ATTITUDES TOWARD CHINESE IMMIGRANTS

TO BRITISH COLUMBIA 1858-1885

Gillian Marie

B.A., MacQuarrie University, 1971

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT

OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

in the Department

0 f

His tory

@ Gillian Marie 1976

SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY

October 1976

All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy

or other means, without permission of the author.

APPROVAL

Name: G i l l i a n Marie

Degree: Master of A r t s

T i t l e of Thesis : A t t i t u d e s Toward Chinese Immigrants t o B r i t i s h Columbia 1858-1885

Examining Committee:

Chairperson: Charles Hamilton I

\ Martin Kitchen Senior Supervisor

Herbert Adam Ex te rna l Examiner P ro fe s so r , Simon F rase r Univers i ty

A

I

Date Approved:

PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE

I hereby g r a n t t o Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y t h e r i g h t t o l end

my t h e s i s o r d i s s e r t a t i o n ( t h e t i t l e o f which i s shown below) t o users

o f t h e Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y , and t o make p a r t i a l o r s i n g l e

cop ies o n l y f o r such users o r i n response t o a reques t f rom t h e l i b r a r y

o f any o t h e r u n i v e r s i t y , o r o t h e r educa t iona l i n s t i t u t i o n , on i t s own

beha l f o r f o r one o f i t s users . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t permiss ion f o r

mu1 t i p l e copy ing o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g ran ted

by me o r t h e Dean o f Graduate S tud ies . I t i s understood t h a t copy ing

o r p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l lowed

w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n permiss ion.

T i t l e o f Thes i s /D i sse r ta t i on :

Author :

( s i g n a t u r e )

~ I R C H ro. I977 ( da te )

ABSTRACT

One of t h e more pervas ive myths t h a t B r i t i s h Columbians r e t a i n i s t h a t

minor i ty groups were d e a l t wi th f a i r l y and equ i t ab ly i n t h e west . A p a r t of

I t h e p l u r a l i s t i c image of Canadian s o c i e t y , t h i s comfortable view of B r i t i s h

Columbia's p a s t i s i n need of r ev i s ion .

The t h e s i s demonstrates t h a t Chinese immigrants were never perceived

o r t r e a t e d a s equals by t h e whi te popula t ion ; i n f a c t , they faced oped d i s -

c r imina t ion . I n t h e e a r l y days t h e "responsible" s e c t o r s of t h e populat ion

d iscussed r e s t r i c t i o n s on t h e Chinese, whi le whi te men, remote from o f f i c e r s

of t h e law, phys i ca l ly abused o r th rea tened t h e Chinese wi th v io lence . During

t h i s f i r s t contac t per iod wh i t e r a c i s t a t t i t u d e s and a c t i o n s def ined the posi-

t i o n t h e Chinese were t o occupy i n t h e economy of B r i t i s h Columbia. They

were placed a t t h e bottom of t h e labour h i e ra rchy , performing low s t a t u s , low

paying jobs considered undes i rab le by whi te men. Yet t h e s e jobs were necessary

f o r t he Colony's development. Thus t h e Chinese were consciously excluded from

t h e p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l mainstream of s o c i e t y . It was a l s o made

c l e a r t o t h e Chinese t h a t t h e i r presence i n t h e colony was only a t t h e for-

bearance of t h e whi tes .

The t h e s i s begins w i th a r ecogn i t i on of t h e r e a l i t y of s o c i a l and

economic r e l a t i o n s between t h e two r aces i n e a r l y B r i t i s h Columbia. The

o r i g i n s of whi te pre judiced a t t i t u d e s a r e t r aced t o t h e n a t u r e of t h e

contac t between the west and t h e Chinese i n China, p r i o r t o t h e se t t l emen t

of B r i t i s h Columbia. I m p e r i a l i s t n a t i o n s , b o l s t e r e d by no t ions of t h e i r

iii

own s u p e r i o r i t y a s a r a c e , used m i l i t a r y f o r c e t o d i c t a t e p o l i c y t o t h e

Manchu government. Through t h i s contac t t h e western world formed a more-or-

l e s s c o n s i s t e n t s t e r e o t y p e of " the Chinaman" p r i o r t o h i s a r r i v a l i n B r i t i s h

Columbia. White men c a r r i e d t h i s category wi th them a s p a r t of t h e i r c u l t u r a l

bagge, and t h i s determined t h e a t t i t u d e taken toward an i n d i v i d u a l Chinese.

The r a t i o n a l e used t o enac t r e s t r i c t i v e l e g i s l a t i o n munic ipa l ly ,

p r o v i n c i a l l y and f e d e r a l l y i s explored. The e x t e n t t o which t h i s was t h e

r e s u l t of a c l a sh of c u l t u r e s is d iscussed b u t f i n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r

r a c i s t l e g i s l a t i o n is placed on t h e p o l i t i c a l l y and economically dominant

group, whi te men, and t h e i r d e s i r e t o b u i l d a whi te B r i t i s h Columbia.

Primary sources consul ted i n support of t h e t h e s i s a r e contemporary

jou rna l s and newspapers, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e mainland B r i t i s h Columbian,

c o l o n i a l o f f i c e correspondence, whi te t r a v e l l e r s ' accounts , t h e memoirs of

e a r l y whi te s e t t l e r s and c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s , and f e d e r a l immigration

r epor t s .

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The sources of a s s i s t a n c e and s c h o l a s t i c c r i t i c i s m I rece ived over

t h e l a s t f i v e yea r s a r e too many and va r i ed t o d e t a i l . S u f f i c e i t t o

say t h a t I am g r a t e f u l t o those who cons t ruc t ive ly c r i t i c i s e d t h e

t h e s i s .

I do want t o acknowledge s p e c i f i c a s s i s t a n c e from t h r e e sources.

F i r s t l y , t h e women a t In te r -Library Loans who provided me w i t h va luab le

source ma te r i a l . Secondly, my s i s t e r s who gave me suppor t and whose

confidence i n me meant t h e maintenance of my s a n i t y , and t h e completion

of t h e t a sk . And t h i r d l y , Dori R a t z l a f f , f o r t h e form of t h e f i n a l copy

i s due t o h e r e x p e r t i s e a s a t y p i s t and an e d i t o r .

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Approvalpage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Abst rac t iii

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Acknowledgements v

In t roduc t ion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Chapter I. The B r i t i s h Columbia S e t t i n g : The t rea tment of Chinese

Immigrants by Whites i n t h e Gold Mining Per iod . . . . . 6

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . -1. The Imper ia l Connection 58

Chapter 111. The Ra t iona le f o r t h e R e s t r i c t i o n of t h e Chinese i n

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B r i t i s h Columbia . 79

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I 2 8

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . P o s t s c r i p t 139

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I 4 0

INTRODUCTION

A person deprived of oppor tuni ty may be l azy , deprived of schools may be ignoran t , deprived of hope may be c a r e l e s s -- and t h e depr iv ing major i ty may then accuse him ( s i c ) of t h e very c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s they have brought about. l

Recent h i s t o r i a n s ' s t u d i e s of t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n Chinese immigrants made

t o t h e bu i ld ing of B r i t i s h Columbia and t h e d i sc r imina t ion they faced usua l ly

begin wi th r a i l r o a d cons t ruc t ion . O r t h e l e g i s l a t i v e a t tempts a t r e s t r i c t i o n

a r e emphasized i n t h e per iod a f t e r t h e mainland and i s l a n d co lonies were uni ted

and had joined t h e confedera te provinces of Canada. Others have concentrated

on t h e l a t e r per iod of organized l abour ' s a g i t a t i o n and campaigns t o have

O r i e n t a l s e l imina ted from t h e province, emphasizing class-based economic comp-

e t i t i o n . Another has d iscussed t h e O r i e n t a l experience on Vancouver I s l and ,

p a r t i c u l a r l y V i c t o r i a , w i th l i t t l e r e f e rence t o t h e mainland colony. P r i o r t o

t h i s more r ecen t "discovery" of t h e A s i a t i c m i n o r i t i e s , h i s t o r i a n s dismissed t h e

Chinese i n a few pages, concent ra t ing on t h e p o l i t i c a l and economic con t r ibu t ions

of t h e c a p i t a l i s t Anglo-Empire b u i l d e r s .

The Chinese experience i n B r i t i s h Columbia from t h e e a r l y per iod of t h e

colony's development t o t h e passage of t h e f i r s t f e d e r a l r e s t r i c t i v e l e g i s l a -

t i o n i n 1885, i s t h e h i s t o r i c a l t ime per iod covered by t h i s t h e s i s . The main

focus is on t h e i n i t i a l per iod of con tac t , t h e f i r s t s t a g e i n t h e development

of s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic r e l a t i o n s h i p s between t h e two r aces on t h e

B r i t i s h Columbia mainland. A t t h i s t ime economic competi t ion was not a major

reason f o r whi te h o s t i l i t y . But i t was during t h i s per iod t h a t t h e Chinese

a s a r a c e were placed o u t s i d e t h e mainstream of economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l

l i f e , and arguements f o r t h e i r c o n t r o l and exc lus ion were f i r s t advanced.

Exc lus ion i s t s i n t h e 1870's and t h e 1880's r e i t e r a t e d and echoed t h e racism

of t h e 1860's. Thus t h e events of t h e 1860's s e t t h e s t a g e f o r l a t e r r a c i a l

d i sc r imina t ion and exp la in i t s form i n B r i t i s h Columbia.

The t rea tment of t h e Chinese by whi te men dur ing t h e gold rushes i s d e t a i l e d

t o demonstrate t h a t p r e j u d i c e e x i s t e d from f i r s t c o n t a c t , and t h a t i t w a s no t

c l a s s based. The a t t i t u d e s expressed by whi te miners , t h e whi te merchant c l a s s ,

t h e mainland L e g i s l a t i v e Council and t h e B r i t i s h Columbian L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly

support t h i s argument. It is predominantly a whi te male view because t h e pop-

u l a t i o n contained p ropor t iona l ly more males than females dur ing t h i s per iod .

A s t h e s e v e r a l a t tempts t o import whi te women demonstrate, and t r a v e l l e r s com-

ments reinforce,2women were a r e l a t i v e l y s c a r c e commodity i n t h e mainland colony.

Moreover, source m a t e r i a l r e p r e s e n t s bo th a whi te and male viewpoint, except

f o r t h e few accounts l e f t by women of wealthy households. These women who

employed Chinese domestics i n t h e i r k i t chens -- and who wrote of t h e "servant

problem" -- were a small percentage of women i n t h e colony, and thus t h e i r

a t t i t u d e s cannot be taken a s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . A s managers of households they

viewed t h e Chinese men a s a s e rvan t c l a s s , va luab le bu t of a lower c l a s s and

r a c i a l l y i n f e r i o r t o themselves. It does demonstrate t h a t h e i r a r c h i c a l n a t u r e

of upper c l a s s households, a he i r a rchy which r e f l e c t e d and r e in fo rced t h e sex,

c l a s s and r a c e he i r a rchy of t h e l a r g e r s o c i e t y . These sources a r e i n s u f f i c i e n t

t o r a d i c a l l y change t h e gene ra l f i nd ings .

Of g r e a t e r s i g n i f i c a n c e , however, i s t h e f a c t t h a t whi te men comprised t h e

group which he ld p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l c o n t r o l i n B r i t i s h Columbia.

I n i t i a l l y , t h e Chinese people were forced i n t o a subord ina te p o s i t i o n by

v io l ence o r by t h e t h r e a t of v io l ence from t h e whites . L a t e r , wi th c o n t r o l

of t h e l o c a l l e g i s l a t u r e , whi te males used l e g a l means t o keep t h e Chinese i n

t h e i r p l ace .

The s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t Otto Klineberg has poin ted out t h a t it is no t contac t

between two groups per s e , bu t t h e na tu re of t h a t con tac t which is important

i n t he formation of a t t i t u d e s and r e l a t i o n s . I f each group is of equal s t a t u s ,

then such contac t i s b e n e f i c i a l . However, i f one group i s dominant then t h e

p re jud ices a l r eady he ld by t h i s group a r e r e in fo rced by contac t wi th t h e in-

3 f e r i o r a l l y perceived group. This nega t ive a t t i t u d e d i c t a t e s t h e na tu re of

t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s between t h e two groups because t h e dominant group has t h e

means t o enforce i t . It i s argued t h a t con tac t between Europeans and Chinese

i n t h e yea r s p r i o r t o t h e f i r s t B r i t i s h Columbian gold rush was of t h i s type.

Mid-nineteenth century western i m p e r i a l i s t n a t i o n s d i c t a t e d t h e terms of t h e i r

r e l a t i o n s h i p wi th China and through a missionary and m i l i t a r y campaign used

f o r c e a s a means of persuas ion . Notions of western s u p e r i o r i t y j u s t i f i e d t h i s

f o r c e f u l e n t r y i n t o China, and a nega t ive s t e r e o t y p e of t h e Chinese people was

formed. This image was propagated throughout t h e west. The r o o t s of t h e

r a c i s t t rea tment of t h e Chinese by B r i t i s h Columbians a r e t hus loca ted i n

e thnocen t r i c a t t i t u d e s of wh i t e s u p e r i o r i t y .

The r a t i o n a l e by which B r i t i s h Columbians j u s t i f i e d r a c i s t l e g i s l a t i o n i s

examined and i t s development t r aced from i n i t i a l p re judiced a t t i t u d e s t o

municipal and p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n . Having s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l , t h e

whi te popula t ion made d i s t i n c t i o n s on r a c i a l grounds and because of t h e na tu re

of t h e democratic system had t h e power t o l e g i s l a t e , and thus i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e ,

t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s , greed, p re jud ices and f e a r s a t t h e minor i ty group's ex-

pense. The two c u l t u r e s , w i th d i f f e r i n g va lues , world views, a t t i t u d e s , h a b i t s ,

social organization and languages, were seen to be in collision. To the white

population, co-existence was out of the question. The Chinese were viewed as

a threat to the homogeneity of white British Columbia.

Although the final responsibility for racist immigration legislation

rests with the Federal Government, the Act of 1885 was passed in response to

British Columbians' demands - demands which its white population made from

early colonial days. This act placed restrictions on a minority group on

racial grounds, thus setting a precedent in Canadian immigration legislation.

Only immigrants who would assimilate and bolster the values of the white

society were welcomed. Such immigration laws emphasized the racial origin of

the immigrant and considered this to be the most important factor in the

4 process of assimilation. The legacy of such laws remain as assumptions

behind present day legislation, as the Green Paper on Immigration and

Population demonstrates.

Footnotes (~nt roduct ionl :

1. G. 2. Simpson and 3. M. Yinger, Racial and Cultural - Minorities, ( ~ e w York, Harper and Row, 1965).

2. "Extracts from the Jourllal of the Archdeacon of Columbia", September 8, 1861, Victoria, i n Third Report of the Columbia Mission, 1861, ondo don, R. Clay, Son, and Taylor, l86 l ) , pp. 28-29. He s tates:

"Here women a re few indeed. This is very s t r ik ing t o a new comer (s ic ) . "

3 . Otto Klineberg , Tensions Aff e c t i ne; International Understanding, ( ~ e w York, Social Science Research Council, 1950), pp. 140-157.

4. C. L. Grant, "Occupational Adjustments of Immigrants", Unpub. Thesis f o r the Master of Social Work degree, University of Toronto, 1955, Kp. 7-9.

CHAPTER I

THE BRITISH COLUMBIAN SETTING: THE TREATMENT OF

CHINESE IMMIGRANTS BY WHITES I N THE GOLD M I N I N G PERIOD

The f i r s t Chinese men t o come t o t he P a c i f i c Northwest were brought by

John Meares i n 1788. He a r r i v e d a t Nootka Sound wi th two s h i p s and f i f t y

Chinese ca rpen te r s , coopers, armourers and craftsmen on board. A two-storied

f o r t was b u i l t and a l s o a s a i l i n g v e s s e l which on i t s maiden voyage v i s i t e d

t h e Queen Char lo t t e I s l ands . Meares' c o l o n i a l experiment f a i l e d , however.

These s e t t l e r s were captured by t h e Spanish and put t o work a t San Blas ,

Mexico. They were r e l ea sed i n 1790. 1

It was not u n t i l 1848 t h a t Chinese men aga in v i s i t e d t h e West Coast.

They were a t t r a c t e d t o t h e gold mines of C a l i f o r n i a . Few immigrants would do

t h e low s t a t u s manual labour and menial jobs i n t h e gold mining communities.

2 According t o Mary Coolidge they were welcomed, bu t only whi le t hey occupied

t h e s e r o l e s and t h e i r numbers were small . A s p r e s su re of popula t ion grew,

antagonism increased . I n 1850, of 57,787 miners , t h e r e were only 500 Chinese

miners. By 1852 immigration of a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s had g r e a t l y increased , and

t h e Chinese now numbered 20,000, of which many went t o t h e mines. White miners

demanded t h e exc lus ion of t h e Chinese from t h e mines w i t h Governor John B ig le r ' s

suppor t . The Foreign Miners' Tax Law of 1852 was aimed c h i e f l y a t t h e Chinese

miners. Of a l l f o r e i g n e r s , they were p a r t i c u l a r l y resented because they were

4 more obviously a l i e n and kept t o themselves. The Chinese miners began t o leave ,

t ak ing employment on t h e r a i l r o a d s , i n t h e mines of Idaho, Montana and Oregon,

and embarking f o r B r i t i s h Columbia. By 1858 they were despised i n Ca l i fo rn i a . 5

C i v i l d i s a b i l i t i e s and s t a t u t o r y r e s t r i c t i o n s were imposed by t h e S t a t e Legis-

l a t u r e t o check t h e i r immigration. Occupations c h i e f l y undertaken by t h e

Chinese were taxed f o r two con t r ad ic to ry motives: t h e need f o r t a x a t i o n

income t o run t h e s t a t e , and demands t o exclude Chinese workers. The

c o l l e c t i o n of l i c e n s e t a x e s from Chinese miners was so s u c c e s s f u l t h a t i t was

extended i n 1860 t o t h e f i s h i n g indus t ry , a predominantly Chinese occupation. 6

They were denied c i t i z e n s h i p through t h e i r exc lus ion from t h e n a t u r a l i s a t i o n

process , were denied s u f f r a g e and access t o p u b l i c schools , and were not per-

mi t t ed t o t e s t i f y i n cou r t f o r o r a g a i n s t white people a f t e r 1854. Excluded

from t h e due process of law, they were denied p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t whi te violence. 7

Ind ians , South Americans, Mexicans and Chinese were t h e t a r g e t s of phys i ca l

abuse i n Ca l i fo rn i a . Such experiences l ed t h e Chinese i n San Francisco t o

send one of t h e i r number t o B r i t i s h Columbia t o i n v e s t i g a t e t h e s i t u a t i o n the re .

He repor ted t h a t t h e country was r i c h , and t h a t he had been o f f e r e d twenty

d o l l a r s a day and board a s a cook. 8

The Chinese came t o B r i t i s h Columbia i n t h e hopes of b e t t e r t rea tment

and jobs. They had experienced abuse and h o s t i l i t y which had culminated i n a

s e r i e s of d i scr imina tory l a w s . The Ca l i fo rn i an experience is important t o a n

understanding of t h e a t t i t u d e of whi tes t o t h e Chinese and t h e i r t reatment i n

t h e B r i t i s h Columbian colony. I n t h e f i r s t F ra se r River gold rush t h e bulk of

t h e immigrants came from t h e Ca l i fo rn i an gold f i e l d s o r spent t ime i n San

Francisco wi th i t s segrega ted Chinatown. Many miners wintered i n Ca l i fo rn i a .

Along wi th t h e i r mining o u t f i t s t h e whi te miners brought t h e i r c u l t u r a l

baggage, which included a r a c i a l he i r a rchy and no t ions of r a c i a l s u p e r i o r i t y .

With a s te reo typed image of " the Chinaman" a l r eady formed, they looked f o r

i t s confirmation.

The f i r s t i n f l u x of miners t o B r i t i s h Columbia came i n t h e s p r i n g of 1858.

Chinese miners a r r i v e d i n t h e summer. Kinahan Cornwall is , an e a r l y B r i t i s h

a r r i v a l , publ ished The New E l Dorado i n London i n 1858. He had spent t h e sp r ing

i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n t h e gold mines and passed through V i c t o r i a on h i s way

back t o England. He comments on t h e a r r i v a l of t h e Chinese miners on t h e

Republic i n June 1858:

One of t h e many cur ious s i g h t s v i s i b l e i n town a f t e r t h e a r r i v a l was t h e s p e c t a c l e of t h e Danish Consul a t San Francisco marching wea r i ly up one of t h e s t r e e t s - Johnson S t r e e t - under t h e bur then of h i s b l anke t s , and followed by a ba tch of Chinese; bu t a s t o whether t h e i r e f f o r t s were t o be devoted t o t h e washing of gold o r of s h i r t s , I could not a s c e r t a i n . 9

The V i c t o r i a Gaze t te , t h e f i r s t newspaper publ ished on Vancouver I s l a n d , i n i t s

second i s s u e headl ined an a r t i c l e on "A Pioneer Chinaman":

Doubtless e r e long t h e f a m i l i a r i n t e r r o g a t i o n of "Wantee Washee?" w i l l be added t o our everyday conversa t ion l i b r a r y . 10

Mention was a l s o made a s t o whether t h e Chinese would be involved i n seeking

a f t e r gold o r d i r t y laundry.

These f i r s t r e p o r t s of Chinese people i n B r i t i s h Columbia r e v e a l t h e white

11 a t t i t u d e of "amused detachment" and "immediate disdain". Douglas, t h e

Governor of t h e newly e s t a b l i s h e d colony, had from t h e f i r s t made i t c l e a r t h a t

h i s po l i cy was f o r a B r i t i s h B r i t i s h Columbia. H i s f i r s t impulse had been t o

p r o h i b i t immigration of a l l f o r e i g n e r s t o t h e colony -- fo re igne r s being a l l

persons who had no t embarked d i r e c t l y from England. He rece ived a sharp

reproof from S i r Edward Bulwer Lytton:

[ ~ t is] no p a r t of t h e i r po l i cy [ ~ e r Majes ty ' s ~overnment] t o exclude Americans and o t h e r f o r e i g n e r s from t h e gold f i e l d s . 1 2

Thus t h e Chinese, too , were t o be o f f i c i a l l y permi t ted f r e e e n t r y and i t was

made c l e a r t h a t B r i t i s h Columbia was r egu la t ed by t h e p o l i c y of t h e Colonial

Of f i ce on such i s s u e s a s immigrants. Bulwar Lytton informed Governor James

Douglas i n t h e summer t h a t he approved of t h e l a t t e r ' s t a x a t i o n measures but

no d i s t i n c t i o n must be made between f o r e i g n e r s and B r i t i s h s u b j e c t s a s t o t h e amount pe r head of t h e l i c e n s e f e e requi red . 13

I f immigration r e s t r i c t i o n s and s p e c i a l t axes on f o r e i g n e r s were implemented

i n B r i t i s h Columbia, they would have gone a g a i n s t Imper ia l i n t e r e s t s and

Imper ia l t r e a t i e s .

Merchants i n V i c t o r i a viewed a l l immigrants a s sources of p r o f i t , and land

s p e c u l a t o r s a l s o b e n e f i t t e d from i n i n f l u x of immigrants. Chinese merchants

bought proper ty i n V i c t o r i a a s e a r l y a s J u l y 1858. l 4 I n t h e gold f i e l d s , how-

eve r , t h e a t t i t u d e was h o s t i l e . The f i r s t r epo r t ed c l a s h occurred over t h e

s a l e of l i q u o r and arms t o l o c a l Ind ians by t h e Chinese. The wh i t e miners had

passed a r e s o l u t i o n forb idding t h i s p r a c t i c e o t h e r than by au thor ized person, 15

16 t h e punishment being p u b l i c f logging . This was a touchy i s s u e . Governor

Douglas had repor ted t h a t dur ing t h e win te r , ~ u d s o n ' s Bay Company men digging

f o r gold had been c l o s e l y watched by t h e l o c a l Ind ians , who "qu ie t ly hus t l ed

and crowded" out t h e whi te men and took over t h e d iggings . He a n t i c i p a t e d

17 t r o u b l e when a l a r g e i n f l u x of wh i t e miners a r r i v e d - and was c o r r e c t . The

Chinese a c t i o n of supplying t h e Indians w i t h arms i n an inflammable s i t u a t i o n -

even though i t i s doubt fu l t h a t they knew of t h e miners ' law - must have re-

i n fo rced t h e popular nega t ive image:

That f o r ways t h a t a r e dark And f o r t r i c k s t h a t a r e va in The heathen Chinee i s pecu l i a r . 18

One of t h e f i r s t agg res s ive a c t i o n s by wh i t e miners occurred a t t h e

beginning of t h e 1858 mining season when a mob from C a l i f o r n i a t r i e d t o

prevent a steamer ca r ry ing Chinese miners from landing a t Hope. They t h r e a t -

ened them and t h e Captain wi th v io l ence , and i t was only by t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n

of t h e ~ u d s o n ' s Bay Trader , Donald McLean, and h i s son, t h a t t h e Chinese were

permi t ted t o disembark. The whi te miners were reminded t h a t on B r i t i s h s o i l

people of whatever n a t i o n a l i t y o r colour were allowed f r e e access . l9 However

v io l ence and t h e t h r e a t of v io l ence ensured t h a t t h e smal l number of Chinese

who f i r s t came worked only t h e abandoned claims. I n 1859 t h e B r i t i s h Colonist

repor ted t h a t i n t h e L i t t l e Kanyon, c o n f l i c t s occurred between whi te and Chinese

miners i n which t h e l a t t e r were obviouslv in t imida ted :

The whi te men aver t h a t t h e C e l e s t i a l s have pursued a most aggres- s i v e po l i cy -- jumping claims whi le t h e owners were i n town buying pro- v i s i o n s ; p u l l i n g up s t a k e s and t e a r i n g down n o t i c e s ; and behaving i n an i n s o l e n t manner gene ra l ly , thereby mer i t i ng a sound t rouncing. *0

The Chinese a c t i o n s were not i l l e g a l un le s s t hese whi te miners had Miners'

Licenses - a ques t ionable p r o b a b i l i t y . The Chief In spec to r of P o l i c e , Char t res

Brew, i n h i s l e t t e r s wrote of t h e d i f f i c u l t y of c o l l e c t i n g t h e f e e from t h e

miners. Between Yale and Hope i n March 1859 only e i g h t y d o l l a r s was co l l ec t ed

from t h e miners. He wrote:

On t h e "American Bar" . . . t h e miners , except a few Chinamen, abso lu t e ly re fused t o pay and only laughed a t t h e demand.21

By 1860 p u b l i c sent iment was s u f f i c i e n t l y anti-Chinese t h a t a p u b l i c

meeting i n V i c t o r i a passed a r e s o l u t i o n f o r a p o l l t a x on Chinese men. The

proposa l was an a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h e mule t a x , a t a x of one pound s t e r l i n g imposed

on every loaded quadruped leaving Douglas. This t a x a f f e c t e d both t h e merchants

and t h e miners on t h e mainland, adding t o t h e a l r eady p r o h i b i t i v e cos t of

provis ions i n t h e gold f i e l d s . It was imposed t o r a i s e funds f o r an a s y e t

non-exis tent road t o t h e mines. The a l t e r n a t i v e r e s o l u t i o n proposed t h a t

revenue be obta ined by a duty on a l l imports i n t o B r i t i s h Columbia, a moderate

land t a x , and a p o l l t a x on a l l Chinese men e n t e r i n g t h e colony.

Although t h e r e was some oppos i t ion t o t h e p o l l t a x , t h e sent iments of t h e

meeting were i n support of t h e r e s o l u t i o n . It was s t a t e d t h a t t h e Chinese were

"a nuisance -- a moral scourge -- a curse", t h a t they "produced nothing; he

d i d n ' t even reproduce h imsel f . G r e a t l augh te r and applause] ". An amendment

t o s t r i k e ou t t h e p o l l t a x c l ause was l o s t . 2 2

de lega t ion of t h r e e Chinese r e s i d e n t s met w i t h

ing. He reassured them t h a t even i f he wished

law.23 The Colonist po in ted out t h a t , a t t h i s

Fearing t h e consequences, a

Governor Douglas a f t e r t h e meet-

t o t a x them he was prevented by

time, such a l a w was opposed t o

t h e i n t e r e s t s of t h e merchants of V i c t o r i a s i n c e t h e Chinese purchased merchan-

d i se . 24 The B r i t i s h Columbian, however, based on t h e mainland a t New Westminster,

was more sympathetic t o t h i s an t i -Or i en ta l a t t i t u d e .

The e d i t o r of t h e B r i t i s h Columbian, John Robson, advocated a s p e c i a l t a x

on Chinese miners i n h i s f i r s t i s s u e . 25 On March 14, 1861, t h e e d i t o r i a l en-

t i t l e d t h e " C e l e s t i a l Tax" compared t h e Ca l i fo rn i an and B r i t i s h Columbian s i t u a -

t i o n and emphasized t h e "Or i en ta l menace". I n C a l i f o r n i a , he s t a t e d , t h e i r

numbers had increased from 15,000 t o 50,000 i n f i v e yea r s d e s p i t e "organized

oppression and persecut ion". "What may we reasonably expect i n B r i t i s h Columbia,"

he s a i d , "where they a r e s u r e of p r o t e c t i o n and t o l e r a t i o n ? 1126 Robson, over-

whelmed by yel low-peri l - type f e a r s , expressed h i s b e l i e f t h a t by t h e end of

t h e 1861 season t h e r e would be 20,000 Chinese i n B r i t i s h Columbia from Ca l i fo rn i a

and China d i r e c t . He put forward t h e r a t i o n a l e f o r Aus t r a l i an and Ca l i fo rn i an

d i s l i k e of t h e Chinese and i n f e r r e d t h a t B r i t i s h Columbian ob jec t ions were

based on t h e same grounds. I n a l l t h r e e p l aces , he s a i d , Chinese miners

r ap id ly exhaust t h e s u r f a c e d iggings ; l i v e on only a l i t t l e r i c e thus spending

only h a l f a s much a s Europeans on n e c e s s i t i e s and noth ing on l u x u r i e s ; r e t u r n

t o China tak ing t h e i r gold w i t h them; and i n B r i t i s h Columbia they do not pay

t h e i r f a i r sha re of t h e t a r i f f s , y e t they b e n e f i t equa l ly from i t s expenditure .

C a l i f o r n i a and A u s t r a l i a had imposed a f i f t y d o l l a r t a x , and Robson proposed

a s i m i l a r t a x i n B r i t i s h Columbia.

And can B r i t i s h Columbia a f f o r d t o be more l i b e r a l i n t h i s ma t t e r than e i t h e r A u s t r a l i a o r C a l i f o r n i a ? O r should we s t and and look on wi th our thumb i n our mouth, wh i l e t h e s e people exhaust our mines, and, l i k e a swarm of l o c u s t s , l e ave t h e country impoverished and deso la t e . 27

Thus t h e example of l e g i s l a t i o n i n C a l i f o r n i a and t h e Aus t r a l a s i an co lon ie s was

used t o b u t t r e s s and r a t i o n a l i z e p re jud ice i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Chinese miners

wherever they went s u f f e r e d under t h e wh i t e s t e r eo type image of them a s a race .

Robson i n 1861 expressed ob jec t ions t h a t were t o a r i s e cons t an t ly over t h e

next seventy yea r s , and h i s e d i t o r i a l con ta ins t h e mis rep resen ta t ions and a c t u a l

e r r o r s common t o t h e pre judiced a t t i t u d e of whi tes . The number of Chinese

expected t o a r r i v e i n B r i t i s h Columbia was always i n f l a t e d . The assumption

t h a t they spent l i t t l e f o r food and s e n t l a r g e fo r tunes back t o China was

discounted i n t h e Royal Commission Report on Chinese Immigration i n 1885, 2 8

bu t u n t i l t h a t t ime (and a f t e r ) t h i s b e l i e f was maintained and r e i t e r a t e d con-

s t a n t l y . They were n o t wanted a s a permanent p a r t of t h e popula t ion y e t they

were abused when they l e f t t h e colony wi th t h e i r gold. Governor James Douglas,

speaking a s a government o f f i c i a l , s a i d of t h e Chinese:

They a r e c e r t a i n l y no t a d e s i r a b l e c l a s s of people a s a permanent p a r t of t h e popula t ion b u t , f o r t h e p r e s e n t , a r e u s e f u l a s labourers and a s consumers of a revenue-paying cha rac t e r . 29

While they were of use, kept t o t h e i r p o s i t i o n s i n jobs t h a t whi te people would

no t do, kept o f f t h e newly discovered gold f i e l d s and pa id t axes , they were

ba re ly t o l e r a t e d , but c e r t a i n l y no t welcomed.

The B r i t i s h popula t ion viewed t h e Chinese a s a t h r e a t t o t h e c u l t u r a l

d e s t i n y of t h e new colony, and t h i s was a major source of i n t e r - r a c i a l t ens ion .

Their obvious a l i e n n e s s was a t h r e a t t o what was hoped would be a pure o r a t

3 0 l e a s t homogeneous popula t ion i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The p r e v a i l i n g assumption

among t h e B r i t i s h was t h a t they were ordained by God a s t h e r u l i n g r a c e through-

out t h e world and t h a t t h e i r presence brought c i v i l i ~ a t i o n . ~ ~ The m a t e r i a l and

technologica l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n of t h e West was taken a s evidence of a "higher

c i v i l i z a t i o n " . Pseudo-sc ien t i f ic t h e o r i e s of r ace , environment, and n a t i o n a l

cha rac t e r s t e a d i l y gained i n popu la r i t y during mid-century and supported

no t ions of r a c i a l s u p e r i o r i t y . 32

The developing sc i ence of e thnology, based on whi te supremacy, provided

some support f o r racism. A s P h i l i p Cur t in has poin ted out i n Imperialism,

imper i a l theory was no t confined t o Europe bu t i t s ideology was a l s o loca t ed

3 3 i n European co lonies . For example, Matthew MacFie, a r e s i d e n t of V ic to r i a

f o r f i v e yea r s , argued h i s r a c i s t philosophy by r e f e r r i n g t o t he twenty-three

d i s t i n c t c ros ses t h a t e t h n o l o g i s t s had " s c i e n t i f i c a l l y " l oca t ed from t h e i n t e r -

marr iage of Caucasians, Nat ive Indians and Negroes. H i s ques t ions assume both

a h i e ra rchy of r aces , w i th t h e B r i t i s h possess ing t h e most des i r ed h e r e d i t a r y

11 d r ives" and a t t i t u d e s , and inc lude t h e concept t h a t o t h e r so-cal led " i n f e r i o r "

r a c e s a r e unclean and thus a t h r e a t .

