishing her "Разлука" with Oelikon.65 Tt was at the Prager Diele

that Bolyj would ineet Marina. It was not their first encounter:

61 Without Belyj's participation VolTiIa will gradually drop Crom sight. Skil'y, the Publishing hou.se dosest to it, had only published "Sirin ueenogo var

varstva" by Belyj. There was also a curious note that a new philosophical So

ciety "The Free Philosophical Cooperative (Свободное Философское Сотрудни

чество)" had been founded as a counterweight to Vol'lila and Lev Sestov had

been ehosen honorary president on April 22. (See Golos Rossii, 954, Apr. 30,

1922, p. 8). Also known as "Zwovierson" the society "Accepts as members all

those who are searching and those who have found something, whether physical or spiritual, in things or in ideas, is irrelevant." Baxrax in a letter to nie indi

cated this was probably another practieal joke of Remizov's. 65

Il'ja Erenburg has recalled the Berlin period in his own memoirs "Ljudi,

gody, zizn'", III. in Sobranie socinenij, 8, Moscow 1966, pp. 399-433.




Marina had seen Belyj as a schoolgirl when he was already an esta blished literary flgure. There was also a curious connection between Marina and Asja Turgeneva, for whose affection she and Belyj some

how competed. But for Marina, the first real encounter with Belyj was the Berlin one. At the Prager Diele she recalls their first con versation in which Belyj eagerly grasped at the straws which con nected their lives, not only the earlier meetings but the fact that both were offspring of professors, Professor Cvetaev and Professor

Bugaev. That same evening, Belyj was given а сору of "Разлука", Cvetaeva's slim volume of verse dedicated to her husband, whom she had not seen since 1916. Cvetaeva's Separation from her beloved seemed amazingly similar to Belyj's own Separation from Asja. The

coincidental in Belyj's life had almost supernatural significance for him. Hadn't he and Asja experienced identical dreams and curious encounters in 1912 which drove them both to seek out Rudolph Steiner? Could this be the beginning of a new life?

We do know that "Разлука" had a profound effect on Belyj. He read the book that very evening and immediately dashed off a let ter to Cvetaeva "Позвольте мне высказать глубокое восхищение

перед совершенно крылатой мелодией Вашей книги 'Разлука'."66

Marina replied and Belyj answered with both a letter and a re

view article "Поэтесса-певица" in Golos Rossii on May 21 (No. 971,

pp. 7-8).67 Belyj was also probably at the May 19 meeting of the

House of the Arts at which Cvetaeva read. Soon thereafter, Belyj, in a burst of poetic Inspiration, writes several new poems. His diary

for May has the following entry: "овладевает лирическое настро ение: начинаю писать стихи цикла После разлуки". Cvetaeva, ге

calling the affair, exclaims that she did not understand the metrical

explanations of Belyj (familiar to his readers of Simvolizm) and the

actual effect of her upon his own poetry is difficult to assess. Belyj's own perception, however, was that her work was a miracle: it

66 Cvetaeva has described her own version of the events in "Plennyj dux"

Sovremennye Zapiski, 55, 1934, pp. 198-255. Α recent description of this encoun

ter is provided by Anna Saakjanc, "Vstreöa poetov: Andrej Belyj i Marina

Cvetaeva." In: Andrej Belyj: Problemy tvoröestva, Moscow 1988, pp. 367-385.

See also Thomas Beyer: "Marina Cvetaeva and Andrej Belyj: Razluka and Po

sle razluki." (forthcoming) 67 Note Marina incorrectly identifies the newspaper as Dni. The article is re

printed in Saakjanc, op. cit. 374-376.



118 Thomas Beyer

wasn't poetry, but music, a song and for the next few weeks Belyj himself would try to capture the same music in his own poetry.68

After that, Belyj would be a frequent visitor, often staying with

his editor, Visnjak. (The kids put rubber animals fdled with water

in his bed). He helped to arrange for publication of her "Царь-Де вица" with the publishing house Epoxa, and published a few of her

poems and her article on Pasternak in his own journal Эпопея. Sud

denly he disappears for a week or ten days. What Cvetaeva did not

know was that he was working feverishly over the text of "После

разлуки" and his diary for the month concludes that in June: "еди ным махом пишу цикл После Разлуки". The significance of this po etic outburst is captured by Belyj years later when he claimed:

"'После разлуки' написана в две недели. Между запоями стихами я

годами не писал ни одной строчки."69 When he finally reappears,

he claims he is a lost man. Everyone knows but I, but let me be un

happy. In a cafe three days ago, ту life ended.

Belyj was in love again, always in need of a woman. First Nina

Petrovskaja and then the tragic affair with Ljubov' Dmitrievna

Blok, and finally Asja. "Andrej Belyj kam nicht nach Berlin, um

eine neue Frau zu suchen, sondern um seine alte wiederzugewin

nen."70 But Belyj had been wounded and was outraged by Asja's

parading of Aleksandr Kusikov before his eyes. He was convinced

that Asja's behavior was revenge for the "Путевые заметки", Т. 1

which had appeared in May. Asja later wrote: "После 'Путев. Заме ток' я сочла нужным показать ему жизненно что мы жизненно ра зошлись."71

Belyj in Zossen reads to Cvetaeva from "После разлуки". She

quotes a conversation, actually a letter of June 24 in which he claims:

68 It is difficult to agree with Cvetaeva's assertion that "Belyj wrote his 'Glos

solalija' after my 'Razluka'." In letter to Baxrax of April 20, 1923 quoted in Sa

akjanc, 379. Although Belyj dates "Glossolalija" July 1, 1922, he had been

working on the manuscript at least since April when he had read excerpts at the

House of the Arts. 69 In an introduction to the unpublished "Zovy Vremen" in Novyj zumal, 102,

1971, p. 9. 70 Maria Razumovsky, Marina Zwetajeva, Wien, 1981, p. 172. 71 In Struve "K biografii Andreja Belogo . . .", p. 65. Belyj still refers to Asja

as his 'wife': "I dedicate this book to the one who wrote it together with me, Anna Alekseevna Turgeneva-Bugaeva . . ."




Моя милая, милая, милая, милая Марина Цветаева,

Знаете ли, что за день был вчера для меня? Я окончательно

поставил крест над Асей: всею душой оттолкнулся навсегда от

нее . . . Голубушка, милая, - за что Вы такая ко мне? Мне даже

жутко: помните, что теперь как-то со мной то, что в словах

Дельвига:

Куда, душа, просилась ты:

Погибнуть, иль любить.

Я ведь только тогда могу жить, когда есть для кого жить и для

чего жить.72

The delightful days which Belyj and Cvetaeva spent together were some of his most productive. His plans and projects were enor

mous and his works would soon flood the marketplace. In May the

first issue of the long awaited Эпопея appears with an introduction

by Belyj and his first of what will be four major installments of

"Воспоминания о Блоке". "Возврат", "Возвращение на родину" and "Путевые заметки" with the offending passage are available.

An article from the unpublished "Путевые заметки", Т. 2 "Два дцать две Франции" appeared in Golos Rossii (No. 982, June 4,

1921, p. 5). He lent his signature to a general call for help to the

starving along with other cultural figures including Remizov and

Tolstoj and several Germans in Golos Rossii (No. 985, June 9, 1922,

p. 3). He was working on a revision of the poems from his first col

lection of poetry "Золото в лазури"; several of the revisions would

be printed in "После разлуки". He was finishing Chapter III of the

Blok Memoirs, which contained the painful reliving of the love tri

angle - Belyj - Ljubov' Dmitrievna - Blok. (They are signed Zossen

Swinemünde, May - June 1922). One article in Nakanune which ap

peared in early May noted the special Status and aura of the man.

E. Gollerbax in "Андрей Белый, как мыслитель" (Literary Sup

plement No 40, May 14, 1922, pp. 5-6) recalls how unbelievably ev

erything changes after direct contact with him.

Cvetaeva is the tenderest of memoirists: he was so different, so

special, not of this world. Her description of his colors, their rela

tionship and him vs. others culminates in a declaration: "я впервые

увидела Белого в его основной стихии: полете, в родной и страш ной его стихии - пустых пространств, потому и руку взяла,

72 Saakjanc, р. 381.



120 Thomas Beyer

чтобы еще удержать на земле. Рядом со мной сидел пленный дух"

(Cvetaeva, р. 250). She would leave Berlin in a few weeks for Prague. Her Separation

from Sergej Efron had finally come to an end. Belyj's post-separa tion from Asja was just beginning.

