Beck, Eleonora M. - Marchetto Da Padova and Giotto's Scrovegni Chapel Frescoes

8/12/2019 Beck, Eleonora M. - Marchetto Da Padova and Giotto's Scrovegni Chapel Frescoes

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Marchetto da Padova and Giotto's Scrovegni Chapel FrescoesAuthor(s): Eleonora M. BeckReviewed work(s):Source: Early Music, Vol. 27, No. 1, Music and Spectacle (Feb., 1999), pp. 7-23Published by: Oxford University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3128589 .Accessed: 28/03/2012 16:36

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Eleonora M. Beck

a r che t t o da P a d o v a n d

G io t to s c r o v e g n i C h a p e l frescoesTo he memory fNaomi Cumming

M ARCHETTOda Padova's Pomerium (1318/19),

a widely read treatise that laid the ground-work for notational practice n Italy, contains a pas-sage suggesting the author's knowledge of the latestdevelopments n Trecento painting. He writes:

Art imitates nature as far as it can (as Aristotle aid in Book

II of the Physics). shall prove this with an example: e whopaints a lily or a horse strives as far as he can to paint t so asto resemble horse or a lily in nature.'

Marchetto's use of the phrase in nature' s signif-icant because it epitomizes the 'new' painting stylethat flourished during the first decades of the 14thcentury. Painters began to depict real objects fromnature as opposed to stylized versions. Trees, birdsand animals were rendered with a freshness as ifseen in the countryside. The Florentine Giotto, whodecorated the Scrovegni Chapel in Padua, was the

greatest practitionerof this

style.2 Giotto's wide-spread fame in this regard is attested to by anexcerpt from Day VI, story 5 of Boccaccio'sDecameron (1348-50):

Giotto was a man of such outstanding enius that there wasnothing in the whole of creation hat he could not depictwith his stylus, pen, or brush. And so faithful did he remainto Nature (who is the mother and the motive force of allcreated things, via the constant rotation of the heavens),that whatever he depicted had the appearance, not of areproduction, ut of the thing itself, so that one very oftenfinds, with the works of Giotto, that people's eyes aredeceived and they mistake he picture or the real hing.3

In explaining the Italian notational systemMarchetto makes a notable comparison between the

artist's ability to capture nature in painting and theuse of specific notational devices, such as the addi-tion of 'tails to the notes'. He writes:

Since, herefore, he written notes pertain o the art of music,although music is in itself an accepted cience, t was rightthat the tails added o the notes, which were written because

of the need to hand down the music, should be added tothem in accordance with the perfections ound n man him-self, who instituted his art; for in man is found, in origin,the right and the left. [...] Therefore he tails added to thewritten notes are rightly added o them on the right and theleft, as with respect o man.4

Marchetto argues that the written notes capturethe intentions of the composer as closely as possible'because of the need to hand down the music' andfor that reason tails be added to the notes. For Mar-chetto the expression of musical time via naturaerefers to semibreves without stems, while via artisdesignates those with stems, since the addition of astem to a semibreve changes ts natural value withinthe tempus.5 As with painting, musical notationmust faithfully reproduce the sounds of the musicthat are 'in nature'.

My purpose in this article is to explain andaccount for the complex relationship between thecomposition and musical theories of Marchetto andthe representation of music in Giotto's frescoes ofthe Scrovegni Chapel. For example, Marchetto'smotet Ave regina celorum Mater nnocencie displays

compositional links-in both text and music-to Giotto's Wedding procession and Annunciation.6Furthermore, I shall demonstrate that Giotto

Eleonora M. Beck is Assistant Professor f Music at Lewis and Clark College n Portland, Oregon.Her book Singing in the garden: music and culture in the Tuscan Trecento, is to be published byLibreria Musicale taliana in the spring of 1999.

EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 1999 7


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1 The interior of the Scrovegni Chapel, ooking towards he east wall

8 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 1999


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repainted musical instruments in these paintings.Perhaps after a suggestion from Marchetto, Giottochanged ouder instruments o softer ones by short-ening their lengths and generally toning down the'musical' sound in his pictures. The exploration ofconnections between artist and composer will fur-ther illuminate the rich cultural egacy of Padua inthe early Trecento.

Yet to be considered in the musicological litera-ture, Bernardino Scardeone's authoritative Deantiquitate urbis Patavii contains a comprehensivehistory of Paduan music and composers fromancient times until the medieval and Renaissanceperiods.7 In a chapter entitled 'De claris musicisPatavini' Scardeone begins with a general accountof the power of music and its rudiments in Greekand Roman society. He then skips to a biography of

Marchetto-whom he calls the first great musicianof Padua-which is followed by biographies ofProsdocimo Beldomando, Antonio Lydio, AntonioMartorello, Antonio Rota, Francesco Portinario andAnnibale Patavino. Scardeone's section on Mar-chetto is remarkably rich and divulges new infor-mation about the composer's life and activitieswithin Italian cultural circles. He states that Mar-chetto was known first as a philosopher and secondas a great practitioner of music in Padua.

Marchetto a Padova, he first and most learned philosopherand man of music, honoured his

patriaand

Italy greatlywith

his celbrated rt.8

Scardeone then divulges that Marchetto was sowell known and conversant in music during histime that he became the great friend of Robert ofAnjou, King of Sicily. In the following passage welearn about Marchetto's journey to Robert's courtin Naples-a new detail in Marchetto's obscurebiography:9

it was said that he [Marchetto] was the first to provide hegeneral principles oncerning ow to use tones n modulationwhich I understand re called nharmonics. ince he was con-sidered earned by everyone n this field, he was invited byRobert, amous King of Sicily, who patronized all the mostlearned men of the time. Marchetto went to the court ofNaples and there was given many praises.'1

Furthermore, Scardeone provides an approximatetime for this visit.

In the meantime he wrote the book 'On the precepts of theart of measured music', which he named the Pomerium.11

This places Marchetto's trip to Naples before 1319,the latest year the Pomerium s believed to have been

completed.12 n addition, it illuminates he reason-

which had previously been a mystery-for the sub-sequent dedication of the Pomerium to Robert.Scardeone notes the dedication as follows:at the outset of the Pomerium we read: to the Prince, LordRobert by the grace of God, King of Jerusalem and of Sicily,Marchetto of Padua dedicates this humble work.'3

To conclude his section on Marchetto, Scardeonestresses that Robert and Marchetto enjoyed closeties.

