APXEION OIKONOMIKH™ I™TOPIA™ · the students mostly prefer to follow other fields of...

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APXEION OIKONOMIKH™ I™TOPIA™ TfiÌÔ˜ Xπ T‡¯Ô˜ 1-2 I·ÓÔ˘¿ÚÈÔ˜ - ¢ÂΤ̂ÚÈÔ˜ 2000 ARCHIVES OF ECONOMIC HISTORY Volume Xπ No 1-2 January - December 2000 ¶EPIEXOMENA - CONTENTS ∏. ∏∂GELAND : Some notes on the quantity theory of money .................... 9 V. CHICK - S. C. DOW : Financial integration in Europe: A post Keynesian perspective ............................................................................... 21 AUKE R. LEEN : The history and economic thought of products liability (what policy suits the Austrian economist best?) ........................ 41 AN. ¢. ∫∞ƒ∞°π∞¡¡∏™ : ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Î·È Ë ÂÏÏËÓÈ΋ Ú·ÎÙÈ΋ ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô 1975-1994 (Keynesian economic policy and the greek reality during the period 1975-1994) ...................... 55 CHR. BALOGLOU : Schumpeter’s Gap and the economic thought in Hellenistic Times .................................................................................... 85 D. MACAROV : The myths that maintain us .................................................... 99 §.£. Ã√Àª∞¡π¢∏™ : ∏ ∆Ú¿Â˙· ·fi Ù˘ ÂÔ¯‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡ ̤¯ÚÈ ÙˆÓ ËÌÂÚÒÓ Ì·˜ (The Bank from the era of the merchant capitalism until our days) .......................................................... 117 G. VAMBOUKAS : Government spending and economic growth: time series evidence for Greece ................................................................. 167 G. THANOS : How falling interest rates but increasing banking output give higher banking profits. A trade off. ................................................... 179 C. KYRITSIS : Optimal investment policies and oscilators of stockmarket technical analysis. Application in the impact of the war in Yugoslavia to the Greek stockmarket ........................................... 197 Xƒ∏™∆π¢∏™ πø∞¡¡∏™ : √È fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È Ë ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË Ù˘ ∂ÏÏ¿‰Ô˜ (the terms of commerce and the case of Greece) ................ 223 §Hº£ENTA BIB§IA, ¶EPIO¢IKA, AP£PA - BOOKS, MAGAZINES AND ARTICLES RECEIVED.......................... 239 A£HNAI - ATHENS, 2000

Transcript of APXEION OIKONOMIKH™ I™TOPIA™ · the students mostly prefer to follow other fields of...

Page 1: APXEION OIKONOMIKH™ I™TOPIA™ · the students mostly prefer to follow other fields of Economics, as historical research does not secure a professional career, except the academic.

APXEION OIKONOMIKH™ I™TOPIA™TfiÌÔ˜ Xπ T‡¯Ô˜ 1-2 I·ÓÔ˘¿ÚÈÔ˜ - ¢ÂΤ̂ÚÈÔ˜ 2000

ARCHIVES OF ECONOMIC HISTORYVolume Xπ No 1-2 January - December 2000

¶EPIEXOMENA - CONTENTS

∏. ∏∂GELAND : Some notes on the quantity theory of money .................... 9

V. CHICK - S. C. DOW : Financial integration in Europe: A postKeynesian perspective ............................................................................... 21

AUKE R. LEEN : The history and economic thought of productsliability (what policy suits the Austrian economist best?) ........................ 41

AN. ¢. ∫∞ƒ∞°π∞¡¡∏™ : ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ηÈË ÂÏÏËÓÈ΋ Ú·ÎÙÈ΋ ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô 1975-1994 (Keynesian economicpolicy and the greek reality during the period 1975-1994) ...................... 55

CHR. BALOGLOU : Schumpeter’s Gap and the economic thoughtin Hellenistic Times .................................................................................... 85

D. MACAROV : The myths that maintain us .................................................... 99

§.£. Ã√Àª∞¡π¢∏™ : ∏ ∆Ú¿Â˙· ·fi Ù˘ ÂÔ¯‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡ ̤¯ÚÈ ÙˆÓ ËÌÂÚÒÓ Ì·˜ (The Bank from the era of themerchant capitalism until our days) .......................................................... 117

G. VAMBOUKAS : Government spending and economic growth:time series evidence for Greece ................................................................. 167

G. THANOS : How falling interest rates but increasing banking outputgive higher banking profits. A trade off. ................................................... 179

C. KYRITSIS : Optimal investment policies and oscilators of stockmarket technical analysis. Application in the impact of thewar in Yugoslavia to the Greek stockmarket ........................................... 197

Xƒ∏™∆π¢∏™ πø∞¡¡∏™ : √È fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È Ë ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË Ù˘ ∂ÏÏ¿‰Ô˜ (the terms of commerce and the case of Greece)................ 223

§Hº£ENTA BIB§IA, ¶EPIO¢IKA, AP£PA -BOOKS, MAGAZINES AND ARTICLES RECEIVED.......................... 239

A£HNAI - ATHENS, 2000

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M¤ÏË ™˘Ì‚Ô˘Ï¢ÙÈ΋˜ EÈÙÚÔ‹˜ - Associate Editors

†A. Fanfani (Italy)Anna Pellanda ( Italy)A. Montesano (Italy)G. Viaggi (Italy)P. Barucci (Italy)R. Coppi (Italy)A. Rugina (USA)J. Tarascio (USA)Ingrid Rima (USA)K. Thanawala (USA)E. Ortiz (Mexico)O. Popescu (Argentina)H. Hegeland (Sweden)H. Jenkis (Germany)U. Witt (Germany)†J. Krabbe (Netherlands)A.R. Leen (Netherlands)F. Condis y Troiano (Belgium)Thierry Levy (France)B. Yamey (England)Sheila Dow (England)B. Pettman (England)E. Fullbrook (England)I. Cristescu (Romania)R. Petridis (Australia)L. A. Duhs (Australia)T. Riha (Australia)P.J. Gandhi (India)P. Gemtos (Greece)P. Kiochos (Greece)

2

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THE FIRST D∂CADE OF

“ARCHIVES OF ECONOMIC HISTORY (AEH)”

∏ ¶ƒø∆∏ ¢∂∫∞∂∆π∞ ∆√À

“∞ƒÃ∂π√À √π∫√¡√ªπ∫∏™ π™∆√ƒπ∞™” (AOI)

The “Archives of Economic History” has undertaken the hazardons

initiative to present a scientific Review on the field of History of Econo-

mic life and of History of Economics as well.

From the first issue of the “Arhives” we tried to publish selected papers

of Greek and Foreign Colleagues. From 1955 and on began an endewour

on the field of Economic History and on the History of Economic Thought.

Some Universities even dedicated departments for these disciplines, but

the students mostly prefer to follow other fields of Economics, as historical

research does not secure a professional career, except the academic. Non-

theless there is -we must admit it- a number of intellectuals and stu-

dents who are attracted to the research of historical economic facts and

phenomena.

From this side of view we tried to contribute with our issue which helps

the endeavour in the intellectual field and hopes to expand the interest

upon the Economic History and the History of Economic Thought in

Greece and abroad. We must continue our effort because History is “magi-

ster vitae” and it is also the indispensable background for any social

science. Thus it is a duty to support any endeavour towards this direction,

with editions, magazins, conferences and above all with the collaboration

between economists who desire to contribute to the world of ideas. Here-

below we refer the names of the collaborators of the first decade.

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™À¡∂ƒ°∞∆∞π - COLL∞BORATORS:

1990 Vol. I No 1: L. Houmanidis, A.D. Karayiannis, C.A. Rigas, P.A.

Kiohos - D. Ithakissios.

1991 Vol. I No 1: †J.J. Krabbe, U. Witt, D. Ithakissios, I. Mazis, L. Cont-

os - C. Zois, C.A. Rigas, P. Kiohos.

1992 Vol. II No 1: †G. Barbieri, P. Wynarczyk, Chr. Baloglou, C.A.

Rigas, L. Houmanidis, P. A. Kiohos, G. Papanikolaou.

1994 Vol. V No 1: L. Houmanidis, P.A. Kiohos, K. Rontos, K. Charissis,

D. Ithakissios, V.F. Filios, T.M. Levy, E. Fullbrook, A. Petri-

dis, A. Karayiannis, C. Zois.

1995 Vol. VI No 1: S. Todd Lowry, L. Houmanidis, T.M. Levy, A. Panago-

poulos, I. Mazis.

1995 Vol. VI ¡Ô 2: L. Houmanidis, Chr. Baloglou, J.P. Gandhis, D. Ithaki-

ssios, T. M. Levy, P. Kiohos.

1996 Vol. VII No 1-2: L. Houmanidis, J.J. Krabbe, E. Fullbrook, A. Kara-

yannis, I. Mazis, M. Garcia.

1997 Vol. VIII No 1-2: Sh. Dow, L. Houmanidis, †J.J. Krabbe, W. Heijman,

D. Nicoletopoulos, G.P. Vlachos, C. Zois, I. Christidis, I.

Mazis, G. Baranescu.

1998 Vol. IX No 1-2: L. Houmanidis, C. Zois, Hel. Yannacopoulos, M.

Jaksik, H. Goussios, H. Hegeland, Ingvar Mattson, A.R.

Leen.

1999 Vol. X No 1-2: T. Levy, C.P. Vlachos, C. Kyritsis, C. Zois, P. Kiohos,

K. Rontos, L. Houmanidis.

2000 Vol. XI No 1-2: U. Hegeland, V. Chick, S.C. Dow, A. Leen, A. Kar-

ayannis, Chr. Baloglou, D. Macarov, L. Houmanidis, G.

Vamboukas, G. Thanos, C. Kyritsis.

8 The First Decade

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SOME NOTES ON THE QUANTITY THEORY

OF MONEY

HUGO HEGELAND

Swedish Academy

Hardly any theory in economics has been so long debated as the quan-tity theory of money. Yet, there is still no unanimity as to the formulationand interpretation of the theory. Milton Friedman has written a well-known study where he claims that the development of prices in the USA isclosely related to changes in the quantity of money. So does also Allan HMeltzer, Carnegie-Mellon University, Pittsburgh, in his doctor’s disserta-tion on the relation between changes in the quantity of money and theprice level in France. They both found a close relation and might be right.Nevertheless you can never prove a causal relation between various statis-tic data though you can make it more or less probable.

The simplest way of enunciating the original quantity “theory” is as fol-lows: ceteris paribus, average prices are always in proportion to the quan-tity of money. So formulated it contains only the proposition of propor-tionality between the quantity of money and the value of the money-unit.This formulation is obviously a truism; but its purpose was to illustrate aspecific peculiarity of money, distinguishing it from all other things. Thispeculiarity consists in the nonexistence of any value of money as such (dis-regarding the value of its metallic content), so that a great or small quan-tity of money is of no consequence for the total wealth of a nation. Thisproposition, which was originally stated by John Locke, was directedtowards the monetary doctrines of mercantilism, according to which the

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quantity of money constituted one of the main sources of the total wealthof a nation. Its basis content is that money is primarily a medium ofexchange, which, in point of principle, does not add to the amount of rich-es of a given economy. Locke’s proposition, therefore, is not a theory ofthe effect of changes in the quantity of money; it contains merely an illus-tration of the relative insignificance of the amount of money (within cer-tain practical limits), thereby emphasizing the function of money as amedium of exchange. If Locke’s proposition is to be called a theory, itmust be labelled as a theory of the nonexistence of any value as such of themedium of exchange.