Other memories of Belyj which characterize the Berlin period date from this second half of his stay. Xodasevic and Berberova ar

rived in Berlin at the end of June 1922. For a good part of the sum

mer Belyj escaped to the sea along with the other members of the

Russian Community to Swinemünde on the Baltic coast. Cvetaeva

speaks not of a farewell but simply of a disappearance. On July 1,

1922, Belyj initials the introduction to his "Глоссолалия" - "his

best poem."73 It and "Стихи о России" are published that summer

by Epoxa, which also announces the forthcoming Серебряный го

лубь and Петербург as well as После Разлуки. Also in July Belyj

agrees with "Der Kommende Tag" publishing house to publish а

German translation of his "Crises" series.74

In August Belyj sees Xodasevic and "Петербург" with major cor

rections appears in an edition of 3000 copies for Epoxa. Golos Rossii

publishes an announcement by the publishing house Logos: "Го

товятся к печати: Андрей Белый Доктор Доннер, роман . . ."

(1037, August 20, 1922, р. 9). Belyj would later refer to this as new

slander:

Тогда новая клевета возводится на меня: Я де написал паск

виль на Рудольфа Штейнера "ДОКТОР ДОННЕР" (тема романа,

изображающего католического иезуита, направленная против

традиций церковностей); клевете верят!75

Belyj will characterize the summer months which he spends at

the resorts of Swinemünde, Heringsdorf and Misdoy as "неуютевая жизнь". His "encounter" with Cvetaeva had given him a brief re

73 According to Margarita Woloschin, Die grüne Schlange, Stuttgart, 1968,

p. 373, Belyj had first become acquainted with Lory Smits and Eurythmy in

1913 in München. 74 "Die Krisis des Gedankens" is the only volume to appear. Also in 1922 Be

lyj publishes an article in German in the Anthroposophical journal Die Drei:

"Anthroposophie und Russland". This is one clear indication that his ties with

Steiner and the teachings of Anthroposophy had not been severed completely. 75 "Poöemu ja stal simvolistom", p. 115.




spite from the stress and strain of his professional and personal life. But as the summer came to a close, Belyj would find himself again involved in too many projects. Xmel'nickaja writes: "Творческий тупик и распад он пережил в недолгий период своего пребывания за границей в 1922-1923 годах."76 The peak had been reached, the

descent was about to begin.

On September 6, 1922 Belyj returned to Berlin, this time to the

Crampe Pension at Viktoria-Luise Platz 9.77 (This is one of the few

houses connected with Belyj which remains standing in Berlin to

day.) Here lived Xodasevic, Berberova and Gersenson; a five minute

walk in either direction could bring them to Erenburg at the Prager Diele or to the House of the Arts meeting place on Nollendorf

Platz. This arrangement would place Belyj in almost daily contact

with Xodasevic, who with others witnessed Belyj's "dancing" - а

phase which Cvetaeva did not experience, perhaps because her own

departure was a partial cause of Belyj's behavior. At any rate, most

of those who recall Belyj at this time, Berberova, Xodasevic, Вах

тах, remember when Belyj "плясал фокстрот."78

"Цоссен" в жизни Белого продолжался весьма недолго и

прикладбищенская комнатушка у цоссенской хозайки, . . . сме

нилась огромной светлой комнатой в пансионе Крампе, в самом

центре западного Берлина, где жили "все".

Сразу следует отметить, что этот переезд из мрачного Цоссена

в светлый Берлин - "Ве" ("Ве"

- Вестей, то есть Запад) отра

зился на жизни Белого довольно - не убоимся этого слова -

трагически. Это переселение совпало с апогеем его "безумств",

с тем, что двойное пристрастие к алкоголю и танцу (можно ли,

строго говоря, называть танцами его плясовые упражнения?)

стало общеизвестным. (Baxrax 301, 302).

76 "Poezija Andreja Belogo." In: A. Belyj, Stixotvorenija i poemy, Moscow

1966, p. 65. 77

Klavdija Nikolaevna Vasil'eva lists the house as No. 118 but in a letter

from Belyj to Nadezda Söupak in November 1922, he gives the address as No. 9,

and the "Berliner Adreßbuch" lists the Crampe Pension at No. 9. 78 John Malmstad, "Notes" pp. 342-343, reviews the literature on Belyj's

dancing. Xodaseviö speaks of hysterics in Belyj's variations on the foxtrot: "It

was not just a dance of a drunken man: it was, of course, a symbolic violation of

the best in himself, a blasphemation of himself, a diabolical grimace at himself -

to demonstrate through himself against Dornach." "Andrej Belyj" in Nekropol',

Paris 1976, p. 89.



122 Thomas Beyeb

Belyj was constantly in motion, his lectures were accompanied by

gesticulations, and he was fascinated by eurythmy. For a while this

internal rhythm and pent up nervous energy expressed itself in

dancing in German cafes. Vera Lur'e (Lourie), his twenty year old

dancing partner, does not recall the dancing as exceptionally wild.

Perhaps the generation gap played some part in the reaction of Be

lyj's contemporaries. Nonetheless many feit his conduct was im

proper, if not ridiculous and pathetic. In the cheap bars of Berlin noted then and now for its night life,

Belyj apparently tried to drown his sorrow or drive it away. Most

were repelled. Belyj has a history of alienating those close to him.

Düring this time one woman in particular stayed close to him. Vera

Lur'e, a young poetess, had been a Student of Gumilev's in the Pet

rograd House of the Arts in the group Звучащая Раковина. She left

Russia with her parents in the Fall of 1921 and arrived in Berlin

where she met Belyj and others at the Berlin House of the Arts, and like others, she feil under his spell. In her own words - there

was "some sort of affair." Baxrax remembered that she loved him

like a kitten while he treated her like a dog. Lur'e clearly loved him

in those days, and when others abandoned him, she watched over

him until Klavdija Nikolaevna arrived in January of 1923. In 1922

and 1923 she published several reviews of his works for Nova ja

Russkaja Kniga and Dni and a number of her own poems appeared in the press at that time. She was one of the few who remained in

Berlin and has recently borne witness to those events of Russian

Berlin.79

In spite of his frenzied state and maybe because of it, Belyj threw

himself into several activities whole-heartedly for the remainder of

1922. He attended the first meeting of the new season at the House

of the Arts now in a new home, the Cafe Leon at Bülowstraße 1, held on September 15 with Viktor Sklovskij, Nikolaj Ocup, Vera

Lur'e and Xodasevic on the program, and the September 22 meet

ing which featured Tolstoj who read from his novel "Аэлита" and

Boris Pasternak, who read his poetry.80 There was also a flurry of

79 See Vera LouRif), Stixotvorenija, ed. with an introduction and bibliography

by Thomas R. Beyer, Jr., Berlin 1987. 80

Belyj's presence is noted in the daily list of meetings by Xodaseviö. I am in

debted to Nina Berberova and Professor David Bethea for making а сору of

them available to me. Belyj's encounters with Pasternak are an interesting side




activity surrounding the thirtieth jubilee of Maksim Gor'kij's debut as a writer, with the publication of his story "Makar Öudra."81 Ber

berova recalls a meeting of Belyj and Xodasevic at the Grzbin Pub

lishing house on September 18 to discuss the jubilee and another on

Sept 25. Belyj published a few articles on Gor'kij: one dated Sep tember 20, 1922 in Novaja Russkaja Kniga (No. 8, Aug. 1922, pp. 2-3). Α slightly different version appeared in Golos Rossii (No. 1069,

September 24, 1922, pp. 6-7) and a third version signed "Редакция" appeared in issue No. 3 of Epopeja in 1922. On Septem ber 30, messages and flowers were presented to Gor'kij by a delega tion which included Belyj as the representative from Vol'fda. Belyj was also frantically working on his re-edition of his poetry for