He was, therefore, close to Robert-at one time-as Timothywas close to Alexander, who had learned how to calm andexcite the sentiments of the King to the point that Robertliked to vary the sound and rhythm of songs.14

This association with the king of Sicily places Mar-chetto in the artistic milieu of the most famousartists and writers of Italy-among them Boccaccioand Petrarch.15 ven Giotto was also known to haveto have visited the Angevin court.16

Both Giotto and Marchetto flourished in whatmay be called the 'golden decade' for culture inPadua. Giotto probably resided in the city between1303 and 13o6. Documents provide evidence thatMarchetto worked there as cathedral choirmasterbetween 1305and 1308;F. Alberto Gallo suggests hatduring this time he probably composed for thecathedral polyphonic pieces for the dramatic officesof the Purification and Ascension.17 eter of Abano,a mathematician, music theorist and astronomerwho taught at the university, was also in Padua atthis time.18Crowning his glorious period of Paduanculture s the presence of Dante between March andSeptember of 13o6; ccording o Benevento of Imola,the poet went to the city with the sole purpose ofseeing his friend Giotto.'9

Danteimmortalized several members of thePaduan citizenry, namely the infamous usurers

Reginaldo Scrovegni and a member of the Vitalianifamily, n the seventh canto of the Inferno.2o Indeed,it is believed that Reginaldo was so corrupt andavaricious that, even on his death bed, he askedEnrico to hide the key to his safe. Witnesses to his



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EAST WALL

God he Father endsGabriel o the Virgin

14 15A n n u n c i a t i o n A n n u n c i a t i o n

28 16

Judas' VisitationBetrayal

Coretto Coretto

NORTH WALL SOUTH WALL

Folly BIbcafiTemPrudence

12 27 39 SNAN r) OWWedding Cleansing Pentecost Joachim

Procession the Temple driven romsProphetLthe Temple

29 17LastSupper NativityInconstancy Fortitude11 26 38 wIN 0w 2

Marriage f Entry nto Ascension Joachimthe Virgin Jerusalem among he

30 18 ShepherdsWashing Adoration

AngerTemperance

of the Feet of theMagi

8o 25 37 Prophet Sto hw w3?IPrayer of Raising f Resurrection

Annunciationhe Suitors Lazarus - - - to St Anne

t Christ aken Presentation

Injustice IBiblical~ figesJustice Prisoner at the Temple

9 24 36 WI O 4Ceremony Marriage Mourning Joachim'sof the Rods Feast the Dead CEILING Sacrifice

at Cana Christ Malachi Da 32 20Christ efore Flight nto

Idolatry Faith Caiaphas Egypt

8 23 35INO 5Presentation Baptismof Crucifixion

..IJoachim's

at the Temple Christ`

Chl Dream33 21

Flagellation Massacrenvy harity

of thenn oc e n t s

7 22 34 I h Baruch 6Birth f Christ Way of Meeting

the Virgin among he the Cross atatheDoctors Golden Gate

Despair Biblicalfigues Hope

Last udgement

WEST WALL

2 Diagram of Giotto's fresco panels n the Scrovegni Chapel



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death say that when he breathed his last breath, along, infernal augh was heard, with the smell of sul-phur, a sign that Beelzebub had come to take him tohell. In 1303Enrico built a chapel in honour of theVirgin Mary, the Santa Maria Annunziata. He didthis as a way of replacing he dark shadow cast by histreacherous amily with the light of good deeds andhis redeemer. This chapel s situated n the old arenaor forum of Padua, next to what once was theScrovegni palace. The church was also dedicated toSanta Maria della Carita, appropriate for a donorlooking to atone for his family's sins. In March 1304Pope Benedict XI granted ndulgences to those whovisited the Santa Maria del Carith de Arena inPadua.2' The chapel was formally consecrated on 25March 1305, he feast day of the Annunciation.

Giotto's frescoes represent the pinnacle of his

achievements and are arguably the single mostimportant series of paintings in the history of thepre-Renaissance. They consist of scenes dedicatedto the story of Joachim and Anna, the life of the Vir-gin, the life of Christ, the Passion, the Last Judge-ment, 14 personifications of Virtues and Vices inimitation, polished marble niches below the lowestregister of frescoes on the side walls of the chapel,decorative medallions and border pictures. The lay-out of the scenes is shown schematically n illus.2.The principle narrative scenes concern the Virginand are distributed n three rows on each side of the

chapel. On the north wall there are three rows of sixscenes; on the south wall there are two groups of fiveand one of six. Five scenes are placed on the east wall;among these is the Annunciation, he most promi-nent scene of all, and the namesake of the chapel.The total number of frescoes within the grid-likeconfiguration designed by Giotto on the north, eastand south walls is 39-these are easily countedbecause they are contained within a matrix of geo-metrically painted frames. The Annunciation on theeast wall is the only scene that breaks his tightly knit

compartmentalizationbecause it covers the arched

surface on the wall, and consists of an upper andlower half.23

The connection between Giotto's splendid magesand Marchetto's composition is revealed through aconsideration of Marchetto's motet Ave regina celo-rum (illus.3, opening transcribed as ex.1). F. Alberto

Gallo has suggested that the motet was written forthe opening ceremonies of the Giotto's chapel on 25March 1305.24 He bases this on the presence of acros-tics found in the texts. The triplum containsGabriel's alutation to the Virgin Mary (Luke 1: 28)while the duplum contains Marchetto's name:

Triplum DuplumAVE regina celorum, Mater innocencie,pia virgo tenella. Aula venustatis,MARIA candens flos florum, Rosa pudicicie,Christi[que] clausa cella Cella deitatis.GRACIA que peccatorum Vera lux mundicie,dira abstulit bella. Manna probatis.PLENA odore unguentorum, Porta obediencie,stirpis David puella. Arca pietatis.DOMINUS, rex angelorum Datrix indulgencie,Te gignit, lucens stella. Virga puritatis.TECUM manens ut nostrorum Arbor fructus gracie,tolleret seva tela. Nostre pravitatis.