It is t o be feared t h a t t h e s e v a r i e t i e s of humanity do no t occupy our s o i l and mul t ip ly t h e i r k ind , i n every i n s t a n c e , without detr iment t o t h a t type which we [ ~ n ~ l i s h m e n ] d e s i r e should predominate. What is t o be t h e e f f e c t , upon t h a t s e c t i o n of p o s t e r i t y which w i l l , i n f u t r u e Centur ies , i n h a b i t t h e B r i t i s h North American sho res of t h e P a c i f i c , of t h i s commingling of r a c e s so d i v e r s e i n phys io log ica l , psychologica l , i n t e l l e c t u a l , moral, r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l a spec t s? . . . Does t h e presence, so l a r g e l y of i n f e r i o r r a c e s forbode t h e f a t a l t a i n t i n g of t h e young n a t i o n ' s blood and s i g n a l i t s premature decay, o r w i l l t he v i t a l i t y of t h e governing r a c e triumph over t h e contamination wi th which more p r i m i t i v e types t h r e a t e n t o impregnate i t ? 3 4

The new colony of B r i t i s h Columbia was t o be whi te , and B r i t i s h . To en-

s u r e t h i s , emigrat ion d i r e c t from B r i t a i n was encouraged. Douglas requested

Englishmen f o r c o l o n i a l o f f i c e s - Englishmen of " s t e r l i n g uprightness" and

" in t eg r i ty" . 35 He s t r e s s e d t h e need of t h e " respec tab le B r i t i s h element 1136

i n t h e popula t ion of "b i rds of passage".37 Engl i sh t r a v e l l e r s pub l i c i zed t h e

new E l Dorado i n B r i t a i n , s t r e s s i n g t h e need f o r B r i t i s h s e t t l e r s t o emigrate

and s e l l i n g a dream t o p rospec t ive immigrants. For i n s t a n c e , William H a z l i t t ,

i n The Great Gold F i e l d s of Cariboo, emphasized t h a t a new and b e t t e r l i f e could

be had, quot ing wages, l i v i n g expenses and r e i t e r a t i n g s t o r i e s of succes s fu l

immigrants. A l e t t e r publ ished i n t h e Times, March 25, 1862, s t r e s s e d t h e

need f o r two c l a s s e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia - c a p i t a l i s t s and l aboure r s and

t h e i r famil ies .38 Kinahan Cornwallis expressed two reasons f o r B r i t i s h immigra-

t i o n . F i r s t , t h e B r i t i s h were suppor t e r s of a monarchy and an a r i s t o c r a c y

which would counter Americanism wi th i t s republicanism and democracy and

thereby f o r t i f y B r i t i s h in f luence and main ta in t h e B r i t i s h h i e r a r c h i c a l c l a s s

and r ace s t r u c t u r e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. (This f e a r of Americanisat ion and

democrat isat ion of B r i t i s h Columbia and p o s s i b l e annexat ion was a concern of

e a r l y B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s and t r a v e l l e r s t o t h e colony, though i t aba ted somewhat

during t h e American C i v i l War). Second, t h e emigrat ion of educated c l a s s e s from

B r i t a i n would ease t h e p re s su re on t h i s s t r a t a of soc ie ty .39 The Bishop of

Columbia i n 1860, r e f l e c t i n g on t h e f u t u r e of B r i t i s h Columbia considered t h a t

t h e colony only needed popula t ion and c a p i t a l . H i s v i s i o n was of B r i t i s h

Columbia being populated wi th people from England so t h a t t h e colony would be

a f l o u r i s h i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of Great B r i t a i n on t h e P a c i f i c Coast . . . Englishmen . . . t o e s t a b l i s h t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n of England i n a l l i t s s e c u r i t y - f a i r dea l ing and p u r i t y , as w e l l a s f r e e d ~ m . ~ O

Cl ive P h i l l i p s Wolley, adv i s ing on emigrat ion, s t a t e d t h a t i t was

b e t t e r t o guide our strong-limbed t rue-hear ted wanderers t o l ands i n which they may beget a r a c e of thoroughbred B r i t i s h e r s , who . . . may be our s t r o n g e s t weapon f o r defense o r of fence i n a f e d e r a t i o n of B r i t a i n and h e r co lonies which s h a l l conta in wi th in i t s domains a l l t h e products of e a r t h o r s e a t h a t man can need, and be s t r o n g enough t o keep t h e peace of a w 0 r l d . 4 ~

An outpos t of t h e B r i t i s h Empire, B r i t i s h Columbia should be inhabi ted by

"full-blooded Englishmen". Rac ia l thought emphasized t h e s u p e r i o r i t y of

Caucasian blood. Contamination by "foreign" blood was seen a s a t h r e a t t o

t h e tenuous s u p e r i o r i t y of Caucasians. The d e l e t e r i o u s r e s u l t s of in te rmarr iage

4 2 were s t r e s s e d and p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e c r e a t i o n of "debased hybrids". 4 3 The

in te rmingl ing of so-ca l led i n f e r i o r r a c e s w i th t h e whi te r a c e was considered t o

have an i l l - e f f e c t on t h e mora l i t y of t h e whi te r ace . The b e s t way t o p r o t e c t

t h e l a t t e r was t o ensure t h a t i t d id no t come i n t o c l o s e con tac t w i th " i n f e r i o r

races". It was t o t h i s c l a s s t h a t t h e Chinese people a s a r a c e were assigned.

Although MacFie d i d n o t recommend t h e exc lus ion of Chinese men from t h e colony

because of t h e i r va lue a s l aboure r s , h i s a t t i t u d e of English s u p e r i o r i t y and

Chr i s t i an pa terna l i sm provided a r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n f o r t h e i r e x p l o i t a t i o n .

He wrote:

Let t h e [ ~ n ~ l i s h ] c o l o n i s t s show the f r u i t s of a s u p e r i o r c i v i l i s - a t i o n and r e l i g i o n , n o t i n r i d i c u l i n g and desp i s ing these pagan s t r a n g e r s [the ChineseJ b u t i n t r e a t i n g them wi th t h e g e n t l e forbearance due t o a l e s s favoured po r t ion of t h e family of mankind, and they w i l l cont inue t o be use fu l and ino f fens ive members of soc i e ty .44

While i t s u i t e d t h e c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s and e s p e c i a l l y i n t imes of labour

shor tage when t h e i r labour was needed, Chinese men were "useful". In t imes

of economic s t a g n a t i o n when t h e colony s u f f e r e d from a l a c k of consumers due

t o a d e c l i n e i n whi te immigration, merchants d id no t cons ider i t t o be econ-

omical ly v i a b l e t o d ispense wi th Chinese immigration. Amor de Cosmos, speaking

f o r t h e merchant c l a s s i n V i c t o r i a , voiced t h i s a t t i t u d e i n t h e sp r ing of 1860,

when F rase r River mining s u f f e r e d i t s f i r s t dec l ine :

What t h e t r a d e now s u f f e r s from is t h e l a c k of consumers, t h e supply being g r e a t e r than t h e demand . . . They fihineseJ may be i n f e r i o r t o Europeans and Americans i n energy and a b i l i t y ; h o s t i l e t o us i n r ace , language, and h a b i t s , and may remain among us a Pa r i ah r a c e ; s t i l l they a r e p a t i e n t , e a s i l y governed, and inva r i ab ly i n d u s t r i o u s , and t h e i r pre- sence a t t h i s j unc tu re would b e n e f i t t r a d e everywhere i n t h e two colonies . We a r e disposed t o accept them a s a choice between two e v i l s - no whi te immigration o r a Chinese immigration . . . Herea f t e r , when t h e time a r r i v e s t h a t we can d ispense wi th them, we w i l l h e a r t i l y second a check t o t h e i r immigration - t r e a t y s t i p u l a t i o n s t o t h e cont ra ry .45

The present-mindedness and s e l f - i n t e r e s t of t h e merchants and government

o f f i c i a l s on Vancouver I s l a n d and t h e C h r i s t i a n pa terna l i sm of MacFie was no t

t h e a t t i t u d e of t h e mainland merchants and gold miners , who had d i f f e r e n t L.

i n t e r e s t s and aims and methods of t h e i r own f o r ob ta in ing them. Coming from

Ca l i fo rn i a , t h e miners experienced mining-town self-government. Methods of

community c o n t r o l could not be e n t i r e l y t r a n s f e r r e d t o B r i t i s h Columbia because

B r i t i s h law and o rde r were e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h e colony from i t s incep t ion . In

Ca l i fo rn i a , an appointed mining camp committee s e t up t h e r u l e s f o r c laims

and e s t a b l i s h e d a rudimentary code of c r imina l law and procedure. The most

preva len t ca t egor i e s of o f f ense were t h e f t and murder, t h e p e n a l t i e s being

banishment from t h e camp and hanging. Author i ty was sanc t ioned by pub l i c

opinion. 46

There were i n s t a n c e s of s e l f - r u l e a t t imes i n t h e B r i t i s h Columbia

mining camps. 47 The presence of t h e Chinese men i n t h e gold f i e l d s was an i s s u e

t o wh i t e gold-miners. A s a v i s i b l e minor i ty , t he Chinese miners were the t a r -

g e t of whi te democratic community law enforcement. A company of Chinese men

were f r i v e n o f f t h e new f i e l d a t Similkameen i n August, 1860, by t h e whi te

miners a l r eady working t h e a rea . W.T. Bal lou, of t h e Bal lou Express Company,

r epo r t ed t o t h e Colonist t h a t government o f f i c i a l s would " f a r e roughly" i n t h e

whi te miners1 hands. 48

The Cariboo whi te miners , i n 1861, passed a l o c a l law

p r o h i b i t i n g Chinese miners from e n t e r i n g t h e f i e l d , reasoning t h a t white men

had prospected and opened up t h e a r e a and "it would be u n f a i r t o al low'Johnl

w i th h i s bag of r i c e , t o s t e p i n and reap t h a t which another ha th sowed". 4 9

An " indignat ion meeting" took p l a c e i n a B a r k e r v i l l e saloon i n January 1865,

a f t e r a d i s p u t e over wood occurred between a whi te man named Moresby and a

Chinese man. The meeting of whi te miners empowered a committee t o reques t t h e

Chinese a s a c l a s s t o l eave t h e creek.50 A t t h e he igh t of t h e gold mining

season i n t h e same y e a r , wh i t e miners on Lightning Creek drove t h e Chinese

miners o f f t h e shal low d iggings . 5 1

A s more Chinese en tered t h e f i e l d s i n 1865,

t ens ion increased . 52

The B r i t i s h Columbian repor ted t h a t twelve L i l l o o e t r e s i -

den t s jumped t h e claims of Chinese miners on Bridge River and "are doing well". 5 3

A l e t t e r w r i t t e n by t h e former owner of t h e Cariboo S e n t i n e l , Alexander Al lan ,

expresses t h e whi te miners ' h o s t i l i t y toward Chinese miners , cons ider ing them

I 1 a cu r se t o any country they inhabi t" . The Chinese miners prepared t o proceed

t o t h e Peace River gold mines i n t h e sp r ing of 1870, bu t Al lan prophesied t h a t

they would be back quicker than they went.

It i s a f i e r c e de te rmina t ion among miners t o d r i v e them out and keep them out of t h a t country a t a l l hazards.54

Antagonism a l s o took t h e form of i n d i v i d u a l p h y s i c a l a t t a c k s . I n August

1858, a nameless Chinese man w a s shot w i th f i v e b u l l e t s and no a t tempt was

made t o s o l v e t h e crime.55 Two Chinese men were murdered i n t h e i r t e n t a t

Big Bar i n e a r l y Apr i l , 1860; t h e deed was considered t o have been t h e work of

56 whi te men. I n a claim d i s p u t e i n t h e Cayoosh reg ion , two Chinese men were

sho t by two whi te miners, i n May, 1 8 6 0 . ~ ~ A Chinese miner was murdered n o r t h

of Boston Bar i n J u l y , 1860, and another Chinese miner was murdered near Lytton

i n June, 1862. The case was never so lved . 58 A Chinese man was found drowned

near L i l l o o e t , t h e circumstances of h i s dea th unknown. 59 Such cases occurred

f r equen t ly enough t h a t one wonders i f i n f a c t they were "accidents" . I n 1863

a Chinese man was hanged, t h e reason given - "I d i d n ' t l i k e h i s face". The

murderer was r e l ea sed . 60 I n A p r i l , 1865, a whi te man by t h e name of Copeland

cu t o f f a Chinese man's queue and discharged h i s r evo lve r i n t o a group of

Chinese men on board t h e steamer Hope. He was a r r e s t e d bu t r e l e a s e d on b a i l .

Copeland l e f t f o r V i c t o r i a , and t h e case was never t r i e d . 6 1

The Attorney-General 's records of i nques t s i n t o dea ths which occurred i n

B r i t i s h Columbia a r e incomplete and f o r some of t h e e a r l y yea r s of t h e main-

land colony, non-exis tent . Thus e s t ima te s of t h e number of Chinese people

murdered o r phys i ca l ly a t t acked i n B r i t i s h Columbia a r e no t a v a i l a b l e . The

Colony, u n l i k e C a l i f o r n i a , d i d no t s e t up a s p e c i a l committee t o i n v e s t i g a t e

i n t e r - r a c i a l v io lence . However, Judge Matthew Begbie, of "hanging judge"

n o t o r i e t y , s t a t e d t a h t t h e Chinese would not have been s a f e i n Williams Lake

i n t h e e a r l y 186Ors, because of anti-Chinese a c t i o n s . I n t h e gold mining

a reas gene ra l ly , Begbie considered t h a t t h e p o l i c e could not have guaranteed

t h e i r s a f e t y . 62

The neighborhood of Lyt ton has been t h e scene of t e r r i b l e out rages a g a i n s t Chinamen, i n a l l of which t h e p e r p e t r a t o r s have escaped s c o t f r e e . One case i n p a r t i c u l a r . . . t h e a l l eged r i n g l e a d e r s , though f u l l y i d e n t i f i e d by four of t h e su rv iv ing v i c t ims , were a c q u i t t e d by t h e ju ry upon evidence of an a l i b i which t h e prosecutors might w e l l deem per jured . 63

Begbie a l s o considered t h a t t h e r i s e i n crimes of v io l ence among t h e Chinese

i n t h e 1880's was

due t o t h e demonstrated impotence of our c r imina l law t o p r o t e c t Chinamen from t h e most enormous ou t r ages , a s w e l l a s from p e t t y annoyances. 64

The pre judiced b e l i e f t h a t t h e Chinese a s a r a c e were d ishones t and t h e r e f o r e

t h e i r word could not be t r u s t e d meant t h a t t h e whi te con t ro l l ed cour t system

worked a g a i n s t them. I n t h e experience of Attorney General A.E.B. Davie, a

b a r r i s t e r i n t h e province s i n c e 1862: "White people, t o my knowledge, have

escaped owing t o j u r i e s d i s t r u s t i n g t h e Chinese. 1165

A f a v o u r i t e s p o r t among whi tes was c u t t i n g o f f queues -- an experience

causing not only g r e a t shame t o a Chinese man, bu t a l s o problems f o r him when

he r e tu rned t o China where he was r equ i r ed t o wear a queue by law. Because

t h e l i f e of a "Chinaman" was n o t considered by t h e ma jo r i t y of whi tes t o be

of any g r e a t va lue , i t i s probable t h a t only a smal l percentage of a t t a c k s

were repor ted . Also, i n t h i s e a r l y per iod , s e t t l emen t i n t h e gold mining a r e a s

was no t e s t a b l i s h e d and communications wi th Vic to r i a o r New Westminster d id

not occur on such a r e g u l a r b a s i s t h a t a l l even t s would have been brought t o

t h e newspapers a t t en t ions . F a i r and equi table t reatment i n B r i t i s h Columbia

is a myth.

The antagonism and v io len t t reatment of Chinese miners by whites was

acknowledged by Indians who accepted t h e white man's racism. This s i t u a t i o n

was recognized by white contemporaries. The Eishop of Columbia wrote i~ 1860

t h a t t h e Indians south of Lytton looked upon Chinese men with "an evident sense

of t h e i r own super ior i ty" , holding t h e Chinese i n g r e a t contempt. Commander

Q. C. Kayne spent f o u r years i n B r i t i s h Columbia from 1858 and i n h i s experi-

ence t h e Indians refused t o regard both blacks and Chinese with "any of t h e

respect claimed by and shown t o whites". He recounts an inc ident when a l o c a l

Indian asked him about t h e Chinese and when t o l d they were "carqua Kin5 George

men ( i . e., t h e same a s ~ng l i shmen) ", t h e Indian rep l i ed "Wake, wakel (NO,

no! )"t6 The l o c a l Indian population faced d i s l o c a t i o n as a r e s u l t of t h e arri-

6 7 v a l of gold miners and s e t t l e r s , and they d i rec ted t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n a t t h e

Chinese. I n t h e sp r ing of 1859, Indians a t tacked Chinese miners a t Bridge R i -

ve r on t h e F rase r tO A f i g h t broke out between t h e Indian and Chinese popula-

t i o n s i n *Jew Westminster i n b y 186069 " J O M ~ " of Yale warned of t roub le be-

tween Indians and Chinese on t h e bars i n t h e vicinfty of Yale i n t h e summer of

186o7'and on August 10, t h e Shuswap Indians a t tacked a Chinese camp a t Cayoosh,

demanding provisions. Returning l a t e r t o procure the Chinese miners' blankets ,

t h e Indians found t h e Chinese had armed themselves i n preparation. I n the

"war" t h 2 t broke out , two Chinese men, two Indian women, and two Indian men

were shot . Most of t h e Chinese were s u f f i c i e n t l y int imidated t o leave t h e a r e a

f o r diggings on t h e lower b a s e r ? ' Indians on t h e coas t held capt ive Chinese

men who a r r ived by junk. Douglas dispatched s o l d i e r s t o fo rce t h e Indians t o

r e l e a s e t h e i r captives. 72

Ind iv idua l Indians , aware of t h e whi te man's l ack of concern f o r Chinese

people a l s o a t t acked and plundered Chinese miners. One such r epor t ed in s t ance

concerns an Indian , Tachnack, who was found wi th gold and t h e personal e f f e c t s

( inc luding boots ) of a Chinese miner, Pul ingo. Tachnack had been h i r e d by

Pulingo t o t ake him by canoe from Harr ison River t o a po in t e i g h t mi l e s above

Hope. Pulingo was never seen ag in and Tachnack was t r i e d f o r t h e f t , r ece iv ing

one y e a r ' s j a i l w i t h hard labour . The charge of murder was not l a i d because

~ u l i n g o ' s body was never l oca t ed .73 It would appear t h a t t h e r a c i a l h i e r a rchy

and power s t r u c t u r e of wh i t e s o c i e t y was v i s i b l e t o t h e l o c a l Ind ian populat ion.

Fur ther evidence of t h e d i sc r imina t ion , abuse and p h y s i c a l a t t a c k s t h a t

t h e Chinese faced can be found i n t h e formation of Freemason S o c i e t i e s through-

out B r i t i s h Columbia, organized f o r mutual a s s i s t a n c e and p ro t ec t ion .74 The

f i r s t of t h e s e lodges w a s e s t a b l i s h e d i n B a r k e r v i l l e i n March 1 8 6 3 . ~ ~ Through

t h e Chinese merchants i n V i c t o r i a , t h e s e a s s o c i a t i o n s became province-wide.

To prevent d i s u n i t y among t h e Chinese men they were discouraged from us ing t h e

wh i t e l e g a l system. The a s s o c i a t i o n s e t t l e d d i s p u t e s between i t s members, and

thus t h e whi te l e g a l system was l a r g e l y ignored. 76 The concern of Chinese men

regard ing t h e i r t rea tment a t t h e hands of whi te men was espressed o f f i c i a l l y

i n an address t o Governor Kennedy on h i s a r r i v a l i n V i c t o r i a i n 1864. Presented

by t h e Chinese merchants on behal f of a l l Chinese i n t h e colony, i t contained

i n p a r t :

Chinese seem much devoted t o V i c t o r i a Queen f o r p r o t e c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i v e r u l e of him Excellencey o ld Governor S i r James Douglas, s o r e v e r s e C a l i f o r n i a r u l i n g when appl ied t o us Chinese countrymen . . . I n ending, us conf ide i n grac ious hope i n t hee , f i r s t degrees , and f i r s t rank and f i r s t l i n k s , and t r u s t our C a l i f o r n i a neighbours may no t e x e r c i s e p re jud ice t o our g r i e f . 77

During t h e 18601s, whi te miners t r i e d o t h e r methods of excluding t h e

Chinese miners from t h e gold f i e l d s . Appeals were made t o Governors Douglas

and Kennedy i n t h e form of p e t i t i o n s and a f t e r t h e L e g i s l a t i v e Council of t h e

colony of B r i t i s h Columbia was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1864, t h e i r i n t e r e s t s were pre-

sen ted by t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . Miners' candida tes at tempted l e g i s l a t i v e l y

t o exclude t h e Chinese, bu t d id no t have adequate support i n t h e Council f o r

t hese measures. Most members saw t h e i s s u e t o be one of t a x i n g the Chinese

present i n t h e colony.

The f i r s t major i s s u e t o merchants i n t h e colony of B r i t i s h Columbia con-

cerned import t a r i f f s and t h e Chinese were aga in t r e a t e d a s scapegoats . The

mainland was s t i l l governed from V i c t o r i a , which was s t i l l a f r e e p o r t whi le

New Westminster merchants had t o pay a t e n pe r cent t a x on imported goods.

Robson argued i n e d i t o r i a l s a g a i n s t V i c t o r i a ' s favoured t r a d e p o s i t i o n , vo ic ing

the a t t i t u d e s and opin ions of t h e New Westminster merchants. V i c t o r i a was t h e

p o r t of a r r i v a l f o r most gold miners - whatever t h e i r o r i g i n - and they bought

t h e i r mining equipment and p rov i s ions t h e r e r a t h e r than paying t h e increased

mainland p r i c e s a t New Westminster. But Robson, i n an e d i t o r i a l i n t h e Spring

of 1861, s ing led out t h e h ighly v i s i b l e Chinese miners , implying t h a t only

they bought t h e i r o u t f i t s i n V i c t o r i a and thereby avoided paying duty.

Because t h e Chinese d i d no t pay t h e i r f a i r s h a r e of t h e colony's revenues,

Robson argued, t h e burden of t a x a t i o n f e l l on t h e merchant c l a s s . 7 8

He a l s o

complained t h a t t h e Chinese miners d i d no t buy t h e taxed goods i n any q u a n t i t y

because of t h e i r s imple l i f e s t y l e and l a c k of l u x u r i e s . 79

The Chineses thus s u f f e r e d from t h e i r high v i s i b i l i t y . Conspicuous due t o

non-Caucasian physiognomy, d r e s s (queue, pajama-type c l o t h i n g ) , e a t i n g h a b i t s ,

philosophy, va lues and way of l i f e , they could be e a s i l y l oca t ed i n t h e com-

munity and t axes could be imposed upon t h e i r food and occupat ions. Leg i s l a t i on

d i r e c t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y a t t h e Chinese people was i n i t i a t e d i n t h e f i r s t Legis-

l a t i v e Assembly of t h e B r i t i s h Columbia colony when i t was necessary t o def ray

t h e high cos t of road bu i ld ing and t h e running of t h e colony.

I n t h e s p r i n g of 1865 t h e Customs Amendment Ordinance passed i t s t h i r d

reading , and a r e l a t i v e l y h ighe r t a x on goods used by Chinese miners was

imposed. This was the f i r s t d i scr imina tory tax .

Items I Tax

Dried Goods Flour Groceries Dried F ish Rice Vegetables (preserved Opium

A s a r e s u l t of i t s in t roduc t ion Chinese men were seen a s p o t e n t i a l smugglers of

opium. On A p r i l 2 2 , a Chinese man was caught wi th twenty-two pounds of opium

and j a i l e d , bu t t h e a r r e s t i n g o f f i c e r had jumped the gun. There was i n s u f f i c i e n t

evidence t o prove t h e Chinese man's i n t e n t i o n of evading t h e custom laws. 8 1

This case d i d noth ing t o improve t h e image of t h e Chinese a s a race .

It would seem almost necessary t h a t every Chinaman should be thoroughly searched on a r r i v i n g i n t h e colony, a s we understand they have a l r eady had recourse t o t h e a r t i f i c e of s e c r e t i n g opium beneath t h e l i n i n g of t h e i r j acke t s . 82

When i t was suggested by a reader t h a t i f such a po l i cy of searching was t o be

I t i n i t i a t e d then a l l persons without r e spec t t o p o s i t i o n o r gender" should be

searched, Robson advocated t h e a b o l i t i o n of t h e duty i f such an "of fens ive

precaut ion" was requi red . It might be necessary t o apply a "more s t r i n g e n t

r u l e t o John Chinaman" t o prevent opium smuggling bu t i t was "uncal led fo r "

and " impol i t ic" , and "obnoxious system" t o propose searching a l l whi te people

docking a t New Westminster. 8 3

I n t h e same s e s s i o n , t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e f o r t h e mining a r e a of Douglas-

L i l l o o e t , Holbrook, moved an amendment t o c lause twenty-five of t h e Gold F i e l d s

Amendment B i l l , proposing a miner ' s l i c e n s e f o r Chinese miners. I n the debate

t h a t followed he argued t h a t l a r g e numbers of Chinese were expected i n t h e

mining a r e a , and i t w a s u n j u s t t o wh i t e men i f Chinese miners should escape from

payment. The Honourable M r . Henry Maynard B a l l po in ted out t h a t from h i s

experience a s Gold Commissioner on t h e F ra se r and Thompson Rivers , a compulsory

l i c e n s e t a x was inadv i sab le . The miners ' l i c e n s e t a x w a s unpopular wi th a l l

miners, i t was d i f f i c u l t and expensive t o c o l l e c t , and, a t t h i s p o i n t , t h e r e were

i n s u f f i c i e n t mag i s t r a t e s t o ensure t h a t a compulsory t a x would be enforced.

Chinese miners wre s u b j e c t t o t h e same pena l ty a s whi te miners who d i d not

t ake ou t a l i c e n s e - t h e i r c laims could be jumped. He argued f u r t h e r , and was

supported by E l l i o t t , t h a t t h e Chinese miners were too poor t o pay any t axes ,

and i f i t was imposed t h e j a i l s would be f u l l of Chinese men, an added expense

t o t h e colony. M r . J .A.R. Homer, r ep re sen t ing New Westminster, countered t h a t

a l a r g e number of Chinese men worked f o r one master who could a f f o r d t o pay

the l i c e n s e . The Attorney General po in ted out t h a t t h e d i scuss ion was out of

order , t h a t i f any t a x was t o be imposed i t ought t o be gene ra l and not d i r e c t e d

a t Chinese miners s p e c i f i c a l l y . The motion t o amend t h e b i l l was l o s t , but t he

t o p i c was not dropped. 8 4

White miners a t Lyt ton p e t i t i o n e d t h e Governor a rguing t h a t they, a s f r e e

miners, pa id a mining l i c e n s e of one pound a yea r , and so should t h e Chinese

miners, who enjoyed t h e p r i v i l e g e s of f r e e miners , t a x f r e e . Thei r f a i l u r e

t o pay t h e l i c e n s e , t h e whi te miners argued, was n o t only u n f a i r bu t meant a

l o s s of p u b l i c revenues. The e ighty-s ix miners who signed t h e p e t i t i o n demanded

t h a t a l l Chinese miners working t h e b a r s be requi red t o pay t h e tax . I n essence,

they were demanding a compulsory t a x s p e c i a l l y f o r Chines miners. 8 5

This was t h e f i r s t of many a t tempts t o p l ace a s p e c i f i c t a x on Chinese

miners - a t tempts made f i r s t by t h e L e g i s l a t u r e of t h e colony, and a f t e r 1871,

by t h e B r i t i s h Columbia L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly i n V ic to r i a . I n n e i t h e r case were

they succes s fu l . I n 1886 t h e Federa l Government of Canada f i n a l l y acquiesced

t o t h e demands of t h e province. The Cavernor i n h i s r e p l y t o t h e whi te miners '

Chinese Tax P e t i t i o n i n 1865 gave t h e reasons f o r t h e r e f u s a l t o a l low such

d iscr imina tory laws :

Her Majesty 's i n s t r u c t i o n s exp res s ly p r o h i b i t t h e Governor from as sen t ing t o any ordinance whereby persons of Afr ican , A s i a t i c o r Indian b i r t h may be sub jec t ed o r made l i a b l e t o any d i s a b i l i t i e s o r r e s t r i c t i o n s t o which persons of European b i r t h o r descent a r e no t a l s o subjec ted o r made l i a b l e . I f t h e r e f o r e t h e Chinese be compelled t o t ake out l i c e n c e s , t h e compulsion must be made un ive r sa l . 86

The Governor concurred wi th t h e miners ' a t t i t u d e t h a t " the Chinese a r e no t t h e

most d e s i r a b l e c o l o n i s t s whom our gold mines a t t r a c t " , and hence he allowed t h e

new t a r i f f " to p r e s s w i th some s e v e r i t y on a r t i c l e s mainly consumed by them". 87

The d e s i r e t o t a x Chinese miners was no t u n i v e r s a l w i t h i n t h e colony,

however. In a l e t t e r t o t h e e d i t o r of t h e B r i t i s h Columbian, " J u s t i c i a " con-

s ide red t h e t a x on Chinese goods t o be d iscr imina tory . The Chinese miners

mainly worked t h e diggings abandoned by whi te miners , i t was argued, and

these diggings

ba re ly a f f o r d them suppor t , and t h a t p l ac ing an undue t a x on t h e i r very n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e i s simply p u t t i n g i t out of t h e i r power t o render product ive what can never be made so by any o t h e r d e s c r i p t i o n of labour .88

The e d i t o r , Robson, got t h e l a s t word i n :

t h e r e i s a g r e a t waste of sympathy upon t h e Chinese miners of t h i s colony, and t h a t t h e c ry of "oppression" sought t o be r a i s e d upon t h e new t a r i f f i s no t j u s t i f i e d i n f a c t . . . [they a r e 2 t h e most wor th less c l a s s of our miners , who never become c o l o n i s t s , who never prospect t h e country . . , who amass l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s of gold, a l l of which goes t o e n r i c h a country which is c losed a g a i n s t c i v i l i z a t i o n , and which shows prec ious l i t t l e cons ide ra t ion f o r B r i t i s h s u b j e c t s i n i t s l e g i s l a t i o n . 8 9

This was t h e s tand t h a t Robson took throughout t h i s season. The newspaper

used a l o t of p r i n t t o prove t h a t t h e Chinese miners were p r o f i t i n g from t h e i r

panning of abandoned claims, counter ing t h e argument t h a t Chinese miners were

too poor t o pay t h e mining l i c e n s e . During t h e 1865 season, r e p o r t s from t h e

mining a r e a s , and from Lytton i n p a r t i c u l a r , s t r e s s e d t h e " r i c h ha rves t ,190

t h a t t h e Chinese miners were reaping. A t Yale and Lyt ton , Chinese miners wing-

dammed t h e r i v e r and were r epo r t ed as making from $20.00 t o S40.00 a day. 9 1

A Chinese man was repor ted t o have mined 126 ounces of gold from t h e F rase r

9 2 River, q u i t e a fo r tune wahen gold so ld f o r f16 an ounce. A l e t t e r was p r in t ed

from "Aegathalian" of Lyt ton who considered t a h t a s a c l a s s , t h e Chinese

a r e doing b e t t e r than t h e wh i t e s , and t h a t t h e touching commiseration of t h e i r condi t ion by c e r t a i n honourable members of t h e l e g i s l a t u r e was a r i d i c u l o u s f a r c e . 93

pub l i c opinion was pushing f o r a t a x of some form on Chinese miners. I n t h e

e d i t o r i a l of t h e f i r s t i s s u e of t h e Cariboo S e n t i n e l , t h e e d i t o r s t a t e d he was

94 disposed t o a t a x on Chinese miners. Holbrook, i n a meeting of h i s Douglas-

L i l l o o e t c o n s t i t u e n t s i n June, repor ted h i s a t tempts t o b r ing i n a measure t o

t a x Chinese miners. Defeated because only a few e l e c t e d members supported

him, he s a i d :

a s I have t h e vo ice of t h e people w i th me, I w i l l b r i n g i t i n aga in next s e s s ion . 95

The propor t ion of Chinese people i n B r i t i s h Columbia had increased s i n c e

they f i r s t a r r i v e d i n 1858, a l though i t i s extrememly d i f f i c u l t t o reckon t h e i r

a c t u a l numbers. Holbrook s t a t e d i n June 1865 t h a t t h e r e were 3,000 i n t he

colony, and 2,000 more were a r r i v i n g o r expected t o a r r i v e i n t h e 1865 season. 96

It was repor ted i n t h e B r i t i s h Columbian t h a t "probably" 70 pe r cent of t h e

t o t a l of 487 people who a r r i v e d i n t h e colony i n t h e l a s t week of May, 1865,

were ~ h i n e s e . 97 Throughout t h e summer, accounts from t h e i n t e r i o r , a l though

i n f l a t e d , t end t o i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e i r numbers had g r e a t l y increased . Previous

r e p o r t i n g of t h e movement of Chinese miners from one a r e a t o another spoke of

I t s e v e r a l Chinamen". Now, i n t h e 1865 season, i t was "hordes of Chinamen" 9 8

and i n August, 1865, i t was r epo r t ed t h a t 1,500 Chinese men were mining on t h e

Columbia ~ i v e r . " It would appear t h a t t h e antagonism became more voca l a s

t h e numbers of Chinese increased . It occurred a t a t ime when - through t h e

L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly of t h e colony - laws could be passed which r e in fo rced t h e

e x i s t i n g p re jud ice . Racism became i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d . The duty on Chinese

goods was t h e f i r s t s t e p . The second s t e p was t h e compulsory miners ' l i c e n s e .

Another f a c t o r c o n t r i b u t i n g t o t h e p re jud ice was t h a t t he "Chinese

pickings" now appeared p r o f i t a b l e t o whi te miners. The mining a r e a s of t h e

Cariboo, t h e Kootenays and t h e Columbia River were no t easy o r cheap t o work.

W. Champness had been lu red t o t h e Cariboo from B r i t a i n i n June, 1862. He spent

two weeks a t An t l e r Creek and re turned t o V i c t o r i a , d i s p i r i t e d , d i s i l l u s i o n e d ,

broke, and b i t t e r a t t h e gross misrepresenta t ion .

To mine t h e a r e a a l a r g e c a p i t a l ou t l ay was requi red . They were no t sur-

100 * f ace diggings, f o r deep exp lo ra t ion was necessary a t enormous expense.

s i n g l e miner would have l i t t l e success . H i s was no t a unique experience. On

h i s way up t o An t l e r Creek, Champness met hundreds of d i s g r u n t l e d miners

r e tu rn ing from t h e Cariboo. Most, because they were inexperienced miners , 10 1

could no t even g e t work wi th a mining company. lo2 I n t h e l a t e summer of 1863,

miners l e f t t h e Cariboo because they could not g e t employment. New d i scove r i e s

i n t h e North I s l and of New Zealand began a rush t h e r e and Cariboo miners l e f t

t o t r y t h e i r luck i n t h e South P a c i f i c . l o 3 Companies worked t h e Cariboo.

One company, t h e Cameron Company, pa id i t s employees between $75.00 and $100.00

a month, which i n d i c a t e s t h e high investment (and p r o f i t s ) made i n mining. 104

The cos t of p rov i s ions i n t h e Cariboo, es t imated by t h e Gold Commissioner,

P e t e r O 1 ~ e i l l y , t o be 350 per cent h igher than i n New Westminster, a l s o added

t o t h e c o s t of mining. lo5 It was no t u n t i l roads t o t h e reg ion were improved

t h a t t h e p r i c e s of p rov i s ions decreased. lo6 A p a r t y of whi te miners re turned

from t h e Columbia a r e a i n March 1865, dec l a r ing those diggings a "humbug". 107

I n t h e same summer whi te miners drove Chinese miners o f f t h e s u r f a c e diggings

on t h e lower Lightning Creek, and found t h a t they could make from $20.00 t o

$30.00 a day. 108

Because t h e new diggings r equ i r ed such a l a r g e c a p i t a l inves t -

ment, whi te miners took a second look a t what they had previous ly dismissed a s

I I poor man's pickings" y i e l d i n g "Chinaman's wages".