Grzbin, a milestone in his poetic career, and the largest collection of

his poetry published in his lifetime. Belyj dates the introduction -

September 21, 1922 (the volume appeared in 1923). The alterations

are part of the never-ending attempt of the poet to re-examine his

personal experiences and to re-evaluate them from the standpoint of

the present. All this was, of course, directed at breaking through the limitations of time and space in the phenomenal world, to gain

entry into the noumenal sphere of reality. Friends, critics, scholars

feit that the artistic merit of the revised works almost always suf

fered, but little attention has been paid to the underlying aesthetic

assumptions which guided the work.82 Belyj's own theory and prac tice of revision was defended years later:

light. After their return to Russia, there would evolve a correspondence. Pas

ternak signed along with Pil'njak in Izvestija, Jan 9, 1934, p. 4 a statement of

support for Belyj. But even here we can see the difficulty of explaining the Ber

lin period for Soviet critics. "From 1921 to 1923 A. Belyj was abroad, in Berlin

he was a literary watershed, determining Soviet and anti-Soviet literature and а

confirmation of Soviet culture, whose banner he carried for those abroad." After

Belyj's death Pasternak interceded on behalf of Klavdija Nikolaevna's pension with the authorities. Ron Peterson has written convincingly that Unele Kostja

in the novel "Доктор Живаго" is based on Belyj. Ron Peterson, "Andrej Belyj and Nikolai Vedenjapin". In: Wiener Slavistischer Almanach, 9, 1982, pp. 111 —

118. 81 See I. V. Koreckaja, Gor'kij i Andrej Belyj. In: Gor'kovskie ctenija, Mos

cow 1968, pp. 189-206. 82

Typical is the opinion of Vladimir Pjast in Vstreci, Moscow 1929, pp. 154

155. "Reworking, developing, so to say, his poems, -

Andrej Belyj, actually,

ruined them to such an extent, that you had to wonder, where had his 'inherent

good taste' gone to. And we got together to institute the Society for the Preser

vation of Andrej Belyj's Works from his own harsh treatment of them."



124 Thomas Beyek

Под переизданием разумел я критический пересмотр инвен

таря мной написанного и переработку тех стихотворений, кото

рые казались поправимыми. Особенность моих стихов - их рых

лость; все, мной написанное в стихах, в разгляде лет стоит, как

черновики, с опубликованием которых я поторопился; стихи пи

сались залпами; "Золото в лазури" я в общем написал в два

месяца; "Пепел" явился на свет в итоге усиленного писания

стихов летом 1907 года. "После разлуки" написана в две не

дели. Между "запоями" стихами я годами не писал ни одной

строчки. "Запой" отразился рыхлой, подчас ужасной формой; вста

вала мысль об отказе от себя, как "поэта"; если бы я мог со

брать иные из моих книг стихов, я бы сжег их; этого я не мог

технически выполнить. Книги мои, находящиеся в чьих-то ру ках, уличили б меня.

Отсюда и мысль о переиздании, т.е. редактировании, правке,

переложении, переделке.83

Also in September, Belyj had published poems in Golos Rossii and

Rul'.Bi "Эпопея" II is on sale and "После Разлуки", and "Се

ребряный голубь" are promised any day now, as well as "Записки

чудака", I—II. Roman Gul' has a review of "Стихи о России". On October 1 a special meeting in honor of Gor'kij at the Cafe

Leon replaced the customary program at the House of the Arts. Be

lyj was one of the Speakers (Nakanune, 149, Oct. 3, 1922, p. 5). He

frequently meets with Xodasevic - twenty times in all. The life of

the House of the Arts is varied and alive. On October 6, Erenburg reads from his new stories ("Трубки"). On October 13, Yu. Ajxen val'd, recently expelled from Russia with other intellectuals, appea red and Belyj read "Афоризмы." The election of new officers which

had been scheduled was postponed to a later meeting. On October

20, Vladimir Majakovskij, another recent arrival, gave a brief intro

duction to Futurism and read from his works. On October 27,

83 "Zovy vremen: Vmesto predislovija". In: Novyj zumal, 102, 1971, p. 91.

84 "Iz osennix pesen" (My balagurim . . ) Rul', 550, Sept. 20, 1922, p. 2. This is

the only work by Belyj which I have been able to identify in Rul'. "Zamanja . . In: Golos Rossii, 1067, Sept. 24, 1922, p. 6. The typography of the poem is

curious. Belyj uses three different styles of identation in his never ending search

for a way to capture his own inner rhythms.




Sklovskij read on "Literature and the Cinematograph" and Belyj took part in the discussion afterward (Nakanune, 172, Oct. 29, 1922,

p. 6). Elections were also held that evening and Belyj was chosen Presi

dent. The other officers included Remizov, Vengerov, Minskij, Eren

burg, Tolstoj, Sklovskij, Xodasevic and the painter Ivan Puni. (Na kanune, 176, Nov. 3, 1922, p. 5). Belyj's reign would be short-lived: a lovely caricature in Веретеныш (No. 3, Nov. 1922, p. 15) would

capture the wildly gesticulating contortionist presiding over his

single meeting. Belyj celebrated his birthday (October 27 n. s.) in Berlin with Xodasevic and others. Vera Lur'e, who is not invited

along will write:

Я буду по твоим стопам

Безвольная идти, И все продам, и все отдам За доброе "прости". А в праздник твой совсем одна Я лягу на постель.85

Vera's abscence is not all that surprising. Belyj, according to Xo

dasevic's notes, took on a German Mariechen for a time at the end of October, an innkeeper's daughter from a cafe on Lutherstrasse.

But Belyj was not happy. He writes in "Rakkurs": "С 'Вольфилой' не идет. С Эпопеей - не идет; с 'Домом искусств' - галиматья."

Even so in October he continues work on the fourth and final sec tion of his "Воспоминания о Блоке."

As the fifth anniversary of the October Revolution approached, Soviet Russia was flexing its muscles. The country had re-establi

shed relations with Germany and formally re-occupied the old Tsa

rist Embassy. In the process, they closed the Orthodox Church atta

ched to the Embassy and confiscated its holdings. Public show trials

of the Social Revolutionaries had been held and sentences passed on

in spite of world public outrage. Pressure was being put on the emi

gres to choose between Soviet citizenship or risk never being able to

return. Perhaps symbolic of the change was the closing of the

newspaper Golos Rossii (The Voice of Russia) which was almost im

mediately replaced by the more modestly titled Dni which began

publication on October 29, 1922. Belyj would be a frequent contribu

85 Veba Lourie, р. 104.



126 Thomas Beyer

tor in the early days, but as November 7 approached, Soviet Russia

looked like it was here to stay. On November 3, Ivan Puni, one of the House of the Arts' officers

and founding members, spoke on Continental Russian Art and the

Russian Exhibition in Berlin. This exhibition which had opened on

October 15 at the Galerie Von Diemen at Unter den Linden 21, pre sented 500 works by over 150 artists. Among those displayed were

Burliuk, Chagall, Kandinskj, Kustodiev, Malevich, Benois, Wasiliev, Zetlin and Tatlin.86 After the talk, the discussion turned into а

shouting match with a number of insults hurled around the hall, in

spite of Belyj's plea at the beginning of the meeting.87 The major

controversy which erupted was followed by a request that Aleksej

Tolstoj be expelled from the House of the Arts. On the next even

ing, November 4, Belyj with Xodasevic and others organized the

Клуб писателей as an alternative outlet for their artistic and crea

tive energies and within days they would resign their positions at

the House of the Arts. Belyj was there and at a subsequent meeting of the Club.88

Belyj continued his activities in other forums, and he would be

confronted with a memory of the past, "Осенью появилась в Бер лине Нина Петровская, сама полу-безумная, нищая, старая, исху далая, хромая. 8 ноября, как раз накануне того дня, когда испол нилось одиннадцать лет со дня ее отъезда из России, они у меня

86 Α catalogue of the "Erste Russische Kunstausstellung", Berlin 1922, can be

found in Berlin's Bibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz. 87 See Beyer "The House of the Arts . . pp. 27-32. 88 Aleksandr Baxrax, Po pamjati, po zapisjam: Andrej Belyj, Kontinent, 3,

1975, p. 293 writes: "I ought to write separately about the formation of the

Writers' Club after the unavoidable schism [of the House of the Arts]." In an in

terview on August 9, 1984 and in a letter to me of March 3, 1985 he recalled

only that the Organization had no rules and no records. (This accounts for the

sporadic nature of meeting announcements and reports in the press.) I think K.