BENEDICTA mater morum, Virtus tue clementienostre mortis medela. Me solvat a peccatis.TU signatus fons ortorum,manna [das dulcinella,IN te lucet] lux cunctorumquo promo de te mella.MULIERIBUS tu chorumregisdulci iella,ET vincula delictorumfrangis obis ebella.BENEDICTUS [futurorum]ob nos potatus fella.FRUCTUS ulcis uo ustorumclare sonat cimella.

VENTRIS sibi parat horumnec n te corruptella.TUI zelo abris orumlanguescat animella.25

Triplum: Hail, Queen of the Heavens, tender and pious VirginMary, white flower among flowers, sealed cell of Christ; gracethat elieved hesinners f cruel truggles. illedwith heper-fume f sweet mells, aughter f the ineofDavid. heLord,King of Angels, has made you a shining star and remainswithin you in order to remove the cruel arrows rom us.BlessedMother f virtue, medicine or our death. Chosenfountain of the garden, you sweetly have the manna. In youthe ight feverythings it; rom ou take hehoney. or hewomen you lead he chorus with a suave viella fiddle] and orus you break he rebellious hains f sins.Blessed s he whodrinks the bile for us, sweet fruit for whom the cimella[chalumeau] of the just plays with clarity. In you he preparesthe nuptial bed, and there is no immorality. The little soul ofthe creator of these objects should languish for the love of you.

Duplum: Mother of innocence, hall of beauty. Rose of



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3 Marchetto of Padua, Ave regina celorum Mater innocencie: Oxford Bodleian Library, Ms.Canon. Class. Lat. 112, f.61v (above), 62r (opposite, above), 62v (opposite, below). The triplumreads across the first four staves of 61v, then the bottom two staves of 61v and 62r combined,before finishing on the first stave of 62v. The duplum reads across the first three and a halfstaves of 62r then skips to the second stave of 62v. The tenor appears on the second half of thefourth stave on 62r.



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Ex.1 Marchetto of Padua, Ave regina celorum Mater innocencie, opening; transcription from Italian secular music,ed. Kurt von Fischer and F. Alberto Gallo, Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century, xii (Monaco: L'Oiseau-Lyre,1976), no.37

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chastity, ell of divinity. True ight of charity, manna ofhonesty. Door of obedience, omb of mercy. Bestower findulgence, od of chastity. ruit ree of grace against] urwickedness. hestrength f your mercifulness halldissolveme rom ins.

Both the triplum and duplum texts are deeply feltlauds of the Virgin Mary. The triplum is an amalga-mation of two principal chant antiphons associatedwith the Annunciation, the Ave regina gratia plenaand Benedicta u in mulieribus nd speaks directly ofthe nuptial bed and the Annunciation.26

Marked similarities arise from a comparison ofthe structure of Marchetto's motet Ave regina celo-rum and the numerical framework of Giotto's fres-coes.27The motet makes allusions to the 39 scenesthat directly concern the lives of the Virgin andChrist as represented in Giotto's narrative. Strik-

ingly, Marchetto's motet has a duration of 39 longae.In addition, the tenor of the piece, which seems to benewly composed, displays a curious juxtaposition ofthe numbers 6 and 5. The talea of the tenor has aduration of six longae and consists of five pitches.28The facsimile shown in illus.3 shows the tenor con-sisting of groups of five pitches-three in ligatureand two longae-between rests (transcribed s ex.2).This reflects the same grouping in the chapel sinceGiotto has painted three groups of six on the northwall. In the top row of the opposite wall we find sixmore scenes; beneath these are two groups of five

images. This curious juxtaposition of numbers isnecessitated by the windows on the right-hand side.The motet consists of 6 x 6 longae of the talea (thecolor has a length of 18 ongae) arriving at the number36. The piece then concludes with three longae whosetenor contains a kind of cadence and where the twoother voices slow down in time, adopting the slowermovement of the tenor. Perhaps the three extrascenes allude numerically o the Annunciation n thetriumphal arch, consisting of the episodes: God theFather dispatching Gabriel and the Annunciation

proper(The

AngelGabriel and the

Virgin).The

scenes included in our count (and Marchetto's 39)are those with which the viewer directly confrontedwhen entering the small chapel.

The text of Marchetto's Ave regina celorum alsocontains several striking musical references whichrecall Giotto's images, most notably the fresco of

the Wedding procession illus.4), which appears onthe north wall, top tier, just to the left of the Annun-ciation. Art historians have extolled this scene as amasterpiece and have praised Giotto's representa-tion of the calm and exquisite movements of the Vir-gin Mary.29 he scene is multi-dimensional n time.One action consists of Mary and her attendingladies, coming upon a group of musicians. The sec-ond movement captures the musicians who playtheir instruments before the women's arrival. Oneman bows a fiddle while two blow into wind instru-ments. The musicians are clad in Classical garb, hav-ing short draping tunics and wearing wreaths. Theupper part of the picture has been badly damaged;what remains s a balcony with a large eafy branch, asign of the Virgin's forthcoming pregnancy.

Lines 19-20 of the triplum read 'Mulieribus tu

chorum regis dulci viella' ('For the women you leadthe chorus with a suave viella'). The mention of theviella is particularly significant since that is theinstrument in the Giotto painting. The mention ofthe viella leading a chorus corresponds to Giotto'sMary leading her group of women. Though Marydoes not actually do the playing (she is never directlyportrayed as playing musical instruments in hericonography, though music accompanies her on

Ex.2 Marchetto of Padua, Ave regina celorum / Materinnocencie, enor

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4 Giotto, Wedding rocession Padua, crovegni hapel; ridgeman rt Library, ondon)

many occasions) Mary appears as a conduit for theharmony of the music played by the instrument-alists. Through Mary the virgins hear the music ofthe viella and are ruled by its strains. This interpreta-tion is made clear by Mary's placement at the centreof the scene as an intermediary between the playersand the chorus of

virgins.She

guidesthem

bythe

metaphor of her implied music. This may accountfor her placid demeanour hat has been traditionallyviewed as extraordinarily musical by later commen-tators.

Music was allied with virginity in the MiddleAges.30Describing he Lamb on Mount Sion, Revela-

tions 14:1-5 provides the Christian source of thisbelief:

And I heard a voice from heaven like the sound of manywaters and like the sound of loud thunder; he voice I heardwas like the sound of harpers playing on their harps, andthey sing a new song before the throne and before he four

livingcreatures nd before the elders. No one could learn

that song except the hundred and forty thousand who hadbeen redeemed from the earth. It is these who have notdefiled hemselves with women, or they are chaste; t is thesewho follow the Lamb wherever e goes.