I n t h e 1865 se s s ion , t h e B r i t i s h Columbia c o l o n i a l L e g i s l a t u r e passed t h e

Gold Export Ordinance which imposed a t a x of two s h i l l i n g s an ounce on gold

exported. This was i n i t i a t e d a s an a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of a

109 compulsory miners ' l i c e n s e , which was unpopular among whi te miners and was

only c o l l e c t e d wi th a l o t of grumbling and d i f f i c u l t y . The Gold Export

Ordinance a l s o proved unpopular and d i f f i c u l t t o enforce. I n t h e F a l l e l e c t i o n

i n Cariboo West, t h e s u c c e s s f u l candida te Rabert Smith c a l l e d f o r t h e a b o l i t i o n

of road t a x e s , t h e expor t duty on gold, t h e duty on s p i r i t s , and modi f ica t ions

t o t h e customs t a r i f f 11' - a l l miners ' demands. The Acting Gold Commissioner

a t Big Bend, R.T. Smith, es t imated t h a t f i g u r e s f o r only h a l f of t h e gold

taken from t h a t a r e a were known, t h e r e s t being smuggled south over t h e border

t o avoid t h e t a x . 11* The Gold Export Ordinance was abol i shed i n t h e 1866

sess ion . A new source of revenue t o r ep l ace i t had t o be found113 and t h e

means t o t a x t h e Chinese miners w i th in t h e laws of t h e Imper ia l Government.

A.W.S. Black, t h e Cariboo West r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , i n t h e 1864 - 65 se s s ion

expressed t h e hope t h a t t h e Governor, on h i s r e t u r n t o B r i t i s h Columbia, would

have been empowered by t h e Imper ia l Government t o permit t h e L e g i s l a t i v e Council

t o p l ace a head t a x on Chinese people. I f t h i s d i d n o t happen, Black advocated

a compulsory mining l i c e n s e a s t h e only means a l lowable t o c o l l e c t revenue

from " these fore igners" . The e d i t o r of t h e B r i t i s h Columbian

reckoned t h a t t h e propor t ion t h e Indians and Chinese bore t o whi tes f o r re -

venue purposes was 10:3:1. 115

The speech from t h e throne a t t h e opening of t h e

Leg i s l a tu re made i t c l e a r - aga in - t h a t a s p e c i a l t a x could no t be placed on

~ s i a t i c s . '16 The only way open was a compulsory miners1 l i c e n c e on a l l

employed i n mining p u r s u i t s . The Administrator of t h e Government, Arthur N.

Birch, s t a t e d :

It is t h e r e f o r e only by t h i s measure t h a t our l a r g e Chinese popula t ion can be made t o c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e Revenue i n equal p ropor t ion t o t h e whi te r ace . Few Chinamen now t ake out a Mining Licence, whereas, on t h e o t h e r hand, few whi te miners a r e t o be found without one. 117

The es t imated revenue from t h e c o l l e c t i o n of t h e Free Miners1 C e r t i f i c a t e s f o r

- 1886 was $26,750.00, a s compared wi th $17,169.00 f o r 1864. 118

Another t a x w a s introduced i n t h i s s e s s i o n which was d i r e c t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y

a t a predominantly Chinese occupation. This was t h e ground r e n t and t r a d i n g

-- l i c ence f o r growing and s e l l i n g vegetab les . The f i r s t mention i n t h e B r i t i s h

Columbian of Chinese involvement i n a g r i c u l t u r e i s i n J u l y , 1861, a t L i l l o o e t ,

where they grew po ta toes f o r t h e mining popula t ion . A s many miners were leaving

the Cariboo due t o l a c k of p rov i s ions , Chinese small-scale farming was extremely

b e n e f i c i a l . I n t h e win te r of 1861, po ta toes s o l d a t L i l l o o e t f o r t h r e e cen t s

a pound, a s compared wi th twenty-five cen t s a t ~ u e s n e l , '19 and up t o f i f t y

cents a pound i n t h e Cariboo. 120 I n t h e autumn of 1865, t h e Chinese pop-

u l a t i o n a t Quesnelmouth and K e i t h l e y ' s Creek was supplying miners f o r t h e

f i r s t time wi th pota toes . Previous ly they had never so ld f o r l e s s than t h i r t y

cents a pound, bu t t h a t yea r they were down t o twelve and one-half c e n t s a

Pound. l2' I n t h e s p r i n g of 1866 "Interrorem" of L i l l o o e t wrote t o t h e B r i t i s h

Columbian asking why every Chinese man had t o pay f i f t y d o l l a r s a year "for

t he p r i v i l e g e of we l l i ng t h e product of t h e l i t t l e pa tch of ground he c u l t i -

va t e s by h i s own labor". 122

The w r i t e r suggested t h a t i f t h i s was t h e law,

then i t should be changed "the sooner . . . t he b e t t e r " . However, i n t h e

Trades Licences Ordinance which passed i t s t h i r d reading i n t h e L e g i s l a t u r e

on February 23 , 1866, Chinese gardeners had t o t a k e ou t a l i c e n c e of $2.50

f o r every month t h a t they used crown land , and a l i c e n c e of $7.50 f o r every

th ree months t h a t they were occupied i n r e t a i l t r ade . 123 A predominantly

Chinese occupat ion had been heav i ly taxed by t h e Leg i s l a tu re . 124

Despi te t h e f a c t t h a t Chinese miners were forced t o pay i n t o t h e colony's

revenues i n t h e same p ropor t ion ( i f n o t a h ighe r propor t ion) as whi te miner,

desp i t e t h e h igher import t a r i f f s on Chinese goods, and t h e h o r t i c u l t u r a l t axes ,

Chinese people were no t permi t ted t h e same r i g h t s a s whi tes . The i s s u e of t he

f r anch i se demonstrates t h i s . I n t h e f i r s t e l e c t i o n of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t o t h e

L e g i s l a t i v e Council of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1863, no q u a l i f i c a t i o n s were re-

qu i red f o r v o t e r s i n t h e t h r e e d i s t r i c t s of Hope-Yale-Lillooet, Cariboo Eas t ,

and Cariboo West, and hence a l i e n men of a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s could vote . The

Chinese miners voted a t Cariboo West. To Robson, and o t h e r wh i t e men, i t was

bad enough t h a t Europeans had been allowed t o vo te wi thout r e f e rence t o

n a t i o n a l i t y ,

bu t A s i a t i c s , on t h e way down from t h e mines, many of them doubt less en r o u t e t o China, were dragged up t o l i s p t h e name of t h e ambit ious candida te f o r l e g i s l a t i v e honors. We p r o t e s t e d a t t h e t ime a g a i n s t t h e degradat ion thus c a s t upon B r i t i s h r e s i d e n t s by p l ac ing them upon a p o l i t i c a l l e v e l w i th Chinese . . . Let i t no longer be s a i d t h a t B r i t i s h c o l o n i s t s a r e t o submit t o t h e i n d i g n i t y , upon t h e i r own s o i l , of walking side-by-side wi th Chinamen t o e x e r c i s e t h a t r i g h t so sacred t o every Br i ton . l25

The Returning O f f i c e r a t Quesnelmouth, Cox, s t r u c k out a l l Chinese votes

i n t h e 1863 e l e c t i o n , t h e only a l i e n s mentioned a s be ing t r e a t e d i n t h i s way. 126

I n t h e 1865 e l e c t i o n Chinese men aga in voted, one whi te v o t e r e s t ima t ing t h a t

one t h i r d of t he v o t e r s were A s i a t i c s . l Z 7 The i s s u e was even more of a po l i -

t i c a l scandal i n t h i s e l e c t i o n because, according t o Robson, t h e wrong condi-

da t e had been e l e c t e d . He suggested disenfranchisement of t h e whole d i s t r i c t

u n t i l t h e v o t e r s l ea rned t h a t t h e f r a n c h i s e was "a sacred t r u s t " . 128

I n t h e d i scuss ion on t h e Native Evidence Ordinance, a b i l l brought i n t o

d e a l wi th Indians g iv ing evidence i n cour t who w e r e W d e s t i t u t e of knowledge of

God and of any r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f " , t h e ques t ion of Chinese people ' s evidence

was discussed. Because of t h e form of t h e o a t h they swore i n c o u r t , i t would

seem t h a t t h e i r evidence was no t taken too s e r i o u s l y .

I f t h e f a r c e enacted of breaking a saucer i n t h e i r presence were t o p r e v a i l , and such a proceeding form t h e o b l i g a t i o n of t h e i r oa th , no credence whatsoever could ever be given t o t h e i r evidence . . . i t was a w e l l known f a c t t h a t such was no t t h e i r mode of binding t h e i r consciences t o t e l l t h e t r u t h . I had merely been p re sc r ibed f o r them.129

M r . E l l i o t t expressed t h e view t h a t from h i s experience he would r a t h e r ".place

the Bib le i n t h e hands of a savage than a Chinaman". A s f a r a s he w a s aware,

t h e Chinese people had no form of binding oa th . 130

Aside from t h e ques t ion of whether t h e i r evidence was be l ieved i n t h e

white men's cou r t s , t h e r e i s t h e i s s u e of t h e i r t rea tment i n t h e l e g a l system.

The f a c t t h a t t h e Chinese people formed Benevolent S o c i e t i e s t o d e a l w i t h pro-

blems wi th in t h e i r own community and t o p r o t e c t i n d i v i d u a l Chinese aga ins t wh i t e

v io lence i n d i c a t e s t h a t they d id n o t r ece ive j u s t i c e i n t h e whi te c o u r t s , nor

did they p l ace much f a i t h i n them. A few examples of t h e i r t rea tment i l l u s -

t r a t e s t h a t t h e i r p o s i t i o n was founded on experience. It has been demonstrated

t h a t phys i ca l a s s a u l t s on Chinese miners o f t e n went unpunished. To ob ta in

j u s t i c e from c o n t r a c t o r s who d i d not f u l f i l t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s , t h e Chinese

brought charges a g a i n s t them. I n one case a Chinese man Ah Yek (Ah Yep?) sued

f o r wages of $960.00 which were owing t o him f o r work done on t h e Cottonwood

Road. In t h e f i n a l s e t t l emen t he rece ived $371.74. A s i m i l a r i n c i d e n t occured

i n t h e Douglas Road c o n t r a c t when Koo Loo, r ep re sen t ing twenty-nine Chinese men,

appealed t o Governor Seymour f o r payment of $708.50 owing from t h e c o n t r a c t o r ,

Scot t . The Governor could no t he lp him a s f i n a l payment t o Sco t t had a l r eady

been made by t h e government. 131 I n another case a Chinese man was u n j u s t l y

declared r e spons ib l e f o r deb t s amounting t o $60.00 which a whi te man had incur red . -- -

The Chinese man l o s t $2,400.00 worth of proper ty and was unable t o o b t a i n l e g a l

redress . 132 A Chinese cook employed by t h e Western Union Telegraph Company was

charged wi th s t e a l i n g a p i e c e of pork valued a t $5.00. He was sentenced t o s i x

months j a i l w i th hard labour , a r e l a t i v e l y seve r punishment. 133 The in s t ance

previously mentioned of t h e Chinese man accused of smuggling opium demonstrates

the whi te a t t i t u d e toward Chinese "crimes".

Such cases were used a s examples t o t h e r e s t qf t h e Chinese community.

Robson commented on t h e opium smuggling a r r e s t : "A few such cases w i l l t each

these r a s c a l s a s a l u t a r y lesson". 134 A s i m i l a r a t t i t u d e was taken when seven

- men running a Chinese gambling house i n Yale were a r r e s t e d . 135 Newspaper r e p o r t s

of Chinese c r imina l cases con ta in an "I t o l d you so" a t t i t u d e . They r e in fo rced

the image of t h e average Chinese man a s being by n a t u r e lef t -handed, cunning, s t o l i d ,

-- crue l and inhumane. 136

~n incoherency can be found i f one t r a c e s t h e i r r a t i o n a l i t y of e a r l y whi te

i m i g r a n t s l a t t i t u d e s t o Chinese people. No ma t t e r what they d i d , they could

not upgrade t h e i r i n f e r i o r p o s i t i o n o r change t h e nega t ive opinion t h a t whi tes

held, t o a more p o s i t i v e image. I n t h e e a r l y y e a r s of t h e gold rush , Chinese

miners worked t h e abandoned b a r s on t h e Fraser River. It was pointed out t h a t

i f they d id no t work them no-one would because t h e r e t u r n was so low. Yet,

because they d i d work them, they faced abuse. It was s a i d of them t h a t they

rap id ly exhaust t h e s u r f a c e mines, "and l i k e a swarm of l o c u s t s leave the country

impoverished and desola te" , 13' y e t when they d id move o f f t h e abandoned diggings

i t was repor ted t h a t they were'ltaking over" a r e a s which whi te men had opened up.

An argument put forward both by Robson and miners gene ra l ly was t h a t t h e Chinese

never prospect new gold f i e l d s bu t " j acka l1 [sic] l i k e , fo l low upon t h e h e e l s

of t h e hardy [white] pioneer". 138 They were damned i f they s tayed on abandoned

claims, and damned (and faced open h o s t i l i t y and v io lence) i f they moved i n t o

new diggings.

That Chinese miners never prospected new a r e a s was an assumption he ld by

many people a t t h e t ime, and one which h i s t o r i c a l w r i t e r s have perpe tua ted .

William H a z l i t t ' s guide f o r gold seeke r s p o i n t s ou t t h a t Chinese miners out of

neces s i ty were no t long s a t i s f i e d wi th low y i e l d diggings:

Some of t h e Chinamen, wh i l e s e rv ing t h e i r n o v i t i a t e a r e s a t i s f i e d wi th such poor diggings a s y i e l d only $1.00 t o $2.00 a day, bu t they a r e soon forced by t h e i r t askmasters , who pa id t h e i r expenses from China and San Franc isco , and f o r whose b e n e f i t they labour , and who t a x them both f o r repayment of t h e s e expenses and f o r a p r o f i t on t h e venture , t o abandon such poor diggings f o r a r i c h e r . And a s t o whi te miners , no t one of them w i l l work f o r t h e smal l earn ings I have mentioned. l39

Chinese miners d id prospec t new f i e l d s during t h i s per iod . Governor Douglas

on a v i s i t up t h e F ra se r i n 1861 met a p a r t y of seven Chinese men who had d is -

covered gold on Spuzzum F l a t . He promised them p r o t e c t i o n . 140 I n May 1866

i t leaked out t h a t a company of e i g h t Chinese miners had prospected and were

mining succes s fu l ly a t Canon Creek. Within t e n days a whi te p a r t y from Quesnel

was organized t o prospec t t h e c reek wi th funds r a i s e d by t h e Quesnel inhabi t -

a n t s ($300.00) and t h e government ( con t r ibu t ing $200.00). l4' I n t h e same month

r epor t s reached New Westminster of Chinese miners p rospec t ing t h e Similkameen

River. 142 143

Another company s e t o f f t o prospec t t h e Coqueballa, and i n June

1866 a company of Chinese miners were prospec t ing and had begun working on t h e

no r th f o r k of t h e Similkameen River. 144

Only a few miners a c t i v e l y prospected

f o r gold, t h e ma jo r i t y merely moving on t o a newly discovered reg ion a s soon

a s word reached them. Rut i t was only t h e Chinese who were s ing led out a s com-

mi t t i ng t h i s crime. Most miners l e f t t h e country t ak ing t h e i r gold wi th them

but i t was usually145 Chinese miners whose a c t i o n s were ob jec t ed t o and who

were accused of e x p l o i t i n g t h e colony's gold resources.

By t h e autumn of 1866 t h e complaint a g a i n s t t h e Chinese was no longer

t h a t they exhausted su r f ace minings abandoned by whi te men. The c ry was now

t h a t they were t ak ing over. They were not only monopolizing t h e Kootenay mines,

according t o Robson, bu t a l s o t h e t r a d e and commerce of t h e a r e a , and he feared

t h a t i n t h e 1867 season t h e r e would be few whi te men i n t h e a r e a . 14' I f they

entered predominantly whi te f i e l d s they faced t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of being dr iven

o f f . I f they kept t o themselves and worked s p e c i f i c a r e a s they were blamed

f o r t ak ing over . The Chinese a s miners were simply not wanted except by the

government who valued t h e i r t a x d o l l a r s . U n t i l 1866 however, Chinese miners

usua l ly worked over t h e abandoned claims of whi te miners. Forming companies,

they could make them pay. The companies were d iv ided i n t o two s e c t i o n s , one t o

work t h e mines, t h e o t h e r t o grow t h e food necessary f o r t h e whole company's

su rv iva l . 147 By co-operative a c t i o n they were a b l e t o make a l i v i n g i n a r e a s

which i n d i v i d u a l whi te miners dismissed a s u n p r o f i t a b l e d iggings .

The Chinese people faced h o s t i l i t y which cannot be explained away by

economic competit ion dur ing t h i s per iod . They d id no t t ake over jobs t h a t whi te

men had previous ly done. In s t ead they d id work t h a t whi te men were unwi l l ing

t o do - e i t h e r low s t a t u s jobs and/or low pa id work. Labourers were i n s h o r t

supply, and t h e Chinese were employed on jobs t h a t whi te men, a t t r a c t e d t o

B r i t i s h Columbia by t h e l u r e of gold and t h e promise of weal th , were no t

i n t e r e s t e d i n doing - o t h e r than i n t imes of extreme economic hardship. 148

Chinese workers b u i l t many of t h e wagon t r a i l s i n t h i s per iod . They were em-

ployed t o b u i l d t h e Douglas-Harrison T r a i l t o Harr ison Lake i n 1858 a long wi th

B r i t i s h , American, Danish, French, German and b lack miners on t h e i r way up t o

t he gold f i e l d s . 14' The Cariboo Road through t h e F rase r Canyon from Lyt tan was

b u i l t i n 1862 and 1863 w i t h Chinese labour suppl ied by t h e Ho Hang and Ah Yep

f i rms. 150 White labour w a s unobta inable a•’ t e r t h e ' f i r s t twelve mi l e s due t o

news of gold d i scove r i e s i n t h e Cariboo, bu t t h e Chinese s tayed on kemonst ra t -

i ng t h e i r r e l i ab i l i t y ] . The Indians and Chinese workers h i r e d by t h e cont rac t -

o r s Walter Moberly and Charles Oppenheimer were decimated by small-pox i n 1862-

1863. 15 1

I n 1865, Dewdney, t h e con t r ac to r f o r t h e t r a i l from Hope t o Wild Horse

Creek, h i r e d seventy-f ive Chinese l aboure r s f o r $75.00 a month and found. 152

They were a l s o employed on t h e wagon road from Quesnelmouth t o Cottonwood.

When t h e Union Telegraph Extension was cons t ruc ted , Chinese men were employed

a s cooks, polemen and wiremen. 153

Chinese men i n t he gold mining towns provided t h e s e r v i c e s necessary f o r

a popula t ion of predominantly s i n g l e men wi thout t h e family i n s t i t u t i o n and

the work of women t o provide f o r everyday s u r v i v a l needs. Chinese men s t a r t e d

smal l bus inesses and f i l l e d t h i s gap. They began t r u c k farming, supplying

miners w i th f r e s h vege tab le s by peddl ing t h e i r produce. 154 They worked i n

l aundr i e s and by 1862 most of t h e r e s t a u r a n t s were run by Chinese men, pro-

v id ing h o t , appe t i z ing meals a t reasonable p r i c e s . 155 Kwong Lee, a Chinese

merchant, grazed s t o c k f o r t h e L i l l o o e t market. 156 He opened a branch of h i s

f i rm i n Quesnelmouth, provid ing p rov i s ions f o r both whi te and Chinese miners ,

but e s p e c i a l l y f o r t h e l a t t e r who could not o b t a i n c r e d i t above L i l l o o e t . 157

Gint Cawston, an old- t imer, i n h i s r e c o l l e c t i o n s , r e c a l l e d pack t r a i n s run by

Chinese men i n t h e e a r l y days. Lew packed i n t o t h e Cariboo, and Yib Poy a t

L i l l o o e t . 158 They a l s o drove p i g s and o t h e r s tock t o t h e mining t o w s . I n

t he Kootenays, both l o c a l Ind ians and Chinese owned cows. 159

A s t h e above evidence i n d i c a t e s , t h e Chinese people suppl ied t h e gold

mining towns wi th n e c e s s i t i e s . Their labour was a l s o u s e f u l t o l a t e r s e t t l e r s

i n t h e c l e a r i n g of land and t h e ha rves t ing of crops. The B r i t i s h Columbian

repor ted i n t h e l a t e summer of 1868 t h a t farmers i n t h e Cariboo were o f f e r i n g

$2.50 t o $3.00 a day t o l aboure r s and s t i l l could not o b t a i n adequate he lp . 160

I n some in s t ances , a family of whi te men occupied i n e s t a b l i s h i n g a farm

h i r ed a Chinese labourer . H i s work could mean t h e success o r f a i l u r e of t h e

undertaking. Employed as a s e r v a n t , h i s jobs were a s "cook, washerman and

genera l man of a l l works, f o r nothing came amiss t o him". 161 They

cooked, baked, d id washing and scrubbing, milked cows, bucked t h e wood, f ed p i g s and i n l e i s u r e hours went i n t o t h e garden. 162

I n t h e Report of t h e Royal Commission of Chinese Immigration 1885, a

judge of t h e Supreme Court of B r i t i s h Columbia, Henry P.P. Crease, gave evidence

on t h e labour s i t u a t i o n i n t h i s e a r l y per iod . White men, i f the- d id no t g e t

t h e h igh pay they considered t h e i r due, crossed t h e United S t a t e s ' border where

they could o b t a i n h igher r a t e s of pay. Crease s t r e s s e d t h a t t h e r e was a

s c a r c i t y of r e l i a b l e wh i t e women t o do t h e " s e r v i l e occupations" of t h e pioneer

household. Ind ians were considered unsu i t ab l e a s employees, a t f i r s t because

t h e i r l a r g e numbers were th rea t en ing , and then because they were seen a s being

" r e s t l e s s , nomadic" - and thus unsu i t ab l e a s domestics. Seve ra l s h i p s were

char te red by p rospec t ive employers t o b r ing female s e r v a n t s from England t o

chop and cu t wood, g e t wa te r , c lean t h e d i shes , p o t s and pans, cook, wash, bake, sew, and r e a r f a m i l i e s , and d ischarge a l l t h e o t h e r onerous and m u l t i f a r i o u s d u t i e s of t h e manage. 163

Repayment of t h e women's f a r e s was a n t i c i p a t e d out of t h e i r s a l a r i e s . Few

women, however, s tayed i n t h e households long enough t o make f u l l repayment.

Hence, they proved "a complete f a i l u r e " . " ~ a n a k a s " , n a t i v e peoples from t h e

Sandwich I s l a n d s , were t r i e d n e x t , and "a lso f a i l e d ; . s o , by t h e mere process of

exhaustion, no resource was l e f t bu t Chinese labour". 164 c rease s t a t e s :

Everyone had a g r e a t and no t unna tu ra l ob jec t ion t o t r y them, bu t n e c e s s i t y has no law, i t was Chinese labour o r none a t a l l . . . grad- u a l l y a s t h e wh i t e woman saw h e r neighbor g e t some r e l i e f from t h e k i l l i n g domestic s l ave ry of c o l o n i a l l i f e she a l s o adopted them and, by t h e sheer n e c e s s i t y of t h e case , t h e i r emplo e n t a s domestic s e r v a n t s became gene ra l , and a t l a s t u n i v e r s a l . E5

It was t h e use fu lnes s of Chinese men a s domestics t h a t Crease emphasized.

Without them

t h e p r i v a t i o n s i n family l i f e , extreme and of wearying monotony, would have become i n t o l e r a b l e , and a gene ra l exodus of f a m i l i e s would have been t h e r e s u l t . 166

Another f a c t o r was t h a t Chinese domestics knew t h e i r p l ace i n t h e household

whi le

whi te labour . . . e s p e c i a l l y female s e r v a n t s , . . . would not submit t o cons ider themselves i n t h e household arrangements a s i n any r e spec t subord ina te t o t h e i r employers. 167

Chinese domestic s e r v a n t s r e l i e v e d wealthy whi te households of some of

t h e arduous t a s k s , and u n l i k e wh i t e s , worked f o r what Crease considered were

I1 reasonable o r p r a c t i c a b l e r a t e s " . They were more r e l i a b l e and knew t h e i r

subord ina te p o s i t i o n . Although a t f i r s t a necessary e v i l , Crease considered

t h a t they performed t h e i r job so w e l l and t h e i r work was s o necessary t h a t it

"created a good f e e l i n g towards them". It map have been t h e case t h a t t h e

wealthy c l a s s e s i n V i c t o r i a who employed s e r v a n t s - a smal l percentage of t h e

population16* - moved beyond t h e i r p r e j u d i c e s i n t h e f a c e of n e c e s s i t y bu t

t h e f a c t t h a t t h e Chinese d i d perform these s e r v i l e t a s k s merely r e in fo rced

t h e s t e r eo type image of them a s an i n f e r i o r race . To these Vic to r i ans they

were a s e rvan t c l a s s and t o o t h e r c l a s s e s t h e Chinese were f a i r game, and

t a r g e t s of whi te men's h o s t i l i t y and aggress ion . White "hoodlums" a s s a u l t e d

Chinese domestic s e r v a n t s on t h e s t r e e t s of Victor ia .16 ' To exp la in t h i s

phenomenon merely i n terms of economic competi t ion i s too s imple. White men

did no t work a s domestics. Nor d i d they want t o . D i s s a t i s f i e d wi th t h e i r

economic p o s i t i o n , wh i t e men expressed t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n by a t t a c k i n g a

subordinant group, t h e Chinese.

It is c l e a r t h a t Chinese men were employed i n occupat ions considered

too arduous f o r Europeans t o engage i n , such a s menial low-paying and low-

s t a t u s occupat ions. Although t h e t a s k s of b u i l d i n g roads , providing e s s e n t i a l

s e r v i c e s i n t h e gold mining towns, and work a s domestics were of t h e utmost

importance i n t he development of t h e p ioneer s o c i e t y , t hey were low-status

occupat ions and lacked t h e p r e s t i g e , glamour and p o s s i b l e monetary rewards of

e i t h e r gold prospec t ing o r whi te men's work i n bus ines s , p o l i t i c s , t h e profes-

s ions o r home-steading. Because of t h e s c a r c i t y of whi te women, Chinese men

d id t h e t a s k s normally ass igned t o women. A s mentioned, they predominated i n

domestic s e r v i c e and i n t h e laundry bus iness . I n C a l i f o r n i a t h e washing of

d i r t y l i n e n had been predominantly a Chinese occupat ion and t h e f i r s t appear-

ance of Chinese men i n V i c t o r i a conjured up t h e s t e r e o t y p e image wi th an a t t i -

tude of amused contempt. Ronald Leal , i n h i s s h o r t h i s t o r y of laundry, p o i n t s

out t h a t washing c l o t h e s - an occupat ion whose h i s t o r y goes back t o before t he

e s t ab l i shed se t t l emen t s of Egypt and Mesopotamia - has been p r imar i ly t h e

work of women. This was t h e a t t i t u d e i n t h e gold rush per iod . Rather t han

doing t h e i r own laundry

t h e prospec tors i n t h e Ca l i fo rn i a Gold Rush, out-numbering t h e women twelve t o one, sometimes s e n t t h e i r s h i r t s a l l t h e way t o China t o be laundered. 170

This type of domestic work i s by i t s very n a t u r e non-productive. I n a

pioneer s o c i e t y involved i n t h e r a p i d e x p l o i t a t i o n of n a t u r a l resources , t h e

most important cons idera t ion was p r o f i t . The l u r e of gold, t h e myth of t h e

he ro i c and adventurous l i f e of a gold miner, and t h e f r e e and a c t i v e l i f e - s t y l e

a l s o a t t r a c t e d men t o B r i t i s h Columbia. But i n a c a p i t a l i s t , c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y ,

t h e work one does determines one ' s p o s i t i o n and image. The work of Chinese

men i n domestic s e r v i c e - women's work - r e in fo rced t h e image whi tes c a r r i e d

of t h e Chinese a s a pas s ive , i n f e r i o r r ace , ready t o work f o r lower wages

than whi te men i n occupat ions they considered were beneath them. By doing

what was considered t o be degrading work, t h e Chinese were considered

degraded. 17 1

Footnotes ( ~ h a f l e r I ) I

h', Ifark Lai and P h i l l i p P. Choy, Outlines. HiStory of t h e Chinese i n America, an Francisco, Chinese American Studies Plannirg Group, 1977),~. 25.

i k r y

That

Coolidge, Chinese Immigration, ( ~ e w York, Henry Holt and Co, , 1909), pp. 21-25.

they were welcomed is disputable. See; Robert Edward biynne,' "Reaction t o t h e Chinese i n t h e P a c i f i c Northwest and B r i t i s h Co- lumbia, 1850 t o 1910", PhD. t h e s i s , Universi ty of Washington, pp. 1-4; Lai and. Choy, pp. 4 8 4 9 ; and S t u a r t C. Miller , The Unwelcome

( ~ e r k e l e y , Universi ty of Calif o r n h Press, l96?), pp,

Lai and Choy, pp. 47-48.

Albert W, Palmer, Or ienta ls i n American L i fe , (sew York, Friendship Press, 1934), p. 12.

Tierg-fang Cheng, Or ien ta l Immigration i n Sanada , (shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 3.?31), p. 35.

Kinahan Cornwallis, The Xew E l Dorado o r B r i t i s h Columbia, ( ~ e p r i n t ed., New York, New York Tines Co., 1973), 9. 294, (Or@. ed, , 1858).

Vic tor ia Gazette, June 30, 1858,

James Morton, I n t h e Sea of S t e r i l e Mountains, (~ancouver , J. J. Doug- las, 19743, p. 6.

Secretary of S t a t e f o r t h e Colonies, S i r Edward Bulwer Lytton, t o Gover- nor James Douglas, J u l y 1, 1858, F i r s t d r a f t s of despatches out- ward from t h e Colonial Office i n response t o correspondence inward

from t h e s.F.u.),

colony. Colonial Office lhnusc r ip t s 60/1 ( ~ i c r o f i l m , erea after c i t e d C.O. 60/1) .

See a l s o Robert M. Sallantyne, Handbook t o t h e 3ew Gold Fie lds , (%in- burgh, Alex Strahan, l858), p. 105, and B r i t i s h Columbian, March 21, 1861, p. 2.

Douglas was cont inual ly concerned with es tab l i sh ing B r i t i s h Columbia as a B r i t i s h colony, and wrote t o t h e Colonial Office asking for "upright" Englishmen f o r co lon ia l o f f i ces , English clergymen t o prevent t h e in t roduct ion of fore ign c lergy and t h e i r influence, and genera l ly of t h e need f o r a "respectable B r i t i s h element" i n t h e population, thus supporting land g ran t s t o r e t i r e d men of t h e army, navy and roya l engineers. Douglas t o Lytton, 29 September, 1858 ; 27 Xovember, 1858; 6 November, 1858; 8 November, 1858. C.O. 60/1.

Lytton t o Douglas, 14 August, 1858, C.O. 60/1.

Vic tor ia Gazette, J u l y 4, 1858.

Victor ia Gazette, August 10, 1858.

b r i a n T. Place, Cariboo Gold, ( ~ e w York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada, 1970). p. 59.

Douglas t o Right Honourable Henry Labourchere, Apr i l 6, 1858, C. 0. 60/1. ( ~ l s o i n Robert M. Eallantyne, op. ci t . , Appendix V I I I , pp. 98-99).

F. Bret Harte, That Heathen Chinee.

Narkin T. Place, o cit. , p. 107. Also, Me1 Rothenberger, We've Kil led Johnny Usher-uver , 1d:itchell Press, 1973). p. 16.

3 r i t i s h Colonist, August 8, 1859, p. 1.

Chartres Brew t o Colonial Secre ts ry , 'rlilliam A. G. Young, 19 Firch, 1859, i n Freder ic X . Howay, The Garly History of t h e F'raser River Mines, Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, Memoir No. V I , (Victoria, Charles F.

Banfield, the King's Printer , 1926. ), pa 94,

Henry kyarrd B a l l i n a l e t t e r t o the Colonial Treasurer of Br i t i sh Col- mbia , November 30, 1860, estimated tha t ons half of the Chinese i n the Lytton d i s t r i c t took out mining l icences and only two-thirds of a l l miners took out the licence. That season Chinese miners were t he pr incipal source of t he Miners' Licence Revenue i n t he Lytton d i s t r i c t , and ha a n t i c i p t e d that t h i s revenue would be l o s t t o the d i s t r i c t i n 1861, when the Chinese located higher up the Fraser Riv- er, B, C. Gold Colmission, Lytton, Correspondence Outward. 1859- 1%;. Ms, P,A,3.C,

Br i t i sh Colonist, March 6, 1860, pa 3.

&it&& Colonist, March 8, 1860, p, 2.

Ibid. I

Bri t i sh Columbian, February 13, 1861, p. 2.

The edi tor , John Robson, was born i n Upper C a n a d a of Scot t ish parentage. He was a pro-confederationist and an anti-Chinese representative i n t he Legislative Council, I n t he first ProvinciP1 Legislative Asselnbly (1872) he introduced a nation t h a t a b i l l should be sent t o t he Dominion Government providing f o r a f i f t y do l l a r head t a x on a l l Chinese men i n t he province.

Ibid., March 14, 1861, pa 2. -

The average wage of a Chinese labourer was $225.00 a year; h i s l iv ing expenses $182.00 a year; hence he could not save more than $43.00 a year. From Tieng - Fang Chew Oriental Immigration i n Canada, (shanghai, Comercia1 Press Ltd, , 1931 ) , pa fj6.

Chinatown News, July 3, 1958.

Peter W, Ward, "The Oriental Inr igrant and Canada's Protestant Clergy", B, C. Studies, No, 22, Summer 1974, pp. 54-55.

31. Douglas t o Lytton, 27 November, 1858, C. 0. 60/1.

Charles W e Dilke, writ ing i n 1869 expresses the notion as:

Nature seems t o intend the English f o r a race of o f f i c i e r s , t o di- rect and guide the cheap labour of the Esrstern peoples . . . It looks as tho h t he cheaper m i n e s g would s ta rve out t he dear race ~ ~ l i s 7 as rabbi t s dr ive out stronger but hungrier hares.

Charles W. Dilke, Greater Bri ta in , e en York, Harper and Brothers, i869), p. 194.. See a l s o D. Woodruff, "Expansion and Eblgration" in G. 8 . Young (ed. ) Early Victorian ~ngland, Vol 11, Chapter X V I (London, Oxford University Press, 1963); L. P. C u r t i s Jr., Anglo-Saxons and Celts, ( ~ o n n e d i c u t Conference on Br i t i sh Studies at the University - of Bridgeport, 1968). pp. 8-15; and Robin A. Fisher, "Indian-Euro- pean Relations i n Br i t i sh Columbia, 1774-1890n, PhD. t he s i s , Uni- vers i ty of Br i t i sh Columbia, 1974, Chapter I V , pp. 112-143, regard- ing the European w e of t h e Indian.

32. See

For

See

Phmin Harris, The Rise of Anthropolugical Theoq, en York, Thomas V. Crowell Company, 1968) especial ly Chapter 4, "Rise of Racial De- termillism" f o r elaboration of the "sc ien t i f icw basis af racism, Also, Ashley Montagu, Man's Most Dangerous mhr The Fsllacy of Race, ( ~ e w York, Oxford University Press, l974), especial ly Chapter - 11, "Eugenics, Genetics, and 'Race',". For excerpts from t h e vari- ous ~seudo-scient i f i c theories of race see Ph i l i p Curtin (ed. 1, Imperialism, ( ~ e w York, Walker and Company, 1971); Milton ~ i l h u s e r , Just Before Darwin, Robert &zmbers and 'Vestiges ' , ( ~ o n n e c t i cu t , W e s l e ~ n University Press, 1959). For a more general discussion of mid-&ntw theor ies s ee i t h e 1 ~obach , John GG~U~SOS, Howard R. Topoff, Charles G. G r o s s , The Four Horaemenr Racism, Sexism, M i l i -

(New York, Behavioral Publications, n, Race and Darwin. Symposium on Race Oxford University Press, 1960).

the r o l e t h a t h i s tor ians played i n t h e development of t he concept of Anglo-Saxonisa, eee G.S.R. Kitson-Clark, An Expanding Society: Britain, 1830-1900, (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1967), pp. 122-123.

also, Ph i l i p Curtin, The Image of Africa, Br i t i sh Ideas and Action, 1780-1850, (Madison, University of Wisconsin Press, 1964), particu- l a r l y Chapter 9, and Eric Stokes, The English Ut i l i t a r i ans and India, (oxford, Oxford University Press, l963), f o r t he j u s t i f icat ion of the continuence of au tocra t ic rule i n India,

33. Curtin (ed. ) , Imperialism, X I .

Natthctr MacFie, Vancouver Island and Br i t i sh Colmbia, facsimile ed., oron onto, Coles Publishing Co., 19?2), pp. 380-3€h, (0rig. Pub. 1865. )

~ o u g l a s t o Lytton, 29 September, 1358, C. 0, 60/1.

bid 8 November, 1858, C. 0. 60/1. -9

Ibid., 12 October, 1858, C, 0, 60/1. - William b r e w Hazl i t t , The Great Gold Fields of Caribog, (vic tor ia ,

Klanak Press, l9?4), p. 106. (1st edi t ion, 1862. )

Kinahan Cornwallis, OP. c i t e , X V I .