Generally, however, the quantity theory is formulated in the followingway: if other things remain the same, changes in the quantity of moneycause proportionate price changes. This second version of the quantity the-ory, also containing a proposition of causality, has been the foundation ofa theory for the explanation of actual variations in the price level, for theprognostication of price developments, and, what seems to be the mostsurprising effects, even for the explanation on individual prices. In theformulation, however, the purpose of Locke’s original formulation is lost.

Locke’s basic idea -that the function of money is fundamentally that ofbeing a medium of exchange- naturally provides the foundation for a the-ory of the effects of changes in the quantity of money. According to thisthird version of the quantity theory, changes in the quantity of moneymeans changes in the quantity of money used as a medium of exchange.Since the role of money as a store of value is left out of the picture, changesin the quantity of money will not affect the rate of circulation of money. Itis only a question of changes in the amount of the medium of exchangeused at various transactions. This is the basic content of the quantity theo-ry as it was apprehended by one of its best known defenders, Irving Fish-er. If total supply remains constant when the quantity of money changes,prices will vary in proportion to these changes because the rate of circula-tion will not be effected. This is a special case of the proposition of the rela-tion of changes in the quantity of money to its rate of circulation, i.e., ofthe original quantity theory, and should be looked upon as merely ademonstration of the irrelevance per se of the amount of money in circu-lation. Since classical economics dealt with situations of full utilization oftotal resources only, changes in the quantity of money (used as a medium

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of exchange and when dealing with long run effects) evidently appeared asa problem of the relation of these changes to average prices only. This spe-cial case of the quantity theory of money has been interpreted as theessence of the quantity theory, probably due to a lack of knowledge of thehistorical develpment of the quantity theory.

Already the Chinese reflected upon the value of money. In the writingof Confucius’ disciples there are statements that imply the application ofthe general law of demand and supply to the value of money. Thus Ma-tawn-lin declared that it was “the duty of a good ruler of the empire toexercise control over the relative value of commodities and the quality ofmoney. But this should be done by changing the amount of goods!” Thecausal relation is thus reversed to that of the quantity theory, but to restorethe old value of the monetary unit, the quantity of money is said to be less-ened. Hence, Ma-twan-lin’s theory is based upon the opinion that averageprices shall not differ from the “usual” purchasing power of money ineither direction.

It may be worth mentioning that the observations both refer to a peri-od when the government alone had the power to issue coins and conse-quently to determine the stamp value of the coin. The main task for thegovernment was to keep the purchasing power of money equal to its stampvalue, which, in the minds of the people, probably represented a certainamount of goods. It is very interesting, indeed, that the modern policy ofkeeping the price level stable was considered to be the duty of the govern-ment even in those days!

In the long list of writers who have been pointed out as the originatorsof the quantity theory Xenophon is the oldest except for the Chinese:“With an increase in the number of bronze-workers articles, bronze maybecome so cheap that the bronze-worker has to retire from the field… Butthe converse is the case in the working of silver; there the larger the quan-tity of ore discovered and the greater the number of persons ready toengage in the operation “(The Works of Xenophon, tansl. by H.G.Dakyns, London 1892, vol. II, p. 335). His argument evidently is thatnobody will ever get too much money -an idea you will later meet in thewritings of Locke- because silver is the commonly accepted medium ofexchange. Thus the general law of demand and supply has no bearing in thiscase, whereas gold, in spite of being a precious metal, will decrease in value

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when its supply is increased. Evidently, Xenophon’s statement is diamet-rically opposed to the quantity theory, and one might instead be inclinedto denote him as the first anti-quantity theorist.

The Roman lawyer Julius Paulus is sometimes quoted as the first pro-nouncer of the quantity theory. He says that “it might not always and notso easily happen so fortunately, that while you had what I wanted, I inreturn owned what you wanted to possess, a material was chosen, the valueof which, being generally recognized and lasting, would remedy the diffi-culties at the bargaining by the equality of the quantities. And this materi-al, coined by the state, is connecting the right to use and to own not somuch on account of its substance (content) as on account of its quantity(the number of coins), and so both are not any longer called commodities,but one of them price.” (Corpus juris civilis, L:1, Dig. XVIII - about 200A.D; Impressio nona, Lipsiae (Leipzig), 1861). But it is rather unlikely thatPaulus should have meant that the value of money will always remain con-stant, regardless of the quantity of money. It is more likely that Paulus wasthinking only of money as always having a value of exchange.

Let me skip some medieval names and mention the famous astronomer,Nicolas Copernicus, who in his “Monetae cudende ratio” (1526) writes:“Money loses its value above all when it is increased too much, for exam-ple, when too great a quantity of silver has been transformed into money,so that men will strive to attain bullion rather than the denominator”. Thisview is rather peculiar as it says that the value of money can sink below thevalue of the quantity of metal contained.

Jean Bodin was often mentioned, particularly before Copernicus’ bookbecame known, as the founder of the fundamental content of the quantitytheory. It was during the discussion of the considerable increase in priceson the continent, particularly in France, that Bodin made his well-knownremark that the chief and almost sole cause of the increase was the greatimports of precious metals. His view was taken over by Antoyne deMontchrétien in 1615, but with the interesting addition that prices by nomeans had increased always in proportion to the additional quantity ofmoney.

The economic writer who most frequently is characterized as “Father ofthe Quantity Theory” is Bernardo Davanzati. Born in Florence his laterbecame head of the Mint House at Naples and in 1588 published “Lezione

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delle Monete” where he says: “All these earthly things are, by the consentof nations, worth all the gold (and in this I include silver and copper) thatis wrought; therefore all men covet all the gold to buy all the things, to satis-fy their wants, to be happy. The parts follow the whole: therefore, howev-er much of the happiness of a kingdom, of a city or of a man depends on athing, that much is it worth of all its gold or labor” (Scrittori Classici Italianidi Economia Politica, ed. P.Custodi, vol. 2, Milano 1804, p. 32).

Davanzati’s conclusion also came to be interpreted as a theory of indi-vidual prices, that is, that the prices of goods were determined by a purelyquantitative comparison between the group of commodites in question -the total amount of commodities- and the quantity of gold. As he pointsout, such a comparison requires a constant over-all view of the commodi-ties in order to determine the mathematical proportion of goods to thequantity of money. In this way, he became the founder of a quantitativetheory of money which explained individual prices in terms of a purelyquantitative comparison between money and goods. It was neverexplained how the unit of measure, which made the comparison possible,and which, in fact, would have determined relative prices, was determined.

Not until a century later did Davanzati get a follower who built upon hisidea that the quantitative proportion between goods and money deter-mined the value of money. The man was Geminiano Montanari, professorof mathematics and astronomy at the universities of Bologna and Padua.His discussion is more refined as he says that all the commodities in com-merce, between men, taken together, are worth as much gold, silver, andcopper, coined and in circulation. The idea indireclty forms the backgroundof the equation of exchange and has probably influenced those economistswho formulated similar equations long before Irving Fisher. According to A.E.Monroe the proposition quoted “may fairly be said to be the first clearcutstatement of the quantity theory” (Monetary Theory before Adam Smith,Harvard Economic Studies, vol. XXV, Cambridge, Mass, 1923, p. 109).

What the quantity theory has in common with Davanzati’s and Monta-nari’s proposition is not the property of being a theory of the value ofmoney but the proposition that the total quantity of money represents acertain value in terms of goods. Regardless of how this value is determined,it follows that there must be a very simple arithmetic relation between thevalue of one money-unit and the quantity of money. This relation, which

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contains the proposition of the popular version of the quantity theory, wasoften formulated as follows: changes in the quantity of money, ceterisparibus, cause proportionate changes in the price level (even when thepurpose was not to indicate the proportionality only). When stated in thisway, the theory contains two propositions: one of proportionality and oneof causality. Tracing the origin of the content of these propositions, theproposition of causality has been ascribed to Bodin, who in fact onlyexplained an actual increase in the price level, whereas Davanzati is namedas the founder of the other proposition, because it is inherent in his mone-tary theory. The misunderstanding of the purpose and the erroneous for-mulation of the original quantity theory made it possible to trace the ori-gin of the popular much farther back in history than when it was actuallyenunciated, and connected its foundation with two names, frequently men-tioned, which did not have any influence on its first formulation.

John Locke gives the most clear-cut statement of the quantity theorywhen he advances the example of an island separate from the commerce ofthe rest of the world and with a given quantity of money cannot beincreased. In such a country “any quantity of that money would serve todrive any proportion of trade, whether more or less; there being countersenough to reckon by, and the value of the pledges being still sufficient, asconstantly increasing with the plenty of commodity” (The Consequencesof the Lowering of Interest, in The Works of John Locke, London and NewYork, 1883, p. 590). Also E. Roll and Eli F. Heckscher quote this state-ment as an example of the quantity theory.

Locke, however, is everything but consistent. Sometimes he alleges thata decrease in the (absolut or relative) quantity of money will stop trade toa corresponding degree, without any alternative; and sometimes that it willdo this, or decrease proportionately, or increase barter. All these inconsis-tencies are mainly due to his identificaiton of money with capital and arevery improper as examples of an application of the quantity theory.

The most elucidating account of the essence of the original quantity the-ory is furnished by David Hume: “If we consider any one kingdom, it isevident, that the greater of less plenty of money is of no consequence sincethe prices of commodities are always proportioned to the plenty ofmoney” (Essays and Treatises. A New Edition, 2 vols. London 1825, pp.279 and 294).

14 Hugo Hegeland

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The difference between the result of an actual change in the quantity ofmoney and a presumed, instantaneous change is alluded to in Hume’sfamous example in which he supposes everybody in England, by miracle,to get five pounds into his pocket one night. The point he wants to makeis that nobody will get richer if the quantity of money is proportionallyincreased. But the example is not at all a good one since there is no reasonto expect a proportionate price increase. He confuses the self-evidentmaxim that the sum of the prices of goods sold most always correspond tothe amount of money paid, with the proposition that if the quantity ofmoney is increased, even by miracle, ceteris paribus, the result will be aproportionate price increase. This distinction has not even been realizedby critics of the quantity theory, who instead claim that other things willnot remain constant. Hume’s formulation unintentionally brought aproposition of causation into the original content of the quantity theory,which led astray the understanding of the original idea.

Contraty to Locke, Hume maintained that low prices were advanta-geous to a nation because they increased its possibility to export, therebyincreasing trade and production. He was also consistent with the maximthat prices are determined by the relation of money to goods. Hence dif-ferences in the price levels between trading countries were automaticallyadjusted by exports or imports of precious metals or commodites.

The designation of Locke’s and Hume’s doctrine of proportionalitybetween prices and money as the quantity theory of money, is certainlynot adequate. It is no theory of money, only a proposition indicating a spe-cific peculiarity of money. Nor was it named a quantity theory of money,either by Locke or Hume. But their successors made it a theory of moneyby interpreting it at first as a statement of what would happen if the circu-lating amount of money were changed under actual conditions, and later,as as explanation of actual variations in the price level. And so an endlessdiscussion began about if it were possible to change the amount of moneyin circulation, and what would be the effects. The beginning was made byRichard Cantillon and James Steuart.

Adam Smith firmly objected to the explanation of relative prices asbeing determined by the amount of money given in exhange for goods.Money is only the nominal price of the commodities, while their real priceis determined by the amount of labor necessary for their production, he

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said. If the currency is coined below the standard, prices will rise until theycorrespond to the same amount of precious metals which was given at thelower prices, that is, the price increase will be in proportion to the deval-uation (The Wealth of Nations, ed. by G.Bell & Son, 1901, pp. 33 and 47).This example, which is the only instance of Adam Smith’s mentioning pro-portionate prices changes, is the same as used by Irving Fisher in order toillustrate the quantity theory. Adam Smith, however, only demostrates histheory of value, which, in his opinion, is a disproof of the quantity theory.Fisher’s argument for the resulting proportionate price changes is thatsince a constant amount of goods (or transactions) will be turned over bya nominally increased quantity of money, the result is mathematically nec-essary, while Adam Smith maintains that since the quantity of money stillconstitutes the same amount of labor, it has to be exchanged for the sameamount of labour.