N. Bugaeva errs in her note that Belyj continued to work in the House of the

Arts in November and December 1922. Baxrax indicated to me that after the

Nov. 3 meeting, the subsequent resignations from their positions and the simul

taneous founding of Klub pisatelej, that Belyj, Xodaseviö and others would

never again go the House of the Arts. While many writers would speak on alt

ernate evenings first at the Home of the Arts and then at the Writers' Club,

Belyj and Xodaseviö were never again mentioned as participants at the House

of the Arts. For a good description of the Writers' Club see the article in Dni,

111, Mar. 11, 1923, p. 15.




встретились, вместе ушли и вместе провели вечер. Оба жалова

лись потом. Даже безумства никакого не вышло. С ними случи

лось самое горькое всего, что могло случиться: им было просто

скучно друг с другом."89 Оп November 11 Belyj was at the Wri ters' Club and on the 12th he went with Xodasevic to Saarow. To

gether with Remizov, Belyj was present at the meeting to celebrate the 60th birthday of Gerhart Hauptmann on November 15 (Dni, 17, Nov. 17, 1922, ρ 6). In a letter of November 17, Belyj writes to Na dezhda Oseevna Shchupak.90 He became an active contributor to

the newspaper Dni and published excerpts from his Memoirs on No vember 5 and 19.91 He also could read in Dni a review of "Glosso

lalija" by Vera Lur'e, most of it dictated to her by him (No. 10, Nov. 9, 1922, р. 12).92

Belyj would journey again to Saarow - a two hour trip from Ber lin - on November 23 to visit Xodasevic, who had moved there not far from Maksim Gor'kij. Finally there is a report that Belyj at tends the opening of the Russian Religious Philosophical Academy on November 26, capitalizing on the recent arrival of so many pro minent philosophers and other intellectuals expelled from Russia.

(Dni, 25, Nov. 28, 1922, p. 4). Some of these same figures would be

regulär attendees of the Writers' Club. In December, Belyj continued to publish extensively in Dni.93 He

attends and speaks at a lecture of Fedor Stepun on December 11. The newspaper accounts attest that Belyj had not lost his ability to

captivate an audience.

89 XODASEVIÖ, р. 91.

90 See Boris Sapir, An Unknown Correspondent of Andrey Belyj in SEER

XLIX, 116, July 1971, pp. 450-452. Curiously, Belyj will indicate that he consid

ers "put' otrezan" for his return to Russia. 91 The following articles appeared over Belyj's signature in November in Dni

"Gergardt Gauptman", No. 19, Nov. 19, 1922, p. 11 (the speech was apparently written by Belyj and then copied in his own inimitable Script by Aleksej Remi

zov.) "Iz vospominanij" No. 7, Nov. 5, 1922, p. 16, 17; "Na putjax" No. 13, Nov

12, 1922, p. 10; "Na Ivanovskoj Basne" No. 19, Nov. 19, 1922, p. 9. He also pu blished his article "My idem к pred"osöusöeniju novyx form" in Veretenys, 3

Nov. 1922, p. 2. 92 Vera Lur'e in an interview with me admitted that she understood little of

the work and that Belyj provided her with a general outline for the article. 93 "Ali Dzaljuli" No. 30, Dec. 3, 1922, p. 9; "Sidi-by-Said", No. 36, Dec. 10,

1922, p. 13 from his African impressions; "Tomoöka-Pesik" No. 48, Dec. 24,

1922, pp. 2, 3; review of Erenburg "Zverinoe teplo." 42, Dec. 17, 1922, p. 13; re

view of Blok "Molnija mysl'", 52, Dec. 31, 1922, pp. 17-18.



128 Thomas Beyer

Во время вдохновенной речи Андрея Белого, уснащенной

философскими терминами, в публике раздаются смешки, но по

окончанию речи слушатели горячо приветствуют этого замеча

тельного оратора (Rul', 621, Dec, 13, 1922, р. 6).

On December 16 Belyj read from "Преступление Николая Jle

таева" at the Writers' Club meeting at the Cafe Leon. (Dni, 41, Dec. 16, 1922, p. 5). On December 17, another curious note concer

ning the elusive "Doktor Donner" appeared in Dni:

"Известия" сообщает: "Андрей Белый выпустил памфлет

"Доктор Доннер" на доктора Рудольфа Штейнера, в связи с

крупным столкновением между Штейнером и Белым. Столкнове

ние это, крайне показательное для современного развала бур

жуазной культуры, произошло, якобы, на почве того, что пре

словутый изобретатель теософии Рудольф Штейнер вместо тео

софии занялся спекуляцией, открыл лавочку и бойко торгует." В этом сообщении "Известия" [sie] верно только слово

"якобы". Рудольф Штейнер теософии не обретал, а Андрей Бе

лый памфлет "Доктор Доннер" не выпускал.94

For а few days he travels to Saarow to visit Xodasevic on the 6,

7, 8, 9 and 13. Most importantly, he finishes the fourth and final

installment to the "Воспоминания о Блоке". This section is espe

cially important because in it Belyj will make the transition from

the painful memory of Ljubov' Dmitrievna Blok to the subject of

Asja. There was always this coincidental correlation of Ljubov' and

Asja. (Baxrax recalls a conversation in which Ljubov', Asja and Ru

dolf Steiner are all grouped together. [p. 306]) It also marks a shift in focus in the memoirs from Blok to Belyj himself. Belyj will ask

rhetorically: Читатель наверно возмущен: какие же это воспомина

ния о Блоке? Где Блок? (Эпопея, 4, 1922, р. 128).95 There is а clear

94 Dni, 42, Dec. 17, 1922, 11. Nina Berberova in a letter to me of March 7,

1982 noted that Belyj often refered to Steiner as Doktor Donner and raises the

possibility that Donner - "thunder" was an allusion to Zeus. Belyj almost cer

tainly was the source of this denial. The timing is significant, because it illus

trates that even before the arrival of Klavdija Vasil'eva in Berlin, Belyj does not

want to offend Steiner, at least in public. 95 Mabietta Saginjan, in a review of "Vospominanija о Blöke" in Sobranie

socinenij, Vol. 1, Moscow 1971, p. 732: "Belyj gave us simply a slice of his own

autobiography and against the background of his fate he permitted Blok to ap

pear." For a discussion of the evolution of the "Vospominanija о Blöke" into the




cut sequence of Belyj examining his own life through his poetry and

prose. In "Glossolalija" he had written "воспоминание есть начало

мыслительной жизни" (р. 97). The death of Blok and the subse

quent work on the memoirs would provide an alternative method

for self-examination, evaluation and analysis. But it was still one

step removed from the purely personal. Belyj would spend the next

ten years examining his life one more time, but this time more di

rectly, without the filter of poetry, prose or third person memoirs.

As the year drew to a close, Belyj could recall good times and

bad - professional triumphs and personal failures and tragedy. He

writes in the "Раккурс": "Ужасный . . . месяц . . . все бросаю" and

his troubled state of mind can be examined in "Россия в России и

Россия в Берлине", which he writes in December. Had he taken

stock of his accomplishments in Berlin, he would have found that

his expectations for writing and publishing were amply fulfilled. Mo

cul'skij cites sixteen works printed between 1922-1923. Seven are

republications: "Возврат", "Серебряный голубь", "Петербург", "Котик Летаев", "На перевале" (1923), "Крещеный китаец" in

Современные записки, "Стихотворения" (1923). Another nine were

new works. "Путевые заметки", "Звезда", "Стихи о России",

"После разлуки", "Возвращение на родину", "Сирин ученого вар

варства", "Записки чудака", "Глоссолалия", "Воспоминания о

Блоке" in Эпопея (1923).96 Belyj had continued to contribute to the

journal Записки мечтателей in Russia and to Современные записки

in Paris.97 He had published in Die Drei, the Anthroposophical jour nal published in Stuttgart, and his "Krisis des Gedankens" would

be published in 1923.98

unrealized "Naöalo veka" see Literaturnoe nasledstvo, 27-28, Moscow 1937, pp. 614-615.