Report of t h e Colmbia Mission 1860, (~ondon, R, Clay, Son, and Taylor, . -, . . .. .

Clive ?hillips-Molley, F, R.G 3. , The Tro t t iws of a Tenderfoot, Richard Bentley and Son, 1884>, pp. 228-229,

For t h i s English pre-occupation see L. Pa C u r t i s Jr., p. 12.

, Adaa and Charles Black W, ?, M o m l l , The Gold Rushes, (London ppa 89-31

Also, C. H. Shinn, Mining Camps, ( ~ e w York, 1885). and Reverend D. S. Woods, Sixteen Months at the Gold Diggings, ( ~ e w York, 1851).

A v ig i lan te group was formed a t Wild Horse Creek i n 1864 when two r i v a l gangs threatened t o d i s rup t t h e camp. An o f f i c e r of t h e l a w arr ived t o deal with t he s i tua t ion , It was "by chancett t h a t he was i n t he

area. F'rank W. Anderson, The Dewdney T r a i l , Salmo t o Fort S t t e l t , (Calgary, Front ier Publishing Co. , 19721, pp. 15-16.

An incident occurred i n Victoria i n 1858 when a prisoner was rescued from t h e hands of t h e police and it was proposed t h a t t h e Arnerican Flag be hoisted over t h e f o r t , Alfred P, Waddington, The F'raser Mines Vindicated, (~ancouver, Robert R. Reed, 1%9), p. 9, (1s t publish- '1858),

Bri t i sh Colonist, A u g u s t 31, 1860, p. 2.

B r i t i sh Columbian, May 30, 1861, p, 2.

Ibid January 23, 1865, p, 3, .'

Ibid., June 6, 1865, p. 2. - It is d i f f i c u l t t o make an accurate estimate of t h e numbers of Chinese

men working i n t h e gold f i e l d s , as newspapers - and most others - tended t o over-estimate t h e i r nupbgrs, During t h e months of May t o August 1865, t h e Br i t i sh Columbian reported on the large numbers of Chinese enter ing t h e gold f i e l d s of t h e Cariboo and t h e lower Columbia. B r i t i sh Coltuabian, May 2, 1865, p. 31 May 30, 1865, p. 3 ; August 17, 1865, p. 3& By August 17, f i f t e e n hundzed Chinese miners were estimated t o be mining the Columbian River. Holbrook estimated t h a t t he re were th ree thousand Chinese men i n t he colony of Br i t i sh Columbia i n June 1865. Br i t i sh Columbian, June 6, 1865, p. 3.

Br i t i sh Columbian, May 5, 1866, p. 2; Hay 19, 1866, p. 3,

Alexander Allsn Lettar Book, 18&-i876, Let ter , 6 January 1870. Pis, PmAmBmCm

Robert W e W p e , op. c i t . , p. 125.

Report of t h e Columbia Mission 1860, op. c i t . , pp, 74-75, Br i t i sh Colum- bian, June 21, 1862, Pe 2. -

Ibid September 13, 1862, p. 3, .'

Chinatown News, August 18, 1958.

Bri t ish Columbian, April 22, 1865, pa 3; November 25, 1865*, pa 3.

A possible reason that more crime did not occur i n Bri t ish Columbia, as cornparedto California, has to do with t h e climate and topography of Bri t ish Columbia, ra ther than the presence of Bri t ish Law Enforce- ment Officers. It ms more d i f f i c u l t t o .rke a complete getamy as there were only a few possible routes out of the area, Giving credi t where it is due, however, the Bri t ish u g i s t m t e s were nore dispassionate i n dispensing just ice when they were present, than Californian L a w Officers,

Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese Immigration 1885, Report and Evidence. (Ottawa, 1885). Evidence Judge Matthew Bqgbie, p, 72. ( ~ e r e a f t c r c i ted R.RsC. 1885.)

Ibid Appendix T., fur ther evidence Judge Matthew Begbie, p. 415, .'

Ibid . - Ibid., Evidence Honourable A. E. B, Davies, p. 51. - R. C. PIayne, R.N.F.R.G.S., Feur Years i n Bri t ish Colurbia and Vancouver

Island, ondo don, John Murray, 1862), p, 164. - Fisher, ''Indian European R e h t ions", p. 136.

Victoria Gazette, May 28, 1859, pa 31 June 7, 1859, P. 30

Bri t i sh Colonist, May 8, 1860, p. 3,

Ibid August 3, 1860, p, 1, .'

Bri t i sh Colonist, September 12, 1860, p. 3 ,

Chinahown News, July 3, 1958,

73. Br i t i sh Columblan, May 7, 1864, p. 3.

74. Stanford M. Lyman, W. E. W i l h o t t , and Berchiw Ho, "Rules of a Chinese Secret Society i n Br i t i sh Columbian, ~ u l l i t i n - of t h e School of O r i - en t a l and African Studies, Vol X X V I I , Part 3, 1964, p, 532. See a lso, W, E. W i l l m a t t , "Approaches t o t h e Study of t h e Chinese i n Br i t i sh Columbion, B, c.-studies, No, 4, ~prik 1970, pp. 49-50; Chuen-Yan David hi, 'The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Associa- t i o n in Victoria: The Origins and Functions*, B. C. Studies, No. 15, Fal l 1972, pp. 53-67; Francia C. Hardwick, Ph i l i p Moir and Harry Johnson ( ~ d . and ~ e s e a r c h e r a ) , hst Meets West : -Chinese i n ~ a & , (~ancouver, Tantalus Research, 1975). pp. 37-41; C. P. Sedgwick and

W. Em Willrot t , "External Influences and Emerging Identi ty: The Evolution of Corrunity Structure Among Chinerse Canadiansw, Canadian Forum, Vol, LIV, No. 644, September 1974, pp. 9-10. -

75. Chinatown News, August 18, 1958.

76. Stanford M. Lynun, e t al , op. cit., p. 537.

It w a e argued t h a t w e of t h e white legal systaiil woad "create mere t rouble and expense o r damage friendships".

n. Chinese address t o Gsvernor Arthur Edward Kenedy. Quoted i n f u l l i n Matthew MacFie, op. cit., p. 387.

78. Br i t i sh Coluabian, April 11, 1861, p. 2,

79. Ibid., March 14, 1861, p. 2.

80. Ibid., February 18, 1865, p. 3.

81. Ibid., A p r i l 22, 1865, P. 3; A p r i l 25, 1865, p. 3.

83, Ibid., April 29, 1865, p. 3.

British Colurbian, February 25, 1865, p. 3.

Ibid., February 21, 1865, p. 3. - Ibid March 14, 1865, p, 3. -9

Ibid., March 2, 1865, p, 9. - Ibid. -

Sbid,, A p r i l 4, 1865, p. 3.

Ibid., A p r i l 27, 1865, p. 3. -

For further exanples of t h i s kind of reporting see British Coluwbian, Ju ly 4, 1865, p. 31 August 17, 1865, p. 3: September 13, 1865, P. 3: Novenber 25, 1865, p. 2.

British Columbian, June 17, 1865, p. 3.

Ibid., June 6, 1865, p. 3. -

These numbers are inflated, The population of the Be C, colony estisrated i n September, 1865, was t 8,000 whites; 3,000 Chinese; 50,000 Indians, British Columbian, Septenber 20, 1865.

Xbid August 17, 1865, pa 3. .'

W. Champness, To Cariboa and Back i n 1862, (~aahington, Ye Galleon Press, 1972). pa 72. (1st published i n s e r i a l form i n England i n The Leisure Hour: A Farily Journal of Instruction and Recreation, A p r i l , 1865).

For information on the Big Bend area and the d i f f i cu l t i e s i n mining it see British Columbian, June 16, 1866, pa 2; July 11, 1866, Pa 3.

Unlike the f i r s t gold rush of 1858, the Cariboo rush at tracted more Britons than Americans - due partly t o reports which Donald b s e r submitted t o the London Times. W, Champness, ap, cit . , pa 7.

3iarjr of john Svans. The B r i t i s h Colwnbian Mining Adventure 1862-54. Entry September 10, 1863, p. 49. Fs. P.A.B.C.

British Columbian, January 4, 1865, F. 3.

See also, W i l l i s e ! Mark, Cariboor A True and Correct Narrative, (stockton, W, Ma Wright, 1863) f a an account written by an m- successful and disgruntled miner.

British Coluabian, June 20, 1865, pa 3.

Ibid, , - Ibid. , - Ibid., -

March 30, 1865, pa 3.

June 6, 1865, pa 2.

February 1, 1865, pa 1.

110. Howay, The Eorly History of the b s e r River Mines, p. 97.

111. British Columbfin, October 18, 1865, p. 3,

112, Sbid,, December 23, 1865, p. 3,

1 The revenue collected f r o m the Gold Export Tax amounted t o I10.428. 14.2d. O f th is , E9,9119.13.3d was collected a t New Westminster and P1,300-0-lid a t the southern border, British Coltmbian, Jan- uary31, 1866, p. 3.

114. - Ibid., November 1, 1865, p. 2.

11. Ibid,, Septenber 20, 1865, p. 2.

118. Ibid., February 10, 1866, p. 3.

119. Ibid. , December 12, 1861, p. 2.

120. Ibid,, November 14, 1861, p. 2.

121. - Ibid,, September 27, 1865, P. 3.

124. Amor de Cosmos complained i n the Legislative Assembly i n 1861 that Chinese people monopolised the vegetable trade t o the detriment of white gardeners. Reported i n Colonist, December 15, 1968,

P. 5.

125. Bri t ish Columbian, November 11, 1865, pa 2,

126. Entry, December 12, 1863, Diary of John Evans, --- ope c i t e , pa 78.

127. British Coluatbian, November 15, 1865, pa 2.

128. - Ibid.

129. Ibid.8 January 28, 1865, 9, 3.

131. Ibid. , November 25, 1865, pa 3.

There were other labourers - both Chinese and some whites - who were a lso l e f t without provisions o r back pay when the contractor went bankrupt.

Ibid,, December 16, 1865, pa 3. - For the Douglas Road contract see Koo Loo, "Letter t o H i s Excellency

Governor Seymour", Mew Westdnster, 21 June, 1865, Ms. P.A.B.C.

132. From a l e t t e r signed " N o n v e r o s a s ~ p i n a " t o the editor, Brit ish Columbian, February 14, 1866, pa 3.

135. bid., July 4, 1861, pa 2.

136. Em G., .the headline above the report of the murder of a Chinese man by two of h i s compatriots reads "Terrible Butchery at Lillooet", Bri t ish Columbian, October 11, 1865, pa 3.

137. British Columbian, March 14, 1861, pa 2.

14.0, From Bruce Hutchison, The Fraser, oron onto, Clarke, Irwin and Co, , LM., 19651, p. 70.

141, B r i t i s h Columbian, .- May 9, 1866, p. 3 and May 19, 1866, p, 3.

144. Ibid, , June 30, 1866, p. 3.

I

145. In an edi tor ia l "The Character of Our Immigrationn, Robson points out I the need t o encourage white farmers rather than gold ainers. 1

Brit ish Columbian, April 30, 1862, pa 1, See also, May 31, 1862, p. 2.

- 146. Ibid., November 14, 1866, pa 3.

147, In 1878 at McDame Creek t h i s is how the Chinese companies worked. See Lyn Hancock, 'Gold Fever at McDasle Creek", Westworld, Sept- ember-October, 1975, p. 24. In a f ic t ional piece s e t i n 1862, two white men lured t o the Cariboo by the gold rush hired a Chinese cook, Phon, i n Victorfa, He provided the essent ial ser- vices necessary f o r t h e i r survival while the white men prospected and mined. Clive Phillips-Wolley, Gold, Gold i n Carib& 8 A

Columbia, (London, Bhckie and Son

14-8. W. Champness worked on a f a n i n the Thompson River Valley f o r three months i n an attempt t o recoup the heavy losses f r o m h i s abortive t r i p t o Antler Creek i n 1862. W. Champness, pa 88.

9 J. H. Stewart Reid, Mountains, Men and Rivers, o or onto, Ryerson Press, 19!%), PO 142,

Five hundred Chinese labourers were employed by Wright and Company t o construct the Cariboo Road at $40,00 a month, In J a m s Morton, op, cit., p, 14,

151. Wellwood J , Johnson, Legend of LBngley, (~ancouver, Langley Centennial Committee, 1958), pa 65, and Fa W, Howay, Br i t i sh Columbia, Vol. 11, (~ancouver, S. J. Clarke Publishing co., 1914). p, 101.

152. B r i t i s h Columbian, August 17, 1865, pa 3.

153. - Ibid., October 27, 1866, p, 3,

19. "Every chinaman has a vegetable patch, What is produced f inds ready s a l e i n the mining camps." G i l b e r t Malcolm-sproat, Br i t i sh CO-1- umbia. 1 nformat ion For Emigrants ondo don, 1875). p. 65.

1$, Br i t i sh Columbian, March 30, 1865, p, 3.

"Because t h e Chinese could obtain l i t t l e credit fur ther south, t he first s to re was b u i l t a t Quesnel as ear ly as May /286g* I a se- cond one, f a r the r up the r i ve r , by June". From ~&do?i R, E l l i o t t , Quesnel - C o m e r c i d Centre .of t h e Caxiboo Gold Rush, ( ~ u e s n e l , Cariboo Histor ical Society, 1958), p. 46.

158. "John Chinaaan. Reoollections of A. H, ( ~ i n t ) Canston", Okanzgan Histor ical Society, Thirty-f irst Report, 1967, p. 110.

159. Gilber t M. Sproat, op, ci t . , p, 65,

160, Br i t i sh Columbian, August 19, 1868, p. 3.

161, Rev. W. G. H. Ell ison, The S e t t l e r s of Vancouver Island, ondo don, Arthur Chilver publisher, 1907). p, 81,

El l ison considers that a Chbuse servant i s superior t o a white maid servant who was prone t o up-and-leaving at the f irst opportunity, He parallels t h e work of Chinese servants and wives and infers t h a t a wife is superior t o a Chinese dombstic becruse t h e latter has t o be paid whilst t he husband owns the lobom of h i s wife, f o r as long as she l i ves , Also, her capacity t o reproduce more la- bour f o r a farming enterpr ise was valued, He states I "A mother,

sister, o r wife comes i n handy, and is s o valued i n t h e s e t t l e - ments and amongst t h e backwoodsmen of t h e Far West." pp, 64-65,

162, "John Chinaman. Recollections of A, Ha ( ~ i n t ) Cawston", p. 115, For fur ther evidence of Chinese workers on hornestcads see Rev. W. G. Ha Ellison, 0 c i t e , and Francis Em Herring, Among the People + of Br i t i sh Co ua ha, ondo don, T. Fisher Unwin, 1903).

164. Ibid.

168. I n Br i t i sh Colunbia i n 1884, Chinese cooks and servants numbered 279; hshermen 156.

From Chuen-Yan David Lai , "Korme County and Clan Origins of Overseas Chinese i n C a n a d a i n t h e Early 1880's." B. C. Studies, No, 27, Autumn 1975. Table 9, pa 16. From t he Royal Cormnission Report on Chinese hmlgrat ion of 1885.

169. See J, W. Boddam-Whetham, Western Wanderings. A Record of Travel i n t h e Evening Land, ba on don, Richard Bentley and Son, 1874). pa 158,

Also, W. A. Baillit-Gmhnran, Fif teen Y e a r s ' Sport and Li fe i n t he Hunting Grounds of Western America and B. C,, (ondon, Horace Cox, iS)OO), pa 347. Chapter XV t i t l e d 'The Yellow and White Agony - A Chapter on Western Servants by HITS. Baillie-GrohmanH, dea ls with the servant p robl t r i n Br i t i sh Columbia i n the 1870's and 1880's. She employed a white gardener f o r $1.00 a day and three meals, t he da i ly r a t e of Chinese gardeners with food addi- t iona l , but he worked f o r only three days before leaving, H e wouldn't work if he only got "Chinanan's wages". pa 3 9 .

170. Ronald Leal, "Rub a Dub Dub: A Short History of Home Laundry" i n Raymond Fa Locke, Ed., The Human Side of History. Man's Manners, Morals and Games. ( b s Angeles, ManIcind Pub,, 1970), pa 159.

171. Oliver Cromwell Cox i n Caste, C l a s s and Race, ( ~ e w York, Monthly Review Press, 1959), s t a t e s t

"In order t o j u s t i f y degrading employment and treatment, exploi ters argue t h a t t h e workers a r e innately degraded and degenerate and consequently merit t h e i r condition. " p. 334.

It is not only t h e employers who view things i n t h i s my. I n a capit- alist, pa t r ia rcha l socie ty t h e work one does determines one's posit ion and image i n t h a t society. As hrelyn Sul le ro t has point- ed out r

"ac t iv i t i e s within t h e house are feminine, those which take place outside - business, po l i t i c s , war - are masculine. This polar i ty of ins ide - outside, i n t e r i o r - exte r io r , imperceptibly became a d i s t i nc t i on between in f e r io r i t y - super ior i ty . Gradually, ac- t i v i t i e s conducted ins ide were considered i n f e r i o r t o those per- formed outside. Evelyn Sul lerot , Wonan, Society and Change, Transl. Margaret Scotford Archer, (New York, McGraw-Hill Book

This po la r i ty becones even more exp l i c i t i n a socie ty based on the p ro f i t motive. Work that is soc i a l l y useful (domestic work) is devalued because it does not d i r e c t l y produce commodities f o r exchange. See Genevieve Lesl ie "Domestic Service i n Canada, 1880 - 1920" i n Janice Acton, Penny Goldsmith and Bonnie Shepard (~d.), Women a t Work, Ontario, 1850-1930, C ~ o m g t s , W onen's Educational Press, 1974), pp. 71-125,

CHAPTER I1

THE IMPERIAL CONNECTION

With such a people I maintain it is f o l l y t o say t h a t they w i l l "break before they w i l l bend". They a r e only Asiasticsz make them do a th ing - compel them t o advance - and they w i l l do it as well a s any of us; but consult t h e i r prejudcie, o r t h e i r ease, and good-bye t o any change o r advancement. Bear t h a t i n r ind - t r e a t them as children; make them do w h a t we know is f o r t h e i r benefit , as well a s our own, and a l l d i f f i c u l t i e s with China are a t an end.1

Up t o t h i s point, t h e discussion has dea l t with t h e colony and its re-

la t ionship t o Vancouver Island o r California. But Br i t i sh Colunbia was a

Br i t i sh colony, and as part of t h e -pire was subject t o Br i t i sh l a w and I m -

pe r ia l policy. Br i t i sh Colunblans were t o l ea rn t h a t pol ic ies contrary t o

Imperial t r e a t i e s could not be implemented i n t h e colony.

Br i t i sh r e l a t i ons with China had s ign i f ican t consequences on colonies

within t h e Br i t i sh Ehplre. The China t rade was of importance economically and

enotionally t o Britain. For instance, one ninth of t he t o t a l i n c o ~ e of Great

Bri ta in and one seventh of Br i t i sh India 's revenue i n 1852 was derived from

the Opim Trade between India and China. Br i ta in had been an acquiescent

guest i n China, but by 1842 t h i s policy was changing. Br i ta in became an ag-

gressive foreign power and laid t h e rules governing its presence i n China.

Other Western nations, par t i cu la r ly France and the United S ta tes , supported

Br i t i sh attempts t o open t h e doors of China by the use of gunpowder and they

a l so joined i n t he d i s t r i bu t ion of t h e spoi ls . The e f f e c t of these pol ic ies

on t h e Chinese and Br i t i sh Colmbians w i l l be discussed i n the following pages.

The romantic image co~:,;ured ir. Europe by the fabled Cathay changed by

the mid-nineteenth century t o t he Image of a dark, heathen, backward people.

The roo ts of t h i s western h o s t i l i t y began when t r ade r s attempted t o open Chin-

ese markets t o manufactured products. Advanced technology was seen by west-

erners as evidence of a higher c iv i l i za t ion , and few recognized t h a t there

was a difference between c iv i l i z a t i on and technological development, Yavlng iln-

b ibedthenot ion of t he super ior i ty of t h e West's economic and s o c i a l systems,

an a t t i t u d e reinforced by t h e i r demonstrably superior mi l i t a ry force, and bol-

s te red by t h e hapoleonic wars and t h e conquest of India, B r f t a i r i s e t ol;t to

end Chinese

domination,

t he peasant

i so la t ion from t h e West, A hundred years of foreign aggression,

and invasion followed, and t he Western economic penetration of

economy disrupted t he f a b r i c of Chinese society.

The motivation behind the attempts of Westerners t o open Chinese por ts

t o trade l a y i n t h e increased demand f o r Chinese exports i n the seventeenth

and eighteenth centuries. Concurrently, Manchester merchants dreamed of op-

ening t h i s inexhaustible market of four hundred mill ion people. By 1840, t he

i ndus t r i a l revolution increased the efficiency and output of Br i t i sh fac tor ies

t o such an extent t h a t t o maintain productivity, new foreign markets had t o

be found. England desired a reciprocal t rade, while China was content with

exporting what it considered were luxury items - t e a , s i l k , rhubarb, procelain

and lacquer-ware - i n exchange f o r s i l ve r . I so la t ion and exclusion had been

the o f f i c i a l Chinese policy s ince t h e Manchu conquest i n t h e 1640's. Being

an a l i e n dynasty, t he Manchus faced opposition from within and from t h e "sea-

barbarians" without. They feared t h a t t h e latter would be ab l e t o gain access

t o t h e enpire through foreign t rade, jo in forces with opposition groups with-

i n China, and thereby overthrow t h e Manchu dynasty.* Thus f o r reasons of in-

ternal secur i ty as well a s t h e i r o f f i c i a l a t t i t u d e toward t rade, r e s t r i c t i ons

were placed on foreign merchants .) Most inportantly, China ups economically

se l f -suff icent and d id not need western products, a fact that Br i ta in d id not

recogniee u n t i l t he Mitchell Report of 1852. 4

A fu r the r a f f ron t t o t he Br i t i sh uas the Chinese ins is tence on a t r i b u t e

form of trade, implying Chinese super ior i ty over a11 foreignersO5 Envoys were

expected t o acknowledge t h e i r submission i n t h e Kotov ceremonyo6 China8e LYI &ll

re fusa l t o treat England a s at l e a s t an equal was an important f a c t o r leading me C

t o t h e c o l l i s i ~ n of t h e two nations, 7 L

Control over and dominance of India had important psychological and econ- Or" uun

e f f e c t s , m Mm I 3

Wherever e l s e t h e Briton went he f e l t and spoke a s representat ive of L

t he power a t whose f e e t crouched a hundred mill ion H i n d w he saw e ther m MI

"natives" as s o many more crouching Hindus i n d i f f e r en t disguises .8

N o t only "natives". The Chinese were a l s o seen i n t h i s way, B u t t he re were

a l s o economic l i n k s between India and Chine. The cu l t iva t ion of r a w cotton

and opium i n India was controlled by t h e East India Company, and these products

provided conaodities t o exchange for Chinese exports - a l t e rna t ive commodities

t o gold and slilver, The Opium trade .as a complex arrangement >be-

tween t h e East India Company and t h e "Country traders". The ast India Company

had a monopoly on Br i t i sh trade with Chfna and granted l icences t o pr ivate

merchants who car r ied t h e t r ade between India, South-east A s i a and China, a

t rade i n spices, cotton and, opium. These l icences provided funds i n Canton

f o r t he Company's t e a investrrtnts. The pr ivate merchants were not permitted

t o dea l i n tea . A s t h e i r exports t o China far exceeded imports, t he pr ivate

aerchants used the Company's banking system a t Canton. The Company accepted

t he specie t he country t rade yielded, and exchanged it f o r B i l l s on the Court

of Directors i n London, o r on t h e Government of Bengal. I n t h i s way the East

India Company obtained revenue t o exchange f o r Chinese products i n demand i n

England, The Country trade was t h e key t o t h e old China t rade and as t h e t rade

increased these pr ivate merchants demanded an end t o t h e E a s t India Company's

monopoly, and an end t o China's closed door policy. The Opim t rade was "in-

extricably mixed up with every t rading operation between t h e t h r ee countries

Bnd ia , China, and Great ~ r i t a i n n . I n 1852 China only imported one and a

half mill ion pounds s t e r l i n g of inanufactured goods while Br i ta in bought more

than f i v e mill ion pounds s t e r l i n g of t e a and s i l k . The dif ference was mde

up by t h e Opim trade. 9

Despite t he Chinese government's prohibit ion on the importation of opium

i n 1800, t he t rade increased i n t h e nineteenth centurY.l0 I n t h e hopes of

in te res t ing t h e Eaperor in Br i t i sh manufactured goods, and thus expanding the

export t rade, embassies were sen t t o China but they had no success i n changing

Chinese policy and a t t i t u d e s toward foreigners and foreign t n d e . l l This

uncompromising a t t i t ude , t h e re fusa l t o dea l with foreigners on equal grounds,

and China's refusal t o adopt commercialism, were interpreted as evidence of

China's stagmt ion. l2 The accounts of these missions were widely publicised

i n Ellrope and replaced t h e opt imis t ic and in some cases imaginary accounts of

China t h a t had previously c i r c u l o t e ~ l . ~ ~ The negative image was i n formation

as Br i t i sh t raders saw China preventing then from f u l f i l l i n g what they s a w

as t h e i r mission.

Westerners impregnated with t h e i r ethos of change, progress, energy, invested commerce with t h e same divine r i gh t that monarchy formerly claimed, and were i r r e s i s t i b l y tempted t o r e so r t t o fo rce . . . To knock down decrepi t regimes was t o l i be ra t e people's from t h e crushing burden of t h e i r past . , . Backward lands would be given c i v i l i m t i o n , i n re- t u rn f o r t he products wanted by ~ o ~ e . 1 4

Religious opinion a l s o condemned China's closed-door policy. The London

Missionary Society sen t a missionary t o Canton i n 1807, '~ but Robert Morrison

had l i t t l e success i n converting t he Chinese t o Protestantism, With unreal-

is t ic hopes of successfully converting four hundred mill ion souls , t h e m i s -

s ionar ies ' e f f o r t s were doomed t o fa i lu re . Their concurrent disappointment

coloured t h e image of t he Chinese t h a t they presented t o a wide audience

through lectures , books, and re l ig ious socie ty publications. Arch ih ld L i t t l e ,

himself a missionary i n China f o r f o r t y years, considered t h a t many of t h e

misconceptions that westerners had concerning the Chinese and t h e i r govern-

ment, customs, l a w s and re l ig ion , were due t o t he fact that such information

came f r o m ntissionaries. To de~lonstroste t he need f o r t h e i r existence, t o jus t i -

f y t h e i r life-work and lack of v i s i b l e success, missionaries represented China

i n its worst l i g h t , l6 emphsising vice, debauchery, infant ic ide , idolat ry ,

l icentiousness and t h e d-dud posit ion of Further evidence of

Chinese bsckwardness and need of reform was found i n t h e a t t i t u d e of Chinese

o f f i c i a l s who d id not encourage t h e missionaries' e f for t s . Missionaries thus

supported e f f o r t s t o change t h e a t t i t u d e t o and t h e posi t ion of t h e foreigner

i n China.

It was the combined pressure of re l igious , trade, and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s

that caused a s h i f t i n Br i t i sh policy i n China. Pr io r t o 1839 t h e Br i t i sh

had t r i e d t o persuade China that a more s t ab l e t rading rel.ationship would

benefit both nations. But with t he voice of these i n t e r e s t groups, with t h e

backing of t he nanufacturing in t e r e s t s of England, and after the 1832 Reform

B i l l with t he backing of t he House of Commons, mil i tary force was advocated

t o open Chinese ports. The Opium Wars and t h e Ta ip iw Revolution reinforced

the notion of western superiori ty. The unfla t ter ing image of t h e Chinese,

which was necessary t o j u s t i fy Br i t i sh aggression, was publicized i n western

accounts of these wars. Chinese closed-door policy was explained i n racial

terns - as evidence of Chinese in fe r io r "characterH - and t he solut ion was

t h e i r education through the use of force. The Fast India and China Associa-

t ion, which represented t h e merchants of London with i n t e r e s t s i n the Far

E a s t , explained t o t h e Foreign Secretary a f t e r t h e F i r s t Opium War:

Submission w i l l now only aggravate t he ev i l , , . . an attempt should be made, supported by a powerful force, t o obtain such concessions from China as would place the t rade upon a secure and perinanent footing.18

The prevailing view i n 1855 w a s :

For a revolution t o be effect ive i n China - ef fec t ive i n reforming every branch of t he goverxment, and i n inproving a l l c lasses of t h e peo- ple - we believe it will have t o c a l l i n t h e a i d and the influence of t he foreigner . . . Bri t i sh representatives Ff p o l i t i c a l and commercial and re l igious depsr tmentd bent on t h e improvement and t he welfare of t he Chinese branch of t he human f a ~ a i l ~ , l g

Captain Sherard Osborn i n t h e Spring of 189 wrote of t h e necessity of t h e

second Opium War i n t he same pa te rna l i s t i c tones:

Great Bri ta in had t o in te r fe re , not only t o re t r ieve her damaged prestige - . . . but physical force had t o be applied t o compel the Chinaman t o do w h a 3 we thought r i gh t ,2O

The Opium Wars closed with t h e Manchu government acceding t o western

demands i n harsh and humiliating t r e a t y terms. The Treaty of Tietsen and the

Convention of Peking gave Br i ta in a l l the concessions f o r which t h e wars had

been fought. Br i ta in obtained ex t r a - t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n China, access t o over

ninety ports, concessions i n mining and railroads, missionary access t o in-

land China, and r e s t r i c t i o n s on Chinese sovereignty. One of t h e most impor

t a n t r e s t r i c t i o n s was the control of t h e Chinese M a r i t h e Customs by foreign-

ers. By se t t i ng t he import tariff at f i v e per cent ad valore~;: China could

no longer protect l o c a l industry. 2 1

I n F'rederic Wakeman's b r ie f analysis of t h e economic consequences of t he

importation of Br i t i sh manufactured goods on r u r a l cottage industr ies , he

underestimates t h e i r e f f e c t s on both l o c a l industry and t he s o c i a l s t ruc ture

of r u r a l China. He points out t h a t i n rural areas where cottage industry was

most affected by Br i t i sh t e x t i l e s "anti-foreignism" was most narked. He a l s o

argues t h a t r u r a l inpoverishment has been *grossly overemphasized8'. 22 But

he does not consider women's work, and therefore its cessation, t o be of suf-

f i c i e n t importance t o include in h i s analysis. That it was not ins ignif icant

is denonstrated by t h e f a c t that i n Shun-te county i n 1853, half of t he women

weavers l o s t t h e i r occupations due t o t h e introduction of competitively priced

foreign ~ 1 0 t h . ~ ~ The l o s s of t h e i r l o c a l market resu l ted i n t h e i n t ens i f i -

cation of farpily members inter-dependence. A grea t e r re l iance was placed on

t h e earning power of male members of t h e l ineage and t h i s i n t u r n a l t e r ed so-

c i a l re la t ions .

I n t h e ea r ly nineteenth century, Ch'ing emperors expanded cotton cu l t i -

vation and cloth was exported t o t h e West i n l a rge quant i t i es , Between 1860

and 1890, however, Lancashire drove t h e native cotton c loth e n t i r e l y out of

t h e urban markets of China, u n t i l by 1905 foreign c lo th const i tu ted forty-four

24 per cent of China's foreign imports, excluding opium, The l o s s of t he mar-

ke t meant t h e l o s s of occupations f o r cotton growers, spinners and weavers,

A s a consequence, male members of l inerp~es emigrated, By 1870 a similar pat-

t e r n of unemployment had occurred among t h e spinners and weavers of P'an Yu

county i n Kwangtung. In t h e ea r ly 1880's sixty-five per cent of t h e Chinese

population on t h e Thompson River, B r i t i sh Columbia, and nearly s i x t y per cent

of Li l looet *s Chinese population had migra t ed from P'an yueZ5 This indicates

t h a t impoverishment i n t h i s county ms of su f f i c i en t sever i ty t o compel Chin-

ese men t o migrate as labourers t o a foreign and h o s t i l e country, i n an at-

tempt t o assist t h e i r l ineages economically, Unfortunately there has been

no research done on t h e records of t h e earlier Benevolent Societ ies , and thus

no infornation as t o t h e county or ig ins of earlier Chinese immigrants, How-

ever, t h e Chinese pat tern of "chain migration" suggests t h a t e a r l i e r h i g r a -

t i o n t o these areas i n Br i t i sh Columbia probably originated from t h e same

counties, W h a t is cer ta in is that t h e Chinese who d i d immigrate t o North

America originated f r o m t h e two provinces of Kwangtung and Fukien and t h a t

these areas were m o s t a f fec ted by t h e soc ia l , economic and p o l i t i c a l d is lo-

cat ion which occurred after Bri ta in intervened i n China,

Thus t h e economic and s o c i a l d is locat ion which occurred i n Kwangtung

and F'ukien as a r e s u l t of t h e Opiun Wars and t h e Taiping revolution was t o

bring t o t he Br i t i sh Columbian colony unwelcome Chinese sojourners, Rela-

t i ons between China and Br i ta in had addi t ional e f f e c t s on t he mainland col-

ony. Ar t ic le V of t h e Convention of Peking contained a stumbling block t o

exclusionist policy makers i n Br i t i sh Columbia and other Br i t i sh colonies, 26

Its importance warrants t h e f u l l quotation;

A s soon as t h e Rat i f icat ions of t h e Treaty of one thousand eight hundred and fif ty-eight s h a l l have been exchanged, H i s I m p e r i a l Majesty t h e Emperor of China, w i l l , by decree, command t h e high au tho r i t i e s of every province t o proclain throughout t h e i r ju r i sd ic t ions that Chinese, choosing t o t ake se rv ice i n t he Br i t i sh colonies o r o ther pa r t s beyond t h e sea, a r e a t perfect l i b e r t y t o en t e r i n t o engagements with Br i t i sh Subjects f o r t h a t purpose, and t o sh ip themselves and t h e i r famil ies on board any Br i t i sh vessel at any of t h e open por ts of China, Also that t h e high au tho r i t i e s aforesaid, sha l l , i n concert with her Britannic Majesty's Representative i n China, frame such regulations f o r t h e pro- t ec t i on of Chinese emigrating as above, as t h e circumstances of t h e dif- fe ren t open por t s may dellmd,27

The young colonies soon discovered that t h e i r i n t e r e s t s w e r e indeed of

secondary importance t o t he commercial iwabitions of G r e a t Br i ta in , I n 1866

Robson of t he Br i t i sh Colmbian was t o complain;

We a r e qu i t e aware that t h e HInstructions" from t h e Colonial Office forbid t h e imposition of spec ia l taxes upon persons of Asiatic Origin; but surely there is a poss ib i l i t y of having these "InstructionsH so m o d i - f i e d as t o admit of a poll-tax upon Chinese, It is hardly fair f o r t h e Imperial Government t o throw s o small and young a community a l together upon its own resources - compel us t o pay our way and defend ourselves, and a t t h e same t h e ixapose such r e s t r i c t i o n s as w i l l prevent our Govern- ment from carrying i n t o e f f e c t a f i s c a l system which would fall equitably upon a l l c lasses of t he comnunity,28

He cal led f o r t h e r e c a l l o r abrogation of such Imperial "instructions" which

placed limits upon possible l eg i s l a t i on by the Br i t i sh Columbian Legislature,

A f u r the r f ac to r which added fuel t o already r a c i s t fires had t o do with

t he timing of t he immigration, The Chinese emigmted from Kwangtung at a

time when slavery was a controversial issue i n North America. Slave labour

had been abolished i n Br i t i sh possessions i n 1833 and it was slowly being

recognized by economists t h a t a s lave labour system involved more cap i t a l out-

lay than a discipl ined "freen labour force.