When The Purchasing Power of Money was first published (in 1911) itroused considerable attention because it was, throughout, a defense of thevalidity of the propositions of the quantity theory under actual conditionsin the long run.

Since the time of the classics nobody has striven so energetically torehabilitate the reputation of the theory as Irving Fisher. The characteris-tic of Fisher is the attempt to deduce and verify the (reconstructed) quan-tity theory both deductively and inductively by help of his well-knownequation of exchange, MV = PT, where M represents the quantity ofmoney in circulation, i.e., all coins and bank notes held for circulation, Vits velocity, P the average price level, and T the total volume of transac-tions.

Fisher, however, was not the first to formulate an equation in order toillustrate the relation between prices and goods. Already in 1771 HenryLloyd presented a formula, but he did not include a term for the velocityof money. He was later followed, among others, by Pietro Verri, F. Fuoco,and, particularly, L. Cagnazzi, who in 1813 published the equation Mc =DC, where M indicates the quantity of money, c its velocity, D the amountof goods, and C the velocity of goods. Still later, in 1840, Sir John W. Lub-bock anonymously published an equation, nomely ™ax + E = 1 D + mB +nC, having about the same meaning as Fisher’s equation. And in the yearafter, K.H. Rau published and equation mainly in connformity with that of

16 Hugo Hegeland

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Fisher so when this became known, it was suggested that one should talkabout the Rau-Fisherine equation.

One of the first attempts to use an equation as a foundation of a sta-tistical analysis of the relation between variation in the quantity of moneyand in the price level was made by Edwin W. Kemmerer (in Money andCredit Instruments in Their Relation to General Prices, New York 1907).The equation used was MR = NEP, or P = MR/NE, where M represents thequantity of money in circulation, R the number of times M is turned overin a given period, N the amount of commodites exchange, E the number oftimes N i exchanged, and P the (average) price of commodities. MT is saidto represent the monetary supply, NE the commodity supply, and NEP themonetary demand.

Kemmerer, in following Stuart Mill and F.W. Taussing -to mentiononly two- makes the same fallacious statements of the demand for and sup-ply of money. MR is not the monetary supply, as compared to whatimport the concept has in relation to other things; it is merely a mislead-ing definition of the total monetary value of a given amount of economictransactions, expressed in terms of the product of the total quantity ofmoney in circulation and a certain number, defined as its velocity of circu-lation during the relevant period. It is just as meaningless to signify NEPas the “monetary demand” since it also merely betokens the total mone-tary value of a certain amount of commodities (or transactions), expressedas the product of the amount of the commodities, times its average num-ber of exchanges, and its average price. In the case of commodities, how-ever, we obviously can speak of a total supply or demand. But as Kem-merer has defined the symbols in the equation, only those commodities ofthe total supply during the relevant period, which have been demanded andtaken, are included. Evidently, the equation can comprehend whateveramount of commodities desired.

Kemmerer is fully convinced of the possibility of demonstrating causalrelationship between the different symbols in the equation: “In the formu-la P=MR/NE, a variation in N, E, or R is just as effective in causing achange in P as a variation in M” (idid., p 31). Nearly all enunciators of sim-ilar equations have committed themselves to the same confusion of neces-sarily direct or indirect proportionate variations in two numerical values,when the others remain constant, with causal relationships.

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Also Fisher made the same mistake as Kemmerer: “From the mere fact,therefore, that the money spent for goods must equal the quantities ofthose goods multiplied by their prices, it follws that the level of prices mustrise or fall according to changes in the quantity of money, unless therechanges in its velocity of circulation or in the quantities of goodsexchanged” (idid., p 19-20; also see pp. 14 and 29).

A more sophisticated interpretation of the demand for money was earlygiven by the so-called Cambridge School, whose most well-known namesare Alfred Marshall, A.C. Pigou, R.G. Hawtrey, D.H. Robertson and J.M.Keynes. Its emphasis on the importance of the variations in the individualcash holdings for the fluctuations in the exchange value of money is funda-mentally an emphasis upon the functions of money as a store of value. Thisapproach, therefore, is quite different from that of the quantity theory,since it assumes the total quantity of money to be given and deals with theeffect of changes in the average time that cash holders want to keep theirbalances passive (or idle); in other words, it deals with the so-called veloci-ty of circulation of money. The desire to keep cash balances is stressed asone of the foremost determinants of the velocity of circulation of money.By changes in the average time of length that cash balances remain passive,ceteris paribus, the price level is influenced in the opposite direction.Whereas the original quantity theory provides the foundation for the con-clusion that changes in the total quantity of money do not cause anychanges in the velocity of circulation of money, the Cambridge Schoolassumes a given quantity of money and discusses the effects of variationsin the velocity of money. The weakness of the Cambridge School lies in thelimitation of its discussion to primarily the effects of changes in the veloci-ty of circulation of money on the price level. This weakness is probably areminiscense of the great influence of the quantity theory in its generallyaccepted form.

Keynes’ monetary theory is a further development of the basic idea ofthe Cambridge School. His achievement lies in relating the effects ofchanges in the quantity of money held as passive balances to changes in therate of interest, instead of discussing them in relation to their immediateeffect upon the price level. This line of thought represents an extension ofKnut Wicksell’s monetary theory, which was developed as early as in1898. Keynes, however, seems not to have had a close knowledge of Wick-

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sell’s Geldzins und Güterpreise. But Keynes went too far and claimed thatall changes in the total quantity of money exert their influence on the pricelevel by first influencing the various rates of interest. It cannot be an over-statment, however, to say that in Keynes’ General Theory of Employ-ment, Interest and Money the role of money as a store of value is, for thefirst time, really integrated with a theory of employment and investment.Basically, it is in its function as a store of value that money appears as oneof the main obstacles for an economy to reach full employment of its totalresources. If money were only a medium of exchange, that is, a store ofvalue for very short periods, then the analysis of a monetary and non-monetary economy would fundamentally be the same. Classical eco-nomics, which treated money as primarily a medium of exhange, is the bestexample of this way of looking at the role of money.

In Keynesian economics increases in the quantity of money will alwaysaffect production and employment except for one case: at full employ-ment. Although Keynes mainly exmphasized their effects on the rate ofinterest, their effects will be on total demand. Orthodox exonomics cannotbe blamed for the lack of integrating monetary theory within its generaltheory. Rather, one might praise the consistency of the system. Money,simply, did not constitute an integral part of the system; it was somethingadded “afterwards” in order to facilitate the working of the system withoutinfluencing its basic relations. This view received its first clear-cut state-ment by Locke, but the convincing power of its correctness was providedby Say’s law of markets, and further illustrated by the accepted version ofthe quantity theory. This emphasis upon money as chiefly a means ofexchange is the fundamental reason that monetary theory remained out-side the scope of economic theory for such a long time. Variations in theprice level were not a function of the working of the system itself, but wereexplained in terms of changes in the (relative) quantity of money; norcould they be any indicators of changes in the total demand, which wasdetermined by the supply of commodities.

The merit of the quantity theory is its clear illustration of the fact thatmoney as such does not constitue any wealth; but in this lies also its greatweakness. It focused attention on money as pure means of exchange,which led to a neglect of its function as a store of value, representingpotential purchasing power. In a monetary system of disequilibrium,

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caused by a discrepancy between total demand and supply, or in a systemof equilibrium at less than full employment, this function of money is oneof the basic reasons for these unsatisfactory conditions. An adequate eco-nomic theory must make the role of money as a store value an integral partof its framework.

Finally it is very interesting to note that Milton Friedman, who in 1976received the price in economics to the memory of Alfred Nobel, built hismonetary theory on a development of the classical form of the quantitytheory. He maintained that the quantity theory in its modern form shouldbe understood as a theory of the demand for money. At the same time hewas very critical to Keynes’ theory of employment and to the policy thatbuilt upon this theory. In a famous speech in 1968, “The Role of MonetaryPolicy” Friedman said that increases in the amount of money, in the shortrun, before the expectations of inflation had been affected, can increaseproduction and employment. In the long run, however, an expansive eco-nomic policy will only affect inflation. As the so-called Stockholm Schoolof economics was very much alike Keynesian economics, I will finallymention that during the 1950-ies they did not even teach about the quanti-ty theory at the Stockholm university as they considered it completelywrong!

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FINANCIAL INTEGRATION IN EUROPE:

A POST KEYNESIAN PERSPECTIVE

VICTORIA CHICK and SHEILA C. DOW

University College London - University of Stirling

1. Introduction

The purpose of this paper is to consider the role of the financial sectorin economic development, with particular reference to banking. The aim isto draw some conclusions of relevance to the development of the financialsector in Central and Eastern Europe, in the context of the process offinancial integration in Europe. The focus is on the economic role ofbanks, their relationship with central banks, and the theoretical perspectiveto be employed in order to derive policy conclusions.

In the first section, a theoretical framework is outlined which allowsanalysis of the evolution of banking systems through a series of stages ofdevelopment. It is argued that the economic role of banks and centralbanks, and the appropriate theoretical apparatus, vary with stage of bank-ing development. This is illustrated in the third section with reference tothe respective early developments of the Scottish and English banking sys-tems; these two experiences illustrate the significance of a money or cred-it, respectively, approach to banking policy (as represented by the Cur-rency and Banking Schools, respectively). The development of the bank-ing system and the financial sector more generally in Central and EasternEurope can also be considered in terms of this framework. But particularconsideration is required of financial development within a competitive

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environment where other financial sectors are already highly developed.The implications of the particular issues raised by this juxtaposition offinancial systems are considered in the fourth section. In particular, theallocation of bank credit to financing productive activity and speculativeactivity is considered in the context of competition between these very dif-ferent banking systems. Finally, the question is addressed as to how best toachieve a socially-desirable volume and allocation of credit in these cir-cumstances.

2. The Stages of Banking Development

The core of the economic process in general and the financial sector inparticular is money. Money is an asset (or collection of assets) which hasstable value relative to other assets, and which can therefore denominatecontracts, be a safe form in which to hold wealth when confidence in otherassets is low, and act as a means of payment. The importance of the bank-ing system is that it is the predominant supplier of money. The adequateprovision of money in turn is a precondition for the development of a pri-vate sector financial system. But the significance of the moneyness of bankliabilities lies also in what that allows banks to do which other financialinstitutions may not do: create credit. Credit creation allows investment inanticipation of saving; without it, investment is constrained by past sur-pluses, and economic development is inhibited.

Chick’s (1986, 1993b) stages of banking framework sets out a normalprocess by which the banking system has evolved in a market economy, interms of its capacity to create credit. Initially, historically, money is a pureasset, such as a precious metal, and credit is limited by prior saving. Thecritical stage in the emergence of banks occurs when their liabilities areused as money, which allows the banks to create credit in the confidencethat it suits the public to maintain their deposit balances for transactionspurposes. Expenditure can then be financed in advance of saving; theexpenditure generates the income which in turn generates the saving tofund the investment. The banking system then develops as confidence in

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the banks increases, which allows the banks ever-greater freedom toexpand credit in response to demand. This facility is encouraged by thedevelopment of an inter-bank market which protects individual banksagainst unforeseen reserves losses. Similarly, the lender-of-last-resort facil-ity offered by central banks further increases the banks’ willingness toexpand credit and increases the public’s confidence that the banks will notfail, which further protects the banks from reserves loss.