Two pertinent images relating to Giotto's frescoappear in this passage. First, the chaste followers



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who can hear the song of God are reminiscent of thegroup of virgins following Mary n the Weddingpro-cession. Thomas Connolly has noted that the virginssing a kind of 'inner' song, one that is not heard.Quoting the Passio of the Roman virgin St Cecilia wefind that she 'sang in her heart to God alone'.31 he'new song' will help to clarify why it is not Mary whoplays the viella in the picture and why she still leadsthe choir of virgins with the viella in Marchetto'spoem.

The notion of the 'new song' versus the 'old song'originates in the Psalms. Numerous lines exhortbelievers o sing a new song. For example n Psalm 32(i.e. the Hebrew/Reformed Psalm 33) we read 'Praisethe Lord on the cithara, ing to him with the psalteryof ten strings Sing to him a new song, sing to himwell' (lines 2-3). Christian commentators on the

Psalms, most notably Augustine, devised intricateallegorical interpretations of the music in thesepoems and have translated he singing and musicalinstruments into Christian doctrine. Therefore, weread Augustine's explanation of Psalm 33 as 'Divestyourself of what is old; you have learnt a new song. Anew man, a new testament, a new song.'32 The 'newsong' becomes linked with celestial melody, the oldwith melodies of the flesh. In addition, illuminatorsof the Psalms included images of the differencebetween the old and new song in their texts. Raucousmusicians in unsavoury demeanours with tumblingdancing figures were shown with the old; the calm,serious and pious with the new.33 In Giotto's fresco,then, we have a reminder of the women's chastityand their keen connection to music in heaven. Intheir calm demeanour they represent he 'new song'.However, though Mary is often depicted as theleader of the virginal choir, the mention of the viellais unique and further solidifies the relationshipbetween Marchetto's words and Giotto's picture.

A connection also exists between the fiddle-playerand Christ. The string nstrument has been linked tothe

lyre,the

principalnstrument of

Apolloon Par-

nassus.34Apollo is subsequently aligned with Christbecause he 'could well be employed [by Christians]as a personification of justice, both as god of musicwhich, like justice, reduces strife and discord to har-mony, and as the god of the sun' as Christ was thefigure of light and healing.35

The notion of justice and music continues in themusical reference n lines 25-6, 'Fructus dulcis quoiustorum clare sonat cimella' ('Sweet fruit withwhich it plays with clarity, the cimella of the just').Justice s a central theme in Giotto's frescoes, sinceits patron Enrico Scrovegni commissioned thechapel n the hope of renewing he citizenry's aith nhimself and his family. In the Last Judgement n thewest wall above the entrance rumpeting angels bor-der the seated Christ.36 Furthermore, n unprece-dented iconography, Giotto painted the seatedvirtue of Justice above a marble-like predella con-taining three women: one plays a tambourine, onesings, a third dances.

The mention of the cimella in Marchetto's ines25-6 makes a second interesting allusion to Giotto'sWedding procession. Howard Mayer Brown trans-

lates cimella as a chalumeau, or single-reed instru-ment.37The instruments n the Giotto fresco may beviewed as small single-reed instruments. However,their identity is difficult to ascertain rom the frescobecause Giotto changed his mind about the types ofinstruments he wished to represent. Indeed, a pho-tograph taken after a restoration n the 1960s showsthat what now appear to be short, recorder-likeinstruments were originally long-barrelled trum-pets. These are the same kind of instruments thatappear blown by angels in the figures surroundingGod in the Annunciation, o which we will return.The position of the players' heads also betraysGiotto's pentimento, or change of heart. The twoplayers' heads are tilted upward. This indicates thatGiotto probably first intended them to play trum-pets, since the positioning of long instruments inthis scene requires hat the head be tilted up just pasthorizontal. If he had originally intended to paintrecorder- or shawm-players, he probably wouldhave had their heads tiled downward. This is true ofthe famous recorder-player n a fresco by SimoneMartini n the St Martin Chapel at Assisi.38At some

pointafter the fresco

had dried Giotto made achange to softer instruments. In fact, the seccopainting (painting on the plaster after the fresco hasdried) is done with water paints, which dissolve eas-ily and accounts for the visible outlines of the trum-pets after the cleaning.

Giotto did in fact make numerous changes to his



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Scrovegni Chapel frescoes. Leonetto Tintori andMillard Meiss document alterations in, amongothers, the Expulsion fJoachim rom the Temple, heNativity, the Expulsion, and the Wedding proces-sion.39These were done both with the application ofnew

plaster (intonaco)or after the

plasterwas dried

(secco). Tintori and Meiss record at least one changein the Wedding rocession n the clothing of the fig-ure seen walking n front of the Madonna. They notethat Giotto wished to maintain a sense of movementby making the lower hem of the garments inclineupward to the right. He achieved this motion bypainting in the background colour below them, andthen added a flowing red line from the bottom leftup to the knee level. In this fashion he turned a heavycape into a light mantle. The same change to a'lighter', airier and more appropriate mood is

achieved by the change to the representation f longtrumpets to higher wind instruments. Giotto mayhave wanted to mirror Mary's supremely calmdemeanour in his choice of instruments; rumpetsare traditionally oud, outdoor instruments hat playin processionals, while the fiddle and short reedinstruments are more intimate.