96 Moöul'skij, p. 239, Most other scholars have quoted these same figures. The

list omits "Poezija slova" and "0 smysle poznanija" and the republication of

"Pervoe svidanie." 97 In Sovremennye Zapiski the novel "Prestuplenie Nikolaja Letaeva" appears

in issues 11, 12, 13 for 1922. In 1923 Belyj publishes "Tjaielaja lira" in issue 15,

"Otkliki preinej Moskvy" in issue 16 and "Arbat" in issue 18. Belyj also contin

ued to publish poetry, articles and memoirs of Blok in Zapiski mectatelej. See K.

Zelinskij, "Belyj i 'Zapiski meötatelej'" in Znamja, 12, 1957, pp. 152-157. 98 "Die Anthroposophie und Rußland", Die Drei, II, 4, pp. 317-328 and II, 5,

1922, pp. 376-385. In Die Drei, II, 6, 1922, pp. 437-444 there is an article about

Belyj by Ernst Keuchel and a Wolfgang Groeger translation of one of his poems,

p. 445.



130 Thomas Beyeb

But his attempts at reconciliation with Asja had lead not only to a final break with her, but with a loss of faith in Rudolf Steiner.

What were his resolutions for the New Year? New Year's Eve was

spent with Xodasevic, Berberova at Gor'kij's. At the same time, the

Goetheanum in Dornach was burning! The new year (1923) did not bode well for the Russians in Berlin.

German Inflation mixed with civil unrest would reverse the favor

able conditions which had fostered the outburst of publishing the

previous year. Indeed, most of the Berlin Russian language publi shers had agreed upon a uniform multiplication co-efflcient to re

place the set prices on their books in Germany. Belyj would awake

in Saarow with plans for a gigantic work, which would only be reali

zed some ten years later. He describes the high points of the year in

his letter to Ivanov-Razumnik:

23 год открывается: пожаром "Гетеанума" (с которым Я был так связан); и - тотчас: приездом в Берлин К. Н., появившейся для меня в самую опасную минуту прострации; с этого начина ется незаметное пресуществление болезни в медленное выздоров ление: с желания выздороветь; в нашем общение с К. Н. (январь - до июля 23-го) вызревает во мне жажда 1) вернуться в Россию (оживает тема "Москва") 2) оживает "доктор" (К. Н. невольно мирит меня с ним); в марте 23 года доктор мне "все"

объясняет, что казалось неясным."

After spending the first and second in Saarow with Xodasevic,

Belyj returned to Berlin. On January 10 he was back in Saarow. The Writers' Club had several meetings during the month: on Ja

nuary 15 - Pasternak; on the 22 Viktor Sklovskij; on Jan. 29 the

"young poets" Georgij Ivanov, Nikolaj Ocup, Irina Odoevceva and Vera Lur'e read from their works. (Novaja Russkaja Kniga, 1, Jan

1923, p. 37). Vasil'eva-Bugaeva notes that Belyj participated in at least one of these evenings. Belyj's "Кайрун" appeared in Воля Рос сии (1, Jan 15, 1923, pp. 1-19) and he published an article written in Moscow in 1920: "Проблема культуры" in Струги, 1, Berlin:

1923, pp.163-188. The central event of January 1923 was the arrival of Klavdija Ni

kolaevna Vasil'eva, who would serve as the catalyst for Belyj's re

99 "Andrej Belyj: Lettre autobiographique a Ivanov-Razumnik", Cahiers du

Monde russe et sovietique, XV, 1-2, janv. - juin, 1974, p. 80.




conciliation with Steiner and his return to Soviet Russia. Granted а

visa by Menzinsky, who was hoping to convince Belyj to return to

Russia, some speculate, that she was sent by the Anthroposophists concerned about Belyj's drinking and wild behavior.100 She had

known Belyj in Moscow, where they worked together and Belyj had

often taken meals at her house. In 1921, Klavdija Nikolaevna had

been given the task of transcribing the Belyj-Blok correspondence. The picture of Klavdija Nikolaevna among Russians in the West

was not a very complimentary one. She was clearly not a femme fa

tale - an image of Asja or Nina Petrovskaja or Ljubov' Dmitrievna; Baxrax remembers her as "миловидной и очень ласковой

женщиной."101 Even though she would ultimately divorce her hus

band and marry Belyj, her interests seem maternal, in a long line of

Russian women who have made it possible for their husbands to

write.

When she came to Berlin in 1923 Belyj was like a wounded

animal, snarling and lashing out in all directions, often most ve

nomously at precisely those people, even Klavdija Nikolaevna, who most wanted to help. Her quiet stability, her undemanding devotion, constant companionship, and shared anthroposophical faith nursed him back to life (Malmstad, p. 28).

An additional consideration was the death of Belyj's mother in

1922. If Steiner was a foster father, then Klavdija Nikolaevna be

came an adopted mother. The main point is that in 1923, Anthropo

sophy as a theme and driving life force returns to Belyj. Life continued in Berlin, but Belyj's gradual return to Anthropo

sophy was made public in his article on the Goetheanum.

Мне здание это особенно близко; с ним связаны для меня не

сравнимые, может быть, самые значительные воспоминания

жизни моей; . . . Ограниченным людям, поставшим себе целью

осмеивать нас, распространять клеветы на нас, не объяснить,

100 Malmstad, "Introduction", р. 15 cites this from the unpublished memoire

of Nina Ivanovna Gagen-Torn. Malmstad provides an excellent overview of the

relationship which we need not repeat here. Baxrax "Po pamjati, . .." p. 313.

Dolgopolov says "In a state of mind close to frenzy Belyj was taken away

[uvezen] . . see "Neizvedannyj materik". In: Voprosy literatury, 3, 1982, p.

135. 101 Aleksandr Baxrax, "Vospominanija о Belom" in Novoe Russkoe Slovo,

March 21, 1982, p. 5.



132 Thomas Beyeb

что в сгоревшие ныне формы действително вколотил я часть

жизни (и -

лучшую часть) . . .

Иоанново здание соединилось со светом: вспылало: и взвея

лось в атмосферу воздушную.

Но оно не погибло.

Мы - выстроим новое здание: новой любви, совершенного

мира и братства народов! Пожар Гетеанума не запугает нас: он

- лишь вливает в нас новые силы: к созданию - Иоаннова Зда

ния!102

Vera Lur'e has recalled that the burning of the Goetheanum in

whose construction Belyj had participated was extraordinarily pain ful for him. It was as if "he had lost his head." This return to ear

lier beliefs is paralleled by a more outspoken defense of the intellec

tual and artistic life in Soviet Russia. But Belyj still refused to cut

off all ties with the Berlin Community. He continued to lecture and

enliven discussions at the Writers' Club. On Feb. 3, Remizov read; on the 12 Rafalovic spoke on "Современный театр". Belyj along with Stepun and Zajcev was at the February 26 meeting where Ja

scenko read "О кризисе интеллигенции". Part of the month was

spent with Xodasevic and four days together with Gor'kij where

preparations for the initial issue of Беседа were in high gear.103 On March 7, Stepun read at the Writers' Club about the "Стихия

актерской души" to which both Belyj and Pasternak replied. (NRK,

2, Feb. 1923, p. 40). On March 11, Belyj lectures on "Революция

духа" written in February for the Union of Russian Students. (Dni,

112, Mar 13, 1923, p. 5). On March 14, he reads from his "Траге дия сознания" at the Writers' Club. (Dni, 113, Mar 14, 1923, p. 5). On March 16, he goes with Klavdija Nikolaevna to visit Xodasevic.

He spends a week there along with a few evenings with Gor'kij. Be

lyj, Gor'kij and Xodasevic were all editors of the journal, Beseda, al

though Gor'kij would later write that Belyj's participation was nom

inal.104 He would, nonetheless, make lengthy contributions to the

first two issues of the journal.