When the pressure of population induces t h e freeman t o o f f e r h i s services as he does i n a l l old countries, f o r l i t t l e more than the na- t u r a l minimum of wages, those se rv ices are very cer ta in t o be more pro- ductive and less expensive than those of t h e bondsman, whose support is a charge t o t h e aster and who has nothing t o gain by h i s i n d ~ t r y . ~ 9

This proposition had been proven i n t he West Indies where, with t h e introduc-

t i on of Indian "cooliesn, prosperity exceeded the l e v e l reached pr ior t o t h e

abol i t ion of slaverym3' The AntiSlavery Reporter published repor t s demon*

trating t h e advantages of free labour over slavery. An impoverished Ire-

land provided a ready source of cheap labour f o r t he United S ta tes , labour

cheaper than black slaves.

The p i l o t s of the Mississippi steam boats t e l l t r a v e l l e r s t h a t they cannot afford t o have negro s tokers - they are too expensive, Every time a boi le r burs ts they would lose so many dol lars ' worth of slaves, whereas, by ge t t ing Irishmen at a do l l a r a day, they pay f o r t he article as they ge t it; and if it is blown up, why they g e t another, and only lose a day's wages by the transaction,31

The Chinese fi l led a similar need f o r manual labourers i n t he Pac i f ic

Northwest and t h e i r l i v e s were as cheap. They were known as t h e " I r i sh of

t he Pacificn, and as contract labourers w e n t from China t o t h e West Indies,

Cuba, Peru, Chile and t h e Pac i f ic Islands. In t he twentieth century they

were contracted t o Western Samoa, New Zealand, and t h e Transvaal,

The contract t r a f f i c was cal led t h e "pig traden. Foreigners engaged t h e

services of Chinese men f o r usually f i ve year contracts and shipped them d i r -

e c t l y from China ( the e a r l i e s t port of e x i t was Amoy f o r t h i s t r ade ) t o t h e i r

contract destination. Through t h i s system, Indian and Chinese "coolies" re-

placed s lave labour on t h e plantations of t h e Br i t i sh colonies. China and

India were seen as vast reserves of unskil led labour. Their recruitment i n

China, of ten under f a l s e pretenses, was carr ied on through Chinese cool ie

brokers employed by fomQn f i r m s . The Chinese l a w of debt bondage aade it

possible f o r Chinese men t o be obtained through "debt, deceit, o r argumentH, 32

and as they were kept under c lose guard i n barracoons - "pig-pens" - escape

was improbable. Pers ia Crawford Campbell describes t h e t rade as followst

Coolies were induced t o s e l l t h e i r freedom i n t h e gambliw dens, o r they were deceived by promises o r engagements of work . . . Some of t h e coolies were de l ibera te ly drugged and possession taken of t h e i r per- sons, others were seized by force . . . The cool ies were misused and beaten. If necessary they were t i e d up by t h e thumbs . . . O r they were plunged i n t o t h e cold waters of t he r i v e r u n t i l they consented t o emi- grate. Some were t o l d t o choose between emigration and death.33

Their forced emigration and treatment on t h e voyage occasioned r i o t s and mut-

in ies , and Br i t i sh newspapers reported "another coolie tragedy1' frequently i n

t he 1850's. 34

Reports of t h e contract traffic confused t h e white population. Although

the bulk of t h e Chinese immigrants came t o t h e Pac i f ic North West by t h e cred-

i t - t i cke t system, m o p c a n s raisunderstood t h e nature of t h e credi t - t icket

system and saw it as being t h e same as t he contract labour system. Thus t h e

Chinese labourers were known as "coolies" and never l o s t t h e connotation of

slave labour. John Robson reported i n 1865:

The grea t bulk of these people are mere slaves , and as such may be considered poor i n a sense. 35

A negative stereotype of the Chinese as a race was thus formed before

they reached t h e west coast of North America. They did not a r r i v e i n Br i t i sh

Columbia i n an "opinion v a c u u ~ n " , ~ ~ The r i s e of t he popular press a t t he time

of t h e Opium Wars spread t h e unpopular image throughout Br i ta in and North

Americae3'l Br i t i sh and American t r a v e l l e r s t o China viewed t h e Chinese with

disdain and t h e i r a t t i t u d e s reached a wide audience through l ec tu re tours and

publications. Writing from t h e point-of-view of Br i t i sh merchants and Br i t i sh

"honour", Captain Sherard Osborn described the Chinese as "money-making ani-

mals ( fo r they a r e l i t t l e Of g rea t e r influence i n North America,

par t i cu la r ly California, i n forming opinion among a population ignorant of

China and Chinese customs was Bayard Taylor, who was t h e most popular l e c tu re r

of h i s time. 39 After having spent a few b r i e f months i n China i n - and that

was spent mainly i n por ts with day excursions t o t h e Chinese quar te rs of t he

c i t y - he spoke as an author i ty on t he Chinese. O f t h e Chinese character he

said , "The Chinese nature appears t o be s o thoroughly passive t h a t it is not

even receptive. wK) H e continues i

The only t a s t e which t h e Chinese exhibi t t o any degree, is a love of t h e monstrous , , , they ad!nire whatever is d i s to r t ed o r unnatural . , . It is my de l ibera te opinion that t h e Chinese are, morally, the most debased people on t h e face of t h e ear th , . . t he re was enough i n t h e things which I could not avoid seeing and hearing . . , t o insp i re me with a powerful aversion t o t h e Chinese race, Their touch is pollu- t ion , and, harsh as t h e opinion may seem, j u s t i ce t o our own race de- mands t h a t they should not be allowed t o s e t t l e on our soi lebi

John Robson of t h e Br i t i sh Columbian printed miscellaneous items on

China from English papers - items which reinforced t h e negative inage of t he

Chinese as a people.

The probabili ty is t h a t the day is near when the Chinese as a nation w i l l cas t off t he v e i l of pride and self-conceit with which t h e i r minds have so long been blindd.42

Peter Yard i n "White Canada Forever" has demonstrated t h e comonality

of t he Chinese stereotype i n Bri ta in , Br i t i sh North America, and the United

States , by looking a t t he inwe portrayed i n school geography text books, 4.3

Through thismediumthe negative image was perpetuated, The white population

defined "the Chinalaan" and then saw what had already been defined i n t he be-

haviour, habits, and customs of t h e Chinese immigrants, Permitted grea te r

freedom of movement t o Br i t i sh colonies after the signing of t h e Convention

of Peking, facing economic and soc i a l i n s t a b i l i t y and uncertainty i n t h e i r

home counties, and encouraged by t h e exaggerated s t o r i e s of the r iches t o be

made across the seas, t h e Chinese headed f o r Br i t i sh Columbia, California

and other Br i t i sh colonies. They immigrated at a time when cheap labour was

required t o replace s lave labour. Confusion between t h e credi t - t icket system

and t h e contract labour system resu l ted i n the Chinese being branded as slaves

- at a time when slavery was a controversial issue i n North America, Thus

t h e negative stereotype formed by Europeans as a result of t h e l r ethnocentric

reporting of events i n China was reinforced by contact i n North America,

The unpopular image had been formed and from t h i s basis demands were made

f o r the exclusion of t h e Chinese from Br i t i sh Columbia with addi t ional argu-

ments based on the science of ethnology, a grea te r awareness of health and

disease, and an emphasis on morality. The popular image ws printed i n - Punch

i n 1858 and can be located i n t he minds and newspapers of North America and

Br i t i sh colonies J

A CHANSON FOR CANTON

John Chinaman a rogue is born, The laws of t r u t h he holds i n scorn; About as grea t a brute a s can Encumber t he ear th is John Chinaman.

Sing Yeh, my cruel John Chinaman, Sing Yeo, my stubborn John Chinaman; Not Cobden himself can take off the ban By humanity l a i d on John Chinanran,

With t h e i r l i t t l e pig-eyes and t h e i r large pig- ta i ls , A n d t h e i r d i e t of rats, dogs, slugs, and sna i l s , A l l seems t o be game i n the frying-pan O f t h a t nasty feeder, John Chinaman.

Sing Lie-Tea, my s l y John China.man No fightee, my coward John Chinaman: John B u l l has a chance - Let him, if he can, Somewhak open the eyes of John Chinamanew

Footnotes (chapter 11):

1. Captain Sherard Osborn, The Past and Future of Br i t i sh Relations i n China, dinb burgh, William Blackwood and Sons, 1860). p. 15, -

2. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, An Embassy t o China: Being the Journal kept by Lord Macartney during h i s embassy t o the Emperor Ch'ien-lung 1793- 1794, (London, Longmans, Green and Co., Ltd., 1962). pp. 10-11.

3. Barriers t o t rade included: t he l i n i t a t i o n of t rade t o t he Canton area and the r e s t r i c t i o n of trading with one group of Chinese merchants - the Co Hong - which eliminated a competitive market; foreign resi- dence r e s t r i c t ed t o t he fac tor ies of t he outlying d i s t r i c t s of Qn- ton, and only between October and May; prohibitions on t h e hir ing of Chinese servants, t he possession of firearms, and the bringing of wives t o China. I n t he Confucian class system t rade was con- sidered a profession of low repute and merchants a despised class. G. B. ~ n d a c o t t and A. Hinton, Fragrant Harbour: A s h o d Histo of How Kong, ( ~ o n g Kong, Oxford University Press, 1%2), pp. 931. See a l s o J. L, Cranrner Byng, op. c i t . , p. 8.

4. The Mitchell Report was an analysis of t he Far %stern Trade prepared f o r the Br i t i sh Foreign Office. F'rederic Wakeman Jr., Stra e r s at the Gate r Social Disorder i n South China. 1839-186ls-ey and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1966). p. 72.

5. J. K. Fairbank, "Tributary Trade and China's Relations with t he West",

6. 'This involved three separate kneelings, each one followed by a f u l l pro- s t r a t i on with t he forehead knocking the ground three times," J. L. Cranmer-Byng, OP. cit., pa 6.

7. Victor Purcell , China, ondo don, Ernest Benn Ltd., 1962), p. 53,

- 8. V, G, Kiernan, The Lords of Human Kind, ondo don, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, k

S 1969). P. 25.

B 9. Alexander Michie, The Englishman i n China during t h e Victorian Era, Vol, B I, dinbu burgh, William Blackwood and Sons, 1900). pp. 196-197:

i ~ i c h a e l ~ r e e n b e r ~ , Br i t i sh Trade and the Opening o f china 180042,

(cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1969) ; Maurice Col l is , For- - eign Mud: The Opium Imbroglio at Canton i n t h e 1830's and t h e Anglo- Chinese W a r , (New York, W. W. Norton and Co., 1968)1 and Victor m i n a , OP. c i t . , pp. 53-54, especially.

10, I n t h e ear ly eighteenth century t h e annual import of opium i n t o China was 200 chests. By t h e beginning of t h e nineteenth century, it had r i s e n t o 5,000 chests per annum; by 1831 t o 16,500 chests; by 1838-39 (a f te r t he East India Company monopoly had been abolished), t o 40,000 chests per annum. (1 chest f 3/5 lb. ) G. B, Endacott e t a l , op. cit., pa 14.

11. Lord Macartney l ed an embassy t o China i n 1794. which f a i l e d t o expand t h e t r ade i n Br i t i sh goods par t ly because of: t h e con f l i c t between China and Br i ta in i n Tibet ; t h e t h r ea t Br i ta in posed due t o its vast acquis i t ions i n India; t he a t t i t u d e of t h e Chinese Viceroy i n Canton who opposed fu r the r extensions of t rade; and because Lord Macartney refused t o perform t h e Kotow. Chinese o f f i c i a l s continu- ed t o view t h e t rade as one desired by t h e barbaric English, and they were not impressed with English science and technology. J. La Cranmer-Byng, ope c i te , and Hugh Murray, John Crawford, Peter Gor- don e t a l , An His tor ica l and Descriptive Account of ZhC, 3 Vols. , dinbu burgh, Oliver and Boyd, 1843). Vol. I, pa 315.

The East India Company requested a second embassy t o open t h e China t rade i n 1814. Br i ta in had viola ted Chinese neu t r a l i t y by se iz ing an American sh ip a t Whampoa i n April-May 1814, and by bringing captur- ed loo t t o Macao during t h e W a r of 1812, To remove these past grievances and t o open normal t rade r e l a t i ons Lord Amherst was sent t o China i n 1816. H i s mission had even l e s s success than Macart- ney's and he was ordered t o leave Peking before an audience took place, The East India Company paid t h e expenses of t h e mission and Lord Amherst had been authorised t o perform t h e ICotow if t he re was a chanoe of "material benefit" t o t h e company. W i l l h ~ La Tung, China and t h e Foreign Powers: The Impact of and Reaction t o Une- pa1 Treat ies , (New York, Oceana Publications, 19701, pa 6, and Hugh Murray, OP* tit , , Val. I., ppm 32.59331 a

12. The h i s t o r i c a l debate over t h e "Asiatic Mode of Production" continues. For a re fu ta t ion of Marx, Engels and l a t e r Wittfogels conceptual- i za t ion of late Imperial China as a stagnant and s ta t ionary socie ty s ee F'rances Moulder, HThe Asiatic Mode of Production and Late Im- perial China: A Society Without Class Conflict and Social Change?" Radical History Review, Vole 3, No, 1-3, Fall-Winter, 1975, pp. 44- 55. See a l s o Joseph Esherick, nHarvard on China: The Apologetics - - of Imperialism", Bu l l e t i n of Concermd Asian Scholars, Vol IV, No. 4, (~ecember 1972), pp. 9-16. f o r a discussion of t h e assumptions held by twentieth century apologis ts of western imperialism i n Xm-

p e r i a l China. Hu Sheng i n Imperialism arad Chinese Po l i t i c s , ( ~ e k - ing, Foreign Languages Press, 1955) argues t h a t t h e Manchu dynasty nas facing severe t h r ea t s t o its au thor i ty from peasant uprisings and t h a t t h e presence and ac t i ve support of foreigners in tensif ied t h e au tocra t ic r u l e of t he Manchus. p p 1 Ping-ti Ho, i n Studies on t he Population of China, 1368-1953, (cambridge Massachu- setts, Harvard University Press, 1959) demonstrates t h a t t h e t r e a t y tariffs, by protecting foreign-owned industry i n China impeded China's economic progress, pa 207,

b 13. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, OP. c i t e , pa 55. See a l s o Raymond Dawson, The Chin- ese Chameleon: An ana lys i s of European conceptions of Chinese ci- v i l i za t ion , (London, Oxford University Press, 1967).

14, V. G , Kiernan, OD. cit., pa 26.

15. A. Lovett, The History of t h e London Missionary Society 17954895, Vol, I, ( ~ e p r i n t , Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1st. printed 1899), pa 104.

16. Archibald L i t t l e , Gleanings from F i f t y Years i n China, ondo don, Sampson - Low, Marston and Co., Ltd,, lglO), p. 295,

I n Raymond Dawson, op, c i t . , t h e change i n t h e European a t t i t u d e t o China is explained by t h e l o s s i n impetus of t he sinophilisra of t h e Enlightenment and t h e "chinoiserie" vogue, and t h e i ndus t r i a l progress i n Br i ta in coupled with overseas imperialism which engend- ered an a t t i t u d e of super ior i ty , However, Dawson considers t h a t Protestant Chris t iani ty was "at t h e hear t of t h i s new a t t i t ude , providing its ideological jus t if i c a t ion, " p. 132.

17. S tuar t C. Miller, The Unwelcome Immigrant, Berkeley, University of Cali- fornia Press, 1969). pp, 63167.

18, Alexander Hichie, OP. c i t e , Vol I, pa 88.

19, Quoted f r o m t he Edinburgh Review in Rev, William Milne, L i fe i n China, (London, G, Routledge and Company, l857), pp. 516-537. Milne was a missionary i n China from 1839 t o 1854 with t he London Missionary Society, This Soc ie ty had many businessmen on its Board of Direc- t o r s whose policy was t h a t t h e Society should la rge ly pay its way.

Missionary ships could carry out cargoes of missionaries and recoup the Society through re turn cargoes of merchandise, R. Lovett, 2 tit., V O ~ 1, pa 78. -

Missionaries a l s o d i r e c t l y served t raders i n China by t r ave l l i ng with them i n t he capacity of in te rpre te rs ,

20. Captain Sherard Osborn, ope c i t . , p, 4,

This is not t o say t h a t t he re was unanimous agreement i n Britain on t h e "r3ghtness" of t h e Opium Wars. W i l l i a m E, Gladstone condemned it as a w a r "to protect an infamous c o r r t r a ~ d traffic", "a war more unjust i n its or igin , a war more calculated t o cover t h i s country with permanent disgrace, I do not know and have not read of". Quoted i n W i l l i a m Tung, ope c i t e , p, 7,

Karl Marx a l s o condemned it, See Dcxna Torr ($d. ) , Marx on China 1853- 1860, (~ondon, Lawrence and wishart, 1951), especial ly a r t i c l e in - New York Daily Tribune, A p r i l 10, 1857, quoted on p, 39.

22. Frederic Wakeman Jr,, Strangers a t t h e Gate: Social Disorder i n South T ~ e r k e l e ~ and Los Angeles, University of Califor- , Appendix I V , pp, 187-188.

24. Ping-ti Ho, op. c i te , pp, 201-202, p, 207,

25. Chuen-Yan David Lai, "Home County and Clan Origins of Overseas Chinese i n Canada i n t h e Early 1880'sW, Be C, Studies, No. 27, (~utumn 1975). p* 11.

26. Queensland ran i n t o t h e same objections i n 1877. See Persia Crawford Campbell, Chinese Coolie Emigration t o Countries Within t h e B r i t - i s h Empire, (London, Frank Cass and Co. Ltd,, 1971), p, 62,

27, Convention of Peking, 1860, Article V. Quoted i n Harley F. MacNair, Modern Chinese History, Selected Readings ( ~ e w York, Paragon Book, 1967), ppe 319-320,

28, Br i t i sh Columbian, November 24, 1966, p. 1.

Herman Merivale, Lectures on Colonization and Colonies, ond don, Long- man, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1861). Chapter X I , "Slave Labour", especially p. 305.

This was one of a s e r i e s of l ec tures delivered before the University of Oxford i n 1839, 1840, and 1841.

Merivale here r e f e r s t o t he example of Mauritius.

The Anti-Slavery Reporter, ( ~ p r i l 1, 1853), Vol. I, No. 4, ( ~ e w se r i e s ) , "Irishmen and Negroesy', pa 84.

Persia Crawford Campbell, op. cit., p. 95.

She describes t h i s system and t h e part played by Br i t i sh firms i n Amoy in "Chinese 'Contract Ehigration' ", Part 11.

Ibid, , pp. 117-118. - Alexander Michie, op. c i t . , Vol. 11, pa 168.

A description of t he Portugese coolie t rade at Macao published i n a Hong Kong newspaper reads: "Coolies, kidnapped, imprisoned i n bar- racoons, flogged t o make then consent t o s ign the iniquitous con- t r a c t t h a t binds them t o a l i f e of slavery marched with a strong guard t o t e s t i f y at t h e Government of f ices t o t h e i r signature as given voluntar i ly and f ree ly , half-starved, exposed t o blindness and disease on board sh ip i n t r a n s i t t o t he place of t h e i r exi le , tossed over-, o r l e f t on some barren i s l e t o die , if l o s s of s igh t o r sickness render them useless t o t h e i r nrasters."

For descriptions of similar conditions and treatment on board American and Bri t i sh vessels see Persia Crawford Campbell, op. c i t , , pp. 95-98. Chinese labourers contracted by Andrew Onderdonk came di- r ec t ly from Hong Kong in t h e 1880's t o build t he Br i t i sh Columbian section of t h e Canadian Pac i f ic R a i l r o a d . Left t o fend f o r them- selves a f t e r completion of t h e C.P.R., they would have starved if they had not received a i d from the Chinese Benevolent A s s o c i a t i o ~ ~ .

35. Bri t i sh Columbian, March 2, 1865, p. 3.

36. S tuar t C. Miller, ope c i t e , p. 7.

37. For t he formation of t h e negative w e i n U.S.A., s ee S tuar t C. Miller, op. ci t . , especia l ly Chapter 5, ''Opium W a r popularizes t h e Unfavom- ab le Innage 1839-1850". For formation of t he image i n Europe (par- t i c u l a r l y ~ n g l a n d ) , see Raymond Dawson, :pa cit. See a l s o George Wingrove Cooke, Chinat being "The Times spec i a l correspondence from China. i n t h e Years.1857-1858, (London, G. Routledge and Co., 1858). I n a descr ipt ion of t h e Chinese he writes:

'The s tupid expressionless pigs' eyes and bald faces , and t h e same at- t i t u d e of s t o l i d grave conceit which we fancy t o be a car icature when we see it o n a willow-pattern p la te 'bu t f i nd t o be t r u e vege- t a t i n g Chinese l i f e . " p, 5 ,

38. Captain Sherard Osborn, ope c i t e , p. 178.

39. John Hohenberg, Between Two Worlds, ( ~ e w York, Frederick A. Praeger, 1967), pe 401.

40. Bayard Taylor, V i s i t t o India, China and Japan i n t h e Year 1853, ( ~ e w York, G. P. Putnam and Co., 1855), p. 333.

42. Br i t i sh Columbian, A w s t 1, 1861, p. 1.

This was a comment at t h e c lose of t h e Opium War - after China had been forced t o accede t o Br i t i sh demands.

43. W i l l i a m Peter Ward, Whi t e Canada Forever, B r i t i sh Colwnbia's Response t o Orientals, 1858-1914". PM., Queen's University, Ontario, S e p tember, 1972, pp. 3-4.

44. "A Chanson f o r Cantonw, Punch, Vol XXXIV, ( ~ p r i l 10, 1858), p. 151, i

The image of t h e Chinese is too s imi la r t o t h e image Anglo-Saxons held of t he I r i s h t o be mere co-incidence. The Victorian image of t he I r i s h contained t h e following notions: t h a t they were chi ldish,

emotionally unstable, ignorant, indolent, supers t i t ious , primitSve o r semi-civilized, d i r t y , vengeful, violent, and feminine, The cartoon w e was t h a t of the pig, A s with most stereotypes, t h i s image t e l l s us more about Anglo-Saxons than the I r i sh , The simil- a r i t y of the images of t he two r a c i a l groups - I r i s h and Chinese - can be explained i n terms of Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism, the B r i t i s h assumption that they had been chosen a s t he "Lords of Human Kind", and the cheap unskil led labour force t h a t t he I r i s h and Chinese supplied.

For t he Anglo-Saxon image of t he I r i s h see L. P. C u r t i s Jr., AngLo- Saxons and Celts, ( ~ o n n e c t i c u t t , Published by the Conference on Br i t i sh Studies at the University of Bridgeport, 1968).

THE RATIONALE FOR THE RESTRICTION OF THE CHINESE If: BRITISH COLUMBIA

Shal l t he fair prospects of t h i s Pac i f ic province be marred with a f lood of t h e worst and most degraded elements of paganism, and made a reformatory f o r As ia t ic criminals and a nursery of vice? ( ~ o y a l Com- mission Report 1885, Evidence David W i l l i a m Gordon, M. P., p. 140.)

The econolaic and p o l i t i c a l s i t ua t i on i n China accounted f o r the ~ecessity

of t h e emigration of Chinese men. The soc i a l organization of a south-eastern

Chinese v i l l age explains why they could leave t h e i r famil ies and communities,

and why many were only sojourners i n Br i t i sh Columbia. Ties with t h e i r v i l -

lage drew them back t o China. Their soc i a l s t ruc ture , habi ts and cul ture were

brought t o Br i t i sh Columbia with them and re-established here with necessary

modifications. Their soc i a l organization nade it possible f o r them t o survive

i n a hos t i l e and a l i e n environment. Europeans, already perceiving the Chinese

negatively, saw the segregated Chinatown of ea r ly Br i t i sh Columbian towns,

with its d i f fe ren t cul ture , organization, and soc i a l values a s evidence of

t h e unassimil iabi l i ty and al ienness of t he Chinese, and t h i s provided a ra-

t i ona l e f o r r e s t r i c t i n g and taxing them.

The po l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l d is locat ion t h a t began i n Kwangtung

with t h e Opium Wars in tens i f ied with the Taiping Revolution - a c i v i l war

which cost a t l e a s t t e n t o twenty million Chinese lives.' Added t o the pol-

i t i c a l s i t ua t i on were t h e perennial problems of pressure of population,

famines bringing povcrty,Irand-lordism, and land shortages. Land-iordism, 5

however, has been exaggerated by modern wr i te r se2 The Chinese were not a

f

migratory people, but economic conditions and p o l i t i c a l upheaval forced emi-

gration, With no land of t h e i r own, t he poor laboured f o r landowners and

were t h e first t o suf fe r if crops fa i led and food was scarce, The scorched

ear th policy of t h e Imperial government during t h e Taiping revolution forced

others off the land t o t h e coas ta l c i t i e s , With a bleak fu ture i n China,

thousands of young Chinese men, encouraged by foreign agents, emigrated with

t h e philosophy

To be s t a v e d and t o be buried i n t he sea a r e t he same , , , Why not plunge r i g h t i n t o death r a t h e r than wait f o r death?3

4 The more po l i t i c a l l y independent people of t h e Province of Kwangtung

were exposed through commercialism t o t he wider world, The Manchu dynasty

confined t h e western t rade t o Canton i n 1757 and thus t h e Cantonese were fur-

t h e r exposed t o westerners and gained knowledge of t h e Americas, hearing s to r -

i e s of t h e grea te r economic opportunit ies avai lable i n t h e "Cold Mountains".

Friends and r e l a t i ve s followed t h e ear ly emigrants, encouraged by shipping

companies' propaganda of high wages and material success. Thus t h e chain m i -

gra t ion began. Faced with economic and p o l i t i c a l uncertainty i n t h e i r own

v i l l ages they looked t o t he Americas t o make a l iv ing ,

The s o c i a l organization of south-eastern Chinese v i l l ages made t h i s emi-

grat ion possible, The family served as t h e organizing pr inciple of t h e v i l -

lage Villages were composed of families re la ted by male descent t o a common

m l e ancestor, and inhabitants were predominantly o r en t i r e ly people with a

Common surname ,' The lineage functions were economic, r i t u a l i s t i c and re-

6 l ig ious , educational, s o c i a l and included welfare functions. Thus, a Chinese

male could leave h i s v i l l age with t he intent ion of economically improving h i s

lineage and not leave h i s family des t i tu te . Other members of h i s family could

f u l f i l h i s ro l e s and du t i e s i n h i s absence. However, these family obligations

ensured t h a t h i s l oya l t i e s would be retained i n t he lineage and vil lage.

The close-knit community organization of t h e Chinese v i l l age was trans-

ported, with necessary modifications, t o Br i t i sh Columbia, Chuen Yan David

Lai, researching t h e records of t h e Chinese Benevolent Society i n Victoria,

discovered t h a t i n 1881 t h e majority of Chinese inhabi tants of a Chinatown

i n Br i t i sh Columbia spoke a common d i a l ec t , dominated spec i f i c occupations

and t rades , and originated from t h e same county and/or clan. For example,

seventy-seven percent of Quesnelmouth had originated from K'ai-p'ing. O f

t h i s dominating county group, eighty-four per cent belonged t o t h e Chou clan.

Forming county o r clan associat ions f o r mutual help, these organizations ex-

cluded from the a rea Chinese who were not members. Unless a Chinese male was

a member of t he l o c a l clan group he had d i f f i c u l t y f inding work e i t h e r among

t h e Chinese o r t h e white community.' Thus t he exclusiveness of a south-eastern

Chinese v i l l age was established i n Br i t i sh Columbian Chinatowns.

These clan and caunty soc i e t i e s provided some s t a b i l i t y t o Chinese i m -

migrants i z i their i n i t i a l period of adjustment as new immigrants - " c u l t m

shock" occasioned by leaving a highly organized and sociological ly complex E

i i society and being faced with t h e s t r i v ing pioneer f r o n t i e r of Br i t i sh Col- C i umbiaO8 Other functions were t o provide soc i a l and economic ass is tance t o

6 clan members. A s a l i e n s i n a h o s t i l e white society, they were delegated t he

lowest economic posit ion which effectively excluded them from t h e soc i a l and

p o l i t i c a l l i f e of t he colon7r. Liviny on the f r inges of t he dominant cul ture

t he associations provided the Chinese community with a cohesiveness? aut as

Chuen-Yan David Lai points out, t h i s clan so l ida r i t y produced divis ions within

t he l a rge r Chinese community when the i n t e r e s t s of d i f f e r en t clan o r county

associations conflicted. Local l oya l t i e s could have t h e e f f ec t of weakening

Chinese community unity. 10

Chinese immigrants came t o Br i t i sh Columbia e i t h e r as f r e e miners from

the Californian gold f i e l d s and overland from Portland, Oregon; by ass is tance

from re la t ives ; o r through the credi t - t icket system, Early immigrants spread

the word t o r e l a t i ve s i n China, paying t h e i r fa res t o North America i n some

cases, and ins t iga t ing a 'chain migrat ion". '' I n conversation with George

H i l l s , t h e Bishop of Columbia, a nineteen-year-old Chinese man from Canton,

Wong Chan Yun, explained;

The Chinese here, he sa id , have come on t h e i r own nhook". I n Cali- forn ia they a r e bound t o some head man who receive pa& of t h e i r earn. ings .I2

He had himself arr ived i n California i n 1851 from Hong Xong. Reliable in-

formation on the nature of t he c r ed i t t i c k e t system is scanty and inadequate.

The Chinese kept t o themselves and d id not proffer information t o t h e white

community regarding emigration, and thus conclusions can only be tenta t ive .

Under t h e c red i t t i c k e t system Chinese men were indebted t o t he l o c a l Chin-

ese merchants who acted as labour agencies and contractors. The cost of pas-

sage was retained by t h e merchant from t h e i r wages u n t i l it was f u l l y paid.

{

White employers endeavoured t o recover t he cost of passage of female domestic

servants from Br i ta in i n 1862 i n t he same reanner. Pers ia Crawford Campbell

concludes from her research that Chinese immigration i n t o Br i t i sh Columbia

followed along the Californian system. In t h e 1876 Report of t h e United

S t a t e s Commission on Chinese Immigration i n t o California, several witnesses

13 s t a t ed t h a t t he system was based not on service contract but on debt-bondage,

Oncea man h a d r e p a i d t h e d e b t ~ ~ h f c h e n s u e d f r o m l e a v i ~ C h i n a , h e x a s f ree , %i:;

debt was estima,ted by the Chinese Consulate i n San Francisco, Huang-Sic-Chen,

a s being seventy do l l a r s a head from China t o Br i t i sh Columbia. 14

This var ia t ion of t he indenture system explained by Stanford Lyman, en- I

abled Chinese men t o leave China and provided passage, food, lodging and em- I

I

ployment f o r them on t h e i r a r r i v a l i n San Francisco. I

Money f o r h i s passage was obtained from kinsmen o r fell*?w-villagers 1 who assigned t h e co l lec t ion of t he debt t o kinslaen o r Landsmanner i n I I San Francisco . . . The merchant leaders of the Lui Kuan (~andsllrannschaf- I t e n ) acted as contractors and sen t gangs of men out t o work. The debts incurred by t h e Chinese immigrants were deducted from t h e i r wages by Chinese headmen, and defalcating debtors were prevented from escaping back t o China by spec ia l arrangements between the Chinese c red i to r as- sociat ions and t h e merchant fleet. The e n t i r e system was frought with corruption and undoubtedly not a few Chinese found themselves poorer off i n t h e end than they had been when they began t h e i r American adven- tu re , and many were forced t o s t ay overseas much longer than they had an t i c ip t ed .15

In Br i t i sh Columbia t h e Chinese merchants established s o c i a l and econ-

omic prominence i n t he Chinese community because of t h e absence of a gentry

class. This was a marked improvement over t h e i r previous s t a t u s i n China

where t h e i r profession placed them a t the lower end of t h e soc i a l scale.

The Victoria Benevolent Society records demonstrate t h a t merchants controlled

t h i s organizational6 It was denounced on one occasion f o r protecting t h e

1 7 i n t e r e s t s of t h e merchants only, and not those of individual Chinese workers.

Chinese labourers joined associat ions of t h e i r o m county o r clan t o gain

employment ,I8 and as merchants controlled these organizat ions on a ro ta t ing

basis they were d i r ec t l y o r ind i rec t ly under control of t h a t c lass , Before

he l e f t Vancouver, t h e individual Chinese man was checked t o ensure that he

had repaid h i s debts. He could not ge t passage back t o China unless he ob-

ta ined t h i s clearance. 19

Evidence from t h e i r records suggests t h a t i n Br i t i sh Columbia clan as-

socia t ions were benevolent i n t h e i r functions. They provided lodgings on

a r r i v a l o r i n periods of unemployment, and served a s employment agencies.

They provided c a p i t a l f o r a member t o set up i n business, s e t t l e d disputes

between members, gave l e g a l support i n a dispute with a non-Chinese, and

provided welfare benef i t s f o r its needy members, Debts owing could a l s o be

col lected through the clan association. One of t h e regulations of t h e Chih-

Kung T'ang, known as t he Chinese Freemasons, states:

Members, no matter whether they a r e l i v ing i n town, i n mining areas, i n ports, o r i n c i t i e s w i l l not be permitted t o reduce wages o r t o spread slander against each other i n order t o compete i n hiring. Anyone committing these acts w i l l be punished if a complaint is made and evidence p r e ~ e n t e d . 2 ~

Thus t h e Chih-Kung Tsar.,/- acted as a t rade union. It a l s o ran a hoste l , a

brothel, and a gambling house f o r its members.

The majority of witnesses who gave evidence i n t h e 1885 Canadian Royal

Commission on Chinese Immigration, portrayed the Chinese m n a s terrified

s laves of Chinese companies who directed them as t o t h e i r place and conditions

of work and who had exclusive control over them. From the information gleaned

from white women's accounts of t h e i r dealings with Chinese domestics, it ap-

pears thet they had mtxh more freedom of movement *flap white ~?:en*s r e p o d s fndicates

Yxs. Baillie-Grohman resided i n Br i t i sh Columbia i n t h e 1870's and 1880's and

she remembered being l e f t i n t he lurch when her Chinese cook l e f t her while

she was l iv ing on a ranch i n t h e Kootenays, She says, "John disappears with-

out warning, as he of ten Chinese domestics i n Victoria could only

be hired through a downtown Chinese agencyz2 uhich s e t t h e wages according

t o t he household-type, This agency was seen by t h e white community as evi-

dence of Chinese slavery, In fact, it served Chinese domestics well, a s

through it wages were maintained a t t h e going r a t e , and c lose a t t en t ion was

paid t o conditions of work. This agency must have been invaluable t o a Chin-

ese man new t o t he domestic scene i n Victoria, Judge Matthew Begbie sa id of

such organizations r

Another ground i n which I have heard it asser ted t h a t slavery is general among Chinamen here is rather , I suspect, a proof of t h e i r free- dom, o r would be s o accepted among whites. It is t h a t they demand wages, not such as they would take if l e f t t o t h e i r own choice, but such a s a r e d ic ta ted by cer ta in leaders, who subs i s t on a percentage of those uages.