The banks’ portfolios are built on the base of outside money (first pre-cious metals, then central bank liabilities); the evolution of the bankingsystem can be understood as a growing superstructure of credit anddeposits built on a base of outside money. Similarly, the rest of the finan-cial sector is built on a core of reserves which are liabilities of the bankingsystem; historically that superstructure too has expanded markedly relativeto its base. The competitive threat that non-bank financial intermediariesposed to Western banks in the 1960s and 1970s induced a further stage inbanking development as banks struggled for market share: this is the stageof liability management. Now banks themselves took the initiative in seek-ing out borrowers, and bidding up deposit rates as they competed fordeposits. The resulting explosion of credit left the banks with bad debts andthe need to meet capital adequacy requirements designed to constrain theirlending behaviour. The result was an attempt to increase bank liquidity bysecuritising existing assets, and developing new business opportunitieswhich yielded fee income rather than income from traditional (increasing-ly risky) loan business. In the meantime, deregulation was breaking downthe regulatory barriers between banks and non-banks, leading to structuraldiffusion in financial markets (see Gardener, 1988). This process has beenencouraged further in Europe with the introduction of the single Europeanbanking license which has added further competitive pressure. The currentprocess is one of consolidation in larger organizations which perform awide range of financial functions.

Some argue that the next stage of banking development will be the finalremoval of the distinctiveness of banks (see Dow, 1993, chapter 12). Cer-tainly banks’ assets are becoming less distinctive, with less emphasis onmedium term direct loans. And their liabilities are becoming less distinc-tive, in that other institutions’ liabilities are also performing money func-tions. But a more reasonable interpretation is that we are seeing a restruc-

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turing in order to counteract the excesses of the 1970s; there was no needfor the high rate of growth in means of payment or bank credit relative toreal economic conditions in that period. In other words, what we are see-ing now is a leveling-off process rather than a reversal. This interpretationis also consistent with an extrapolation of Goldsmith’s (1969) FinancialInterrelations Ratio to apply to a succession of new financial instruments(see Dow and Earl, 1982, chapter 2).

One way of understanding these recent trends in banking developmentin Western Europe is that the financial sector’s development had ceased tobe driven by demand; rather its growth became self-generated. Until thatpoint, the financial sector had contributed significantly to economic devel-opment by providing finance in advance of saving. (The connectionbetween financial development and economic development is neither nec-essary nor sufficient. But historical experience does indicate a close corre-lation between the two.) But now, a massive financial sector has devel-oped, whose tendency towards instability has forced the need for greaterportfolio liquidity (see Strange, 1986). Not only has this threatened theprovision of medium-term credit to industry, but the increased risk of bankfailure has also threatened the provision of bank deposits as a safe asset tobe used as money.

This increased liquidity of bank portfolios and increased focus on spec-ulative markets in the 1980s has itself created instability. The instability ofthe 1970s had other identifiable causes: floating exchange rates, oil priceshocks, etc (see Akyüz, 1995), but the continued instability of the 1980scan only be explained by the internal dynamic of international financialmarkets. The volume of international banking business, on balance sheetand increasingly also off balance sheet, has increased markedly relative todomestic banking business. The data for off-balance sheet activity are mostdramatic: the notional value of outstanding derivatives contracts increasedfrom $1.6 trillion in 1987 (35% of US GDP) to $8 trillion in 1991 (140% ofUS GDP) (see Kelly, 1995, 215). This has created a two-tier banking sys-tem, with international banks driving the money markets which fund theoperations of domestic banks. The EC envisages monetary integration asallowing this two-tier structure to persist; they foresee the domestic bankscoming under competitive threat from the international banks, but even-tually reasserting themselves (EC, 1990). This prediction (which is not sub-

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stantiated in the research document) requires further consideration, partic-ularly when considering the outcome for the new domestic banks of Cen-tral and Eastern Europe. But first we consider two types of banking devel-opment, in terms of the stages of banking framework, in order to considerthe choice of theoretical approach to policy issues.

3. Banking and Economic Development in England and Scotland

The stages of banking development framework was developed initiallywith reference to the English banking system. That system’s developmentwas influenced by the dominant role of the Bank of England, which wasintroduced to finance public expenditure rather than to meet the needs oftrade and commerce; its notes were of large denomination, thus restrictingtheir use to large merchants. The rest of the banking system consisted ofthe London banks, which also addressed the needs of large merchants, andthe small country banks which served local banking needs, issuing notesand extending credit. The Bank of England was protected from furthercompetition by the prohibition, until 1858, on joint-stock banking. Thelimited size of the country banks made it difficult for their notes to havethe widespread circulation necessary for promoting increased confidencein them, and thus their credit-creating capacity was limited. The resultingcombination of large denomination notes, and smaller denomination noteswith very limited circulation, meant that it took a considerable time forEnglish banking to advance to stage two, ie to the stage at which bank lia-bilities are treated as money and banks can create credit in advance ofdeposits. That rapid economic development did occur in England from theearly eighteenth century must have been due in part to the capacity toincrease wealth to finance further investment, and to the capacity of thecountry banks to provide the boost of credit creation in anticipation ofsaving in spite of the constraints under which they operated.

The Scottish experience was quite different. Rapid economic develop-ment occurred there too in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, butwithout a base of wealth to finance the process; rather it was the banks’ less

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constrained capacity to create credit which can be seen to have fueled eco-nomic development (as Adam Smith acknowledged at the time; see Smith,1776, Book II, chapter II). Unlike many other banking systems whichevolved through the financing needs of the state, the Scottish banking sys-tem evolved in response to the needs of the private sector. Prior to theemergence of the first bank, the Bank of Scotland, in 1695, the economyhad been constrained by a shortage of wealth in general, and coinage inparticular. Bank notes were therefore immediately substituted for coinageas a means of payment, allowing the Bank to create credit and financeinvestment in advance of saving. Thus Scottish banking started in stagetwo.

Even at an early stage, bank reserves were low even by modern stan-dards. This reflected on the one hand the public support for the bankingsystem which took the form of a readiness to use notes rather than coin.But on the other hand it reflected an early development of a system of sup-port for the banking system which limited the scope for bank failure. Thetwo old banks, the Bank of Scotland and the Royal Bank of Scotland, actedin effect like a central bank, disciplining banks whose credit creation wasout of line, managing the exchange rate, and providing reserves for theother banks in the form of their own notes (see Dow and Smithin, 1992).The result was a banking system which expanded rapidly with the needs oftrade and investment, and which was relatively stable.

The Scottish banking system lost most of its separate identity (in termsof regulation) in 1845 when it came under Westminster legislation designedto impose quantitative controls on money creation. Until that point, thedominant philosophy of the Scottish banks was that of what was called theBanking School, ie that the banks were in the best position to determinethe appropriate volume and distribution of credit, by responding to, andassessing, needs at the micro level (see Checkland, 1975). This philosophyseems to have worked well, operating in a banking system which relied onan understanding of common interest among the banks and a consequentspirit of cooperation. It was reinforced by the close connections betweenthe banks and borrowers by means of the branching system. The focus ofthe Banking School was on the asset side of the balance sheet, ie on bankcredit, which was the mechanism by which bank deposits came into being.(Indeed the overdraft was an innovation of the Scottish banks.) The rela-

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tionship between the bank branch manager and the borrower was seen asthe key to credit creation, and thereby to deposit creation. The moneyneeds of the economy were seen as being met by a range of assets, of whichcurrency was only one part.

In contrast, the English banking system was more segmented, asbetween the London banks and the country banks, and between the Lon-don banks and the Bank of England. The philosophy of monetary policywas thus coloured by the perceived need to control a dispersed and seg-mented banking system. The 1844-45 legislation which introduced controlson the note issue reflected the nineteenth century equivalent of mone-tarism in the form of the Currency School. The Currency School approachfocused on the liability side of the banks’ balance sheet, ie on deposits, per-ceiving a causal connection between deposits and the general price level.The Currency School approach presumes that the central bank has thecapacity to control banks’ balance sheets through the issue of Bank of Eng-land liabilities. Chick (1986) demonstrates that this capacity decreases witheach successive stage of banking development, as the banks acquire evergreater scope for determining their own level of credit creation. Thelender-of-last-resort facility, introduced to promote confidence in thebanking system, means that central banks can only influence the supply ofreserves, not control it. The scope for that influence is greater when thereare few close substitutes for the government securities in whose marketsthe central bank manipulates for monetary policy purposes. But as thenon-bank financial system develops and possibilities for financial innova-tion expand, the central bank’s influence on interest rates becomes moretenuous and less reliable, making control of monetary aggregates evenmore difficult. At the same time, as speculative markets increase in impor-tance, the proportion of credit creation directed at speculation increases,rendering monetary aggregates somewhat meaningless in relation to pro-ductive activity. (See Wray, 1990, chapter 4, for a more detailed compari-son of the Banking School - Currency School debate.)

In the nineteenth century these arguments held less force, but they heldless force from both Currency School and Banking School perspectives.The scope for controlling the money supply was greater, and that moneysupply would have borne a closer relationship to productive expenditurethan in the 1990s. But since speculative financial markets were of lesser

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importance, the Banking School argument would be stronger, that at themicro level the decision to extend credit would be warranted by productiveactivity. But the Currency School argument held sway. Its imposition on aScottish banking system unaccustomed to such control inhibited the furtherdevelopment of Scottish banking, creating a much more conservative styleof banking than had previously been the case. The continuation of this phi-losophy during periods of relative economic decline in Scotland from theend of last century can be said to have exacerbated that decline.

It is worthwhile to consider further the present outcome for the Scottishbanking system of this legislated integration with the English banking sys-tem. Some more general implications may be drawn for the opening up ofthe European banking market to different national banking systems, atsimilar stages of banking development, particularly since the monetarypolicy of the EU accords with the Currency School approach. Scottishbanking has been faced with competitive threats like other banking sys-tems in Western Europe. The response to these threats has seen somethingof a revival of the old innovative flair of the early Scottish banking system.Scottish banks have taken a lead, for example, in promoting clearing net-works with banks throughout the world, and in cooperating in efforts topromote small business in Scotland. The Scottish banks are less distinc-tively Scottish now in some senses. They are operating in a much moreopen market, not only in relation to non-bank financial intermediaries, butalso in relation to banks outside Scotland. But, while there is now a singleEuropean banking licence, removing formal barriers to entry, informalbarriers to entry within Europe are still significant. As a result, the con-centration process which follows from the opening up of markets has notoccurred significantly in the form of extending branching across borders.Rather the concentration has generally occurred within borders. Branchingof Scottish banks is thus increasingly significant in the rest of the UK. Fur-ther, concentration in ownership has increased the ties between Scottishbanks and other banks within the same ownership groups.

Nevertheless, there is still an unusual cohesiveness about the Scottishfinancial sector, and the Scottish banks in particular, which allows the per-sistence of a recognisably Scottish banking system. This cohesiveness fol-lows from the long history of the Scottish banking system as a systemwhich evolved endogenously rather than by external direction. It also fol-

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lows from the relatively small scale of the sector which has allowed its dis-tinctive ethos to be preserved through personal contact. That ethos can becharacterised as one of combining caution with innovation. In competitiveterms, this ethos seems to have been successful, in that Scotland has suc-ceeded in countering the centralising tendencies of the financial sector,which otherwise favour London, without any notable subsidisation. (Thereis a small element of subsidy connected to note issue, but this is not suffi-cient to explain continued competitiveness.)