102 Dni, 100, Feb. 27, 1923, pp. 6-7. The article was reprinted with an intro

duction by Thomas R. Beyer, Jr. in the Andrej Belyj Society Newsletter, 3,

1984, pp. 18-27. 103

Belyj was in Saarow with Xodaseviö on February 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25 and

i'rorn the 18-21 and 25 with Gor'kij. 104 Xodaseviö also remembers "The literary editorship was composed of




The crucial event of the month was the meeting which took place at the end of March in Stuttgart, where Belyj had travelled on March 23 to attend a meeting of the Waldorf Schule teachers and

spoke with Steiner face-to-face. The meeting was the result of а number of behind the scenes negotiations. Klavdija Nikolaevna was

clearly instrumental in arranging for the meeting. She had travelled to Stuttgart in February and met with Steiner. On March 11, 1923

Belyj sent a letter to Marie von Sivers-Steiner.105

Я не знаю, сколько продлится мое пребывание здесь; но при отъезде в Россию мне нужно было бы иметь несколько Ваших

советов относительно культурной работы, с которой я

неизбежно в России буду связан. Конечно, - у меня есть и лич

ные вопросы, - но не в них дело; я уже 15 месяцев в Германии и

доселе не имел случая видеть Вас и Доктора Штейнера; думаю, что необходимость Вас видеть и с Вами говорить для меня имеет

не только субъективный смысл, но и объективный.

Finally on March 30 came the long overdue face to face discus

sion with Steiner. It was decisive by all accounts. Maksimov recalls

that in 1930 Belyj had a portrait of Steiner above his bed in Ku

cino. (p. 175) In "Почему я стал символистом" and "Воспоминания

о Штейнера" Belyj recalls the crucial nature of their conversa

tion.106 The signiflcance and lasting effect of the encounter is at

tested to by others. Asja recalled, "После разговора с Штейнером в

Штуттгарте, перед отъездом в Россию. Бугаев говорил моей сестре, что данное ему на прощание Доктором будет ему помощью во всей

его последующей жизни."107 The week also served to close the book

on Belyj's relationship with Asja: "При нашей последней встрече в

Штуттгарте Анд. Б. меня понял и примирился но конечно оста

лась горечь. Ему трудно было не переносить глубокую связь кот.

Gor'kij, me and Andrej Belyj (the latter - only nominally)." Novyj Zumal, 29,

1952, p. 207. 105 See Klavdia Vasil'eva/Bugaeva, "Erinnerungen einer Russin an Rudolf

Steiner", in Mitteilungen aus der Anthroposophischen Arbeit in Deutschland,

Stuttgart, 1980-1982, pp. 134-137. Also see the letters and article by Thomas

R. Beyer, Jr., "Belyj and Steiner: The Berlin period" in Andrej Belyj Society

Newsletter, 6, 1987, pp. 13-26. 106 See also "Reminiscences of Rudolf Steiner", ed. Christy Barnes, Hills

dale, N.Y. 1987. 107 Turgeneva, "Andrej Belyj i Rudol'f Stejner", p. 238.



134 Thomas Beyer

была между нами на жизненный путь. Но его путь был иной."108

Slowly but surely Belyj was resolving old issues, even as he pre

pared for his return to Russia.

On April 1 he returns to Berlin and his article "Из эгипетских

воспоминаний" appears in Dni (No. 128, Apr. 1, 1923, pp. 9-10). On April 4 he attends a reading at the Writers' Club by Xodasevic.

(NRK, 5/6, May-June 1923, p. 430). Other meetings of the Club

were held on April 11, 14, 18, and 25. He is working feverishly on

his revision of the Blok memoirs, which he now envisioned as a four

volume opus: "Блок и его время".109 In April, he also resigns from

Эпопея and with Volume 4 the journal ceases publication.

Многообразные занятия и отсутствие свободного времени не

позволяют мне продолжать редактирование "Эпопеи"; оста

ваясь постоянным сотрудником мне близкого журнала я все же

должен выйти из состава Редакции.110

Local news items indicate the changing scene in Berlin for Rus

sians: "В последнее время в советское представительство на Ун

тер-ден-Линден замечается усиленный наплыв желающих по

лучить разрешение на въезд в Россию" (Rul' 716, April 8, 1923, р. 9). On April 26 Rul' reported that the League of Nations was dis

cussing the issue of passports for Russian emigres and on the 27th it

reported on increased difficulties for Russian publishers abroad, in

cluding economic, but also the new refusal of Soviet government to

accept works printed in the old orthography. The Writers' Club held meetings in May on the 2, 9, 16, 23, and

30, but Belyj spent the 9, 15, 18, 22 and 23 at Saarow and at the

end of the month he and Klavdija Nikolaevna moved to Harzburg.111

Belyj's ties with the emigre Community in Berlin would be further

shaken by his article which appeared in the first issue of Beseda.

108 Turgeneva letter in Stbuve, pp. 65-66.

109 See the note in Dni, 139, Apr. 15, 1923, p. 13. Belyj and others will later

refer to this work as "Natale veka". In Beseda, 2, 1923, which appears in Au

gust, an advertisement by Epoxa announces the publication of "Nacalo veka" by

Andrej Belyj: "Vol. I: Blok i ego vremja, Vol 2: Sumerki, Vol 3: Krizis, Vol 4,

Revoljucija". Volumes 1 and 2 were scheduled to go on sale on September 25 -

but they never appeared and the fate of the manuscript is unknown. 110 Andrej Belyj, "Letter to A. G. Visnjak of Gelikon" in Epopeja, IV, 1923. 111 Dni, 172, May 27, 1923, p. 12 reported that Belyj had departed for Ham

burg. The paper printed a correction in No. 174, May 30, 1923, p. 4.




Rul' announced on May 6 that the first issue had appeared. The ar

ticle, which had been written in December of 1922, "О 'России' в

России и о 'России' в Берлине" is а rationale for Belyj's return to

the Soviets.

Увы, понял ненужность теперешних выступлений в Берлине. Работа культурная здесь представляется в данных условиях

вряд ли возможной мне: факт восприятия это - не более. Знаю:

в Берлине так много учащихся; молодежь современной России

(интеллигенческая и рабочая) мне понятна, известна; я был с

ней в контакте; . . . здесь в Берлине, я чувствую часто чужим себя, непонятным, ненужным; и молодежи - не знаю; настро ение русской публики кажется мне "курфюрстендаммным" ка

ким-то; а лекции кажутся отнимающими драгоценное "кафе

ландграфное", "прагердилъное" время.112

One сап see the old themes of "why I can't do cultural work" re

appearing. Belyj was terribly impatient, and in spite of large num

ber of works which he successfully completed, his vision was always

beyond his grasp. He was too intolerant, a work-horse who lacked

the ability to see most projects through to their conclusion and а

polished end product. Somehow the image of him working on the

Goetheanum with a hammer and chisel seems appropriate. He was equally blunt about Soviet Russia.

Пишут об ужасах современной России; есть ужасы, - да: уте кает сырье, нет пособий учебных, нет школы (развалена); ели

друг друга; быть может, едят еще где-нибудь . . . Вы не думаете, что я слепой, что не видел я "зверя" (рр. 218-220).

Belyj tries to persuade himself, as it were:

И нет спора: в России писать тяжело (нет бумаги, чернил,

типографий); . . . очень трудно конкретно работать в России; и -

вот же: работают. Этим - все сказано.

Человек - не "субъект" прагердилъных продуктов. От хлеба я

сыт и от пива я пьян, но я . . . голоден, голоден: дайте мне хлеба

духовного! Холодно мне в этом "тепленьком" месте культуры

"берлинской России" (рр. 228, 232-233).

Belyj the polemist, а role he had enjoyed in the heydays of Sym

bolism, would emerge even more forcefully that month of May. In

112 Beseda, 1, 1923, р. 213.



136 Thomas Beyer

the same issue of Beseda, I, there was an article by Dr. Hans Leise

gang, "Anthroposophy," a translation from the German which be

gan with a short biography of Steiner but went on the characterize

his philosophy as "mystical speculation." The expose type of article

prompted Belyj, who at the end of the month was in Harzburg with

Klavdija Nikolaevna to come to Steiner's defense in the next issue of Beseda,113 In the article dated May 26, 1923 Harzburg, Belyj characterizes himself as "student of Dr. Steiner and a member of the Anthroposophical Society." (p. 392) Belyj would ultimately fall victim to the same sin of memoir writing that he had criticized in 1921. Harzburg was a particularly productive spot; his article "От клики прежней Москвы" is also dated May 1923 at Harzburg (Sovremennye zapiski, 16, 1923, pp. 190-209).114 There was also а

long section of "Воспоминания" in Beseda which recalled Belyj's first encounter with Steiner and Anthroposophy and the early mys tical experiences of him and Asja. Asja was not exactly pleased with this publication of intimate details of their relationship; but, of

course, by this time all communication had ceased. These memoirs pick up where the "Путевые Заметки" had left

off in Brüssels in 1912 where the mystical experiences of Asja and

Belyj caused them to take a train to Köln to see Steiner. This more factual account (as opposed to previous stylized fictional memoirs

such as in the article) indicate a major trend in Belyj's work from this point on. Belyj had from the beginning of the Century reviewed almost his entire life in his prose. "Котик Летаев" and "Крещеный китаец" had moved him from childhood to adolescence. "Петер бург" and "Серебряный голубь" dealt with the writer of 1905 and the following years. "Записки чудака" covered the life of Ledjanoj and Nelli (Belyj and Asja) in Dornach. Belyj had already begun to review his life in the "Воспоминания о Блоке" which encompassed the years 1904-1909 and the "Путевые заметки" for 1910-1911. From this point on, beginning in 1923, Belyj would for a third and final time review the experiences of his life - this time not through the rosy-colored filter of fiction, or the third persion of Blok.