Giotto's initial decision to represent trumpetsmay have been influenced by the fact that he wit-nessed many Paduan festivities accompanied byloud instruments. Noisy wedding celebrations weretypical n Padua and deemed public nuisances n thelate 13th century. Gennaro Gennari recounts that adecree was made concerning he 'accompagnamentodelle spose novelle'.40 He cites the Paduan traditionin which parents and friends o accompany he brideto the house of her husband with great festivity of'suoni e canti'. The citizenry believed that these pro-cessions created commotion, confusion and pre-sented a hazard to the public. A law passed in 1277ordained hat no more than 20 people per side of thefamily were allowed o march n procession. Gennariwrites, Wise decree, because these populous gather-

ings could be suspected to be machinations againstthe state.'41It is possible that Giotto saw the famous Paduan

ceremony dedicated o the Annunciation of the Vir-gin Mary.42 The Annunciation resco has a composi-tional structure hat recalls he placement of the Vir-gin and the Angel Gabriel in compartments from

which they spoke the lines of the dramatic office.Trumpets were traditionally used in the procession-als in Padua that accompanied he characters s thefollowing description ndicates:

Mary and the angel were placed upon two platforms nd car-

ried to the Arena, preceded by trumpet players of the cityand Paduan clerics. They were followed by the Podesth andall the citizens. The Angel was to salute Mary n the court-yard of the Arena. This was to be done without payment bythe city or the clerics. The salaried rumpet players were toplay their trumpets and playing accompany he angel andMary o the palace of the Arena without additional unds.43

In addition to their visual signification, Giottomay have chosen the trumpets for a compositionalreason: to maintain a recurring motive. The longlines of the trumpets echo the lines in architecturethat permeate the entire fresco cycle. The trumpets

also appear n the Annunciation where nterestinglyseveral also seem truncated) and the Last Judgementplayed by angels. However, in choosing to truncatethe trumpets, not only in the Wedding rocession utin the Annunciation, Giotto has softened the tone ofthe scene to better fit the demeanour of the Virgin.

The third musician n the Weddingprocession oesnot have the instruments at his lips, but seemspoised to play while his companions are performing.This may account for the singular orm cimella n thetext. Marchetto does not mention trumpets at all,but rather the 'new' instruments painted by Giottoin the fresco. They seem to be an invention usedspecifically o fit the existing outlines created by theshortened trumpets. This has interesting implica-tions. It is possible that Marchetto, enjoying the dis-tinguished reputation of a philosopher and thegreatest musician in Padua, may have inspected thefrescoes or been asked about the suitability of thetrumpets. Tintori and Meiss confirm that Giottopainted in the traditional manner from the topdown, so the Wedding procession would have cer-tainly been complete during the earliest phase of

painting, early enough for Marchetto to suggestchanges and write his motet text.44Marchetto's motivation for reflecting he fresco n

this motet is understood in the context of his con-cern for the reproduction of music as if capturedfrom reality. In this case Marchetto not only repro-duces on paper the notes he wishes his singers to



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produce, but in a visual/musical play, also Giotto'scomplex matrix of frescoes. Marchetto rendersGiotto's frescoes with precision in the numerologyof his notation and the subtlety of his text with itsacrostics and descriptions of images. Such interdisci-plinary decorations were not unique at this time inPadua. Giotto's paintings inspired a miniaturist todecorate an antiphoner or the cathedral dating fromc.1306.45 Giotto is also credited with having deco-rated the walls of the Salone della Ragione, the pro-gramme of which has been ascribed to Peter of

Abano, the philosopher, music theorist and astro-nomer.46 The monumental impact of Giotto's fres-coes was felt by generations of Paduan artists, whoimitated the paintings in the chapel, placing Paduaon the map of Italian painting.

The final point I shall consider is the representa-tion of implied music in the Annunciation fresco

(illus.5). The scene is divided into two parts: theupper, which represents Gabriel's mission, the lowerwhich takes place on earth. In Giotto's sequence offrescoes the Annunciation follows the Wedding pro-cession. Gabriel kneels on the left while Mary hearshis words on the right. God is surrounded by legionsof angels, some of whom play instruments. Twoangels playing lute and tambourine n the left back-ground are mirrored by two angels playing psalteryand cymbals n the right foreground. Others appearto be singing. In the right foreground an angel plays

the 'trumpet', which like those in the Weddingprocession eems to be cut off by the frame; anotherplays what Howard Mayer Brown has described asa double recorder.47 The choice of instruments istypical of medieval angel choirs.48 Marchettoacknowledges he image of the angel choir in the first

part of his Lucidarium when he quotes Remigius:



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'The vastness of music encompasses all that lives andall that does not live; thus the choir of all the angels,archangels and saints sings without end, chanting"Sanctus, Sanctus" before the eyes of God.'49

Marchetto was familiar with the classification ofsound in three

general groups,all of which are

repre-sented in Giotto's picture. He describes them inbook 1, chapter 7 of his Lucidarium s three 'speciesof music' (p.89).50 The first is designated as 'har-monic' music, which is produced by the voice ofhuman beings or animals. This is created by 'soundof air set in vibration by the breath' (p.91). The sec-ond is 'organic' music, which is produced not by thevoice but still by the breath of humans as in 'trum-pets'. Then he notes the instruments cimellis, and'pipes, organs and the like' (p.97). Notice that hecites the same instrument here (cimella) that

Howard Mayer Brown has described as a 'single-reed' instrument. The third and final category is'rhythmic' music, which Marchetto contends con-sists of all sound that is not voice as in the 'mono-chord, the psaltery, he bell and similar nstruments'(p.lol). This tripartite distinction in musical soundis found in Augustine's De ordine 2.39.

Each of these types of musical sound is distinctlyfound in Giotto's fresco. Furthermore, he represen-tation of the Annunciation in two parts-unprece-dented in the history of art-accentuates the musical

quality or motion of the scene. In the midst of theheavenly music, God sends Gabriel o announce thebirth of Christ to Mary.51 here is implied musicaltransmission in this scene that corresponds to themusical drama of the Annunciation practised inPadua at this time. In celebration clerics dressed as

Mary, Anne, Joseph and Joachim walked n proces-sion from the sacristy around the cathedral carryingsilver books. A small boy-chorister dressed o repre-sent Gabriel sitting on a chair was carried rom thebaptistery and taken into the church; the clericsstopped in the middle of the church to represent a

choir. The subdeacon paused after the readings andthe words 'Et egressus angelus ad eam dixit'. At this

point Gabriel came forward, kneeling with two fin-

gers of his right hand raised and began the antiphonAve Maria gratia plena. These are the words of Mar-chetto's acrostic, and perhaps he motet was sung atthis point to replace he singing of the antiphon. The

connection to Giotto's fresco is further strengthenedbecause in his painting Gabriel s kneeling with twofingers raised. While receiving he spirit (symbolizedby a dove) Mary rises and sings the antiphon Ecceancilla. Marchetto was quite familiar with this

antiphon:he uses it in his Lucidarium s a musical

example n his chapter Formation of modes'.52 husthe heavenly music is transmitted o earth n the fig-ure of Mary, who in the earlier scene guides thechorus of believers with her viella.