I have no doubt but t h a t they have some s o r t of trades-unions, whose o f f i ce r s and head-centres are supported by subscriptions from t h e wages received; themselves deciding both on each man's wages and on h i s sub- scr ipt ion. I have no doubt but t h a t compulsion is put on a l l Chinamen, s o t h a t it is very d i f f i c u l t f o r them t o obtain work, if they remain outside t h i s o rganba t ion ,23

Chinese servants meeting i n Chinatown would have talked among themselves

about t h e famil ies they worked f o r and t h e i r s i tuat ions . Some famil ies had

d i f f i cu l ty i n obtaining servants if they mistreated o r overworked them. 24

In t h i s way t h e Chinese domestics had some control over t h e i r working con-

d i t i ons and employers. One witness t o l d t h e Commissioners i n 1885 t h a t i f

wages were reduced t h e Chinese were s o well organized t h a t a replacement ser-

vant could not be found. He complained that they would not compete with each

other.25 Chinese domestics i n fact had more independence

i n domestic service. A female servant, especial ly if she

t he colony, was isola ted from t h e r e s t of t he community.

she was restricted i n her movements by prevail ing notions

and obsessive supervision of her behaviour and morality.

prevailed i n Br i t i sh Columbia as i l l u s t r a t e d by the issue

than white women

had no family i n

Because of her sex, II

of respec tab i l i ty

These a t t i t u d e s I I I

of t h e employment

of women i n concert saloons. I n t h e Colonist's campaign t o prevent t h i s oc-

cupation f o r women one a r t i c l e s ta ted:

There is an absolute and great disproportion between t h e sexes i n t h i s country. There is a want of good steady industrious g i r l s t o fur- nish virtuous wives f o r our men and make them something else than t h e reckless r e s t l e s s mortals s o numerous on t h i s coast. To supply t h i s want must be one of t h e objects of any measure f o r t he encouragement of emigration ... . There is qu i t e a su f f i c i en t demanc! f o r steady g i 1s t o a c t as servants i n respectable families, and a t very fair wages. 28

Working dlass women's sphere was defined by t h e Colonist as e i t h e r paid

o r unpaid domestic service, although concert saloons provided a l e s s restrict-

ed l i f e s t y l e and be t t e r pay.27 Although t h e Chinese domestic was a l s o iso-

l a ted and excluded from white society, he had clan o r county members i n nearby

Chinatown. A s a member of a r a c i a l l y d i s t i n c t group with its own community

organizations h i s i so l a t i on was not as complete. If he wished t o leave h i s

employment he could obtain another posit ion through t h e Chinese domestic a-

gency. A female domestic i n t he same s i t ua t i on had t o fa l l back on her own

resources, without a protective association o r servant organization t o a i d

her i n f inding a new position. A s she d e a l t personally with her employer and

not through an intermediary, her conditions of work and hours of employment

were s e t by her employer.28 If she was " l e t go" she faced g rea t e r insecur i ty

f o r she a l so l o s t her home and a roof over her head. A Chinese domestic who

was f i r e d could f a l l back upon e i t h e r h i s clan associat ion hos te l o r clan mem-

bers f o r temporary support. The economic necessity of earning a l i v ing could

force t he female domestic i n t o t h e posit ion of s e l l i n g her sexual i ty , e i t h e r

through pros t i tu t ion o r marriage, as few economic avenues were open t o women.

The Cariboo Sent inel reported t he predicament of "gir ls" who came t o Br i t i sh

Columbia from England and could not f i nd "honest employment", thus " the i r only

resource was prostitution".29 It was not t he Chinese domestics who had t o

provide references - r a t h e r white employers were kept on record by the Chinese

agency.

I n t he 1879 Report of the-Spec ia l Committee on Chinese %migration, M r .

Barnard, M. P., reported t h a t a gentleman who had been unable t o obtain white

household servants applied a t a Chinese agency f o r a domestic, He found t h a t

the Chinese agent

had in h i s books a complete r eg i s tg r of t h e whole of h i s family affairs, 2nd a t t h e end of t h e r e g i s t e r was s e t down the pr ice which he was required t o pay i n order t o secure services of a Chinaman. He a l s o found t h a t he could not ge t a Chinaman f o r anything l e s s , and on mking enquiries he discovered t h a t they had a correct record, not of t h e standing of t h e servant who w a s t o be employed, but of t h e stand- i n g of t he masters who were t o employ these men as servants.30

The Chinese domestic, because he was hired through an intermediary, had con-

t r o l over wages and working conditions, and he could effect ively pressure t he

employer, especial ly i n times of economic prosperity o r when domestics were

i n shor t supply.

Tentative research suggests t h a t t he Chinese were involved i n many co-

operative endeavours which must have appeared as a master-slaves re la t ion-

sh ip t o Caucasians, whose mode of ac t ion was generally individual is t ic . The

Chinese migrated from a society where co-operation was necessary f o r survival ,

and where c lose kinship t i e s fu r the r encouraged t h i s mode of act ion, 31 "Chain

migration" and the formation of c lan and county associat ions i n Br i t i sh Co-

lumbia f o r mutual a i d ensured that these t i e s were maintained. Hos t i l i ty

from t h e white community had t h e effect of in tensifying the need t o co-operate

f o r protection. On gold-bearing creeks, f o r instance, some of t h e Chinese

mined while others gardened. The fact t h a t they combined t h e i r e f f o r t s on

creeks, thus evading t h e mining tax, l e d white miners t o pe t i t ion Governor

Seymour i n 1865, arguing t h a t a l l Chinese miners should pay t h e tax. A t t h i s

time only self-employed miners paid t he tax and then only if they d id not

want t h e i r claims jumped. 32

A fu r the r example of co-operation among Chinese was t h e i r r e fusa l t o be

exploited by a steamship company, The agent of t h e "Brother Jonathan" demand-

ed twenty do l l a r s each of two hundred Chinese miners f o r t he downward t r i p t o

San Fkancisco. The Chinese miners attempted t o g e t passage f o r f i f t e e n dol-

lars each. After much delay and haggling t h e vessel l e f t without them, f o r

they refused t o pay t h e ex t ra f i v e dol lars . They col lect ively agreed t o chart-

e r a s a i l i n g vessel r a t h e r than pay the steamship company rate,33 The ex-

p lo i ta t ion by steamship companies was a common complaint of white t r ave l l e r s ,

yet a similar example of combined act ion among whites has not been recorded.

Another example of co l lec t ive act ion occurred when the Br i t i sh Columbia

Legislature passed "An Act t o provide f o r t h e Bet ter Collection of Provincial

Taxes from the Chinese" i n 1878. Laundries closed, vegetables peddlers and

Chinese merchants refused t o s e l l goods t o white people, cooks l e f t t h e i r

domestic s i t ua t i ons and res taurants , wood-cutting ceased and t h e boot and

shoe and sewing f ac to r i e s employing Chinese workers closed.* The s t r i k e

l a s t ed f o r one week and protested t h e implementation of a quar te r ly l icence

of t e n do l l a r s on a l l Chinese people, The Act was declared nu l l and void i n

a decision by Judge Gray i n t h e case of Ta i Chong vs. John Maguire, 35

The Shinese community w2s separate an2 t o a large extelid sel f -suff ic ient ,

The Chinese inha3itas;ts of Yale even b u i l t a hospi ta l t h e r e i n 1861, before t h e

white community had such an i r l s t i tu t ian on the mainland. 30

Chinese merchants imported mater ia l goods f o r t he community and operated a

banking system f o r Chinese miners and labourers, sending remittances back t o

China on t h e i r behalfe3? Thus t h e European marketing and banking systems

were by-passed. The self-sufficiency and "alienness" of t h e Chinese community

reinforced t h e image Caucasians held of t h e majority of Chinese labourers be-

ing enslaved t o a few Chinese merchants.

The system of contracting f o r workers through an intermediary was not

l imited t o domestic service. Baillie-Grohman wri tes of Chinese contractors

i n t he Kootenays vying with each other when her husband advertised f o r Chin-

ese labourers, The underbid each other i n an attempt t o win t h e contract , 38

Obtain- work i n t h i s manner would mean the labourer was indebted t o t he

contractor, but whether t h i s was a form of s lavery as white men understood it

t o be, is questionable, I*. J u s t i ce Crease s t a t e d t o t h e Royal Commissioners

i n 1885:

Certain degrees of labour contract of l imited duration, amounting while it lasts t o a species of slavery, are sa id t o be common among them, 39

Given t h e almost t o t a l ignorance and d e f i n i t e misconceptions tiat whites

had of t h e Chinese and t h e i r s o c i a l organization it is not surpr is ing that

the white population viewed Chinese labour i n t h i s way, In addit ion, i n t he

ear ly 1880's Chinese labourers were contracted by Andrew Onderdonk, t o build

t h e Port Moody t o Savonas Ferry sect ion of t h e Canadian Pac i f ic Railway, Six

thousand Chinese were employed t o build t h i s railway i n Br i t i sh Columbia. 40

They were contracted through Chinese merchants i n Br i t i sh Columbia and San

Francisco, o r d i r e c t l y from Hong Kong, Those who came under contract d i r ec t l y

from China fared badly. Of two shiploads, each of one thousand Chinese men,

one t en th died of scurvy after a r r i v a l i n Br i t i sh Columbia i n t h e spring of

1 8 8 1 , ~ ~ On completion of t h e railroad i n 1886, t h e Chinese nawies were dis-

charged i n t o t h e c o m i t y .

Some Chinese a s s e r t t h a t t h e a n a d i a n government reneged on an a- greement t o pay r e tu rn passage t o China fo r contracted labour, thus 42 causirg a ser ious problem of indigence i n both Vancouver and Victoria,

The white population i n t he province had attempted i n 1879 t o prevent t h e

employment of Chinese labourers on t h i s Dominion work, sending a pe t i t i on of

f i f t e e n hundred signatures t o t he House of ~ o m m o n s . ~ ~ Having f a i l e d t o ex-

clude them, t h e i r presence under cont rac t must have re inforced t h e white at-

t i t u d e t h a t a l l Chinese labourers were s l ave labourers .

A f u r t h e r be l i e f was t h a t Chinese merchants contracted l a r g e numbers of

Chinese labourers d i r e c t from China. The records of t h e Chinese Benevolent

Association i n Vic to r i a suggest t h a t Chinese merchants had l i t t l e , i f any,

con t ro l over Chinese immigration. With t h e increasing a g i t a t i o n by white

labourers aga ins t t h e m i n e s e , t h i s a s soc ia t ion t r i e d t h r e e t imes between

1884 and 1915 t o discourage Chinese from immigrating t o Canada, urging t h e

44 Chinese government t o r e s t r i c t emigration. This was motivated by concern

over t h e l a r g e number of Chinese labourers who were poor and unemployed, a s

one of t h e funct ions of t h e a s soc ia t ion w a s t o a i d d e s t i t u t e Chinese labour-

ers . Chuen-Yan L a i a l s o considers t h a t t h e Chinese merchants were motivated

by se l f - in te res t . They fea red that a continued immigration of Chinese labour-

e r s would l ead t o antagonism d i r e c t e d at t h e i r own class.45 Zn t h e two years,

1884-1886, t h e Chinese Benevolent Association s e n t seven thousand Chinese la-

bourers back t o China. 46

Chinese merchants d i d act as intermediaries between white employers and

t h e i r Chinese employees and through t h i s system t h e Chinese labourers were

open t o abuse from both white employers, t h e Chinese middle-men, and l a t e r ,

white labour. Robert Dunsmuir, t h e p ropr ie to r of t h e Wellington Coal Mines,

employed Chinese manual labourers . They received t h e i r wages ind iv idua l ly

a t t h e pay t a b l e as white miners did. The advantage of Chinese labour, Duns-

muir explained, was t h a t he d i d not have t o d e a l with each individual Chinese

man as he had t o with white miners. If a Chinese man was s i c k o r d i d not

show up f o r work, a s u b s t i t u t e was found without inconvenience t o e i t h e r t h e

foreman o r t h e superintendent.47 The Chinese con t rac to r found a replacement.

The disadvantage t o t h e employer of t h i s system was t h a t i n a d i spu te between

t h e employer and a Chinese employee t h e whole work crew would withdraw t h e i r

labour. 48 However, t h e Vancouver Coal Mining Company i n 1867 s e t about chang-

ing its system of employment from a day-labour b a s i s - whereby t h e company

supplied t h e b l a s t i n g mate r i a l s and mining implements - t o one i n which t h e

work was done by c o n t r a c t s tended by t h e miners, who were a l s o requi red t o

supply mate r i a l s and implements.4g The advantages of t h e con t rac t labour sys-

tem t o t h e mining companies obviously outweighed t h e disadvantages o r they

would not have attempted t o i n i t i a t e it among white miners.

The Chinese con t rac t labour system le f t plenty of oppor tun i t i e s f o r

abuse. According t o David William Gordon, a Vancouver M. P. from Nanaimo,

t h e Chinese under con t rac t complained b i t t e r l y t o t h e white population of

t h e i r t reatment a t t h e hands of t h e Chinese "bosses*' who arranged t h e i r con-

t r a c t ~ . ~ ~ The i r e x p l o i t a t i o n was, however, of a l i n i t e d dura t ion and was a

form of debt bondage. A s c l a n assoc ia t ions ac ted as employment agencies,

labourers were bound by c lan l o y a l t i e s t o t h e i r employer. Th i s r e l a t i o n s h i p

a l s o provided some p ro tec t ion f o r t h e employee, The i n t e n t i o n of Chinese

men e a r l y i n t h e colony's h i s t o r y was t o s t a y only a s h o r t time, working in-

i t a l l y t o repay t h e i r debts , then t o achieve t h e i r l imi ted goal, and there-

after r e t u r n t o China weal th ier than when they migrated.51 Thus t h e fact

t h a t t h e i r s i t u a t i o n was only temporary made it bearable.

Chinese women i n B r i t i s h Columbia were, however, i n s l a v e bondage and

faced exp lo i t a t ion on t h e grounds of r a c e and sex. The p reva i l ing view among

Occidentals was that a l l Chinese women i n B r i t i s h Columbia were p r o s t i t u t e s

o r at l e a s t concubines. They were economically exploi ted by Chinese a s s o c b

a t i o n s and madams, and sexual ly exploited by Chinese labourers and white men,

This was t o some ex ten t a r e f l e c t i o n of t h e pos i t ion of women i n Chinese so-

c ie ty . But it was a l s o t h e r e s u l t of a pioneer s o c i e t y of predominantly young

t r a n s i e n t single men. For Chinese men, e i t h e r unmarried o r with wives i n

China, t h e Chinese p r o s t i t u t e s served t h e i r sexual needs, U n t i l t h e first

decade of t h e twent ie th century, s i n g l e white women were a scarce commodity

i n B r i t i s h Columbia, e s p e c i a l l y outs ide t h e towns, The 1881 Census of Canada

shows B r i t i s h Columbia's female population at 19,956 ; male population, 29,503.

I n t h e chi ldren and unmarried category t h e r e were 11,503 females t o 20,294

males, Unfortunately, t h e statistics f o r r a c i a l o r i g i n s do not include a sex

breakdown. The Salvat ion Army sponsored female emigration from t h e United

Kingdom u n t i l World War 1, The e f f e c t of t h i s d ispropor t ionate sex r a t i o a-

mong whites r e s u l t e d i n young white men patronizing Chinese p r o s t i t u t e s . An

52 add i t iona l f a c t o r was t h a t t h e i r r a t e s were lower than those of white women.

I n Chinese p a t r i a r c h a l soc ie ty women's r o l e s ;*.ere cunplc*tely s u b o u i i r ~ t e

t o t h a t of men, and women had l i t t l e con t ro l over t h e i r o r children.

Her value as a human being was ideological ly devalued by a p a t r i a r c h a l re-

l i g i o n which claimed t h a t :

t h e reason f o r t h e i r having been s e n t i n t o t h e world, t h i s time as females is because of l i v e s of wickedness, o r f o r some pecul iar crime i n t h e previous exis tence .54

Women were kept i n subservience and obedience by t h e promise of a b e t t e r l i f e

i n t h e i r next reincarnation. I n he r previous l i fe , she was t o l d ,

You would not then des i re t o adorn v i r tue , t o heap up good actions, and lea rn t o do well: so t h a t now you have been hopelessly born a poor female; and if you do not t h i s second time speedily amend your f au l t s , t h i s amount of wickedness of yours w i l l be ge t t ing both deeper and heav- i e r , s o t h a t it is t o be feared, i n t he next stage of existence, even i f you should wish f o r a male's body, yet it w i l l be very d i f f i c u l t t o obtain it .55

I n pract ice she was considered the property of her f a the r o r husband, and her

ro l e confined t o t h e home. A daughter was considered of l e s s value than a

son f o r t he former would marry and thence her labour and reproductive capa-

c i t i e s would be l o s t t o her fa ther ' s household and ~ i n e a g e . ~ i son, however,

could be r e l i ed upon t o support and honour h i s parents i n t h e i r old age, I n

periods of severe economic hardship, female infant ic ide was practiced. The

dowry system resul ted i n t he s a l e of wives and daughters as s laves , concubines

o r p ros t i t u t e s . 57 Women's seclusion i n t h e home was reinforced by the custom of foot-binding

which severely r e s t r i c t e d t h e i r mobility? Thus, Chinese custom and soc i a l

pressure, and physical incapacity, prescribed t h a t women remain i n China,

even when t h e i r husbands migrated. Other famil ies "had no.meansN t o enable

women and children t o come t o t h e colony.59 Also, i n t he ear ly period of se t -

tlement, Chinese men d id not migrate with t he intent ion of permanently leaving

China. They planned t o re turn a f t e r a few years i n t he colony. Many l e f t

China before they had reached marriageable age. I n i t i a l l y it was only a few

Chinese merchants who brought t h e i r families here. The first Chinese woman

i n Br i t i sh Columbia, f o r instance, was t h e wife of t he Victoria merchant

Kwong Lee. She arr ived i n 1860.~~ The Sishop of Columbia, while he was a t

Douglas i n 1861, v i s i t ed a Chinese man, h i s wife and child, which he reported

t o be "a g rea t r a r i t y i n t h i s part of t he world".61 She did not have small

f ee t . Women were a l s o brought i n a s wives and concubines. Lady Dufferin,

while she resided i n Victoria, noted i n her journal t h e v i s i t by the wife

of her Chinese cook. She wri tes t

Poor baby t h a t she is, she has only been married a week, and has not known Ah Sam, who is an e lder ly and very ugly gentlemen, much long- er . 62

Ah Sam must have resided i n Victoria f o r some years f o r he had cooked f o r

s i x Governors p r io r t o t he ~ u f f e r i n s . ~ ~ It is not c l ea r whether Ah San had

a wife i n China o r whether t h i s was h i s f irst wife.

West coast mining towns were predominantly male. Recreational ou t l e t s

i n Chinatowns were l imited t o opium smoking, gambling, and brothel v i s i t s ,

lucra t ive businesses f o r Chinese associations. Women f o r brothels were pro-

cured i n several ways. The pract ice of s e l l i ng daughters - i n the hopes of

t h e i r escaping from poverty, famine, sickness and war - was one avenue. Other

64 women came under t h e mistaken asswnption t h a t they would be married on a r r iva l .

Some came under contract , t h e debts of passage and other expenses t o be paid

from t h e i r expected wages as domestics and on the understanding t h a t they

would be freed from bondage on t h e i r eighteenth birthday.65 Others were kid-

napped during r a id s on v i l l ages and forced t o leave I n 1869, A. W.

Loomis published the t r ans l a t i on of a proclamation posted i n San Francisco,

which t o l d t h e s to ry of a Chinese woman, Ah Shau. She had been kidnapped i n

a r a i d on her v i l l age , taken t o Macao, and then t o Hong Kong before being

located i n a San Francisco brothel. She was "constantly subjected t o d i s t r e s -

sing persecutions" t o force her i n to prost i tu t ion. Her brother asked f o r as-

s i s tance from h i s clan members t o recover her and t h e case was brought before

t h e Cal i fornian Courts. Ah Shau's brother l o s t t h e case because "the defend-

a n t had more money than t h e p l a i n t i f f " , he claimed, Ah Shau was never re-

t r ieved. 67

The Feverend Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary of t e n yea r s i n China,

and e igh t years i n San Francisco, was interviewed by t h e 1876 committee on

Chinese Immigration. A s he was f l u e n t i n two of t h e Cantonese d i a l e c t s , h i s

information is probably more r e l i a b l e than t h a t of most white witnesses. H e

presented t r a n s l a t i o n s of two con t rac t s signed by two p r o s t i t u t e s . I n one

cont rac t Ah Ho was i n debt f o r $630.00, She agreed t o "give h e r body t o Mr.

Yee f o r s e r v i c e as a p r o s t i t u t e f o r a term of four yearst.' i n r e t u r n f o r h i s

payment of t h e debt she owed, a debt incurred f o r he r passage over.68 During

t h e s e four years she was t o r ece ive no wages, and if she r a n away h e r mistress

(from whoni Mr. Yee bought he r ) was t o f i n d h e r and r e t u r n he r t o Y ee-Kwan.

Ah Ho w a s t o be responsib le f o r such a d d i t i o n a l debts , If she became ill her

s e r v i c e con t rac t was t o be extended by an e x t r a month f o r each t e n days she

was "off duty". I n t h e second con t rac t Loi Yau was indebted t o h e r mistress

Sep Sam f o r four and one hal f years , receiving no wages. If she r a n away

she was t o pay t h e expenses incurred i n r e tu rn ing her. If Sep Sam re turned

t o China then Loi Yau was t o se rve another party. For each f i f t e e n days t h a t

she was ill, she was t o serve a n e x t r a month. If she was ill f o r one hundred

days o r more and could not be cured she had t h e option of r e tu rn ing t o Sep

Sam, 69

These two con t rac t s g ive evidence of t h e absolute bondage i n which women

were held and h i n t a t t h e l i f e that Chinese p r o s t i t u t e s endured, Some of

these women t r i e d t o escape from t h e brothels , but i n Cal i fornia t h e i r at-

tempts were f r u s t r a t e d by t h e police.

It is al leged, however, t h a t when a Chinawoman escapes from a bro- t h e l t h e r e is wonderful a c t i v i t y manifested i n c e r t a i n q u a r t e r s b e e . , t h e pol ice f o r c d t o recapture t h e runaway and r e t u r n he r t o he r v i l e . den wherein she has shown a d i s i n c l i n a t i o n t o res ide , a s p e c i a l pecun- i a r y benef i t accruing from such se rv ices being represented as induce- ment. 70

Thus t h e system of female ownership leading t o degradation, demoralisation,

d i sease and death was upheld by t h e white l e g a l system.?' Laws d i rec ted spe-

c i f i c a l l y a t Chinese p r o s t i t u t e s were enacted, many being Health Ordinances,

but most were not enforced,72 However, "by 1865 three-fourths of a l l Chinese

arrests were of p r o ~ t i t u t e s " . ~ ~ Most of these arrests were under bogus war-

r a n t s , and few went t o trial. It w a s through t h i s system t h a t Chinese women

who had escaped from t h e b ro the l s were re turned by l a w enforcement o f f i c e r s ,

who received a pay-off f o r t h e i r t rouble , The a t t i t u d e of "good c i t i z e n s "

w a s t h a t Chinese p r o s t i t u t e s were a necessi ty, The white family was "much

more sacred and more puree,74 with t h e i r presence.

This Cal i fornian evidence is of value because it influenced t h e Commfs-

s ioners i n 1884 and the re fo re t h e i r f i n a l r epor t and recommendations, Also,

evidence presented before t h i s Canadian Commission demonstrates t h a t a similar

system functioned on a smaller s c a l e i n B r i t i s h Columbia, although care must

be taken i n s i f t i n g through t h e evidence of obviously prejudiced white men

who looked f o r - and thus found - a p r o s t i t u t e i n every Chinese woman. The

overwhelming opinion of witnesses was t h a t a l l Chinese women i n B r i t i s h Colum-

b i a were pros t i tu tes ,75 although t h e Chinese Consulate a t San Francisco, Huang-

S i c Chen.,presented statistics of t h e numbers of Chinese and t h e i r occupations,

which show t h a t Chinese women i n t he province numbered one hundred and f i f t y -

f i ve of whom sixty-seven were pros t i tu tes i n 1884. 76

Evidence does demonstrate t h a t Chinese women were bought and sold i n

Br i t i sh Columbia. A Chinese Rescue Home was s e t up i n 1887 i n Victoria by

t h e Women's Missionary Society. Its object was t o rescue women from being

"enslaved" and t h e Commissioners i n 1884 praised t h e socie ty f o r "checking

the t r a f f i c i n s lave g i r l s more e f fec t ive ly than could possibly be done by

paid off i c i a l s " . 77 The brothel business caused problems i n Victoria8 s Ohina-

town a s evidenced by t h e reasons given f o r t h e formation of t he Consolidated

Benevolent Association i n victoria.'18 I n t h e Royal Commission Report, Begbie

explained t h a t a Chinese man could buy a woman f o r f i v e hundred do l l a r s and

t h i s permitted him complete possession of her f o r a period of s i x months, o r

u n t i l they disagreed, 79

It is evidence t h a t t he female is a mere slave, and t h a t opinion is conclusively established when the husband, a f t e r t h e fashion of h i s people, hands her over t o a second husband f o r a similar amount, The woman is a s lave sold i n t o prosti tution.80

It was common knowledge t h a t Chinese women were sold i n to prost i tu t ion.

One witness, a res ident of Forks Quesnelle, who had l ived i n t he mining sec-

t i o n of the Cariboo f o r twenty-five years s ta ted ;

It is a fact that t h e s e l l and t r ade t h e i r females j u s t a s we b

would any domestic animal. h i

John Tindal, a res ident i n t h e province s ince 1862, expressed t h e same sen t i -

ments.82 Prost i tu t ion was not l imited t o Victoria and the Cariboo. The Sher-

men than among white women,83 although Huang S i c Chen's population statistics

show t h a t a t o t a l of t h i r t een Chinese women lived in New Westminster of whom

84 seven were pros t i tu tes . John Westhrop Carey, t h e Mayor of Victoria, and a

res ident s ince 1859, expressed t he predominant a t t i t u d e of whites t o Chinese

women: if they were not p ros t i t u t e s then they were second wives. In e i t h e r

case, they were immoral and not respectable. 85

Chinese women were stereotyped i n t h i s way because they were Chinese but

a l s o because they were women. White men, seeing s o few Chinese women among

a community of s i ng l e Chinese men, saw t h e i r function i n sexual terms. Chin-

ese men were degraded and degenerate, therefore, by association, were Chinese

women. The system of p ros t i tu t ion t h a t existed was taken as fu r the r evidence

of the innate character flaws of t he Chinese race, and proof t h a t none should

be welcomed as s e t t l e r s . In contras t , Br i t i sh Guiana imported Chinese and

Indian labourers. Plantation owners real ized t h a t t h e success of t h e contract

labour scheme res ted on the importation of Chinese and Indian women too, 86

f o r t h e i r presence l ed t o "an eminent improvement of morality i n t h e Colonies".

Also, one suspects, t he presence of families would mean, economically, it was

more feas ib le f o r labourers t o remain i n Br i t i sh Guiana r a t h e r than demand

tack passage when t h e i r contract ended.87 Hcdever, white Br i t i sh Columbkns

did not want an a l i e n community i n t h e i r midst and thus Chinese female emi-

grat ion was not encouraged. I n fact, t he Victoria Gazette cal led f o r t he

p prohibit ion of "depraved" Chinese female immigrants as ear ly a s 1859. 88

I

i L

The issue of Chinese female immigration demonstrates the cumulative na-

k ture of racism. Social customs existed i n China that were a ba r r i e r t o female

emigration, but some wives d id emigrate. However, t h e prejudiced view and

racism of white s e t t l e r s i n Br i t i sh Columbia was not conducive t o Chinese

settlement, and t h e introduction of a po l l t a x e f fec t ive ly prevented it. The

Chinese population remained predominantly s ing le and male u n t i l a f t e r 1946.

Thus t h e combination o f t h e prejudiced a t t i t u d e and Chinese s o c i a l custom re-

su l ted i n an in tens i f ica t ion of racism. The lack of females i n Chinatown was

seen as evidence of t he immorality of t he Chinese race and provided fu r the r

support t o arguments f o r t h e i r res t r ic t ion .

Chinatowns throughout Br i t i sh Columbia were separate from t h e white com-

munity and highly vis ible . This led t o fu r the r accusations concerning t h e i r

i n f e r i o r i t y a s a race. I n Victoria, i n 1860, f o r instance, Chinatown covered

a rectangle formed by Yates, Fort , Quadra and Cook Streets . Mot only was it

separate but

it was from a r e s iden t i a l point of view a most undesirable a rea , . There was a two-acre lake between Yates and Cook S t r ee t . . . a l l dry land was a t a ~remium.~9

Lytton was a l so a segregated town i n the sense t h a t t h e Chinese sect ion was

d i s t i nc t . The upper part of t he town was Occidental while

i n the lower part of t he town, which is chief ly inhabited by Chin- ese, there a r e four bakers, f i v e shops, four r e ~ t a u r a n t s . 9 ~

Of Barkervil le i n 1865, t he Br i t i sh Columbian reported t h a t a la rge number

of Chinese were building houses close t o Barkerville, t he implication being

that a Chinatown was being b u i l t separate from the white town.91 The white

community d id not want t h e Chinese as neighbours. They feared an a l i e n com-

munity i n close proximity. These f e a r s were of ten voiced i n terms of moral-

i t y o r heal th a t a time when medical science had come t o recognize the connec-

t i o n between d i r t , overcrowding, and disease. However, r a the r than understand-

ing these problems t o be dependent on the soc i a l and physical environment,

white Br i t i sh Colwnbians r e l a t ed them t o t h e character of t he Chinese race and

demanded t h e i r exclusion. 92

A s ea r ly as 1866 the Br i t i sh Columbian lambasted t h e f i l t h of Chinatown

i n an invocatory a r t i c l e t i t l e d T h e Approach of t h e Cholera - Prepare". It

described Chinatown's s t r e e t s as;

almost inundated with stagnant water, its lanes and back yards lit- e r a l l y reeking with f i l t h , Indians, Chinese, and whites more degraded than e i t he r , huddled promiscuously together i n low and noisome hovels, we say Victoria presents a f e r t i l e f i e l d of operation f o r t h e coming pesti lence .93

The Reverend Ph i l i p Dwyer expressed t he same f ea r s t o t h e Royal Commissioners.

Their houses, and yards, and s t r e e t s , and drains (such as the lat- t e r a r e i n v i c to r i a ) , a r e offensive a l i k e t o t h e senses of s i gh t and smell; and should any epidemic a r i s e , t h e combination of Chinese, l i v - ing on low d i e t and congested amidst reeking o f f a l and f e c a l matter, must breed if not spread plague o r pesti lence . . , sooner o r l a t e r "Chinatown" must become a mine of dest ruct ive influences, operative over a wide radius, against t h e l i f e and health of the c i t y of victoria,*

Thus, t h e f a c t t h a t they l ived i n a low lying a rea of t h e c i t y with l i t t l e or

no drainage,95 t h a t human f e r t i l i z e r was kept f o r gardens, and t h a t they l ived

i n crowded quar ters upset t h e de l i ca t e s e n s i b l i t i e s of t he white community.

A common be l ie f expressed by John Robson was t h a t disease, especial ly leprosy,

syphi l i s , and small-pox, originated i n Chinatown,

I do not know of any contagious diseases amongst them, but t he Chin- ese quar ters a r e look upon with f ea r and trembling when any contagious disease comes around, %

These myths were dispel led by witnesses before t he om mission.^^ They a r e

indicators of t h e f e roc i ty of r a c i a l prejudice, Not one witness placed the

respons ib i l i ty f o r Chinatown's drainage problems where it should have resteO

- on the l oca l au thor i t i es . The taxes paid by Chinese i n Victoria included

t rades l icences, water ren ts , road taxes and r e a l e s t a t e taxes, t h e bulk of

t h e revenue coming from t rade l icences and water ren ts , 98 Yet t h e c i t y , it

would seem, did not provide adequate services i n re turn,

It was not only Chinato-m t h a t was viewed as disease-ridden, Individual

Chinese were seen as the c a r r i e r s of diseases, par t i cu la r ly venereal disease.

One witness who had resided i n t h e province s ince 1862 presented t he following

evidence t o the Commiasionersr

Some very feeble-looking Chinanen I have seen s i t t i n g by the road- s ide were turned out by t h e i r countrymen and not allowed t o come near them, t h a t they were suffering from a dangerous and very infect ious com- p la in t ; t h a t if a person even s a t on a cha i r they had occupied t h e dis- ease would be transmitted,99

Dr, Helmcken considered t h a t they were "crowded and d i r t y r a t h e r from choice,

perhaps than necessity". loo Although the majority of witnesses could not

disagree t h a t t h e individual Chinese was clean i n her/his person, they be-

l ieved t h a t t he Chinese, as a race, were f i l t h y i n t h e i r habi ts ,

The Chinese l ived i n dormitory-type dwellings i n Chinatown that were, by

white standards, over-crowded, Caucasians inferred from t h i s t h a t t h e Chin-

k ese labourers were not f r e e agents but were kept there against t h e i r w i l l ,

exploited by t h e i r Chinese landlords. However, t he t a x f igures f o r t he c i t y

of Victoria indicate that there were only four Chinese r e a l e s t a t e owners i n

the c i t y , The overcrowding was t o some extent a r e s u l t of t h e i r s o c k 1

organization but it was white landlords who demanded the high r en t s and as a

consequence contributed t o t h e overcrowding. lo2 A s Ju s t i ce Crease s t a t ed

t o t he Commission:

This i n Br i t i sh Columbia is d i r ec t l y owing t o t he f a c t t h a t a s foreigners, held i n dangerous disesteem by an ac t i ve sec t ion of t he whites, they natural ly c l ing together f o r protection and support. Their very language keeps them together and apart from the whites; but much of t h i s overcrowding is a t t r i bu t ab l e t o t h e whites themselves, who ex- t o r t heavy r en t s from them f o r very scant house accomodation, and they accentuate t he very e v i l f o r nhich i n public they profess such profound d i s l ike . 103

This combination of crowded l i v ing quar ters and a predominantly male

population l ed t o t he stereotyping of t he "immoral Chinese". James Young,

t h e recording secretary f o r t h e Knights of Labor, Eanaimo, s ta ted ;

I have never yet seen s o many white people with s o few women among them; but wherever I have known any considerable number of men deprived of female socie ty f o r any length of time, t h e inevi table r e s u l t has been t h a t they have become coarser. The i n t e l l e c t is depraved, t h e whole moral tone is lowered, and men rush i n t o a g rea t e r depth of wickedness and vice than would otherwise have been possible. Such is the e f f ec t amongst white men, even of t h e be t t e r c lass , and I judge t h a t t h e e f f ec t is s i m i l a r amongst t h e Chinese, on ly i tmus t be worse amongst them, see- ing t h a t t h e standald of morality with them is immensely below ours.iW

D r . Stevenson countered as "abominable slander"105 t h e claim t h a t sodomy was

practised among the male Chinese. With t h e a t t i t u d e that t h e morality of

t h e Chinese was lower than that of whites, that there was more vice among

t h e Chinese, t h e white population saw the Chinese as a threat t o t h e moral

f i b r e of t he community. They were accused of ent ic ing white and

young white menio8 i n t o t h e i r brothels, and complaints were made of i n su l t s

white men encountered while walking through Chinatown s t r e e t s "by t h e s o l i c i -

t a t i ons of depraved Chinese". 105'

Much was made of t h e i r opium smoking and they were accused of spreading

t h i s habi t t o working men and white women, even white g i r l s of "respectable

The only white woman seen by the Commissioners i n t h e i r v i s i t

t o t h e opium dens of Victoria's Chinatown - and t h e only woman interviewed

by the Commissioners i n Br i t i sh Columbia - permitted them t o interview her l and advanced a very d i f f e r en t view of Chinese men. She explained t h a t she I

needed opium t o l i ve , that she was "a fast woman" and t h a t "troubles" l ed I

her t o smoke. When asked if she had ever been interfered with by a Chinese

man she answered no - "in t h a t respect they a r e far super ior t o white men".

