Between the tradition and the exotic: diversity and sociability in the Mouraria neighborhood...

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Between the tradition and the exotic: diversity and sociability in the Mouraria neighborhood (Lisboa) Maria Manuela Mendes 1

Transcript of Between the tradition and the exotic: diversity and sociability in the Mouraria neighborhood...

Page 1: Between the tradition and the exotic: diversity and sociability in the Mouraria neighborhood (Lisboa) Maria Manuela Mendes 1.

Between the tradition and the exotic: diversity and

sociability in the Mouraria neighborhood (Lisboa)

Maria Manuela Mendes

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Initial issues

• Conviviality and super diversity (Foundation for Science and Technology, Portugal), Centre for Research and Studies in Sociology, University Institute of Lisbon

• multi & inter-culturalism– Cultural diversity is not new

• Conviviality and super diversity

“quotidian diversity” in Lisbon & Granada Metropolitan Areas

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2. Theoretical context• Conviviality (Gilroy, 2004) “processes of cohabitation that have made

multiculture an ordinary feature of social life”

• Super-diversity (Vertovec, 2007)

• By invoking ‘super-diversity’ “I wish, firstly, to underscore the fact that in addition to more people now migrating from more places, significant new conjunctions and interactions of variables have arisen through patterns of immigration to the UK over the past decade…”

New conjunctions and interactions of variables

• country of origin (comprising a variety of possible subset traits such as ethnicity, language[s], religious tradition, regional and local identities, cultural values and practices), migration channel; legal status; migrants’ human capital; access to employment; locality (related especially to material conditions, but also the nature and extent of other immigrant and ethnic minority presence); transnationalism; and the usually chequered responses by local authorities, services providers and local residents (Vertovec, 2007, p. 1049)

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3. MethodologyMethodological innovation

•The project runs in two neighborhoods of Lisbon and Granada metropolitan areas, one central and one peripheral:

– Mouraria & Cacém (Portugal);– Realejo & Zaidín (Granada);

•The methodology is ethnographic in nature and is based on:

- observation of formal and informal spaces;

- in-depth interviews;

- audiovisual documentation;•All fieldwork strategies are coordinated between the Portuguese and Granada teams, using similar analysis guides: observation guides, interviews guides and planning process of intercultural events.

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3. Methodology

Methodological innovation

Multi-sited etnographies

Spaces where immigration and diversity are part of daily life

– Neighborhood

Squares, markets, associations, places of worship, shops and other public and private spaces

• ‘daily habits of perhaps quite banal intercultural interaction’ (Vertovec, 2007)

– School (learned/taught)

– Intercultural event (planned/organized)

Multi-scalar approach - grammars of identity and alterity (Baumann, 2006)

•Multidimensional perspective on diversity

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4. Fieldwork contexts• Selection of neighborhoods:

Exploratory visits to several neighborhoods and relevant associations and institutions; exploratory documental analysis

• Maps of the cities representing different statistical presence of cultural diversity, NGO’s and relevant projects;

• Selection of schools:• Significant presence of immigrant origin students;

• Selection of intercultural events:

analysis of the main intercultural events in the metropolitan areas of Lisbon and Granada.

Mouraria: Festival Todos- All Festival; Cacém: Municipal Day of the Immigrant

The third edition of All Festival (2011): “a project of the neighborhood and at the same time it crosses worlds and cultures united by the art… we worked in the search for a more intense, not only to residents of the neighborhood, as well as other citizens and residents of other areas of Lisbon, to be part of the festival…”

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5. Case study:Lisboa - Mouraria

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6. Theoretical tools"The larger and more diverse city is one more reason to attract and offer can contain (...) the variety is a promise opportunities... "It is precisely this "difference" between individuals that gives the city a place of freedom, adventure and risk

where a lot can happen (Bauman, 2006).

•The Moorish quarter - a "brand" – “the spirit of the place” - as is currently

understood to identify the cities - and become competitive on the networks of world cities in

the market of tourism and tourism cities in particular. (UP Mouraria, 2010).