The movement in Giotto's fresco from heavenlyto earthly music reflects he interest n the represen-tation of earthly phenomena as experienced innature. A similar progression appears n Marchetto'stwo theoretical reatises. The Lucidarium egins withseveral chapters outlining the history of music andits meaning, while the Pomerium concerns music as

a strictly physical property.53 he Pomerium ontainsno eloquent allusions to past writers about music-Boethius, Cassiodorus, or Augustine-as does thefirst treatise. Rather, when describing he propertiesof intervals, Marchetto chooses to quote the scien-tific Aristotle and his treatise The Physics. Anotherimportant claim to a return to nature s Marchetto'schoice of definition for the word 'music'. In book 1,chapter 6 he notes that 'music derives from moys,which means "water", since music was discovered bythe waters, as Remigius reports; or just as water can-not be touched without its being moved, so can therebe no music without it being heard' (p.87).54Thesame words recur n Peter of Abano's Expositio rob-lematum Aristotelis written c.1310.55 Peter was the

leading proponent of the Aristotelian natural chool,stressing he scientific appreciation of objects basedon observation.56 he earthly and scientific designa-tion of music from water is a far cry from the loftylater Trecento attribution of music to the Muses(ultimately found in Isidore of Seville) expoundedby Boccaccio n his Commentary n the Divine Com-edy.57For Boccaccio, music derives from the nine

Muses and can be divided into nine parts; whereasMarchetto mentions only six-the lungs, the throat,the palate, the tongue, the front teeth and the lips(p.91). For Boccaccio, he word originates n Parnas-sus, while for Marchetto it originates on earth.

The notational practices of Marchetto and thepainting of Giotto in the Scrovegni Chapel show a



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strong affinity for the representation of nature.Giotto captures with precision the details of flora,fauna, facial expressions and musical instruments.Marchetto captures he spirit of the Annunciation nthe colourful language of his motet text and sym-bolic notation. Together they epitomize the prevail-ing intellectual and artistic spirit n the city of Padua

and its dedication to a scientific understanding ofnatural objects. Both represent he pinnacle of medi-eval thought: Giotto as the master of expression andform before the adoption of full-blown perspective,and Marchetto the last breaths of linearly drivenmusic just before the adoption of a more harmonic,metaphorically driven anguage.

1 '... ars imitatur naturam in quantumpotest (per Phylosophum, secundoPhysicorum). Probatio per exemplum:nam qui depingit lilium vel equum,nititur ipsa depingere in quantumpotest ad similitudinem equi seu liliinaturalis.' Marchetto da Padova:Pomerium, ed. G. Vecchi (Rome, 1961),pp.50-51; trans. K. Eales in F. A. Gallo,Music of the Middle Ages, ii (Cam-bridge, 1985), PP.115-16.2 For Giotto's portrayal of nature,see J. Stubblebine, Assisi and the riseof vernacular art (New York, 1985),pp.89-9o, and Robert Oertel, EarlyItalian painting to 1400 (London, 1966),pp.86-9.

3 'Giotto ebbe uno ingegno di tantaeccelenzia, che niuna cosa da la natura,madre di tutte le cose e operatrice, colcontinuo girar de' cieli, che egli con lostile e con la penna o col pennello nondipingesse si simile a quella, che nonsimile, anzi piit tosto dessa paresse, intanto che molte volte nelle cose da lui

fatte si truova che il visivo senso degliuomini vi prese errore, quello credentoesser vero che era dipinto.' GiovanniBoccaccio, Decameron, ii, ed. V. Branca(Florence, 1960), p.149; Giovanni Boc-caccio, The Decameron, trans. G. H.McWilliam (Harmondsworth, 1972),p.494.

4 'Cum igitur ipsae notae scriptae adartem musicae pertineant, licet ipsamusica de se sit accepta scientia,oportuit ergo quod proprietatesadditae notis ipsis, scriptis propternecessitatem modi tradendi, adderen-

tur eisdem secundum perfectionesrepertas ab ipso homine, qui instituittalem artem. In homine autem primoet principaliter invenitur dextrum etsinistrum.' Marchetto da Padova:Pomerium, p.51.

5 Marchetto da Padova: Pomerium,chap. 3, I et seq. When there are three

semibreves in a bar of imperfect time(roughly equivalent to the modernconception of a two-beat bar), the lastbreve naturally is assigned the greatervalue. So we read ? J. When a stem isadded to the first breve (via artis) thebar is read J J. For more on this, seeW. Apel, The notation of polyphonicmusic, 9oo-16oo (Cambridge, MA,1953), pp.368-84.6 The

suggestionthat the theorist

wrote the motet Ave regina celorumMater innocencie for the opening cere-monies of the chapel in 1305 s made inF. A. Gallo, 'Marchettus de Padua unddie 'franco-venetische' Musik desfriihen Trecento', Archiv ir Musikwis-senschaft, xxxi (1974), pp.42-56. Galloseems to back away from this positionin his introduction to PolyphonicMusic of the Fourteenth Century, xii(Monaco, 1976), where he makes nostatement whatsoever connecting themotet with the Scrovegni Chapel.

7 Scardeone's book was printed inPadua in 1560. For more on Mar-chetto's biography, see 0. Strunk, 'Onthe dates of Marchetto da Padova',Essays on music in the Western world(New York, 1974), PP.39-43, originallypublished as 'Intorno a Marchetto daPadova', Rassegna musicale, xx (1950),pp.312-15; and N. Pirrotta, 'Marchettusde Padua and the Italian Ars Nova',Musica disciplina, ix (1955), PP.55-71.See also the comprehensive introduc-tion to The Lucidarium ofMarchettoof Padua: a critical edition, translation,and commentary, ed. J. Herlinger

(Chicago, 1985).8 'Ornavit ergo hac celebri artepatriam, atque Italiam fere primusMarchetus, cognomento Paduanus,doctissimus philosophus, simil etMusicus ...' Scardeone, De antiquitateurbis Patavii (Padova, 1560), p.262.9 The fact of Marchetto's journey to

Naples is not noted in Strunk, 'Onthe dates of Marchetto da Padova',or Pirrotta, 'Marchettus de Paduaand the Italian Ars Nova'.