She considered that non-opium-smoking Chinese men

a r e f a r more cer ta in not t o offend o r m l e s t a woman than white men, especial ly white men with a g lass in. 11 ?

Her opinion was, however, a minority one. ?revdent wczs

t he negative view expressed by one witness who considered t h e Chinese t o be

i n f e r i o r because they did not g e t drunk l i k e Ehrropeans, He said8

They only ge t s tupidly drunk, l i k e animals when intoxicated. 4 man must have brains t o et h i la r ious ly t i p s y and noisy under t h e in- fluence of strong drink. Pi2

Their "paganism" and lack of "proper respect" f o r Chris t iani ty provided fur-

t h e r evidence of t h e i r i n a b i l i t y t o ass imila te , Another witness was asked

what t h e difference was between ge t t ing drunk o r smoking opium. He repl ied

t h a t "one was a Christ ian habi t , t h e o ther was a heathen vice". This

statement contains i n a nutshel l t h e content of t he h o s t i l i t y of whites t o

Chinese. Viewing t h e i r own cu l tu re a s superior, t h e white community stereo-

typed the Chinese people a s l e s s e r human beings, more prone t o vice, immorality,

and uncleanliness and saw t h i s view confirmed i n t he Chinese community, Armed

with t h i s "evidence" of Chinese r a c i a l i n f e r io r i t y , white Br i t i sh Colwnbians

cal led f o r l eg i s l a t i ve powers t o r e s t r i c t t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n t h e province,

and, eventually, t h e i r en t ry i n to Canada,

The e f f ec t s of white a t t i t u d e s on Chinese people were economic, soc ia l ,

psychological and p o l i t i c a l , The white community was aware of t he s i t ua t i on

of Chinese pros t i tu tes yet t h e majority react ion was t o stereotype a l l Chin-

ese women as pros t i tu tes , By acquiescence t o t he s t a t u s quo t h i s system of

female slavery was upheld. Chinese men were zelegated t o t h e low paying,

low s t a t u s jobs t h a t white men would not do, By the 1870's and 1880's much

of t h e i r work was seasonal - i n t he sawmills, salmon canneries, and on rail-

road construction - and t h i s added t o the density and problems of Chinatowns,

especial ly Victoria, i n t h e winter months, 115

The Chinese were poor labourers, on t h e whole, dependent f o r t h e i r l ive-

lihood on a h o s t i l e white community. Being sojourners, dependent on white

o r Chinese bosses, confined t o Chinatown by t h e h o s t i l i t y of whites t o t h e i r

habi ts , d ress and customs - by t h e i r obvious a l ienness - t h e pic ture of them

being pat ient doc i le workers is understandable. Dependency implies conformity

o r at least adaptabi l i ty , This passive and doci le image has been perpetuated

by Anglo-Saxon h i s to r ians who have accepted t he r a c i s t stereotype a t face

value and thus have ignored t h e economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l reasons f o r

t h i s mode of action. Subservience was a response t o t h e hardship and op-

pression t h a t t h e Chinese faced i n an a l i e n and h o s t i l e land, not a character-

i s t i c innate t o Asians, ''' The fact t h a t few intended t o s t ay long would tend

t o make to le rab le working and l iv ing conditions which on a l ife-t ime basis

would be intolerable , Aside from t h i s , what has been ignored axe t he many

attempts t h a t ea r ly Chinese immigrants made t o f i g h t white racism, This was

done through individual a c t s of rebel l ion, s t r i k e act ion, co-operative ac t i -

v i t i e s t h rowh t h e i r various associations, and by f igh t ing l o c a l l eg i s l a t i on

through the court system, 117

The Federal Government refused t o permit r e s t r i c t i v e immigration l a w s

before t he promised railway was b u i l t as Chinese labourers were "necessary"

f o r t h i s public work, But by 1885 it was no longer necessary t o import Chin-

ese men f o r railway construction. Therefore, t h e Federal Government brought

i n l eg i s l a t i on t h a t r e s t r i c t e d t he number of Chinese permitted t o be carried

on a vessel t o Br i t i sh Columbia, and ins t igated a f i f t y d o l l a r po l l tax. Pro-

v inc i a l and municipal governments prohibited t h e employment of Chinese upon

public works, '18 and the former passed a l a w i n 1884 prohibit ing t h e Chinese

from buying land. The municipal government i n Victoria passed san i ta ry or-

dinances and t rade l icenses di rected spec i f ica l ly a t t he Chinese and t h e i r

occupations, One such a c t , passed i n 1878, and sa id t o be a heal th measure,

was directed at t he Chinese men's queues. A l l long-term prisoners had t h e i r

ha i r cut. With t he memory of b ru t a l experiences i n the gold f i e l d s and ear ly

settlement period, with t he s i t ua t i on of and a t t i t u d e toward Chinese railway

nawies (when many Chinese men were dying of vitamin def ic iencies i n the hard

winter of 1882-1883, no medical ass is tance was supplied by the railway con-

t r ac to r s ) , the Chinese l ea rn t t h a t survival necessitated a s t o l i d acceptance

of t he s t a t u s quo. Classed as a l iens , prohibited from voting provincially, 119

o r federal ly , t h e Chinese could do l i t t l e t o change t h e i r s i t ua t i on , f o r the

dominant white community had placed the Chinese i n a p o l i t i c a l l y powerless

position. 12 0

Organized labour considered t h a t it was impossible t o co-operate o r work

with t h e Chinese. 12' Thus t h e Chinese functioned as a reserve supply of cheap

labour which undermined t h e posit ion of white male workers. A representative

of t h e Knights of Labor voiced t o t h e 1884 Royal Commissioners t he par t icu la r

f e a r s of the working c l a s s as well as those f ea r s of disease, f i l t h , pros-

t i t u t i o n , gambling and opium smoking which a l l c lasses expressed. The addi-

t i o n a l f e a r was tha t :

Their mode of l iv ing , a few cents per day, and the absence of fam- i l i e s among them w i l l make the white men powerless t o compete against them f o r l a b o r . 1 2 7

The argument was not t h a t Chinese labour was cheap labour, but r a the r

Chinese labor is confessedly of a low, degraded, and s e r v i l e type, t h e inevi table r e s u l t of whose employment i n competition with f r e e white labor is t o loy,eg and degrade t h e l a t t e r without any appreciable elevation - - of t h e fomer.lLJ

Again, t he f e a r expressed was t h a t t h e Chinese would:

Become a l l too dangerous competitors i n t he labor market, while t h e i r doci le s e r v i l i t y , t h e na tura l outcome of centuries of grinding poverty and humble submission t o a most oppressive system of government, renders them doubly dangerous as t h e wil l ing t oo l s whereby grasping and tyrannical employers grind down a l l labor t o t he lowest l i v i w point.124

In 1884 t he Chinese did not compete with sk i l l ed male labor. This was

recognized by the Knights of Labor and other working c l a s s witnesses before

t h e Commission. But t he presence of Chinese labourers meant t h a t the sons

and daughters of t he working c l a s s could not obtain employment u n t i l they

reached maturity. Thus they could not contribute t o t he family income i n the

normal way by working a s unskil led labourers o r a s domestics. 12' Neither did

126 they receive t h e necessary soc ia l iza t ion and t ra in ing i n d i l i gen t work habits.

The f e a r ra i sed was t h a t white employers would extend t h e employment of Chin-

ese i n to t h e s k i l l e d sec tors

t h i s gave those employers an

employers would a l s o have t o

tension of Dunsmuir's policy

Labour demanded "as a r i gh t ,

once stopped". 128

on t h e grounds t h a t they were l e s s trouble. I f

advantage it would mean t h a t t o compete, o ther

employ the Chinese. '27 ~ h u s , t o prevent an ex-

i n t h e Wellington Col l ier ies , t h e Knights of

t h a t t he fu r the r immigration of Chinese be a t

Organized Labour's ag i t a t i on against t he Chinese was focused a t h'anaimo

and

had

was t h e r e s u l t of b i t t e r experience i n t he coal mines where t h e Chinese

been used a s a weapon t o s e t t l e s t r ikes . By using t h e Chinese as a

weapon against white workers, employers bred h o s t i l i t y and divided the labour

force t o t h e i r advantage. The use of t he Chinese created uncertainty and in-

secur i ty among working men and an anti-Chinese platform was one of t h e major

issues around which workers unionised from 1884. 130

One witness before t h e Commission described the prevalent prejudice aptljr

as "self defense". I n 1885 working people feared t h a t t h e Chinese would

take over sk i l l ed jobs; small businessmen saw t h e Chinese dominate such oc-

cupations a s t he laundry business and vegetable growing and marketing, and

feared t h e i r extension i n t o other businesses; white merchants saw the Chinese

people purchasing t h e i r material needs from Chinese merchants, and conse-

quently by-passing white establishments. The Chinese were industrious,

economical, and sober, and a s one witness s ta ted:

What is most annoying, they come here and beat us on our own ground i n supplying our own wants, 133

F.

The f e a r was t h a t unchecked they would supersede t h e Occidentals,

Industry, sobr ie ty , cleanliness, fa i th fu lness , peaceableness w i l l have t he victory. Is our race worth saving? That is the question.i%

Thus, the superior a t t i t u d e of Occidentals was based on a profound in-

secur i ty . This insecur i ty was not so le ly economic, although t h e f e a r was de-

veloping t h a t t h e Chinese were competing i n t h e system too well, t h a t t h e i r

co-operation and exclusiveness was detrimental t o white ind iv idua l i s t i c , i

small-scale capitalism, But t h e f e a r voiced over and over again w a s t h a t the

i morality of whites was debased with t h e presence and contact of Chinese people.

The moral e f f ec t on whites of being s o unfortunate as t o be placed on t h e same l e v e l and obliged t o comingle with Chinese on an equal foot- ing i n t h e b a t t l e of l i f e would be bad, too bad f o r any respectable Canadian t o contemplate, 135

This f e a r of pollution is not t h e voice of a self-confident people. Commis-

s ioner Gray s t a t ed i n h i s findings8

It is something strange t o hear t h e strong broad-shouldered super- i o r race, superior physically and mentally, sprung from the highest types of t h e old and the new world, expressing a f e a r of competition with a small infe r io r , and comparit ively speaking, feminine race. 36

Gray s t a t ed t h a t t he re were i n fact no more grounds f o r excluding the Chinese

than there were f o r excluding "any other c l a s s of d i r t y people". 137 Yet t he

Commissioners brought forward recommendations t o r e s t r i c t t he Chinese people

on the grounds of such ra t iona l i sa t ions . Although t h e A d of 1885 d id not

s a t i s f y Br i t i sh Columbians, it was very s ignif icant . A s Canada's f i r s t rac i -

a l l y discriminatory immigration a c t it marked t h e change in immigration policy

which was t o lead t o t h e exclusion of Chinese immigrants i n 1923. It was t h e

consequence of a t t i t u d e s which dist inguished between people on grounds of race,

This was not simply a matter of physical appearance, f o r it implied a de f in i t e

r a c i a l her i tage of mental a b i l i t i e s , tendencies, habi ts , cul ture , language and

morality. By emphasizing what were determined a s negative t r a i t s , Caucasions

argued f o r r e s t r i c t i o n on Chinese a c t i v i t i e s and demanded t h e i r exclusion

from t h e province of Br i t i sh Columbia.

Footnotes (chapter 111):

1. Vakeman, Strangers a t t he Gate, p. 3 .

The Taiping revolution occurred between 1850-1864 and began the dis inte- grat ion of t he Chinese Empire. Ping-ti Ho considers t h a t t he 20 - 30 million estimate of l i ve s l o s t is too low. Yrit ing i n 1359 he s t a t e s t h a t some counties still have not made up the population num- bers of 1850. Ping-ti Ho, Studies on t h e Population of China, 1368- 1953, pp. 246-275,

2. Ta Chen, Chinese Migration, with Special Reference t o Labor Conditions, (washington, Government Pr int ing Off ice, 1923), pp. 5-1 1. Willmott , "Approaches t o t he Study of t he Chinese i n Br i t i sh Columbia", p. 41. Also, Ping-ti Ho, p. 221.

I

3. Pyau Ling, "Causes of Chinese Emigration" i n Rootst An Asian American Reader, Ed. Amy Tachiki, Eddie Yong Franklin Odo, Buck Wong (Cali- fornia, UCLA Press. 1971), p, 137 &.hanks t o Stewart Wow f o r t h i s r e f e r encd .

4, Pyau Ling's a r t i c l e , f i r s t published i n 1912, explains emigration from 1 I

Xwangturg i n terms of t h e peculiar l o c a l character of t h e Chinese. I The p o l i t i c a l independence of t h i s a rea is stressed. Canton did I

not jo in the Celes t ia l Empire u n t i l t he Ming dynasty and refused t o I I

submit t o t he despotic r u l e of t he cen t ra l government. I n addit ion t h e ear ly commercialism of the a rea exposed people t o a wider world. bid., ?p. 135-136. -

5. Chuen-Yan David Lai, "Home County and Clan Origins", pp. 12-13.

6. Willmott, "Approaches", p. 40. For fu r ther infoxmation on t h e functions of clan organizations i n China see Fong Kum Wgon, 'The Chinese Six Companies", Overland Monthly, Volume X X I I I , (May 1 SC!. ) , 2 ~ . 51 8--5Zi,

7. Chuen-Yan David Lai, "Home County", pp. 18-19, Chain migration appears t o have been t h e usual mode of emigration. Karl Cutzlaff writing i n 1840 describes chain migration of t he Chinese of Kwangtung and Fukien provinces t o Siam. The la rges t number came from Chaou-Chow- foo, t h e most eas tern par t of Kwangtung and were mostly agr icul tur- ists. Members of another d i s t i n c t group ( the Khehs o r ~ u k k a s ) were chiefly a r t i s ans i n Siam. A few migrated from Tungan d i s t r i c t of Fukien and were mostly s a i l o r s o r merchants, Karl Gutzlaff , Jour- n a l of th ree voyages along the coast of China i n 1831, 1832 and

1833 with notices of Siam, etc., ondo don, 1840) quoted i n Victor Purcell , The Chinese i n Southeast A s i a ondo don, Oxford University Press, 19661, p. 84.

Evelyn brr, "Chinese Settlement i n Kamloops", i n Know Your Local H i s - tory , Ser ies No. 200, ( ~ a r n l o o ~ s ~useum).

Chuen-Yan David Lai, "Home County", p. 20. See a lso, Fong Kum Ngon, pp. 522-526.

Chuen-Yan David Lai "Hone County", p. 20, p. 29.

I n t h i s excellent a r t i c l e , L a i provides subs tan t ia l evidence demonstrat- ing t h e "chain migration" nature of Chinese immigration t o B. C. Although h i s da ta is from the ear ly 1880's one can assume t h a t t h i s was a continuation of a system t h a t had much e a r l i e r beginnings. Chain migration was a phenomena not only t o be found i n Br i t i sh Columbia. See above footnote 7.

Pyau Ling, p. 137. Also, Willmott, "Approaches", p. 42.

George H i l l s , Eishop of Columbia, "A Journal of t he Bishops Tour i n E r i t i s h Columbia 1860" i n fieport of t h e Columbia Hission 1860, pp. 38-39.

Persia Crawford Campbell, Chinese Coolie Emigration, p. 28.

Stanford Lyman, "Strangers i n t h e City: t h e Chinese i n t h e Urban Fron- t i e r " i n Amy Tachiki e t a l , Roots, pp. 162-163.

Chuen-Yan Lai, #'Chinese Attempts t o Discourage Emigration t o Canada: Some Findings from t h e Chinese Archives i n Victoria", Be C. Studies, No. 18, (summer, 1973), p. 49.

Chuen-Yan Lai, "The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association", p. 60,

Chuen-Yan David Lai, "Home County", pp. 18-19.

R , R. C., 1885, Commissioner Chapleau's Report, LXXXV. Se a l so , Fong Kum Ngon, 9. 522.

Francis C. Hardwick, et a l , East Meets West, p. 40, See a l so , W, -2. 'dil 'jnott , "Chinese Clan Associations i n Vancouver", m, v alms LXPV, (Earth-~pril I%&), pp. 33-37.

Baillie-Grohman, Fifteen Years ' Sport and Life, pp, 3,%-355,

Harry Gregson, A History of Victoria ? 842-1970, (v ic tor ia , Victoria Observer Pub. Co, Ltd., 1.970), p, 125.

R e 3. C. 1885, Evidence M. W. Tyrwhitt Drake, p. 153.

Colonist, August 14, 1863, p. 2,

See a lso, t h e reminiscences of MIX. Mallandaine who came t o t he colony i n 1862 as a companion i n Nancy de Bertrand Lugrin, Pioneer Women of Vancouver Is land 1843-1866, (vic tor ia , Women's Canadian Club, 1928), ppo 149-151.

For an account of t he supervision of t he s i x t y young women, most between t h e ages of 12-16 years, on board t he Bride-ship t h e Tyemouth see A. Reeves, "Best Imported Wives", B r i t i sh Columbia Digest, 1 Sep- tember, 1946, pp. 84-86.

Ibid. The "Waitress Question" again received t h e a t t en t ion of t he - Colonist on July 12, 1864 when the annual l icensing court met. A pe t i t i on signed by eighty c i t i z ens protested t h e granting of l icences t o those establishments t h a t employed women t o wait on patrons. A s t he issue was beyond the ju r i sd ic t ion of t h a t Court, t h e pe t i t i on was sen t t o t he Governor.

Genevieve Leslie, "Domestic Service i n Canada, 1880-1%0", i n Janice Acton, e t a l , Women a t Work. See especial ly pp. 110-113.

Lori Rotenberg, "The Wayward Worker, Toronto's P ros t i t u t e a t the Turn of the Century", Ibid., especia l ly pp. 39-41.

Cariboo Sentinel , Yay 16, 1867, p. 2.

R , R e C. 1885, Commissioner Gray's Report, XXXVI.

Maurice Freedman i n Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtwyl, ( ~ e w York, Humanities Press Inc., 1966), wri tes 8

"It is generally agreed by wri ters on China . . . t h a t t h e kind of ex- tensive lineage system we have been examining is above a l l charac- t e r i s t i c of t h e south-eastern and pa r t s of t h e cen t ra l regions of t h e country. These a r e i r r iga ted rice-growing areas , and it is c l ea r from both t h e evidence on other par t s of Asia and t h e da ta on China t h a t t h i s form of agr icu l tu re allows dense populations t o build up on small surfaces of land. Moreover, and more t o t he point, I suspect t h a t there is a posi t ive cor re la t ion between ex- t e n t of i r r i g a t i o n and the degree t o which land is held i n j o in t e s t a t e . . . Intensively i r r i ga t ed and worked r i c e paddies have i n i t i a l l y required a grea t investment of labour ( i n t h e making of channels, dams, t e r races , and s o on) but t he rewards t o t h i s invest- ment a r e extremely high, and it allows the system of cu l t iva t ion t o be in tens i f ied i n response t o growth i n t h e number of people l i v - ing off it. To produce such a system, groups of men have had t o co-operate; it has been b u i l t up piecemeal over time, but co-ordi- nated labour has been required at most s tages of its evolution. It is perhaps i n t he productivity and co-operative nature of t he enterpr ise t h a t we can see a key t o common estates.", pp. 159-160.

Freedman considers t h a t t h i s process took place over a period of "hund- reds of years" i n F'ukien and Kwangtung. One of t h e factors , there- fore , leading t o t h e establishment of lineage e s t a t e s is co-oper- a t i v e ac t ion i n land reclamation, and t h i s mode of ac t ion is fur- t h e r encouraged by the nature of r i c e paddy cul t ivat ion.

The t a x was not i n f a c t compulsary and t h e penalty f o r not paying it was t h e same f o r miners of a l l races - t h e i r claims were jumpable. B r i t i sh Columbian, February 21, 1865, p. 3; February 25, 1865, -- p. 3.

As Robert E. Wynne has pointed out, t he Chinese evaded t h e tax if they worked f o r a company o r i f they formed pzrtnerships. Wynne, p. 136.

Colonist, October 12, 1860, p. 2.

Colonist, September 18, 1878, p. 2;

Colonist, Septedwr 28, 11376, 3. 2;

There w e r e s t r i k e s of Chinese gangs

September 22, 1878, 9. 3.

P. 3 .

during railway construction i n Br i t i sh Columbia. In other instances t he Chinese r e t a l i a t ed when physically harrassed by white foremen.

See James Morton, pp. 100-101.

Br i t i sh Columbian, September 26, 1861, p. 2.

Pers ia C, Campbell, 3. 45. Br i t i sh Colonist, January 28, 1860, p. 2; i%y 8, 1860, p. 3.

The Br i t i sh Columbian i n 1866 reported that Kwong Lee, who established a branch firm a t Quesnelmouth, sen t t h r ee thousand do l l a r s of gold from the Canon Creek diggings t o Victoria. This was probably gold recovered by individuals on the creek. Br i t i sh ~olumbian, May 9, 1866, p. 3.

R, R. C. 1885, Evidence Jus t i ce Crease, p. 14.5.

Paul A. Phi l ips , No Power Greater: A Century of b b o u r i n Br i t i sh Co- lumbia, (~ancouver , 3. C. Federation (5f Labour, 19671, p. 10.

The estimates of t h e numbers of Chinesenawies varies. Arthur J. John- son i n "The Canadian Pac i f ic Railway and Br i t i sh Columbia 1871- 1886", unpublished P1.A. i n History, U. B. C., September 1936 claims that white labourers usually exceeded Chinese labourers except on the sect ion from Emory's Bar t o Port Moocly. pp. 134-135. The actual numbers of Chinese workers were in f la ted by t h e ant i -0r i - e n t a l organizations. I n 1882 it was rumoured t h a t 20,000 immigrants were a r r iv ing from Hong Kong, but i n fact only 5,000 came i n t h a t year. Tien Fang Cheng, Oriental Immigration i n Canada, p. 46. Fear tended t o i n f l a t e numbers.

John M. Gibbon, The Romantic History of t he Canadian Pacif ic , ( ~ e w York, Tudor Publishing Company, 19371, p. 241.

Stated by H. J. Cambie and quoted from Koel Robinson, Blazing the Trail through the Rockies, (n.d. ) .

Willmott, "Approaches", pp, 46-47, The Chinese Community was l e f t t o solve t he problem of Chinese unemployed labourers.

Margaret A. Ormsby, Br i t i sh Columbia: A History, (~ancouver , MacMillan Co. of Canada Ltd., 19641, p. 280.

Chuen-Yan Lai, "Chinese Attempts t o Discourage Emigration", p. 33,

Ibid*, 3. 49. - Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (1884-1959) and Chinese

Public School (1899-1959), (Victoria, Pub, by C. B. A. and Chinese Public School, 1959), Foreword.

R. R. C. 1885, Zvidence Robert Dunsmuir, N. L. A , , Victoria, pp* 127- 128.

Ibid., Evidence Portland, Oregon, 1884, Nelson Bennett, Contractor of - Cascade sect ion of t h e Northern Pac i f ic Railway, p. 171. He s ta ted that i f you have "trouble" with one white man then you can dis- charge him alone. If you have "trouble" with "one Chinaman", then you have "trouble" with the whole gang.

After the introduction of t h e po l l t a x i n 1885, Chinese labourers were i n g rea t e r debt than previously and were employed under contract i n more industr ies . Francis Em Herring, writ ing a t t h e t u r n of t he century, describes Chinese contract labourers i n t h e salmon canning industry. If the Chinese labourers "get a down on t h e owner", then a f t e r t h e s t ipu la ted number of cases had been canned they refused t o work f o r that owner. O r t h e Chhese contractor could ins$& on a subs tan t ia l increase i n price. Francis E, Her- r ing, pp. 273-274.

Br i t i sh Columbian, June 1, 1867, p. 3; June 5, 1867, p. 2, The Company lowered t h e pay from $1.2 j a ton t o $1 -00; and provided nei ther materials and implements nor f r e e domestic coal when they cal led f o r tenders from t h e white miners,

50. R. 3. C, 1885, Evidence David W i l l i a m Gordon, M. P, f o r Vancouver, P. 3.35.

51 The pa ra l l e l can be drawn (but was not a t t he time) between the young Chinese labourer whose goal was t o re turn t o China a s a man of moderate wealth - a not unfeasible proposition - and the Br i t i sh migrant who s e t out t o "make h i s mark" i n t h i s outpost of the Br i t i sh Empire, returning t o 3 r i t a i n a s a successful man on r e t i r e - ment.

52. R. R. C. 1885, Evidence Sgt. John Flewin, City Police and City Sanita- r y Off ic ie r Victoria, p. 50. Evidence John A. Bradley, p. 161, who s t a t ed ; "The gross clasps of a lascivious Chinawoman can be procured f o r f i f t y cents o r less".

53. D r . Fernando Henriques, Pros t i tu t ion and Society, ( ~ e w York, Grove Press Inc., 1966), p. 267.

jlc. A, 1J. Loomis, "Chinese Women i n California", Overland Monthly, Vol. 2, ( ~ p r i l , 1869), p. 351.

Ibid 55. ..

Reference t o t h i s bel ief can be found i n many American and English t r ave l l e r s ' r epor t s on China, e. g., George Wingrove Cooke, China, pp. 121-122.

It is an i n t eg ra l part of Confucius' philosophy and teaching, See William W. Sanger, The History of Prost i tu t ion, ( ~ e w York, Earper and Brothers, 1859), p. &29, o r The I Ching.

50 Mrs. Baillie-Grohman's Chinese cook sa id t o her on t he b i r t h of her son: "A boy a l l l i gh t , g i r l s no good". He explained t h a t g i r l s cost money t o bring up arid they cannot do business f o r t h e i r fa ther . pp. 337-91.

57. This pract ice continued u n t i l t h e 194 7 revolution. For fu r the r d e t a i l s see "The Pros i t iu tes of China" in Fernando Henriques, pa 267. Excluding the s i l k d i s t r i c t s , p ros t i tu t ion was one of t he few oc- cupations other than marrhge open t o women.

See a l so , W i l l i a m V. Sanger.

A d i f fe ren t soc i a l organization existed i n par t s of Shun-te, t he cen- t r e of t he Kwangtuw s i l k industry. Here, evidence suggests, wo- men could lead more i~dependent existences, s e t t i n g up houses on t h e i r own with, re la t ive ly , fewer male controls. One of the fea- t u r e s of t h i s a rea was a weaker lineage organization. See Freed- mn , op, c i t . , p. 32.

This was not a universla custom. Reverend Milne, a missionary i n China during t he 181CO's, found few instances of t h i s custom among Canto- nese boat-women, o r female domestics i n t he province of Canton. It was not, however, a custom r e s t r i c t e d t o women of t h e upper class. In Chusan and Ningpo women of a l l c lasses , he s ta ted , had stunted f ee t . The reasons he presented f o r t h e custom area

t o imita te small de l i ca t e f e e t , o r t o keep women from gadding about, o r t o denote g e n t i l i t y and freedom from t o i l and hard work

( i . e . , as a v i s ib l e s ign of wealth and a form of conspicuous con- sumption). The a r t i f i c i a l deformity w a s a l s o considered an esaen- t i a l element of ( ~ h i n e s e ) feminine beauty which Milne placed on a par with t h e corseting of women's waists i n England. Whatever t he cu l tu r a l reason given it had the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l e f f ec t of i so la t ing Chinese women from a wider sphere than t h e home. Even walking was d i f f i c u l t and i n some instances women had t o be l i t e r - a l l y carr ied i n baskets thus making them dependent on others f o r t h e i r mobility. Milne, Life i n china, pp. 8-16, and Cooke, pp, 8-9

Report of t he Columbia Mission, 1860, p. 45.

Br i t i sh Colonist, March 1, 1860, p. 2.

Third Report of t h e Columbia Mission, 1861, ondo don, F.. Clay, Son and Taylor, 1861), p. 9.

Marchioness of Dufferin and Ava, My Canadian Journal 1872-78, ( ~ a c s i m i l e ed, , reprinted Coles, Toronto, 1971), Diary entry Wednesday 23: August, 1876, p. 236.

Ibid Diary entry, 16 August 1876, g. 253. .'

64. A. W. Loomis, p* 3G.

65. Gayle Louie, "Forgotten Women" i n Ann Forfreedom ( ~ d . ) , Women Out of History : A Herstory A n t h o l w , (LOS Angeles , Ann Forfreedom, - 19711, p. 197.

66. R. R, C. 1885, Appendix A . Evidence from 1876 Committee of the House of Representatives i n San Francisco. Ividence Reverend Otis Gib- son i n charge of t h e Methodist Church Mission, p. 163. On one oc- casion he arranged passa,ge back t o China f o r t e n women who hz~d been kidnapped and forced t o leave China against t h e i r w i l l s ,

68. R, R. C, 1885, ~ppend ix A, Evidence Reverend Otis Gibson, p. 262, The t r ans l a t i on s t a t e s t h a t t h i s debt was incurred "for passage". Passage t o Vancouver from China was estimated a t $70.00. Thus, included i n t he debt must have been her purchasing price.

70. Los Angeles S ta r , Phy 9, 1872. Quoted i n Paul de Fel la , "Lantern i n t he Western Sky", His tor ica l Society of Southern Californitt Quad- e r ly , Los Angeles, Vol. XLII, 1960, p. 79.

Often t he runaway women were a r res ted wider a bogus warrant. See pp. 67, 168.

However, i n Californfa, t h e majority of Chinese p ros t i t u t e s were owned by Chinese companies i n California, and the pros t i tu t ion business was a very lucra t ive one a s t he "Tong" wars demonstrate,

Chuen-Yan L a i i n "The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association i n Victoria", p. 61, s t a t e s t h a t Chinese pros t i tu t ion was one of t he main causes of t rouble i n Chinatown and the Benevolent Association was formed, i n par t , "to curb violence and crimes".

. The workings of t h i s system, by which Chinese companies i n California kept t h e i r p ros t i t u t e s i n absolute bondage u n t i l they sickened and died was open knowledge t o every one i n t h e s t a t e , including t h e helpful magistrates who issued t h e warrants f o r t he a r r e s t of these women, and the peace o f f i c i e r s who served these warrants. Paul de Fel la , p. 67.

See a l so , Stanford Lyman, "Strangers i n t he City", i n - Roots, footnote 127, p. 185.

Gayle Louie, p. 199.

R,?.C. 1885, Appendix A, Zvidence from t h e 1876 Committee of t h e House of Deprmentat ives i n San Francisco, h?vi:lence of Arthur 3. Stou t , p h y s i c k c , p. 711.

Ib id 3vidence J . Pawson, J ,? , of Iianaimo, He considered t h a t nearly 1.' t h e whole of t h e Chinese females who l e f t Chira were professed p r o s t i t u t e s from chi ldren of t e n t o twelve years t o "old hags", p. 133. ( ~ c c o r d i n g t o iiuang S i c Chen's s t a t i s t i c s t h e r e were four married women i n Kanaimo, two p r o s t i t u t e s , and two chi ldren . )

David J i l l i a m Gordon, K.P., f o r Vancouver but r e s iden t of ::anairno, con- s idered t h a t ninety-nine percent of C h i ~ e s e females were p ros t i - t u t e s , Ibid. , p. 1%.

. - James 3 , ..ennedy, a lumberman of I;ew ' Jes tn ins ter , s t a t e d i n h i s evidence t h a t t h e Zhinese women who came were common p o s t i t u t e s . Ibid,, p 106.

Joseph Yetcalf (~r.) of !Tanaim0 put t h e number of Chinese p r o s t i t u t e s i n t h e province a t 150. Ibid. , p. 83

Charles T. Sloomfield, Superintendent of Pol ice i n Vic to r i a considered t h a t most Chinese women were p r o s t i t u t e s , b r ing ins s y p h i l i s and o the r venereal diseases. Ibid., p. 48,

Sergeant John r"lewii~ of t h e Vic tor ia Ci ty Pol ice and Sanitz-:J Of f i ce r f o r t h e c i t y s t a t e d t h a t of t h e over one hundred Chinese women, zlmost a l l were p r o s t i t u t e s - frequented by young white men. Ib id p . 5 0 . .'

p ..,,. *.7 C. h v e l l , O r i e n t a l ?.:issions i n 3.C., (Provincia l Archives, 11. d . ) , p. 10.

Chuen-Yan La i , "The Consolidated Senevolent Assocjs?tior,", pa 61, (see footnote 65).

?. 2. $ 8 , p 8 3egbie d m w s t h e i n t e r e s t i n g p a r a l l e l between t h e p rac t i ce i n Surope of s e t t l i w a marriage con t rac t by t h e hus- band's payment of t e n o r twenty thousand d o l l a r s t o t h e woman's parents , O r .the miner who pays twenty d o l l a r s f o r "the possession o f a female f o r a single night", ye t is "scandalized" a t a Chinese miner payirg f i v e hundred d o l l a r s f o r s i x months possession,

Ibid. - Ibid., Evidence X. Stephenson, - Ibid., Evidence John Tindal of -

p. 124.

Victoria, p. 121. He s ta ted :

It is a well known f a c t t h a t t h e i r women a r e sold a l l over the country a s prost i tu tes . Rotwithstanding the grea t influence t h a t t he lead- ers have over t he masses, no attempt is ever made t o l i b e r a t e a woman sold i n to t he market of shame.

Ibid., Tvidence ' i f i l l i a m James Armstrong, p. 117. - Ibid Appendix C. , p. 363. .*

Ibid , , Evidence Mayor Carey, g. 45 - Anti-Slavery Reporter, No. 1, No. 4 ( ~ e w s e r i e s ) , ( ~ p r i l 1, 1853), p. 89.

Ibid Vol 1, No. 1 ( ~ e w s e r i e s ) , ( ~ a n u a r y 1, 1853), p. 15. d l

Victoria Gazette, 31 March 1839, p. 2; Ju ly 9, 1859, p. 2.

Gregson, pp. 123-123)

Sproat, p. 69.

Br i t i sh Colwnbian, October 11, 1865, p. 3.

S i r Edwin Chadwick i n h i s Sanitary Report of 1842 s e t out t o prove t he connection between d i r t , overcrowding and disease i n Br i t i sh towns. This connection w a s accepted by the public i n general i n Br i t i sh Columbia a s evidenced by the number of witnesses before the Royal Comissioners who complained of the overcrowding and f i l t h of Chinatown and voiced f ea r s of catching contagious diseases. How- ever, most witnesses blamed the Chinese f o r t h e problem and, ur.- l i k e Chadwick, d id not recognize t he need f o r improvements t o t he external san i ta t ion and drainage of t he area. It is in te res t ing t o

note tha t i n the 1880*s the European residents of Hong Kong wanted certain reserved res ident ia l d i s t r i c t s s e t as ide f o r Europeans on the grounds tha t the Chinese were l e s s sanitary and more l ike ly t o spread disease. S. 3. Finer, The Life and Times of S i r ~ d w i n Chadwick, ( ~ e w York, Sarnes and Noble, Inc., 1970), pp. 209-229; and Endacott and Hinton, p. 190.

93. Brit ish Columbian, April 28, 1e66, 2 . 2,

94. R. R. C. 1885. Evidence Reverend Phi l ip Dwyer, A, M., of Victoria, B. C., formerly Canon of Killaloe Cathedral, Ireland, p. 125.

According t o another witness, Sergeant John Flewin who was a l so the sani tary of f icer of Victoria, the Chinese habitations were f i l t hy , He s tated tha t they kept t h e i r urine f o r use as f e r t i l i z e r on t h e i r gardens. Ibid., p, 49.