Belyj and Klavdija Nikolaevna spent June at Harzburg and it was here that the final decision to return to Russia was made, al

113 Andrej Belyj, Antroposofija i D-r Gans Lejzegang, Beseda, 2, 1923, pp. 378-392.

114 An excerpt of this article appeared in Dni, 202, July 1, 1923, pp. 9, 11.




though it was not made public to friends. "Июнь проводим с К. Η. в

Гарцбурге; здесь пишу этюд 'Москва' (часть 3-го 'Начала века') и твердо решаю вслед за уезжающей К. Н. вернутьсн в Россию."115

"Ужасно скучаю по России . . . Трудно жить с берлинскими рус

скими", he writes on June 27 to Р. Zajcev.116 What were the rea

sons for the decision? Klavdija Nikolaevna was clearly a major factor.

He needed someone desperately, not physically as much as intellec

tually and spiritually to be by his side. He longed again for recogni tion and his memory passed over the sickness and deprivation he

had experienced in Russia. His renewed faith in Rudolf Steiner and

Anthroposophy had taken hold. Belyj had always been the teacher, the prophet. He was going back to continue Steiner's mission - the

apostle of the New Creed called upon to spread the faith among the

Russians. Did Steiner give him Instructions or advice to return?

And, of course, the Iure of Asja was now truly only a memory. Belyj still had acquaintances in Berlin: Remizov, Jascenko, Xodasevic.

But others like Aleksej Tolstoj had gone back and more would soon

follow. The material conditions in Berlin were rapidly deteriorating. There was a dramatic, almost incredible Inflation. On January 1,

1923, Rul' cost 70 RM. On June 1, it was 400 marks, July 1-1000

marks. By October 1 it would be 5,000,000 marks. When Belyj had

arrived in 1921 $ 1 (one U.S. dollar) was worth 209 marks, by Oc

tober 23, 1923 $ 1 was worth 40,000,000,000 marks. There were

strikes and shortages in Berlin. The entire structure of the state

seemed ready to collapse. For anyone who had lived through the

events in Russia of 1917, the Situation was like a newsreel rerun of

that time. If things were indeed to get that bad, wouldn't he be bet

ter off where friends and language could be valuable? Belyj would

actually move in with the Vasil'evs upon his return to Moscow.

Having returned to Berlin on June 29 Belyj takes up residence "в

трущобе у Anhalter Bahnhof (sie)." Xodasevic sees Belyj in Berlin

several times at the beginning of the July (1, 4, 5, 6, 8, 11). From

July 14-17 he travels to Ahlbeck. On July 23 he takes Κ. N. Va

sil'eva to Stettin and then travels on to Ahlbeck where he anxiously awaits permission to return to Russia. Writing from Ahlbeck to

Baxrax on July 26 Belyj complains that he cannot work.117

115 "Andrej Belyj: Lettre autobiographique ä Ivanov-Razumnik", p. 81.

116 Quoted in Bugaeva, Letopis', p. 121.

117 Belyj's letters to Baxrax of July 26, 1923 and August 16, 1923 are found in



138 Thomas Beyer

On August 1 Belyj is notified that he has been granted permission to return by the Berlin Narkompros. He will still have to wait for а

visa. Part of the month is spent at Ahlbeck - there is another letter

to Baxrax on August 16 in which he expresses the hope to leave in

the beginning of September and stating that he needs his suitcases

between the 26th and 28th of August.118 Apparently he visits

Prerow four times, but never gets to reside there as was his wish.

On August 27 Belyj was back in Berlin and his intention to de

part was common knowledge. "Андрей Белый, закончивший свой

большой четырехтомный труд 'Воспоминания о Блоке', на днях

переезжает в Россию."119 Не would join an ever increasing flood of

Russians leaving Berlin. Berberova recalls a farewell photograph taken on September 8: B. Zajcev, Xodasevic, M. Osorgin, A. Bax

rax, A. Remizov and Belyj, plus Berberova and P. Muratov. Xo

dasevic was insulted by Belyj that evening and there is no indica

tion that they ever met again. On the next day Dni announced а

forthcoming Романтический Альманах edited by V. A. Kadasev

containing "Петр, Иоанн, Павел" by Belyj. (No. 260, Sept. 9, 1923,

р. 10).120

The final months for Belyj must have been excruciatingly lonely. He himself writes of the "томительное ожидание". Nonetheless he read from his memoirs on September 15 at the Writers' Club. (Dni,

265, Sept. 15, 1923, p. 6) and again was there on October 6. The Writers' Club would continue weekly meetings until October 20 its last meeting, after which it dissolved because of a lack of mem bers.121 Stepun remembered Belyj as a sick and nervous shortly be

fore his departure. Vera Zajcev gave him an icon of the Virgin which he apparently took when he left.122

Butler Library at Columbia University. Portions of them are printed in Baxrax, "Po pamjati, po zapisjam," in Kontinent, 3, 1975, pp. 315-316.

118 Belyj's stay in Ahlbeck is also recalled by Vadim Andreev, "Vozvrasöenie

ν zizn'" in Zvezda, 6, 1969, pp. 105-107. 119

Dni, 254, Sept. 2, 1923, p. 10. 120 I have not found other references or evidence of its publication. 121 "On Saturday October 20, the 'Writers' Club' is closing in light of the de

parture from Berlin of a significant majority of the organization's members. It is

possible that the activity of the Club which originated in Moscow and was then

transfered to Berlin, will be resumed in Paris." See Rul\ 880, October 20, 1923,

p. 5. 122 Boris Zajcev, Dalekoe, Washington 1965, pp. 36, 37. Zajcev notes: "Ber

lin somehow made him cruder".




There is a brief flurry of activity at the beginning of October. Be

lyj had apparently one last doubt before his final departure. He writes to Cvetaeva in desperation.

В ноябре [sie] 1923 г. - вопль, письменный вопль в четыре страницы, из Берлина в Прагу: - Голубушка! Родная! Только Вы! Только к Вам! Найдите комнату рядом, где Вы бы ни были - я не буду мешать, и не буду заходить, мне только нужно знать, что за стеной - живое - живое тело! - Вы.123

On October 4, Cvetaeva contacts Вахгах, claiming she has found

a position for Belyj and will саге for him. But it is essential to get Belyj to Prague.

У меня к Вам большая просьба - если Вы еще в Берлине -

п.ч. если не в Берлине, то уже ничего не можете сделать. Дело в

том, что необходимо перевести (перевезти!) Белого в Прагу, он не должен ехать в Россию, слава Богу, что его не пустили, он должен быть в Праге, здесь ему дадут иждивение (stricte neces

saire) и здесь, в конце концов, я, которая его нежно люблю и -

что лучше -

ему предана.124

Did Вахгах get the message to him in time? There was more than a little confusion concerning Belyj's intentions. "Андрей Белый, не

получивший визы на съезд в Россию, переселяется из Берлина в

Чехословакию" (Dni, 290, Oct. 14, 1923). But then two weeks later

Dni recorded: "Андрей Белый уехал из Берлина в Москву, где

предполагает читать лекции по вопросами искусства" (No. 302, Oct. 28, 1923).125 Belyj left Berlin on October 23 and arrived in

123 Cvetaeva, "Plennyj dux", p. 251. Cvetaeva clearly mistakes the month.

Her own letter in reply to Baxrax comes early in October. She must have re

ceived Belyj's letter before then. 124

Mosty, 6, 1961, p. 337. See also her letter of July 20, 1923 to Baxrax "I

love Β. N. [Boris Nikolaeviö] tenderly ... He is a lonely being. In life he is even

more helpless than I am, he is completely mad. When I am with him I feel that

I'm a dog, and he is а - a blind man! . . . My finest memories in Berlin are about

him." Mosty, 5, 1960, p. 311. 125 See John Malmstad, Andrej Belyj in Berlin, 1921-1923. Addenda for a Bi

bliography of his Works. In: Andrej Belyj Society Newsletter, 4, 1985, pp. 20-29.