1o '... qui sua aetate de Musicaprimus, in eo modulandi genere, quodEnharmanium dici audio, praeceptageneralia dedisse perhibetur. Quarecum illis temporibus magni nominisesset, et doctissimus in ea re a cunctishaberetur, invitatus a Ruberto,

inclytoSicilae rege, qui doctissimos quosqueea tempestate fovebat. Neapolimprofectus est, ibidemcque in eius aulamulta cum laude versatus.' Scardeone,De antiquitate, p.262.11 'Scripsit interim De praeceptisartis Musice mensurate librum, quemPomarium nominavit.' Scardeone,De antiquitate, p.262.12 The Lucidarium, ed. Herlinger, p.3.

13 '... in cuius principio ita legitur:Principi domino Ruberto Dei gratiaHierusalem et Siciliae regi, Marchetus

de Padua humilem recommendatio-nem.' Scardeone, De antiquitate, p.262.

14 'Fuit is igitur apud Rubertum, utTimotheus olim apud Alexandrum:quiremittere et excitare norat regis affec-tus, prout variare cantum, vocis quemodos sibi placebat.' Scardeone, Deantiquitate, p.262.

15 Robert of Anjou's connection tomusic is further illuminated by amusical dedication to him in a musicmanuscript from Prato; for more onthe manuscript, see B. Pescerelli, 'Unomaggio musicale a Roberto d'Angi6',Studi musicali, xx (1991), pp.173-9.16 A. Martindale, in The completepaintings of Giotto, ed. E. Baccheschi(New York, 1966), p.5

17 Gallo, 'Marchettus de Padua',pp.42-3.18 For Abano, see F. Alessio 'Filosfia



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e scienza: Pietro Da Abano', in Storiadella cultura veneta: l Trecento(Vicenza, 1976), pp.171-2o6.

19 A. Gloria, 'Sulla dimora di Dantein Padova', in Dante e Padova: studistorico-critici Padova, 1865), p.21.

20 For more on the Scrovegni family,see C. Bellinati, 'La Cappella di Giottoall'Arena e le miniature dell'Anti-fonario "Giottesco" della Cattedrale,1306', Da Giotto al Mantegna, ed. L.Grossato (Milano, 1974), pp.23-30.21 J. H. Stubblebine, Giotto: the ArenaChapel rescoes (London, 1969; R/1995),p.105.22 For the history of the Arena Chapeland a commentary on it, see alsoR. Salvini, Giotto, the Scrovegni Chapelin the Arena at Padua (Florence, 1953),and G. Basile, The Arena Chapel

frescoes (London, 1993).23 I have not included the huge LastJudgement on the west wall or the 14Virtues and Vices n counting thenumber of frescoes. They are not partof the three cycles of the narrative thatinclude Life or Joachim, Life of StAnne and the Virgin and the Passion.

24 See n.6 above.

25 The texts are reproduced fromGallo, 'Marchetto de Padua', pp.46-7.

26 Gallo, 'Marchettus de Padua', p.47.

27 Many studies have been written

exploring the complex relationshipbetween number symbolism and thestructure of motets. The most famous

example is C. Warren, 'Brunelleschi'sdome and Dufay's motet', The musicalquarterly, xix (1973), pp.92-1o5, whichasserts that numerical proportionsexhibited in Guillaume Dufay's motet

Nuper rosarum lores reflect the struc-tural proportions of the cathedral inFlorence. Warren's tantalizing thesishas been since refuted, most notablyin C. Wright, 'Dufay's Nuper rosarum

flores, King Solomon's Temple, and theVeneration of the

Virgin',Journal of

the American Musicological Society, xlvii(1994), PP-395-439, which points outthat the complex proportions in

Dufay's motet do not correspond toBrunelleschi's dome but rather to adescription of Solomon's temple; inhis discussion Wright affirms theprevalence of number symbolism in

the repertory: Perhaps this inherentlynumerical quality accounts for the factthat the isorhythmic motet was thefavorite of composers wishing to con-vey a message beyond the explicitmeaning of the text' (P.437). It hasbeen shown that the number 30, relat-

ingto the theme of Judas'

sellingof

Christ for 30 pence, is of structural sig-nificance in Inflammatus invidia / Sicutde ligno parvulus / Victime paschalilaudes, an anonymous motet in theRoman de Fauvel: see W. Arlt, 'Trigintadenariis--Musik und Text in einerMottette des Roman de Fauvel tiberdem Tenor Victimae paschali laudes',Pax et sapientia: studies in text andmusic of liturgical tropes and sequencesin memory of Gordon Anderson (Stock-holm, 1985), pp.97-113. Numberallegory in relation to betrayal inGuillaume de Machaut's isorhythmic

motet Amours qui a le pouvoir / Faussamblant m'a deceii Vidi dominumis discussed in M. Bent, 'Deception,exegesis and sounding number inMachaut's Motet 15', Early musichistory, x (1991), pp.15-27). It has alsobeen shown how the 11-note tenor taleain John Dunstable's four-voice Venisancte spiritus Veni creator piritusrecalls the descent of the Holy Spirit onthe 11remaining disciples: see M. Bent,Dunstaple (London, 1981),P.55.28 For an edition of Marchetto'smotet, see Gallo, 'Marchettus de

Padua', pp.54-6.29 See C. Gnudi, Giotto (Milan, 1958),p.138. Gnudi describes the entire frescoin harmonious terms praising its'strong musicality', 'sweet rhythm',and 'musical abandon'.

30 See T. Connolly, 'The legend of StCecilia, II: Music and the symbols of

virginity', Studi musicali, ix (1980),PP-3-44.31 Connolly, 'The legend of St Cecilia,II', p.19. Connolly notes that St Cecilia,the famous virgin of Rome, wasdepicted with instruments beginning

in the 14th entury with a statue by theMaster of St Anastasia (c.1325) now inthe Museo Castelvecchio of Verona:see T. Connolly, The cult and conog-raphy of S. Cecilia before Raphael',Indagini per un dipinto: la Santa Ceciliadi Raffaello (Bologna, 1983), p.129.32 Translation of commentary and

text of Psalm 32 in G. Cattin, Medievalmusic, i, trans. S. Botterill (Cambridge,1984), pp.162-3. The complete transla-tion of Augustine's commentary on allthe Psalms is found in Expositions onthe Book of Psalms by St Augustine,Bishop ofHippo, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1848).