•Symbolic economy (Zukin, 1995) and creative cities (Florida, 2005,

Costa, forthcoming); urban ethnic place- cultural heritage and community life (Lin,

2011)

Sharon Zukin (1995): there are significant impacts that result of the existence of

ethnocultural diversity in cities – cosmopolitan character

•hyper diversity cities- super diverse cities

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Neighborhoods disjunctions7. Mouraria 7. Mouraria Neighborhoods: disjunctions1. Immigrants versus natives

(the presence of older residents, living longer in the area and new migrants and immigrants)

2. Typical neighborhood versus cosmopolitan neighborhood(traditions of the neighborhood, the Fado, the marches, the foundational myths, such as eg that of the Severe and Martim Moniz, popular traditions, parochial feelings, Bohemian; symbol of multiethnic coexistence)

3. Exotic neighborhood vs. infamous(the consumption of exotic, new consumption, ethnic tourism, a place of otherness, place of ethic mix and interethnic relations, ethnic businesses, ethnic tourism; Neighborhood with a bad reputation: insecure, physical deterioration, segregated and marginal space , the presence of the homeless,prostitution, the drug dealers and drug users)

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7.1. Exotic neighborhood vs. infamousThe consumption of exotica) 200 stores in the area of Martim Moniz (Bastos, 2004). b) SociNova Survey to 457 ethnicity entrepreneurs (2006, Survey on Diversity)

-gastronomy (40%), craft (15,9%), hairdressers (8,3%), bars (5,7%), the food stores (5,5%) and artistic activities (4,4%).- Regarding the expectations of industry growth, more than half of respondents (52%) say that this consumption has increased and that they have been diversifying including consumers increasingly younger, more educated and more economic opportunities (Costa, forthcoming).

c) survey made by Intervention Unit Mouraria Project (2000 – 2002): 57% of trade belongs by the Portuguese; 31,5% by Indians; 2,4% by Pakistanis and 3,6% by Chinese;4,8% African trade. The trade in the two shopping centers is almost exclusively Chinese.

d) Exotic, tourism: to promote the appreciation of the Fado. Some of the most famous singers of Lisbon lived here - Severe, Argentina Santos, Mariza and Fernando Mauricio - revitalization of economic and social fabric of the neighborhood.

Guided tours to historical and cultural heritage of the Moorish quarter (the Association Renew Mouraria); Festival ALL.

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Fonte: http://www.jornalarquitectos.pt

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7.1. Exotic neighborhood vs. infamousNeighborhood with a bad reputation:

•stereotype sedimented in history: In 1170 the charter is granted for the Moorish community, marking the formal beginning of the Moorish quarter, but also the beginning of the idea of the area as a territory stigmatized because the name, it also represents the physical space for the housing of the Moors also means, etymologically, the valley of the vanquished.

•Liminar spaces/ opaque zonas (Santos, 1996): trafficking and drug use prostitution (Intendente) and homeless.

“There is a complicate problem in the Moorish quarter that has to do with drug trafficking and there are families linked to the specific trade and commerce “ (Unidade de Projecto da Mouraria)

“The area also is dangerous, drug users… once in a while comes the police, but the police has to come here more times, because here is a zone of those things” (Bengali salesman)

•Degradation of popular habitat, overpopulation, concentration of “dangerous classes”, architectural language, planning projects have an impact on feelings of insecurity.

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7.2.Typical neighborhood versus cosmopolitan district

• Historic district, symbolic references, traditions of the neighborhood (St António, Nossa Senhora da Saúde), the marches, the foundational myths, such as eg that of the Severe and Martim Moniz, parochial feelings, bohemian lifestyle associated with fado. Severe, Argentina Santos and Fernando Maurício - a tradition that has remained.

• Symbol of multiethnic coexistence: in Mouraria / Martim Moniz the (older) natives are those who mostly feel proud of the area (GEITONIES, City Survey, IGOT 2010; survey to 100 individuals of immigrant background and 100 natives in 2009-2010).

- Mouraria / Martim Moniz, due to its traditional role as an area of hosting recently arrived immigrants (IGOT 2010).

- New residents (inside the parish of S. Cristovão) which accounted for 11% of its residents (Census, 2001)

• almost 8,4% (308 in 5,611 residents) of the total inhabitants are PALOP nationals are 25,3% of the total foreign citizens and foreigners coming from India, Pakistan and China – 22,2%. Other Asian countries (12,5%) (Census, 2001).