This experience demonstrates that the forces for centralisation in anintegrated banking market are not all-powerful. But in the Scottish case, itseems to be the cooperative spirit within the banking sector which is coun-tering competitive pressures towards concentration; if the ethos of anational banking system is itself free competition, then outside forcestowards concentration and centralisation are likely to prevail. But this dis-cussion has concerned competition between banking systems at the samestage of development. When considering the European Union, and partic-ularly when considering the possibilities for monetary integration withCentral and Eastern Europe, we must turn our attention to the likely out-come of competition between banking systems at very different stages ofdevelopment. Further, we must consider further the implications of aEuropean monetary policy designed along Currency School lines, when aBanking School approach might be more appropriate.

4. Banking in Central and Eastern Europe

The development of banking in Central and Eastern Europe can also beanalysed in terms of Chick’s stages of banking development. But attentionmust be paid to the interrelationships between emerging banking systemsand pre-existing banking systems elsewhere, to the extent that the emerg-ing banking systems cannot be isolated. The needs which are to be met arethe needs for a relatively safe, perfectly liquid, asset (money) and the needsfor credit creation to finance economic activity in advance of the incomeincrease which will provide the ultimate funding for the expansion. If these

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needs are met by foreign banks, then there is no basis on which to build adomestic banking system; credit creation can only occur in a market sys-tem if bank liabilities are used as money.

What the stages of banking framework tells us is that banks are morecapable of commanding confidence in their liabilities and of extensivecredit creation, the later the stage of development. There is thus a tenden-cy for deposits to be attracted to older-established banks, and thus for thesebanks to have the greater capacity to create credit. Without some sort ofbarrier to entry, then, emerging banks at earlier stages of development willbe unable to compete with foreign banks at a later stage in development.While openness also provides the opportunity for technology and skillstransfer, there would need to be some protection given to the domesticbanking sector until it could compete on a par with foreign banks.

It could be argued that allowing freedom of entry for foreign banksallows the domestic economy to benefit immediately from the liquidity andcredit provision of an advanced banking system. The branching activity offoreign banks enhances employment opportunities and the direct transferof skills to the local economy. In other words, it may be judged that thereis no particular reason for trying to prevent foreign competition in orderto promote a domestic banking sector.

But the key to this issue lies in the capacity for credit creation enjoyedby advanced banks, and the way in which banks have responded to the con-sequences of the excessive credit creation of the 1970s. Until the 1970s,credit creation was demand-driven; further, demand arose more from theneed to finance productive investment than to finance speculation, thefinancial environment being generally stable. Credit creation thus accord-ed well with the Banking School approach of the Scottish banks up to 1845.Further, control of monetary aggregates was not pursued relentlessly untilthe late 1970s, so that the banking system had considerable freedom, albeitunder the influence of the central bank, to determine the volume and allo-cation of credit.

Even to the extent that banks still lend to finance productive invest-ment, we must pause to consider the implications of credit allocation beingdetermined by foreign banks. There is a large literature outlining thefinancing difficulties facing small firms relative to large firms within anational banking system. These difficulties stem significantly from physical

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remoteness, smallness of scale, lack of track record etc, ie from inadequateknowledge of default risk. Banking concentration thus encourages indus-trial concentration, since knowledge problems are compounded the moreremote the head office from the local situation (see Chick and Dow, 1988).When we are considering entry by foreign banks in the emerging marketeconomies of Central and Eastern Europe, the knowledge inadequacyproblems must be much more acute than for regions within nations, mili-tating against adequate provision of bank finance by outside banks. Ger-many here is a special case. There has been no attempt to protect anemerging banking system in the former East Germany from the incursionof banks from the former West Germany. These banks have brought withthem their advanced capacity to create credit, their sophisticated financialservices and their advanced technology, against which East German bankscould not hope to compete. The evidence suggests that the former WestGerman banks have not acquired adequate knowledge of the former EastGermany to form reasonable risk assessments in creating credit in the for-mer East Germany. On the other hand, the organisational structure of Ger-man banks gives considerable authority to branch managers, allowing localknowledge, when it is available, to influence credit allocation.

But further consideration needs to be given to the conventional judge-ment that local knowledge is superior to the knowledge base of remotehead offices. In the case of Central and Eastern Europe, there is no tradi-tion of local banks assessing risk. Credit creation operated along BankingSchool lines only in the sense that financial needs were determined by thecentral planning process, which in turn arranged the provision of finance.Credit creation was in effect a central planning decision, relative to a baseof foreign exchange, rather than a decision of individual banks in relationto a base of central bank liabilities. But new risks have emerged with theintroduction of market processes, and local banks have to acquire knowl-edge of these risks and how to incorporate this knowledge into credit deci-sions at the micro level. Local banks in Central and Eastern Europe there-fore have to close a different knowledge gap from that of Western banksoperating in Central and Eastern Europe. Even if the devolved organisa-tional structure of German banks is conducive to allowing good use of localknowledge, there is no history in Eastern Europe of local knowledge ofrisk on which to build.

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But a further issue of importance in considering the relative merits offoreign and local banks in Central and Eastern Europe is the increasingemphasis in Western European banks on maintaining liquidity. The conse-quences of the 1970s have been that banks in Western Europe are crucial-ly concerned with reducing their exposure to risk, by maintaining moreliquid portfolios, by securitisation, and by a switch from interest-earningactivity to fee-earning activity. This in turn has encouraged the growth ofsecurities markets. There is the danger, therefore, that openness to foreignbanks and financial markets will encourage the development of thisinevitably more speculative financial activity, without the interveningstages of development of a domestic banking system addressing the financ-ing needs of domestic industry. This characterises the problems facing thePolish banking system, where the most dynamic banking activity isaddressed to government’s needs, interbank loans and speculative mar-kets, while the credit needs of industry remain inadequately addressed (seeChick and Toporowski, 1995). Even the German banking system, whichtraditionally has been strongly focused on the provision of industryfinance, is subject to the same pressures. Under competitive pressure fromother banking systems whose emphasis is much more on maintaining liq-uidity, the German banks are rapidly expanding into securities-relatedareas, and locating activity increasingly in London as the European finan-cial (as opposed to economic) center.

5. Policy Implications

It can be concluded, in terms of the stages of banking developmentframework, that banking development is important for economic devel-opment, by providing money and credit, until around the fourth stage ofbanking development. But once banks, rather than borrowers, become thedriving force in credit creation, with all the consequences for the expansionof speculative markets and the increasing need for banks to maintain liq-uidity, the connection between bank credit and productive activity isweakened. For Central and Eastern European governments attempting to

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steer their emerging banking systems along constructive lines, the impli-cation seems to be to encourage banking development, but to constrainthat development to address the productive needs of the economy.

This suggests that the Banking School philosophy, which emphasisescredit, is more appropriate than the Currency School philosophy, whichemphasises deposits. Rather than focusing on controlling monetary aggre-gates (which encourages the developments in banking which make thatcontrol more difficult anyway), the emphasis should be on ensuring pru-dent bank behavior. Prudential controls addressed to the micro rather thanmacro level can be directed to ensuring that banks’ exposure to risk is lim-ited; such controls can constrain banks to lending only to finance activitywhich has a reasonable chance of being productive. Then the need to main-tain liquidity is accordingly limited, because asset risk is limited andbecause public confidence in the banking system allows it. Credit totals areconstrained to be in line with the growth in productive potential of theeconomy as a by-product of that policy, rather than as its primary focus.The impetus for the development of speculative markets is reduced,removing the alternative to credit creation as a profit-making activity forthe banks.

To suggest such a policy stance for Central and Eastern Europe is tosuggest a different mode of banking development from that which hasoccurred in Western Europe. There, for a variety of reasons, financial mar-kets were allowed to expand rapidly in the 1970s and banks were allowedto be driven by competition with non-banks. But the outcome has beenWestern banks which have developed a highly-competitive range of prod-ucts, and the capacity to avoid risks which in turn has allowed them tocompete effectively with banks at an earlier stage of banking development.Banks in Central and Eastern Europe are therefore at a competitive dis-advantage; if a distinctive style of banking is to be maintained in Centraland Eastern Europe, some protective measures will be required. The Scot-tish banking system has the protection of a distinctive history whichemphasises prudence. This is partly a historical accident, being the out-come of the imposition of quantitative controls; but it is also the outcomeof a long history of a Banking School approach which has encouraged pru-dence at the branch level in the provision of credit. In other words, theScottish banking system has not fully followed the pattern of other West-

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ern banks in being driven by the prospect of speculative gains (itself oramong its borrowers). At the same time the Scottish banking systememploys the advanced technology of leading Western banks, and hasindeed initiated some of this technology. This sets an example to Centraland Eastern European banks of what is possible, even within the highlycompetitive environment of advanced Western European banking. Cen-tral and Eastern European banks seem to be developing very rapidly interms of adopting advanced technology. The policy issue now seems to beto enhance the knowledge base of banks of risk assessment processes inorder to promote prudent credit creation at the micro level, while devel-oping a system of prudential controls to ensure that the overall volume ofcredit is appropriate to the productive needs of the economy at the macrolevel.

The effective implementation of such a policy also requires some pro-tection of the domestic banking system from foreign banks, on standardinfant industry lines. If Central and Eastern European economies are tobecome integrated with Western Europe within the EU, then ultimatelythis protection will have to be removed. But, while cross-border marketpenetration has not been the norm among existing EU members withbanking systems at relatively similar stages of development, the immedi-ate entry of West German banks into East Germany on unification is anindication of the strong incentives for Western banks to enter the Centraland Eastern European market, where domestic banks pose little competi-tive threat to Western banks.

A further consideration is the monetary policy environment of the EUwhich will have direct consequences for the financial systems of Centraland Eastern European countries as they join the EU. The EU philosophyof monetary policy is akin to the Currency School of the mid-nineteenthcentury; it is aimed at controlling monetary aggregates with a view to con-trolling inflation. How far such a policy can be effective in relation toadvanced banking systems is an important issue in itself (see Chick, 1993a;Chick and Dow, 1996; Chick and Dow, 1997). But what is of concern hereis how emerging banking systems in Central and Eastern Europe wouldrespond to this approach to monetary policy implemented by independentcentral banks under the direction of the European System of CentralBanks, particularly since monetary controls are more effective the earlier

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the stage of banking development. The Scottish experience sheds some light on this. The Scottish banking

system had expanded in line with credit needs for, generally, productivepurposes. There were restraints, in that the old banks disciplined bankswhose clearing balance was becoming adverse due to relatively excessivecredit creation. But if there were a general expansion in response to need,the system could sustain this because of the general confidence in the sys-tem. After the legislation of 1845 however, the Scottish banks had to exer-cise much more caution in order not to violate the quantitative constraintsimposed upon them. The earlier the stage of banking development, thegreater the scope for quantitative controls to be effective. The result wasa complete change in practice which curtailed the contribution of the Scot-tish banks to economic growth.

Perhaps even more relevant to Central and Eastern Europe is the expe-rience of Canada (see Dow, 1990). Its banking system was modeled on theScottish one, with the first banks being set up in the 1820s. But, as aDominion, Canada too came under the mid-nineteenth century legislationwhich imposed quantitative constraints. For Canada, these constraintscame at a very early stage of economic and financial development. Thecontrols were thus even more effective, and served to limit the potentialfor the banking system to fuel economic development. In practice, thebanking system limited itself to short-term trade credit. It was the statewhich organised long-term finance for industry and infrastructure develop-ment, with the assistance of foreign merchant banks.