95. - Ibid., Evidence Sergeant John Flewin, p, 50.

96. Ibid., Evidence Honourable John Robson, Provincial Secretary, p. 65.

97. Ibid., Sergeant John Flewin, p, 50, on syphi l is ; Evidence D r . Helmcken, p. 58, on leprosy; midence Dr . E. Stevenson, p. 92, on venereal diseases,

98. - Ibid., Appendix J., p. 3%. Mayor Carey informed the Commissioners tha t Collecting Officers got a ten percent commission on collec- t ions made from the Chinese. Ibid., p. 44,

The t o t a l taxes paid t o the City of Victoria by the Chinese a re a s fol- lows r

99. Ibid., Evidence John Tindall , p. 120, - 100. Ibid., Evidence D r . Helmcken, p. 58.

Ibid Appendix J., p. 3%. Real e s t a t e taxes f o r t he years 1879 t o -' 1583 amounted t o $187,OO a year from t h e Chinese property owners,

A property owner (~aucas i an ) i n Portland, Oregon explained t h a t the Chinese tenants were prompt with t h e i r ren t payments, were moral- l y superior t o any other immigrant race and t h a t i n one house he had four hundred Chinese tenants , Unfortunately, t h e Commissioners d id not interview representatives of a similar c l a s s of capi ta l - ists i n Victoria. Ibid., Evidence Joseph P, Kennedy, property holder i n Portland, Oregon, 1884, p, 176,

Ibid., Evidence Mr. Jus t i ce Crease, pp, 143-144. According t o the re- - cords of t he City of Victoria, only four Chinese men owned r e a l e s t a t e and they paid each year $187.00 i n r e a l e s t a t e taxes,

Ib id Appendix J., p, 3%. -9

One of t he more common offenses f o r which t he Chinese community was prosecuted was infract ions of t he san i ta ry by-laws. See Appendix H,, p. 386, and Evidence Mayor John W e Carey, p. '4'4.

I n September 1878, t h e Colonist exposed M r . Dalby, a candidate standing f o r e lec t ion t o t h e House of Commons, f o r exactly what Ju s t i ce Crease complained of , )Ire Dalby had leased property on Cormorand S t r ee t and placed old shant ies on it, accomodation t h a t t h e - Col- on is t considered could only be f o r t he Chinese t h a t Dalby an t ic i - - pated would be imported f o r the building of t he railway. M r . Dal- by was a l s o t h e foreman of a shoe factory which employed f i f t y Chinese, thus excluding white boot and shoe makers. Daily Col- on is t , September 13, 1878, p. 3, -

9, R. C, 1885, Widence James Young, p. 89.

Ibid, , Zvidence D r . E, Stevenson, p. 93. - "White people have sunk t o t h e lowest depths of degradation when they

mixed with the immoral Chinese, and a growiw number have s o sunk themselves. Ibid., Bvidence James Young, p, 89.

Ibid, , Widence Joseph Hetcalf Jr., p, 83. - Ibid, , Evidence 3ergeant John Flewin, p, 50; Statement from John A, -

Bradley, p. 161.

109. Ibid. , Zvidence James Young, p. 89.

110. - Ibid., Zvidence Superintendent Charles Bloomfield, p. 48.

I l l . -* Ibid Rvidence "Emily Wharton", a pseudonym. p 0 - She had explained t o the Sommissioners t h a t she hzd never been interfered with by a Chinese man awake or as leep i n t he opium den. They won't even speak t o her unless she approaches them. After t he f i r s t whiff of opium you don't want t o t a l k , she said. p. 151.

112. Ibid. , Statement John A . Bradley, p. 161.

113. Ibid., Svidence B. M. Pearse, Victoria, p. 97. He s ta ted ;

"We want here a white mn's community, with c iv i l i z ed hab i t s and r e l i - gious zspira t ions , and not a community of 'Heathen Chinee'."

Another witness, David N i l l i a m Gordon, M. Pa, claimed t h a t they prac- t i c ed pagan r i t e s with effrontery, denounced the cross a s "too muchee l i e " , and jeered a t a l l Christ ian denominations. Ibid., p. 136.

114. Ibid. , Commissioner Gray's Report, W . Ibid., Eviilence Sergeant John Flewin, p, 51. 11.5.

116. Lai Jen, "Oppression and Survival" i n A s i a r ? Women ( ~ e r k e l e y , Asian Wo- men's Journal, ~ u b l i s h e d by t he University of California, 1971), pe 24.

For a r a c i s t in te rpre ta t ion of Chinese behaviour, see J. Ross Tolmie, "The Orientals i n Br i t i sh Columbia", (3. A. essay, U. B. C., unpublished, 1929), pp. 170-18ie

'117. 3. g., Tai Chong vs. John lhguire. This Chinese merchant went t o court charging t h e co l lec tor of t he Chinese Tax John k g u i r e with the il- lega l se izure and s a l e of goods from Chinese merchants i n l i e u of payment of Local Chinese Tax. Through these proceedings t he l oca l A c t was declared n u l l and void by Mr. Jus t i ce Gray. Reported i n t h e Daily Colonist, September 28, 1378, p. 3 and September 28, 1878, p. 2.

Francis Herring noted t h a t t h e white foremen of a salmon cannery car- r i e d revolvers in case of t rouble from the Chinese workers. They had been especial ly necessary before mechanization when the f i s h had been cut up by hand, f o r at t h a t time t h e Chinese workers were by necessity carrying knives. This does not f i t wi+.h t he docile, passive image of Chinese labourers. Herring, pp. 257-268,

118. Tien-Fang Cheng, Oriental Immigration, p. 49, The Chinese were pro- hibi ted from buying crown land i n 1884.

119. Ibid, , p, 39, I n 1875 the b i l l was passed and enforced locally.

120. For many of the ideas i n t h i s paragraph I am indebted t o H. M, Lai, "A His tor ica l Survey of Organizations of t he Left among the Chinese i n ~merica". i n ~ u l l e t i n of Concerned Asian ~ c h o l a r s , Vol, L,, No. 3, F a l l 1972, pp. 10-21; and t o Stewart Wong who brought t h e Bul le t in t o my at tent ion. For information on the Chinese i n t he railway e r a see James Norton, pp. 99-100 and Arthur 3 , Johnson, "The Canadian Pac i f ic Railway and Br i t i sh Columbia, 1871-1886", M. A. t h e s i s i n History a t U. B. C., September 1936, pp, 133-138. For t h e Federal Government's response t o Br i t i sh Columbia's demands f o r Immigration Laws see Tieng-faw Cheng, pp. 48-51 t pp. 59-60.

121. The essayis t Gi lber t P?, Sproat s t a t ed t h a t Canadian workingmen "can- not associate with Chlnaman i n the-general i n t e r e s t s of labor o r f o r any purpose whatsoever". R. R. C. 1885, Evidence Gilber t M. Sproat, Essayist of Victoria, p. 167.

The statement made by t h e Knights of Labor, L. A,, No. 3017, Nanaimo, expressed these same sentiments, emphasising that t he Chinese were not fit t o par t ic ipa te i n p o l i t i c a l l i f e because they had "no sym- pathy i n our higher aims and objects". Ibid, , p, 155.

Ibid. , Evidence I k . Tuckf i eld, Victoria, p. 66. (Zm~hasis added. ) 122

Ibid., Statement of t he Knights of Labor, L. A., No. 3017, ??anairno, 123 p. 1%. (5mphasis added, )

See a l s o Ibid Evidence John A. Bradley, a working man of Victoria, p. 1 6 1 .

124. Ibid Statement of t he Knights of Labor, L. A., No. 3017, Wanaimo, .' p. 156.

The Knights of Labor s t a t ed "Chinese labor is l i t t l e , if any, cheaper than white labor."

125. Ibid., p. 156. See a l s o evidence of J , Pawson, J. P, of Ranairno, p. 13.3.

126. Ibid., Svidence Samuel M. Robins, Superintendent of t h e Vancouver Coal Plinirg and Land Co, , Ltd., of Nanaimo, p. 120.

127. Ibid., Evidence James Young, recording secretary of the Knights of Labor, L. A., No. 3017, Nanaimo, pp. 88-89.

128. - Ibid., Statement of t h e Xnights of Labor, L. A., No. 3017, Nanaimo, p. 159.

129. Ibid., Evidence Samuel M. Robins, Nanaimo, Superintendent of the Van- couver C o d Kining and Land Co., Ltd., ?. 138. See a l s o Br i t i sh Columbian, June 1, 1867, p. 3, Chinese s t r i k e breakers were used by Dunsm~ir i n t h e Uellington coal-mine s t r i k e i n February 1877 and again i n t h e March-April s t r i k e i n 1878.

See Horny and Scholefield, Br i t i sh Columbia: His tor ical , Vol, 11, p. 388.

130. Ph i l l ips , KO Power Greater, p. 8, p. 162. Male x h i t e workers a l s o used d i r e c t action. Chinese labourers were brought i n t o McDougal's work camp on E u r r a r d In le t . An angry "mob" attacked t h e camp i n January 1867, and drove "the Chinese people t o t he c l i f f s of t h e I n l e t (and) forcing them t o jump in to t he wintry waters". I n 1886, Chinese labourers from t h e Hastings I f i l l were at tacked on t h e i r way t o vote i n Vancouver's municipal elections.

David 5. Spearing, "Chinatown. Vancouver's Heritage", Plywood World, Vol. 9, No. 3 , 1969, p. 6. The Chinese settlement a t False Creek was burnt down i n 1887 by white workers because of t h e use of Chinese labourers t o the exclusion of white workers on t he Port Moody-Vancouver extension of t he C, P. R. Paul A. Ph i l l ips , p. 14.

It should be remembered t h a t - again - t h e economy of Br i t i sh Columbia was not i n good shape and workim conditions poor i n 1886 a f t e r t he completion of t h e C. P. R. The expected boom did not happen.

Piany workers l e f t Er i t i sh Columbia f o r U, S. A. where bet ter op- portunities existed. Paul A. Phil l ips , pp. 15-16.

131. 3. R. C, 1885, Zvidence Reverend Philip Dwyer, Victoria, p. 125.

132. Ibid., Evidence Samuel M, Robics, Nanaimo, p. 118.

133. Ibid., Evidence Chief just ice S i r Matthew Begbie, p. 72.

134. - Ibid., Evidence D r . E. Stevenson, Victoria, p. 94.

Ibid., Evidence David V. Gordon, N. P., p. 133, 135.

136. bid . , Cornmiss ioner Gray's report, LxIX.

137. 1bid.p LXV.

CONCLUSION

You know t h a t joke about t h e white man's burden? They rmke it, we ca r ry it. I

The c o n f l i c t s r e s u l t i n g from r a c i a l prejudice have been t h e t o p i c of

research by many s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s . Charles Wagley and Marvin Har r i s have

seen t h e c o n f l i c t between races a s being caused not by ethnocentrism o r endo-

gamy but by competition f o r l imi ted resources .' Gordon Al lpor t ' s theory of.-

fers l i t t l e hope f o r t h e e l iminat ion of prejudice a s he sees t h e process of

ca tegor iza t ion i n t o h ie ra rch ies as "natural".3 P h i l i p Mason considers t h a t

s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a rose - and with it a myth s t r u c t u r e t o j u s t i f y "pat-

t e r n s of dominance" - with economic s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and consequent p o l i t i c a l

4 spec ia l i za t ion . Dominance of one group over another "springs from passions

: I t h a t a r e common t o a l l men".' T. Adorno, i n con t ras t , s ees t h e ideology of

6 I

ethnocentrism as "a genera l frame of mind", an individual cha rac te r trait I

pecu l i a r t o t h e a u t h o r i t a r i a n personal i ty . I I I

Racial prejudice is seen i n t h i s t h e s i s not as a problem of race , nor

a s a character t r a i t , nor as "natural". This would be t o assume t h a t aggres-

s ion and competition predominate and a r e an approved mode of response i n a l l

~ u l t u r e s . ~ Rather, racial prejudice is seen as being in t imate ly bound t o a

complex economic p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l system, gaining fo rce from t h a t system

and i n t u r n re inforc ing t h e values o f t h a t system. It is argued t h a t t h e pre-

judice of 'desterners t o t h e Chinese has its r o o t s i n t h e notions of superior-

i t y and t h e h e i r a r c h i c a l view of t h e world t h a t formed t h e myth s t r u c t u r e

which j u s t i f i e d Turopean imperialism. A s Joseph Esherick has s t a t e d , "imper-

ialism was a t o t a l system - economic, p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l - and

t h a t its component parts were in t imate ly i n t e r r e l a t e d e f i 8 The ideology of

B r i t i s h imperial ism from t h e mid-fiineteenth century assumed both a r a c i a l

hierarchy and t h e super io r i ty of its own s o c i a l , economic, p o l i t i c a l and l e -

g a l system. With a b e l i e f i n progress and i n t h e evolut ion of soc ie ty from

an i n f e r i o r s o c i a l organizat ion t o a super ior c i v i l i z a t i o n t h e B r i t i s h saw

t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ( t h e white man's burden) and t h e i r P ro tes tan t mission

t o be t h a t of bringing enlightenment t o " l e s s for tunate t ' and "underdeveloped"

nat ions.

The coloniza t ion model a s expressed by Robert Blauner is a useful t o o l

of a n a l y s i s t o expla in r a c i a l prejudice. He states,

The e s s e n t i a l condit ion f o r both American s lavery and European colonial ism was t h e power domination and t h e technologica l s u p e r i o r i t y I

of t h e Mestern world i n its r e l a t i o n t o peoples of non-Uestern and non- // white o r ig ins , This ob jec t ive supremacy i n technology and m i l i t a r y 11 power but t ressed t h e West's sense of c u l t u r a l super io r i ty , laying t h e I b a s i s f o r r a c i s t ideologies t h a t were elaborated t o j u s t i f y cont ro l and e x p l o i t a t ion of non-white people .9 I

I !

H i s co loniza t ion complex has four basic components. F i r s t , t h e forced

involuntary en t ry of t h e colonizer , Second, t h e e f f e c t t h i s e n t r y has on t h e

c u l t u r e and s o c i a l organizat ion, namely t h e transformation o r des t ruc t ion of

indigenous values, o r i en ta t ions , and ways of l i fe , Third, t h e colonized group

a r e administered by represen ta t ives of t h e dominant group. Fourth, t h e prin-

c i p l e of racism is used t o e x p l o i t , con t ro l and oppress s o c i a l l y and psych-

i c a l l y t h e colonized group. 10

It is t r u e t h a t t h e c l a s s i c coloniza t ion model out l ined above does not

f i t China completely. C\ina, unl ike India f o r example, was more successful i n

r e s i s t i n g imper ia l i s t forces. I n p a r t i c u l a r , t h e Manchu Government remained

adminis t ra t ive ly i n con t ro l although t h i s was only through t h e a c t i v e support

of Westerners. It was with :Jestern a i d t h a t t h e Taiping revolut ion was sub-

dued?' Robert Kart's custom organizat ion produced one t h i r d of t h e e n t i r e

revenue of t h e Chinese government by f8911.12 And t h e p r inc ip le of e x t a -

t e r r i t o r i a l i t y ensured t h a t Westerners were beyond Chinese ju r i sd ic t ion . How-

ever, t h e o t h e r components of t h e coloniza t ion complex and t h e i r e f f e c t s ap-

ply t o China, At t i tudes of r a c i a l s u p e r i o r i t y served t o j u s t i f y t h e imperial-

i s t i c t h r u s t s of t h e Uestern t r a d e r , missionary and government o f f i c i a l i n

China, and t h e negative s tereotype of t h e Chinese race t h a t w a s propagated by

t h e s e i n t e r e s t groups spread throughout t h e Xestern world,

By looking at Chinese-Yestern re l a t ionsh ips i n t h e context of imperial-

s i n t h e r o o t s of white racist a t t i t u d e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia can be located.

Contact between Europeans and t h e Chinese from t h e mid-nineteenth century

was predominantly determined by jlesterners. Technically, t h e i r m i l i t a r y m a -

chine was super io r t o t h a t of China, This enabled them a forced en t ry i n t o

China, and access t o some ninety t r e a t y p o r t s along its coast . The numerous

economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l e f f e c t s of imperialism on indigenous Chinese

s o c i e t y can not here be elaborated.13 Apolngists of Yestern imperialism have

seen t h e economic and i n s t i t u t i o n a l t ransformation of China which occurred

from mid-century as "modernization1' and "both necessary and good"." The

assumptions behind t h i s conclusion are that: f i r s t l y China was backward p r i o r

t o t h e West's "contr ibutiont ' ; secondly, t h e ind ica to r of an advanced economic

system is one involved i n fo re ign t r a d e ( t h e i m p e r i a l i s t i c model) ; and t h i r d l y ,

B r i t a i n and America were, i n fact doing China a favour by demanding commercial

exchange. This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n - as ide from its obvious ethnocentrism - ig-

nores t h e well developed Chinese production and marketing system which e x i s t -

ed p r i o r t o Yestern contact,15 a system which demonstrates t h a t China was i n

f a c t economically se l f - su f f i c i en t . It a l s o denies t h e f a c t that it was by

fo rce t h a t t h e West intervened i n A s i a , and that i n China t h e West was push-

ing opium. I n 1890 opium was s t i l l t h e l a r g e s t s i n g l e Chinese import. l6 i n

t h i s way t h e aggress ive nature and immorality of Xestern imperialism is ex-

cused o r dismissed.

The two provinces f i r s t e f fec ted by t h e d i s rup t ion of Chinese soc ie ty

occurring a f t e r Uestern in te rven t ion were Kwangtung and Fukien, and it was

from these two provinces t h a t t h e Chinese who imnigrated t o B r i t i s h Columbia

originated. Conditions i n China forced them t o leave and seek employment i n

a h o s t i l e and a l i e n environment. They came with t h e i n t e n t i o n of rnaking suf-

f i c i e n t money t o r e t u r n t o t h e i r home v i l l a g e s , with t h e same i n t e n t i o n as I

t h e bulk of people who came t o 3 r i t i s h Columbia a t t h i s time. But only t h e I C

Chinese miners were s ing led out and c l a s s i f i e d as locus t s , accused of exploi t -

ing t h e gold resources of t h e colony. These accusat ions r e s t e d on r a c i s t at-

t i t u d e s ,

The Chinese s tereotype had been formed from contac t i n China, and sup-

plemented and re inforced by contac t i n California. The b e l l i g e r e n t a t t i t u d e

of Europeans t o t h e Chinese i n t h e e a r l y gold f i e l d s was reinforced by t h e

nature of t h e colony, The population was predominantly made up of s i n g l e men

involved i n t h e exp lo i t a t ion of gold resources, of merchants supplying food

and suppl ies a t exhorbl tant r a t e s , of land specula tors here t o make a f a s t

buck. The economy was unstable, t h e population of a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s migra-

t o r y - condit ions leading t o i n s t a b i l i t y and insecur i ty i n a soc ie ty , I n t h e

past t h e example of t h e Californian gold mining towns' t reatment of t h e Chin-

e s e has been used t o e q l a i n t h e a t t i t u d e of 3uropeans i n 3 r i t i s h Columbia. 17

It is a f a c t t h a t many miners d i d come from t h e s e f i e l d s , o r a t l e a s t passed

through San Francisco on t h e i r way north, and t h u s came i n contac t with Cali-

fornian nativism and xenophobia. However, recent research has shown t h a t i n

Cal i fornia , too , t h e Chinese were never welcomed a s poss ib le immigrants. The

a t t i t u d e t h a t t h e Chinese were i n f e r i o r as a race , t h a t they were unassimil i-

a b l e a l i e n s and l e s s than human preceded them ac ross t h e Pac i f i c .

This a t t i t u d e is a legacy of Western notions of super io r i ty . Relation-

sh ips between dominant and subordinant groups are cumulative. When t h e domi-

nant group has formed a p ic tu re of t h e way t h e o the r is expected t o behave,

evidence ill be found t o s t rengthen t h e viewi8 and, i n t h e case of t h e Chin-

e se i n B r i t i s h Columbia, l e g i s l a t i o n introduced t o enforce t h i s behaviour.

Missionaries, t r a d e r s , embassy o f f i c i a l s and t r a v e l l e r s t o t h e %st were in-

s trumental i n shaping t h e a t t i t u d e of t h e Western world towards t h e Chinese

people, Through t h e i r published works, l e c t u r e t o u r s and influence t h e pre-

dominantly negative image spread. Western accounts of t h e Opium Wars f u r t h e r

emphasized t h i s s tereotype , White r a c i a l a t t i t u d e s e f f e c t e d t h e Chinese in

B r i t i s h Columbia and were an important f a c t o r determining where and how t h e

Chinese l ived, t h e type of work they d id ,and, later i n t h e century, were afac-

t o r determining t h e decis ion of t h e Chinese not t o remain i n B r i t i s h Columbia.

P o l l t axes ensured t h a t t h e i r families could not jo in them.

'Jhi te men's t reatment of t h e Chinese i n B r i t i s h Columbia has been de-

t a i l e d t o e s t a b l i s h t h a t pre judice ex i s t ed from t h e e a r l y days of t h e gold

rush and t o demonstrate t h a t r e s t r i c t i v e and exclusion l e g i s l a t i o n followed

l o g i c a l l y f ron t h e white a t t i t u d e s and t h e events of these e a r l y years . The

Chinese d i d not consent t o t h e i r oppression. I iesponsibi l i ty f o r raclsm leading

t o r e s t r i c t i o n and f i n a l exclusion of a TrouF of people h2s been placed not

on t h e minority group - t h e Chinese - but r a t h e r on t h e majori ty group, t h e

group t h a t threa tened and u l t ima te ly used b ru te fo rce t o keep t h e Chinese in-

f e r i o r economically and p o l i t i c a l l y . A t first they were excluded from t h e

b e t t e r diggings by violence o r t h e t h r e a t of violence, 2nd t h u s t h e Chinese

took over abandoned f i e l d s . They worked a t jobs t h a t white men would not do - as menial servants and farm o r town labourers . Municipal and provincia l l e g i s -

lat ion was implemented t o narrox t h e i r economic and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . Re-

s t r i c t i o n s were placed on t h e i r mode of l iv ing . Thus t h e economic niche t o

which they were l imi ted by t h e s e a c t s as well as s o c i a l custom and expectat ion

tended t o r e in fo rce t h e negative s tereotype . La te r Federal Acts were used

t o e l iminate t h e Or ien ta l "problem" from B r i t i s h Columbia, Acts given moral

and e t h i c a l credence by t h e f a b l e of Anglo-Saxon r a c i a l super io r i ty .

The r a t i o n a l e f o r t h e r e s t r i c t i o n a f Chinese immigrants up t o t h e first

Federal A c t of 1885 has been discussed, and t h e p a r t i c u l a r f a c e t s t h a t com-

p r i sed t h e expressed negative s tereotype i so la ted . Some of t.hese r e su l t ed

from t h e value placed on t h e marked c u l t u r a l d i f f e rences between Chinese and

Europeans. But on t h e whole Europeans were ill-informed and had unfounded

notions and l i t t l e understanding of t h e Chinese o r t h e i r s o c i a l organization.

The i r c o l l e c t i v e h a b i t s were viewed with suspic ion and fea r . Overcrowding,

p r o s t i t u t i o n , drainage and d i sease were seen as a d d i t i o n a l evidence of t h e

r a c i a l i n f e r i o r i t y of t h e Chinese. Rather t h a n recognis ing t h e s e as s o c i a l

problems that could be e rad ica t ed , v h i t e s saw them as proof t h a t t h e C ~ j n e s ?

shoald be excluded f r a r t h e province.

Anti-Chinese a t t i t u d e s were not class-based. The coflsensils of opinior!

. h t h e province was t h a t t hey were a l i e n s , unass imi l iab lo snd not d e s i r a b l e

as a permanent s e c t o r of t h e populat ion. Thus t h e Anti-Zhinese a g i t a t i o n

cannot ' ~ c explainec! exc lus ive ly i n tesms of crude economic competit ion. 19

Even i n 1585, a f t e r t h e completion of ra i lway cons t ruc t ion work, t h e

Knights of Labor s t r e s s e d t h e f e a r of 3hinese competi t ion r a t h e r t h a n t h r f r

a c t u a l competit ion. For over twent;r-five years t h e ?hinese had been l i m i t e d

t o a n s k i l l e d , low-mid, non-conpe t i t iw labour and ant i -Chinese f e c l i a g

>a:: f i rmlv r o ~ t c c l ir. t h e pmvir.cn.

It is t r u e t h a t a ~ i t a t i o r ~ a g a i n s t t h e Shlrese d i 3 increxse a f t e r

t h e C.P.9, was completed, bu t t h e r s wcr5 a d 3 i t i o m l f i x t o r s b e s i s e s

" c h e a ~ Chinese labour" t o sccount f o r t h i s . A slwnp occurred i n . ? r i t i sh

Zolunbia, The a n t i c i p a t e d inc rease i n t r ade , p r o s p e r i t y and jobs did

not occur. The ra i lway brou5h.t: a n i n f l u x of new s e t t l e r s from t h e e a s t ,

t o compete for Jobs with men dismissed from c o n s t r u c t i s n work. $!bite

men looked f o r any kind of work, even low-paid seasonal and t r a n s i t i o n a l

jobs such as woodcutting. These joks, formerly typed as "Chinaman's jobs"

2 0 and f i l l ~ d by Chinese men, now ware accep ta5 le t o wiiite men. T h s demands

f o r Ghinese exclusi.on were loud ly made, Anti-Oriental sentirnent has

always been a convenient scapegmt f o r economic i n s t a b i l i t y and depress ion ,

The Anglo-5axon s o c h l s t r u c t u r e t h u s remained dominant i n 3 r i t i s h

Columbi~ , The sense of insecurity t h a t p reva i l ed meant t h a t any t h r e a t

t o t h e homo:ei?eit:r of t h e dominant ~ r o u ? had t o 5e removed from t h e i i n -

mediate v i c i n i t y - i n t h e case of t h e Indians - or e l i ~ ~ i n a t d . Th i s

process t o o k u n t i l I323 when a 3 e d e r a l 2xclusl.on Act was w s s e d t h a t

s topped t h e imqigra t ion of t h e Chinese t o S r i t i s h Columbia, Zut by 1885

with t h e in t roduc t ion of t h e f i f t y d o l l a r p o l l t a x t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of

Chinese men s e t t l i n ~ with t h e i r f a m i l i e s i n 3 r i t i s h Xlumbia was r u l e d

ou t , The subsequent t a x e s , o f one hundred d o l l a r s l e v i e d in 1900 and

f h e hundred d o l l a r s l e v i e d i n 1903, demonstrated t h a t i n white 3sit i s h

Columbia t h e r e was no room for coloured minor i t i e s , Thus t h e p o ~ s i b i l l t y

of t h e fievelopment of a n e t h n i c rnosdic was never permit ted and t h e

p r i n c i p l e of t h e r i g h t of t h e major i ty t o govern and t h e o b l i g a t i o n of

t h e mir,ority t o o3ny am1 a s s i m i l a t e was f i r m l y eslablishec?.

Footnotes (conclusion) :

John Fowles, The Magus, (pan 3ooks, 1966), p. 384.

Charles Wagley and Narvin Harris, Minor i t ies i n t h e New World, (n'ew vork, Columbia Universi ty Press, 1958), p. 263.

Gordon '+I. Allpor t , The Mature of Pre judice , ( ~ e a d i n g , Massachusetts, Adison Wesley Publishing Company, l9$), Chapter 2, e spec ia l ly p. 26,

P h i l i p Kason, Pa t t e rns of Dominance, ondo don, Oxford Universi ty Press, 13701, P. 3.

T. W e Adorno e t a l e , The Author i tar ian Personal i ty , ( ~ e w Y or%, Harper 1950), P. 113. and Row,

Kargaret Mead Peoples,

(ed. ) , Co-operation and Competition Among Pr imi t ive ( ~ e w York, McGraw-Hill, 1937).

Tsherick, "Harvard on China'', p. 13.

Robert Slauner, " In te rna l Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt", i n Michael Weitheimer (ed.), Confrontation: Psychology and t h e Problems of T o d a ~ , ( l l l i n o i s , Sco t t , Foresman and Company, 19701, p. 124.

I b i d p. 124. .'

Hu Shew, Imperialism and Chinese P o l i t i c s , pp. 35-39, p. 52.

Jonathon Spence, To Change China: Nestern Advisors i n Chira 1520 - 1960, ( ~ o s t o n , Toronto. L i t t l e , Brown and Company, 1969), Chap- - te r 4, "Lay and Hart : Power, Patronage, Pay", p. 117.

13. Some s p e c i f i c e f fec t s i n t h e province of Kwangtung have been considered i n Chapter 2. For a more a n a l y t i c a l d iscuss ion of t h i s aspect of imperialism i n China, see Esherick, who has i s o l a t e d t h e various economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l e f f e c t s of Western aggression.

See a l s o Andrew J. Kathan "Imperialism's 2 f f e c t s on China", E u l l e t i n of Concerned Asian Scholars , Vol. 4, KO. 4, (~ecember , l972), and Hu 3heqq, op. c i t .

14. Ssherick, p. 9. These sentiments, of course, o r ig ina ted from nineteenth century imper ia l i s t s . The modern founder of t h i s school of thought is John K. Fairbank. See h i s The United S t a t e s and China, (Cam- bridge, ~ a s s a c h u s e t t s , Harvard Universi ty Press, 1971).

15. S. jlilliam Skinner. "Marketim and Socia l S t r u c t u r e i n Rural China" i n * - t h r e e parts, - J o u r n a l o f - ~ s i a n Studies: P a r t I I Kumber 24, (NOV- ember 1964), pp. 3 - 44; Pa r t 11: Number 24, ( ~ e b r u a r y 1965), p?. 195-228; Pa r t I111 Number 24, ( ihy 1965) , PP. 363-4000

16. Esherick, p. 10. I n 1870 opium made up 43% of China's t o t a l imports.

17. Wynne accounts f o r t h e heavy r a c i s t nature of t h e e d i t o r i a l policy of t h e Vic to r i a Gazette i n 1359 i n terms of t h e o r i g i n s of t h e two men who owned and e d i t e d t h e newspaper. Both men were from San Francisco, and Wynne s t a t e s t h a t t h e i r "Californian a t t i t u d e " was contrary t o t h e genera l t r end of a t t i t u d e s i n 3 r i t l s h Columbia a t t h a t time. Wynne, p. 112.

18. Yassn, ope c i t . , p. 46.

19. F. U. Howay, B r i t i s h Columbia: The Paking of a Province, pa or on tot Ryerson Press, i928), p. 263. Howay contends t h a t anti-Chinese a g i t a t i o n had begun by 1874 and t h a t a f t e r t h e completion of t h e Canadian P a c i f i c Railway t h e i r competition was "severely f e l t " . H i s implicat ion is t h a t it was a working c l a s s phenomenon.

20, R e R. C. 1885, Zvidence John Jessop, Vic tor ia , Provincia l Immigration Agent, p. 63.

1, A s mentioned i n Chapter one, a similar s i t u a t i o n occurred i n 1%j i n t h e gold f i e l d s when "Chinese pickings" began t o a t t m c t white miners d i s i l l u s i o n e d with t h e Columbia and t h e Cariboo. The pre- s e n t r i s e of Anti-Asiat ic sentiment and a c t i o n s i n Vancouver, d i - rected p a r t i c u l a r l y a t Sikhs, demonstrates t h a t t h i s a t t i t u d e is st ill prevalent i n B r i t i s h Columbia.

I n a recent i s sue of This 1-azine, Satu Repo interviewed a Lat in Ameri-

can immigrant, Graciek Lopez. An i l l e g a l immigrant, she explained t h a t s h e

had emigrated because she could not support he r se l f m d her t h r e e chi ldren

on t h e wages paid t o h e r by t h e American-owned d r e s s f a c t o r y i n Central Ameri-

ca. She came t o Canada because she had heard t h a t work was ava i l ab le here.

Unable t o f i n d work on he r own i n Toronto, she contacted a fe l low countryman

who found he r a job working seven days a week f o r below t h e minimum wage. A t

t h i s time he r plans were t o work i n Canada u n t i l she could make enough money

t o s e t h e r s e l f up i n he r own business i n her home town. However, a f t e r a re-

t u r n v i s i t she r e a l i z e d t h a t t h e r e was i n f a c t no f u t u r e f o r h e r the re . Not

only were t h e f a c t o r i e s foreign-owned, but t h e r e t a i l o u t l e t s were a l s o for -

eign cont ro l led . She t h u s re turned t o Canada with h e r ch i ld ren t o pessimist-

i c a l l y await considerat ion of h e r app l i ca t ion f o r landed immigrant s t a t u s . 1

The experience of many Chinese immigrants t o B r i t i s h Columbia over one

hundred years ago is being repeated by new immigrants t o Canada today.

1. Satu Repo, "The Canadian I l l e g a l s - Buying Ourselves Some Time1', i n Th i s Ma,gazine, Vol 10, No. 2, ( ~ p r i l - m y 1976), pp. 1-7.

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Campbell, Ann Louise, " ~ n h i s t o r i c a l sketch of t h e economic and social condi t ions and t h e l e g i s l a t i o n a f f e c t i n g Or ien ta l h i g r a t i o n i n Cal i fornia and S r i t i s h Columbia", unpublished S.A. essay, University of a r i t i s h Collmbia, 1921-22.

Fisher , Robin A., "Indian-%ropean Relat ions i n S r i t i s h Columbia 1774- 1890n, unpublished Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Universi ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1974.

Fos ter , 'dinifred Xmily, "Gold FIining and t h e e a r l y development of S r i t i s h Columbiat', un?ublished N.A. t h e s i s , Serkeley , Vniversi t y Cal i fornia , 1936.

Grant, C. I,., "Occupational Adjustments of Immigrants", unpublished k s t e r of S o c i a l $lark t h e s i s , Universi ty of Toronto, 1955,

Johnson, Arthur J., ''The Canadian P a c i f i c ?,ailway and 3 r i t i s h Columbia 1871-1886", unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , Universi ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1936,

Lai, Vivien, "The Assimilat ion of Chinese Immigrants i n Toronto", unpublished X.A. t h e s i s , York Universi ty, 1970.

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Xeade, Beverly, "The Chinese i n 3 r i t i s h Columbia, Historical . Evidence of Segregation: The Chinese Cemetary", unpublished undergraduate essay In Anthropology, Cariboo College, 1973.

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Pentlarid, H. Clare, "Labour and t h e Development of I n d u s t r i a l Capital- i s m i n Canada", unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s , Vniversi ty of Toronto, 1960.

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Smith, Brian Ray Zlouglas, "Some aspec t s of t h e s o c i a l development of e a r l y Kanaimo", unpuMished B.A. essay, Universi ty of S r i t i s h Columbia, 1956.

Tolmie, J. Ross, "The Orienta ls i n 3 r i t i s h Columbia", unpublished 2.B. essay, Universi ty of 3 r i t i s h Columbia, 1929,

Yai, ilayne Yip, "The Chinese and t h e i r voluntary assoc%tions i n 3ri t i s h Columbia : A p o l i t i c a l machine i n t e r p r e t a t ion", unpublished iI.A. t h e s i s , Queen's Universi ty, 1970.

'dad , Villiam Pe te r , ";lhite Canah Forever: S r i t i s h Columbia's 2e- sponse t o Orentzls , 1858-1914", unpublished Ph.D, d i s s e r t a t i o n , Queen's Universi ty, 1972.

',ie?pler, Dorccn X. "2ax-I~ forms of po l i t i ca l act iv i ty among white worten i n b i t i s h Columbia : 1880-192jto, unpublished M.A. thes i s ,

imos Fraser I h i v e r s i t y , 1971.

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'Jynne, lober t 7dwan5, "3eaction t o t h e Chinese i n the Pacif ic North- l;!est and 3 r i t i s h Columbia, 1850 t o 191Ot', unpublfshed Ph,D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Universi ty of Yashington, 1964,