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7.3. Immigrants versus natives• Aging population (26,6% are elderly and 63,5% are adults (2001)); state of

desertification and degradation of the building. • Classic families of one or two persons (72,4%) which points to the relevance of

widows living alone or ageing couples. • 80% of the workers have jobs in the tertiary sector (81,5%), with a particular emphasis

in low or non-skilled activities. • Greater concentration of immigrants in the parish of Socorro .• Cheap and accessible residential neighborhood for migrant populations

• Higher levels of public interaction are in contrast to an extremely high incidence of the complete absence of any home visits at all (GEITONIES, IGOT 2010).

• The most important place of encounter was in a park or another public space (GEITONIES, IGOT 2010).

• Mapping of the neighborhood indicate different regimes of occupation of public space and that do not intersect; segmented sociability; most blatant use of public space by men.

• “First claimed that although the Moorish quarter is a culturally diverse neighborhood, there are many groups… People do not mix much, distrust each other and do not want to mix” (Jane, ex-resident)

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8. Policies and urban interventionsDidn’t avoid segregation

• 1930/40: urban policies of “cleansing and beautification” the infamous Moorihs quarter (Menezes, 2003)

• 1946/49: destruction of Church of Socorro, the palace of the Marquis Alegrete and the entire block

• 1967: Modernization plan of Martim Moniz

• 1982-84: Urban Renewal Plan to Martin Moniz (2 shopping centers)

• 1985: Local Office of Mouraria (who later becomes the current Project Unit of the Moorish quarter)- ideals of rehabilitation, revitalizing socio-cultural, economic and urban and architectural heritage recovery (Menezes: 2004: 61). The area constitutes itself as "the object of urban renewal" (Costa, Ribeiro: 1989 in Menezes: 2009: 308).

• 1997:Transformation of the Martin Moniz largo into a Plaza – 44 kiosks - illicit activities, “gangs of mobile phones”

• 1999/2000: letter and petition to the city Council of Lisbon; more police and video surveilance systems (Menezes, 2009)

• 2009: "Programme of Action” (National Strategic Reference Framework)

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2009: "Programme of Action” (National Strategic Reference Framework, QREN)

-architectural interventions and urban requalification of public space and the urban environment, but also, in collaboration with social associations

-to "make this area attractive city, not only for trade, services, youth and families, but also safer and more sustainable for residents and tourists" (UPM: 2009: 23).-.

High Commission for Immigration and Intercultural Dialogue (ACIDI) is located near-by New office of Lisbon Mayor (Largo do Intendente)

Clean the imagePromote business

Cultural and tourism related policies- the international tour guide TIME OUT (1999) referred the Martim Moniz and the Moorish quarter as "ethnic Lisbon".

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Final Questions:• Risks: diversity & gentrificaton

• Gentrification involves losing the inter-knowledge among neighbors?- A desire for diversity affect the likelihood of having network diversity, in the neighbourhood or

elsewhere?• a desire for diversity affected shopping patterns and local eating out and having a drink at

local venues (Blokland & G. van Eijk , 2011) Even for those who, whether middle-class or not, come into a mixed neighbourhood with openness to diversity, this openness does not translate in more diverse networks.

• “the need for ethnicity" in French society, which is the consumption for "superficial" ethnicity by members of the indigenous middle and upper classes, who choose to reside in neighborhoods with high ethnic mix (Raulin, 2000)

• The city brings people simultaneously in two opposite movements that Bauman (2005) termed mixofobia and mixofilia and that favors the interaction between different social groups, and calls for an urban strategy different from the current… "(Bauman, 2005, p. 46).

• The right to the city?It can happnen in Mouraria a process similar to what occurred in Alfama neighbourhood, where

housing prices increased abruptly and thus poses difficulties with regard to the accessibility of economically less fortunate in getting a similar place of residence in Lisbon.

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How one can cultivate an intercultural and multicultural neighborhood without actively incorporate the voice of the people who live and are immersed in that place, mentioned in this "it seems you ALL a program? This looks more like a program of Others “ (laughing) (Associação Renovar a Mouraria)