For Central and Eastern Europe, therefore, there would appear to bedangers in volunteering to adopt Western European monetary policy byjoining the EU. Even if members do not meet the Maastricht convergencecriteria, they will be subject to EU monetary policy; they will simply nothave any input into the design of that policy. In particular, high interestrates aimed at curtailing the expansion of credit by Western Europeanbanks (to finance speculative as much as productive activity) will have amore direct impact on banking systems at earlier stages of developmentwhose credit creation may not need to be curtailed. The EU anticipatesmonetary integration facilitating a more efficient allocation of creditthroughout the EU (see European Commission, 1990), implying that themore productive projects in Central and Eastern Europe would attract

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credit from banks throughout Europe. But the theoretical and empiricalrationale for that argument is weak. A static competitive framework cer-tainly suggests welfare gains from a larger European market, and greatergains for those economies with less efficient banking systems. But adynamic framework which takes account of the tendency for concentrationin banking, and the implications for changing patterns of knowledge and ofpower over the allocation of credit, suggest that these same economiesmay find their economic dependency on Western Europe increasing, withconsequences for the future pattern of economic development (see Chickand Dow, 1988, 1997). As in Canada, strong state intervention would berequired to encourage capital inflows to finance economic development ofa sort judged to be socially desirable, as opposed to the economic devel-opment which goes along with the activities of multinational companies.

6. Conclusion

A study of banking history suggests that banking systems develop overtime the confidence in their liabilities as money, which allows them ever-increasing freedom to expand credit. The development of banking is thusan intrinsic part of the development of market economies. In WesternEurope this banking development went too far, fueling the inflation of the1970s and increasing default risk. The backlash has taken the form ofefforts by the banks to increase the liquidity of their portfolios, to the detri-ment of the provision of industry finance.

For Central and Eastern European countries, the development of adomestic banking system is inevitably colored by this external competitiveenvironment. First there is the issue of how to build up confidence in thedomestic banking system, and to allow it the freedom to expand credit inline with productive needs, at a time when Western European financialmarkets hold out prospects of significant speculative gains. While there isconsiderable scope for technology transfer, there is a strong argument forprotecting the domestic banking sector on infant industry grounds. Foreigncredit may not be an adequate substitute for domestically-generated cred-

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it given the importance of knowledge for proper risk assessment.Second, there is the question of the appropriate structure for monetary

policy. Monetary policy designed to control Western European banks mayhave seriously constraining effects on the emerging banking systems ofCentral and Eastern Europe. Monetary policy is much more than settinginterest rates. It concerns the relationship between the central bank andthe private sector banks, and their relationship in turn with other bodiesand interest groups with an interest in economic development. Thoughtshould be devoted, therefore, not only to how to address the interest-ratesetting behavior of the European System of Central Banks, but also howto develop an appropriately cooperative relationship between the banksand the rest of the economy in order to try to mirror the successful con-tribution of the Scottish banks to Scottish economic development.

Abstract

VICTORIA CHICK and SHEILA C DOW: Financial Integration in Europe: A

post keynesian perspective

The purpose of banking in a modern economy, and its contribution to economic devel-

opment, are analysed with particular reference to financial integration within Europe,

including Central and Eastern Europe. The stages of banking development framework is

employed, and particular implications are drawn for integration between banking systems

at differing stages of development. Attention is drawn to the issue of whether to focus on

money or credit. Then the end-use of credit creation is considered, distinguishing between

the financing of production and the financing of speculation. Finally, the volume and allo-

cation of credit are considered in relation to economic development needs.

JEL classification: E0

Key words: banking, economic development, Europe

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REFERENCES

Akyüz, Y., 1995, Taming international finance, in J. Michie and J. GrieveSmith, eds, Managing the global economy (Oxford, OxfordUniversity Press), 55-90.

Checkland, S. G., 1975, Scottish banking: a history (Glasgow, Collins).Chick, V., 1986, The evolution of the banking system and the theory of

saving, investment and interest, Economies et societies, Mon-naie et production, 3, 111-26. Reprinted in P. Arestis and S. C.Dow, eds, Money, method and Keynes: selected essays byVictoria Chick (London, Macmillan), 1992.

Chick, V., 1993a, Some scenarios for money and banking in the EC, andtheir regional implications, in I. H. Rima, ed., The politicaleconomy of global restructuring, vol.II: Trade and finance(Aldershot, Elgar), 190-200.

Chick, V., 1993b, The evolution of the banking system and the theory ofmonetary policy, in S. Frowen, ed., Monetary theory andmonetary policy: new tracks for the 1990s (London, Macmil-lan), 79-92.

Chick, V. and Dow, S. C., 1988, A post-Keynesian perspective on the rela-tion between banking and regional development, in P. Arestis,ed., Post-Keynesian monetary economics (Aldershot, Elgar),219-50.

Chick, V. and Dow, S. C., 1996, Regulation and differences in financialinstitutions, Journal of Economic Issues, 30, 517-23.

Chick, V. and Dow, S. C., 1997, Competition and the future of the Euro-pean banking and financial system, in A. Cohen, H. Hage-mann and J. Smithin, eds, Money, financial institutions andmacroeconomics (Boston, Kluwer), 253-70.

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Chick, V. and Toporowski, J., 1995, Evolution and sudden transition inbanking: the Polish case considered, South Bank UniversitySchool of International Business and Languages Researchpaper in international business, 29 (summer).

Commission for the European Communities, 1990, One market, onemoney, European economy, 44 (October).

Dow, S. C., 1990, Financial markets and regional economic development:the Canadian experience (Aldershot, Gower).

Dow, S. C., 1993, Money and the economic process, (Aldershot, Elgar).Dow, S. C. and Earl P. E., 1982, Money matters: a Keynesian approach to

monetary economics (Oxford, Martin Robertson).Dow, S. C. and Smithin, J., 1992, Free banking in Scotland 1695-1845,

Scottish Journal of Political Economy, 39, 374-90.Gardener, E. P. M., 1988, Innovations and new structural frontiers in

banking, in P. Arestis, ed., Contemporary issues in money andbanking (London, Macmillan), 7-29.

Goldsmith, R. W., 1969, Financial structure and development (New York,Yale University Press).

Kelly, R. 1995, Derivatives: a growing threat to the international financialsystem, in J. Michie and J. Grieve Smith, eds, Managing theglobal economy (Oxford, Oxford University Press), 213-31.

Smith, A., 1776; 1976, An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealthof nations, edited By R. H. Campbell and A. S. Skinner(Oxford, Clarendon).

Strange, S., 1986, Casino capitalism (Oxford, Blackwell).Wray, L. R., 1990, Money and credit in capitalist economies: the endoge-

nous money approach (Aldershot, Elgar).

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THE HISTORY AND ECONOMIC THOUCHT OF

PRODUCTS LIABILITY (WHAT POLICY SUITS

THE AUSTRIAN ECONOMIST BEST?)

AUKE R. LEEN

Wageningen University

1. Introduction

The aim of the Archives of Economic History is to illuminate the eco-nomic policy through historical material and the economic thought. So it isappropriate to celebrate the Archives and its founder in this Festschrift bylooking at an example there of: the history and economic thought of productsliability. Products liability, part of tort law, deals with harms arising fromcommercial products. It is mostly about physical injuries to the consumer'slife and property, caused by defective or unreasonably dangerous products.More specifically I want to answer the question: "What does an Austriansystem of products liability looks like." For the mainstream neoclassicaleconomist, the development of products liability seemed to be driven by acost-benefit calculus based on standard criteria of efficiency. Mainstreamlaw and economics in its positive dimension supposes that the liability sys-tem itself and every change in it are efficient, or that in its normativedimension it addresses the issue of how legal rules might be formulated tomaximize the value of production. The judge, using one of the most famousformulas in the economic analysis of law, the so-called Hand Formula afterJudge Learned Hand (cp. Cooter and Ulen, 1988, pp. 360-362), balances

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expected accident costs against the costs of making the product safer. Adefendant is guilty of negligence if P times L is greater than B. Where P isthe probability, a loss will occur, L is the value associated with the loss, andB the cost associated with preventing it.

Richard Epstein in his 1980 book on modern products liability law dis-tinguishes three stages of the development thereof. From roughly 1850 tillthe end of the first World War the burden was upon the consumer. He hadto ferret out and correct all manner of product weaknesses and deficien-cies. Otherwise, there was the fear of grave administrative complications.The courts threatened to be overwhelmed by the sheer task of goingthrough a full post-accident inquest, in an ever-growing number of cases onhow all the parties performed. There also was the fear of adverse socialconsequences: the economic ruin of the producer. Till the end of the 60sthe burden of loss was evenly distributed between producer and consumer.There was a balance between the dual constraints of substantive justice andadministrative need. A negligence rule imposed an obligation to satisfy alegal standard of care, usually defined as a reasonable level of care. Todaythe producer bears the burden. The philosophical premises underlying thenotion of liability have changed fundamentally. Administrative necessitiesand contractual models for setting liability are now not given much weight.Liability is a matter of public law models of regulation, such as risk spread-ing (producers act as insurers by spreading the cost of the accident acrossconsumers through higher product prices) or deep pockets. In this thirdstage strict liability dominates. It makes the injure bear the cost, regardlessof the extent of his precautions. No legal standard of precaution is relevantto the assignments of costs.

In general the change in the system of liability has worked to expose themanufacturer, distributor, and retailer to ever greater liability. The con-sumer, once regarded as an essential and responsible link in the chain ofproduct use, is now more the object of legal protection and less a bearer ofindependent responsibilities (Epstein, 1980, p. 6). What, however, of thereal consumer who acts in a world of genuine surprise?

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2. The Austrians

Austrians (Christainsen, 1990; Cordato, 1992; Rizzo, 1985; Rothbard,1982) are said to prefer a system of strict liability. Why? Austrians preferabstract rules: stable rules the government cannot change at will. Rulesenhance the chances of an order in which individuals pursue and attain theirgoals. "[I]n order to pursue goals and make plans it is necessary to have asystem of property rights that is clearly defined and that each individualcan count on into his foreseeable future. Any involuntary alteration of agiven property rights structure will necessarily interfere [...]"(Cordato,1980, p. 402). Property rights are the spheres of freedom of action by eachindividual. Two axioms are basic to the system of property rights. One,every man is a self-owner. He has the absolute jurisdiction over his ownbody (the axiom of self-ownership). And two, each person justly ownswhatever previously unowned resources he appropriates or "mixes" hislabor with (the axiom of "homesteading") (Rothbard, 1982, pp. 60-61).

Strict liability, indeed, circumscribes an explicit cost-benefit analysis ofthe judge. The injurer bears the cost of accidents he causes, regardless ofthe extent of his precaution. No legal standard of precaution is relevant tothe assignment of costs. Rights are to be honored independent of utilitari-an cost-benefit considerations. No judge-made efficient breach of contractsis possible. As far as the actual compensation goes, the judge should decideon ethical grounds, Austrian subjectivism is useless. Someone else cannotdecide on subjective cost. Compensation is an issue of corrective justiceand rests on ethical premises of just compensation-principles of right andwrong (Cordato, 1992, p. 106; cf. Rizzo, 1979).

To sum up, for an Austrian, liability is "analyzed in terms of institu-tional efficiency-the certainty and stability that these rules impart to thesocial framework" (Rizzo, 1980a, p. 291). Strict liability fits in naturally.Costs and benefits do not have to be balanced. Negligence, however,always needs a balancing of interests. We need a particular hierarchy ofmeans and ends. For the Austrians, tort is based on ethics not economics(Rothbard, 1979, p. 95; cf. Arnold, 1982). He who causes harm should com-pensate the victim. Austrians reject dynamic change in the law on the basisof economic efficiency; they prefer a static, stable system. Appropriate

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rules of the game, i.c. on products liability, however, are necessary. AsHayek said: "Competition is a procedure of discovery [...]. To operate ben-eficially, competition requires that those involved observe rules" (Hayek,1988, p. 19). Competition is not unconditional, but is conditional compe-tition subject to certain constraints. So the question becomes how compe-tition and entrepreneurship can be conditioned in their working propertiesby alternative rules for products liability.