33 12th-century psalter from the Abbeyof St Remigius, Reims: Cambridge,St John's College, Ms. B 18, ff.I, 182,reproduced in D. W. Robertson, Apreface to Chaucer (Princeton, 1963),plates 29, 30.

34 Trecento thinkers certainly knewof Apollo's connection to music: seeE. M. Beck, 'Music in the cornice ofBoccaccio's Decameron', Medievaliaet humanistica, xxiv (1997), PP-33-49.

35 Christ could be associated withApollo as God of light, justice andmusic: see E.

Panofsky,Renaissance

and Renaissance n Western art(Almquist, 960).However, he con-nection between Giotto's fiddler andChrist ould ust as easilybe madeif the figure is read as Orpheus, whowas able to resurrect the dead withhis playing.

36 J. Riess, 'Justice and common goodin Giotto's Arena Chapel frescoes',Arte cristiana, xxii (1984), pp.69-8o.

37 See The Lucidarium, ed. Herlinger,p.97. Colin Lawson notes that thechalumeau was a 'single-reed nstru-

ment of predominently cylindricalbore, related to the clarinet. The termoriginally enoted a pipe or bagpipechanter', and found its popularityin the 17th century: see C. Lawson,'Chalumeau', New Grove dictionaryof musical instruments, ed. S. Sadie, i(London, 1984).

38 It has been suggested that the stringinstrument is a lira da braccio and thefigure is associated with Apollo: seeM. Edwards, 'Apollo and Daphne inthe Arena Chapel', Bollettino delMuseo Civico di Padova, lxxvii (1988),

pp.15-35. Though the allusion toApollo is plausible, the instrument isnot a lira, which only came into beingin the 15th century and was used asaccompaniment to singing becausechords could be easily performed on it.

39 L. Tintori and M Meiss, The paint-ing of the Life of St Francis ofAssisi with



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notes on the Arena Chapel New York,1962).

40 G. Gennari, Annali della cittai iPadova Bassano, 804), ii, p.24.

41 'Saggio rdinamento, erch? eadunanze roppo numerose potevanoessere ospette di macchinazionecontro o stato' (p.24).

42 B. Brunelli, LaFesta dell'Annunci-azione all'Arena un affresco iGiotto', Bollettino elMuseo Civico iPadova, viii (1925), p.100-109, otesthat the angel and Mary are placed nluoghi deputati r special heatricalchambers sed n the dramatic epre-sentation f the Annunciation nPadua.

43 'Sopra due cattedre ci6 destinate,montavano 'angelo Maria, cosivenirano portati ino all'Arena,

precedendotubatori del comune e il

clero Padovano, seguendo l signorprodest* on tutti cittadini con igastaldoni ellearti... Nel cortiledell'Arena 'angelo doveva alutareMaria on la salutazione ngelica.Tuttoci6 enza nessuna pesa delcomune o dei' monaci: tubatori delcomune e i publici alariati ovevanoin questo giorno suonare e trombe, esuonando accompagnare 'angeloMaria dal palazzo all'Arena enza pagane premio di' sorta ec.' A. Dall'Acqua,Cenni torici ullefamiglie iPadova(Padova, 842),pp.104-5.

44 Tintori and Meiss, Thepainting ofthe LifeofSt Francis, .160: The over-lapping of the patches f intonacoprove beyond any question hat onboth nave walls as well as on thetriumphal rch Giotto worked n thenormal and practical equence romtop to down.'

45 For more, see C. Bellinati, LaCappella i Giotto all'Arena', p.23-30.46 G. F. Vescovini, Pietro d'Abanoe il salone di Padova', Labyrinthos, x(1986),p.57.G. Vecchi, Medicina

musica: oci e strumenti nel Concilia-tor (1303) i Pietro da Abano', Quad-rivium, viii (1967), pp.5-22. Peter'swritings about music appear mostprominently n differentia 3of theConciliator, nd problemata 9of theExpositio.

47 H. M. Brown, Acatalogue f

Trecento nstruments', mago musicae,ii (1985), .214.48 See R. Hammerstein, ie Musikder Engel: Untersuchungen ur Musik-anchauung esMittelalters Bern andMunich, 1962).

49 'Magnitudo musice capit omne

quod vivit et quod non vivit; hancconcentus angelorum, rchangelorum,sanctorumque mnium ante con-spectum Dei Sanctus, Sanctus dicentessince fine decantant.' TheLucidarium,ed. Herlinger, .77.Herlinger otesthat this passage s not in Remigiusbut approximated ather n MacrobiusSomnium Scipionis 2.3.11.All sub-sequent ranslations f Marchetto'sLucidarium re aken rom heHerlinger dition, o which pagenumbers n the text refer.

50oTheLucidarium, d. Herlinger, .89.

51 SeeC. Young, The drama of themedieval hurch, i (Oxford, 933),pp.248-50; A. W. Robertson, Remem-bering he Annunciation n medievalpolyphony', peculum, ii (1995),pp.279-81; .Stevens, Words nd music(Cambridge, 986),pp.308-11.52 TheLucidarium, d. Herlinger,p.489.53 Musical reatises rom the late 13thand 14th enturies were often pairedas seen n the works Garlandia, eMuris and Philippe de Vitry. The firstconcerns undamentals, he secondmensuration: ee The Lucidarium, d.Herlinger, p.5-6).54 For he tradition f music derivingfrom the word water, eeN. Swerdlow,'Musica Dicitur a Moys, Quod estAqua', ournal f theAmerican Musico-logicalAssociation, x (1967),PP-3-9.55 Peter of Abano, Expositio roblema-tum Aristotelis Mantua, 475), 89r.For more on this, see F. A. Gallo, nMusic heory nd its sources, d. A.Barbera South Bend, 199o).56 F. Alessio, Filosofia scienza',

Storia della cultura eneta, i (Vicenza,1976), pp.171-2o6. For more onAbano's Commentary, ee L. Olivieri,Pietro d'Abano il pensiero eolatino(Padua, 1988).57 Giovanni Boccaccio, Icomento llaDivina Commedia dgli altri crittiintorno a Dante (Bari, 1918), p.199.

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Beck, Eleonora M. - Marchetto Da Padova and Giotto's Scrovegni Chapel Frescoes

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Transcript of Beck, Eleonora M. - Marchetto Da Padova and Giotto's Scrovegni Chapel Frescoes