Malmstad Supplements the work of Georges Nivat in "L'Oeuvre polemique,

critique et journalistique d'Andrej Belyj", in Cahiers du monde russe et sovie

tique, XVIII, 1-2, janv. -

juin 1977, pp. 22-39. Belyj also continued to publish

extensively in collections both in Berlin and in Russia. See Ν. P. Rogoäin, Lite

raturno-xudozestvennye al'manaxi i sborniki 1918-1927, Vol 3, Moscow 1960.



140 Thomas Beyer

Moscow on October 26, almost two years to the day when he had

left. Baxrax recalls seeing Belyj off at the Station with Kaplun Sumskij, the publisher of Epoxa.126 Years later, Berberova recounts

how she was told by Vera Lur'e who described his departure in

glowing terms.127 It is all too long along, perhaps we'll never know.

And the mystery of memory is more comforting than the reality which no longer matters. Α week later, on November 4, Xodasevic

and Berberova left for Prague.

Belyj returned to Russia and began to write. His Moscow novels would be monuments to Belyj's verbal fireworks but they are not

masterpieces. They are simply too inaccessible, the mysteries en closed are locked away from the eyes of most readers. Soviets have

largely ignored them and most Western scholars are at a loss to ex

plain anything but the bare outlines of plot. He continued his stud ies of poetic form. On January 3, 1924 he gave a talk on "Трех дольники" for the Moscow Circle of Poets. On January 14 he deliv ered a talk "Одна из обителей царства теней" which would later

grow into a short book primarily concerned with the Berlin experi ence. Later he performed a rhythmical-mathematical analysis of Puskin's "Медный всадник" and engaged in a polemic with Viktor

2irmunskij. There was also a comprehensive study of Gogol's style -

a dictionary of stylistic devices - "Мастерство Гоголя". For many readers, critics and scholars, his most important contribution was

the three published volumes of memoirs "На рубеже двух столетий" (1930', "Начало века" (1933) and "Между двух револю ций" (1934). There was also significant work still unpublished in the Soviet Union which has only come to light in the last few years, in

cluding "Почему я стал символистом" (1982) and "Воспоминания о Штейнере" (1982).

Back in the USSR Belyj was highly critical of his two year stay in Berlin. Later he would admit that he was ill at the time, and the memories were, of course, painful. "Одна из обителей царства те

ней" is а searing indictment of Berlin, its mores and its morals. There were also plans to publish a full-scale novel entitled "Герма ния".128

126 Baxrax "Po pamjati . . p. 320. 127 Berberova, Kursiv moj, p. 188. 128 See S. S. GreCiSkin and Α. V. Lavrov, Neosusöestvlennyj zamysel An




Was he happy upon his return? Perhaps that isn't the right ques tion. Belyj remained until his dying days an enigma, both to former

friends in emigration and to those who knew him in Russia. The Sil

ver Age of Russian literature and Symbolism had already become а

historical memory, and Belyj was a living relic. Even the youth of

the country upon which Belyj had placed so much of his hope would

disappoint him. The saddest commentary is delivered by Maksimov, who notes that when he saw Belyj in 1924 after his return from

Berlin the light, that "сияние" in Belyj's eyes, had been extin

guished.129 It would never return.

Belyj's death in 1934 brought remembrances and reappraisals from Cvetaeva, Osorgin, Stepun, Pasternak, and Xodasevic. And the

Soviets would find themselves ever trying to justify Belyj, who was

one of the least Soviet "Soviet" writers.

In Berlin - the papers folded, the printing houses which did not

fall victim to economics disappeared in the 1933 Verlagsverände

rungen. Most of the "Russian Berlin" intelligentsia departed, some

to Prague, others to Paris, then later to America. Jascenko re

mained in Berlin but little of his archive is left. Most of the newspa

pers and journals, and even many of the books, did not survive the

war. What remains are the cemetery and the antique shops selling icons and Easter eggs. Vera Lur'e remained behind, but even her

voice is one of memories:

Берлин

Не узнать старых улиц Берлина, После долгих годов сатаны.

Оставались там только руины И калеки от бомб и войны.

А в двадцатые давние годы Ехал мимо балкона трамвай. На балконе писала я оды, С улиц слышен собачий был лай!

dreja Belogo (Plan romana 'Germanica'), Russkaja literatura, XVII, 1, 1974, pp.

197-200. 129 D. Maksimov, "0 tom, как ja videl i slysal Andreja Belogo", p. 172.



12 Thomas Beyer

Свеж был воздух, не пахло бензином,

Не торчали под небом дома

И белье не стирали машины.

Холоднее казалась зима.

Это время давно миновало . . .

Новый город восстал из руин,

Только я еще не устала

Вспоминать тебя старый Берлин!130

Middlebury College, Vermont U.S.A. Thomas R. Beyer, Jr. Thomas R. Beyer, Jr.

13° in November 1989, I received complete Cooperation and extensive access to

the archival holdings concerning Belyj's stay in Berlin at the Institut Russkoj

Literatury ANSSSR (Puskinskij Dom), the Rukopisnyj otdel Gosudarstvennoj pu

bliönoj biblioteki im Saltykova-Söedrina, the Rukopisnyj otdel Gosudarstvennoj biblioteki im. Lenina and the Central'nyj gosudarstvennyj arxiv literatury i is

skustva (CGALI). Information in A. Belyj, Rakkurs к "Dnevniku" (CGALI, f. 53,

op. 1, ed. x. 100), which has just recently been made available to scholars, gener

ally coincides with the Information presented in my article. For the Berlin pe riod, composed primarily from memory, the Rakkurs contains several inaccura

cies, mostly concerned with months in which a particular lecture or meeting took place. A. Belyj, Sebe na pamjat'. Perecen' procitannyx referatov, publicnyx

lekcij, besed (na zacedanijax), opponirovanij s 1899 do 1932 goda (CGALI, f. 53,

op. 1. ed. x. 96, p. 14/2, 15/1) admits on pages devoted to the Berlin years: "My

memory is failing, and perhaps there are errors (omissions, or an inaccurate re

cord of the months) in the list." Three new points, not reported in the press or

other sources, do emerge from these documents. Belyj did see Asja in Berlin in

November 1921 and there was a painful encounter with her again sometime in

the last ten days of June 1922. He was exeeptionally active in the Berlin section of Vol'fda, atten'ding sixteen lectures and business meetings between November

1921 and May 1922. In October 1922 a meeting of Vol'fila was held to dissolve

the Organization. Finally, Belyj's fascination with dancing in the summer and

fall of 1922 was partially a attempt to increase his physical activity for medical

reasons. The Rakkurs, perhaps the most frank and honest of Belyj's memoirs,

provides its own footnotes to the Berlin period. Under the heading of October

1923, Belyj writes: "I know that in Moscow after Trockij's article about me par

ticipation in journals and literary-public life are off-limits to me (p. 116/2).

Stopping to characterize the period between 1916 and 1923, he adds: "An active

literary-public seven year period·, I sum it up, because after it I ended up in dif

ferent conditions-, with literature, and public life, you could say, - the accounts

were closed" (p. 117/1). I want to thank Α. V. Lavrov for his insights and useful suggestions on use of

the archives. Prof. Dr. P. Brang kindly brought to my attention the important addition of the article by H. Riggenbach and R. Merti "Eine Grussadresse rus sischer Schriftsteller an Gerhart Hauptmann".



Beyer. Andrej Belyj. the Berlin Years 1921—1923

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