3. Contracts: the way it all started

Is strict liability the only Austrian approach possible? I want now tohighlight the Austrian elements of subjectivism and entrepreneurship andsee where they take us. They cannot be ignored, although some believe thatit is impossible to incorporate them in a system of liability. Subjectivismshould lead to a system in which all compensation is astronomically high.Why not punish someone who makes a scratch on my car with capital pun-ishment (De Geest, 1994, p. 496, cp. p. 491)? But what is the alternative?Notions of objective specificity and precision widely used in the naturalsciences have no place into a science of human action. Facts deployed insocial science are merely opinions: they never exist as a consistent andcoherent body. It is better to adhere to Hayek who said "it is probably noexaggeration to say that every important advance in economic theory duringthe last hundred years was a further step in the consistent application ofsubjectivism" (Hayek, 1952, p. 31).

It is said (De Geest, 1994, p. 497) that certain things, such as encourag-ing entrepreneurship seem to follow in the Austrian tradition almost as ifthey belong to a logical category. Without there being any discussion ormotivation, as if no other costs, such as transaction costs exist at all, or areimportant. In a sense, this is true; it is praxeology we are talking about.But that does not mean it is not a reasoned conclusion, reached by verbal-deductive logic. To speak of Austrianism means to speak of individualismand subjectivism. Human action is based on individual purposes; gains andlosses are personal, non-comparable, and non-additive. Cost comparisons

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done by an outside observer are impossible. How can this element beincorporated into a system of liability? Fortunately, "[j]ust as most inten-tional assaults involve assailants and victims who already know each otherwell, most unintended injuries occur in the context of commercial acquain-tance [...]" (Huber, 1988, p. 5). Accidents are part of the realm of humancooperation, and not of unchosen relationship and collision. In otherwords, accidents are part of consent (private choice) not of coercion (pub-lic choice). If this is the situation, what comes to the fore as the element tofocus on is the implicit or explicit contract made. It "allows us to weightthe risks and benefits of our actions in the objective coolness of the before-hand rather than in the emotional heat of the aftermath" (Huber, 1988, p.226). The best protection against accidents are not measures taken after anaccident happens but "in the freedom to make considered, binding choicesbeforehand" (Huber, 1988, p. 18). Private choice and individual consent-both deliberately made-are what it is all about. We make a distinctionbetween harmful acts and tortious ones. What makes the difference is con-sent, or lack of it. Not all harmful acts are torts. No harm is done to onewho is willing. A person who comes willingly to a risky situation assumesthe risk of his activities and cannot blame someone else later for the acci-dent. Parties allocate risks and responsibilities in any way they choose.First party insurance, specified compensation, and assumption of risk pre-vail over liability-driven compensation.

However, are not transaction costs too high to make contracts? First,transaction costs are costs like any other. We live in a world of costs.Everybody wants them lower, just as every consumer wants prices to be aslow as possible. Second, of course people cannot contract with every firmindividually. Firms will compete in offering different packages of liability.As standard contracts are developed, transaction costs go down. Third, itis surely not possible to find a measure of efficiency-as the neoclassicals areinclined to do-from a world without transaction costs. What judges areasked to do is to allocate when transaction costs are prohibitive high. Thejudge should mimic the market ("to play at market prices"). Indeed, it is theold problem again: "Can we do without the market?" Austrians emphasizethe division of knowledge and its growth. Freedom of contract is neces-sary, not because it produces perfect efficiency, but because it producesmore efficient outcomes than judicial intervention does. The system

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encourages the full use of human knowledge.Next to subjectivism, Austrianism also implies entrepreneurship. It has

to be stimulated. If contract is the norm, people suffer or enjoy the conse-quences of their decisions. One is alert; entrepreneurship is encouraged.New things can be discovered, and we can be genuinely surprised. Strict lia-bility implies coercion and less choice. But what is needed is not less butmore choice (Huber, 1988, p. 224). A system of tort says no. The only free-dom left is not to discover, not to innovate. Contract gives the individualthe freedom to make his own private choices. It stands against the judge'spublic choice under a system of strict liability.

People have the freedom to take or limit liability through ex ante agree-ments. They have the opportunity through voluntary exchanges (the con-tracting process) to use their property rights. Circumstances change andpeople are different. That is why an exchange, if voluntary, always benefitsthe exchanging parties. Strict liability in modern product law, however,negates any attempt to limit liability through agreements. "[...T]he conceptis associated with the nearly complete abandonment of contract and theidea that the plaintiff should never bear the costs of his or her actions"(Cordato, 1992, p. 101). The world, however, is one of error and risk: gen-uine surprise. How can a contract with its implied distribution of liabilitybe just if it is based on the erroneous valuation of one or both of the part-ners? But the market process is all about the correction of error.Entrepreneurship depends on error, of which we are never fully aware. Thequestion is, "Is the error-yes or no-induced by one party, either positivelyor tacitly, on the basis of which consent is fraudulently obtained?" (cf.Kirzner, 1979, p. 217). Genuine error, however, is completely different.Genuine error and its counterpart genuine surprise are unexpected. Such apossibility is never imagined. The correction of these errors should be seenas a gain; as something that was not there before-for better or worse. Thepossibility of genuine error is the spark that switches on entrepreneurialalertness. For both consumer and producer it is the core of the market pro-cess (Kirzner, 1989, p. 107). The question becomes: "Why not bring liabil-ity back to the law of contracts-back, so to speak, to Epstein's stage one?"Why not a contractual solution?

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4. Caveat emptor

But this brings back the old notion of caveat emptor, "Let the buyerbeware!" The rule that has prevailed since time immemorial, or at leastsince the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (Huber, 1988, p. 22). However,since the seller was bound by the terms of the deal too, the rule would morecorrectly have read caveat emptor et vendor. Also the whole idea of con-tract law, of making people keep to their agreements and promises, isrooted in a notion of consumer protection.

We have an innate sympathy, however, against the notion of caveatemptor. Indeed Adam Smith spoke of sympathy as one of the drivingforces of the market. The invisible hand produces order. It manifests itselfin two ways: first, in our sympathy for our fellowman and, second, in com-petition among producers and consumers. Both forces control our self-interest. And indeed, the most powerful agent in the change in tort law,from caveat emptor to the notion that the buyer should never bear thecosts of his action, has been sympathy (Huber, 1988, p. 190). "Who can failto be angered by the devastating injury to a young child, or by the maimingof a woman in the prime of her life, or by the slow suffocation of a retiredfactory worker? Every accident was recharacterized as an assault, the vic-tim then being invited to make a bid for our sympathy in court" (Huber,1988, p. 191).

Contract law, however, seems to be returning to the dark days of theMiddle Ages; back in time to when capitalism started. It negates the fun-damental trend in todays society, that forms the basis of liability, of agrowing innate sympathy. Perhaps sympathy was too expensive in the olddays, but today society can afford to help its fellowmen. Contract lawplaces a heavy burden on the weak, ordinary consumer: the hapless victimof an accident. Who is he? Everyone. People are ignorant of most dangersand no experts on products liability. It cannot be only the dullards whoneed protection. For "then the question becomes: How can one justify acomprehensive ban rather than a ban applicable to the dullards alone?"(Higgs, 1994, p. 8). But then, who and on what basis will select the dollards?

How then does the market protect us? First, suppose we know we areignorant. If the producer knows more, the development of goodwill (and

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fear to lose it) of the producer can be an answer. The producer protects usout of self interest; he wants to see us again, we pay him more. Personalrelations can be the solution-not the problem. A solution not found in theneoclassical ideal of perfect competition. Second, what about the standardcontracts I just mentioned? Of course, no one has to start from scratch anddo all the work himself. But what about weak bargaining power, especial-ly if no standard contracts are available? In a market economy this willnever be a problem. As Böhm-Bawerk demonstrated in his article "Con-trol or Economic Law?" ([1914] 1962), competition provides an alterna-tive to bargaining: the range of indeterminacy where bargaining is neces-sary tends to narrow as competition becomes more vigorous (cp. Wonnell,1986, p. 538). The weak consumer is protected by the competitive process;his bargaining skills are not that important. Or perhaps the market is notall that close to bargaining. As Kirzner says, the market, first and foremost,is a process in which not bargaining but the alert grasping of new profitopportunities followed by the erosion of them takes centre stage. Third,the world will change. At this moment "[w]e no longer have a functioninglaw to encourage and enforce the settlement of accidents before hand,through deliberate choice, private insurance, and specified compensationor assumption of risk" (Huber, 1988 p. 222). But this does not mean thatthe situation cannot change.

In other words, consumers exchange goods to improve their position.Goods, however, have a risk dimension, just as they have colour and qual-ity. Life's risks cannot be avoided, but have to be coped with one way oranother. To restrict choice to goods without (for the sake of the argumentlet us suppose this is possible) or a lower risk dimension makes no one bet-ter off, and some or all worse off. Why? First, people who prefer risk areworse off. We all make a different trade-off between price, quality, andrisk. Second, no one will be better off. Choice is always prospective. Evenif someone is disappointed with the product later on, and regrets havingbought it, at the moment of choice his range of freedom shrinks. He isworse off. It is through disappointment that the market works; that is howwe learn. Choosing not only implies regret, but also being surprised by cor-recting genuine errors.

To let an expert choose is no solution. It would mean the end of themarket economy. Indeed, some know more than others. But "[i]f con-

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sumer choice were to be permitted only to consumers whose knowledge,whether of risk or any other dimension, equalled or exceeded that of allother persons, then persons in general would not be permitted to chooseanything for themselves, and no genuine market order could exist" (Higgs,1994, p. 7). Who determines who knows best, not just of one but of allqualities of a product? Who can give the comprehensive judgement of agood? The market cannot be surpassed. Actions show the preferences andknowledge of the individuals.

5. The utter stranger

For the sake of the argument, we could say that parties in an exchangecan contract all damages between themselves. But what about the innocentbystander, the utter stranger? He certainly cannot; he is no partner in theexchange. As I showed earlier, as far as products liability goes, the strangeris the exception to the rule. It is unnecessary to build our whole system ofproducts liability around him, as some Austrians, by advocating a systemof strict liability, are inclined to do. But still he is the exception we have tolook for. In other words, what about negative externalities? For the neo-classical, negative externalities arise because the private and the social netproduct differ. The normative conclusion follows that with positive or neg-ative externalities, the market leads to sub-optimal results. If externalitiesare positive, output is less than the Pareto optimal amount. If they are neg-ative, output is greater than it. Through the provision of subsidies or theimposition of taxes, the policy remedy is to try to induce the market toconform to the optimal amounts. The optimal situation is the one thatresults from a competitive equilibrium in the absence of transaction costs.

Austrians disagree with this Pareto norm of optimality. First, the mar-ket is an open-ended process in time. A static, timeless Pareto optimum isno meaningful measure of performance for actual market processes. Themarket is first and foremost a process, not a state or an institution thatfacilitates exchange. Second, all costs and benefits are inherently private.It is impossible to say that externalities generate a divergence between pri-

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vate and social cost or benefits. As with all costs, externalities are experi-enced subjectively; they cannot be added together to arrive at a measure-ment of social cost (Cordato, 1992, p. 7). Third, the regulator does not havethe necessary information to calculate a divergence between social and pri-vate costs. If he could get the information without the actual market pro-cess, the process of discovery would no longer be needed (cp. Rizzo,1980b, p. 641). But there is no efficient non-market resource allocation.This was the insight the Austrians tried to bring to the fore in the socialist-calculation debate, that began with the question "Is an efficient non-mar-ket resource allocation possible?" Market based prices are necessary tosignal scarcity, to transmit knowledge, and to stimulate discovery.

For Austrians, policy relevant externalities are those that involve aconflict of property rights that are not clearly defined or enforced. Exter-nal costs "are failures to maintain a fully free market, rather than defectsof that market" (Rothbard, 1962, p. 944). For Mises, all negative external-ity problems "could be removed by a reform of the laws concerning liabil-ity for damages inflicted and by rescinding the institutional barriers pre-venting the full operation of private ownership" (Mises, 1966, p. 658). Theproblem is that resources are allocated by non-owners. The same is true forexample for the problem of air pollution. No one has a right to clean air;no law protects against pollutants emerging from natural processes. Butthere is a right not to have air invaded by pollutants generated by anaggressor. For an Austrian, terms as "reasonable" air pollution or balanc-ing of equities are out of the question. If someone causes pollution, he isan aggressor. Damages should be paid in accordance with strict liability,unless the polluter was there first (the principle of homesteading) and hadalready polluted the air before the other property was developed (Roth-bard, 1982, p. 77).

This makes it look as if the Austrian and Coasian traditions have muchin common. Both, indeed, blame the standard Pigouvian analysis for ignor-ing the importance of property rights. But the similarity is superficial. ForCoase, prices are equilibrium prices. If the transaction costs are high, thejudge should mimic the Coasian theorem results. If the transaction costsare low, regardless of who bears the costs ex ante, parties will bargain. Theresult will maximize the combined value of the product they produce.

The Austrian objections to this procedure are (1) knowledge is decen-

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tralized, (2) values are subjective, and (3) not all prices are equilibriumprices. But the way the Austrian regards property rights differs from theCoasian one too. The judge should not decide who should have the prop-erty rights-but who already has them. For Coase, rights are a variable to begranted by the judge on the basis of who stands to benefit most or to loseleast from a particular rights assignment (Cordato, 1980, p. 401). For Aus-trians, what is necessary is not cost-benefit analysis, but for instance a clos-er look at contractual arrangements. If the owner of a right is known thenstrict liability comes to the fore, strictly enforcing property rights. Not theinternalization of costs, as the Pigouvian goal would be, gives rise to thisrule. For Austrians, strict liability is based on the prima facie notion of hewho causes harm is liable. Causation is an integral part of strict liability.For Coase, however, the notion of causation is almost irrelevant. The opti-mal allocation is achieved by whoever has the property rights.

For the innocent bystander who has-no doubt-a right to his life and justproperty, strict liability fits in naturally. The property right is one ofintegrity for physical violence. Every one has a right to have the physicalintegrity of his life and property inviolated. No property rights are violat-ed if, for instance, a better and cheaper product comes onto the market.The consumer as well as the producer who possesses the old product can-not ask for any damages. "[N]o one has the right to protect the value of hisproperty, for that value is purely the reflection of what people are willingto pay for it. That willingness solely depends on how they decide to usetheir money. No one has a right to someone else's money [...]" (Rothbard,1982, p. 62). In this theses, however, we look at physical violence.

To sum up. Since people are in contact with each other beforehand, formost product related accidents, contract law will do. The general rule isbuyer and seller beware. If people are not in contact beforehand (the caseof the utter stranger) then a wrong, a tort, is done, and strict liability is theanswer. At no stage in dealing with accidents a third party have to calcu-late (subjective) costs. At no stage does the market process of discovery(entrepreneurship) have to be stifled.

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Abstract

AUKE R. LEEN: The History and Economic Thought of Products Liability

(What policy suits the Austrian economist best?)

The article looks at products liability (the history and economic thought thereof) from

the mainstream neoclassical and from the Austrian point of view. For a neoclassical, costs

are objective and are known to the judge. So the judge can balance expected accident costs

against the cost of making the product safer. For an Austrian, since costs are subjective and

knowledge cannot be centralized, contract law: the old rule of caveat emptor, seems to be

the best. The parties can then arrange the expected costs and benefits beforehand from their

own subjective point of view and entrepreneurial insights. The utter stranger whose prop-

erty rights are violated can claim compensation. The amount of compensation is for the

judge on ethical grounds, and not the economist, to decide.

52 Auke R. Leen

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REFERENCES

Arnold, Roger A. (1982), "Efficiency vs. Ethics: Which is the Proper Deci-sion Criterion in Law Cases?" The Journal of Libertarian Stud-ies, Winter, pp. 49-57.

Böhm-Bawerk, Eugen von ([1914] 1962), "Control or Economic Law?",repr. in: Shorter Classics of Eugen v. Böhm-Bawerk, SouthHolland, Ill.: Libertarian Press.

Christainsen, Gregory B. (1990), "Law as a Discovery Procedure," CatoJournal, Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 497-530.

Cooter, Robert and Thomas Ulen (1988), Law and Economics, Harper-Collins.

Cordato, Roy E. (1980), The Austrian Theory of Efficiency and the Role ofGovernment," The Journal of Libertarian Studies, Fall, pp.393-403.

Cordato, Roy E. (1992), Welfare Economics and Externalities in an OpenEnded Universe: A Modern Austrian Perspective, Boston:Kluwer.

Epstein, Richard A. (1980), Modern Products Liability Law, Westport:Quorum Books.

Geest, Gerrit De (1994), Economische analyse van het contracten en quasi-contractenrecht (Een onderzoek naar de wetenschappelijkewaarde van de rechtseconomie), Antwerpen: MAKLU.

Hayek, Friedrich von (1952), The Counter-Revolution in Science, Glen-coe, Ill.: Free Press.

Hayek, Friedrich von (1988), The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism.London and New York: Routledge.

Higgs, Robert (1994), "Banning a Risky Product Cannot Improve AnyConsumer's Welfare (Properly Understood), with Applica-

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tions to FDA Testing Requirements," The Review of AustrianEconomics, Vol. 7. No. 2, pp 3-20.

Huber, Peter W. (1988), Liability, The Legal Revolution and Its Conse-quences, New York: Basic Books.

Kirzner, Israel M. (1979), Perception, Opportunity, and Profit. Chicago:University of Chicago Press.

Kirzner, Israel M. (1989), Discovery, Capitalism, and Distributive Justice,New York: Blackwell.

Mises, L. von ([1949], 1966, 3rd Edition), Human Action, Chicago: Con-temporary Books.

Rizzo, Mario J. (1979), "Economic Costs, Moral Costs, or RestributiveJustice: The Rationale of Criminal Law," in: Gray, Charles M.(ed). The Cost of Crime, London: Sage.

Rizzo, Mario J. (1980a), "Law amid Flux: The Economics of Negligenceand Strict Liability in Tort", The Journal of Legal Studies, Vol.IX (2), pp. 189-318.

Rizzo, Mario J. (1980b), "The Mirage of Efficiency," Hofstra Law Review,Vol. 8, pp. 641-658.

Rizzo, Mario J. (1985), "Rules versus Cost-Benefit Analysis in the Com-mon Law," Cato Journal, Vol. 4. No. 3, pp. 865-884.

Rothbard, Murray N. (1962), Man, Economy and State, Princeton, N.J:Van Nostrand.

Rothbard, Murray N. (1979), "Comment: The Myth of Efficiency," in:Rizzo, Mario J. , Time, Uncertainty, and Disequilibrium, Lexing-ton: Lexingtonbooks, pp. 90-96.

Rothbard, Murray N. (1982), "Law, Property Rights, and Air Pollution,"Cato Journal, Vol. 2, No. 1, pp. 55-99.

Velthoven, Ben C.J. van and Van Wijck, Peter. W (eds.) (1997) Recht enEfficiëntie, Deventer: Kluwer.,

Wonnell, Christopher T. (1986), "Contract Law and the Austrian School ofEconomics," Fordham Law Review, vol. 54, pp. 507-543.

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KEΩN™IANH OIKONOMIKH ¶O§ITIKH

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'ŸÛÔÓ ·ÊÔÚ¿ ÙÔÓ ‰Â‡ÙÂÚÔ ÂÚÈÔÚÈÛÌfi ÁÈ· Û˘ÁÎÂÎÚÈ̤ÓË ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ‰ÈηÈÔÏÔÁÂ›Ù·È Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ ·fi ¤Ó· Ô˘ÛÈ·ÛÙÈÎfi ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ÂÌÊ·Ó¤˜¯·Ú·ÎÙËÚÈÛÙÈÎfi Ù˘ ∂ÏÏËÓÈ΋˜ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜: ÙËÓ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛÈÔ-ÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ ÂÏÏÂÈÌÌ¿ÙˆÓ Ô˘ Ô‰‹ÁËÛ·Ó ÛÙË ‰È‡ڢÓÛË ÙÔ˘ ‰ËÌÔÛ›Ô˘ ¯Ú¤-Ô˘˜ Ù˘. ∆Ô ‰ËÌÔÛÈÔÓÔÌÈÎfi ¤ÏÏÂÈÌÌ· Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Ì·˜ ·fi 4% ÙÔ˘ ∞∂¶ÙÔ 1975 ¤Êı·Û ÙÔ 20% ÂÚ›Ô˘ ÙÔ 1990. ∂›Û˘, ÙÔ ‰ËÌfiÛÈÔ ¯Ú¤Ô˜ Ù˘·fi ÙÔ 25% ÂÚ›Ô˘ ÙÔ˘ ∞∂¶ Ô˘ ‹Ù·Ó ÙȘ ·Ú¯¤˜ Ù˘ ‰ÂηÂÙ›·˜ ÙÔ˘1970, ·Ó‹Ïı ÙÔ 1992 Û 120% ÂÚ›Ô˘ (O.E.C.D., 1994). ªÂ ‚·ÛÈÎfi ·˘-Ùfi ÙÔ ¯·Ú·ÎÙËÚÈÛÙÈÎfi Ù˘ ∂ÏÏËÓÈ΋˜ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜, Ô ÌÂÏÏÔÓÙÈÎfi˜ ÈÛÙÔ-ÚÈÎfi˜ ÂÚ¢ÓËÙ‹˜ Ô˘ ı· ÂÍÂÙ¿ÛÂÈ ÙËÓ ÂͤÏÈÍ‹ Ù˘ ÁÈ· ÙË ÌÂÙ·ÔÏÈÙ¢ÙÈ-΋ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô Î·È ¤¯ÂÈ ‰È·‚¿ÛÂÈ ‹ ‰È‰·¯ı› ‚·ÛÈο ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó¿ Ì·ÎÚÔÔÈÎÔ-ÓÔÌÈο, ›Ûˆ˜ Û˘ÌÂÚ¿ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ ÔÈ ∂ÏÏËÓÈΤ˜ ΢‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛÂȘ ·ÎÔÏÔ‡ıËÛ·ÓÙȘ ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂȘ Î·È Û˘Ì‚Ô˘Ï¤˜ ÂÓfi˜ ÌÂÁ¿ÏÔ˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÔÏfiÁÔ˘. ¶ÚˆÙ·Ú¯È-Îfi˜ ÛÙfi¯Ô˜ ÙÔ˘ ¿ÚıÚÔ˘ Â›Ó·È Ó· ‰ÈÂÚ¢ӋÛÂÈ ·fi ÙÒÚ· ÙÔ ı¤Ì· ·˘Ùfi.

¢ÈηÈÔÏÔÁÒÓÙ·˜ ÙÔÈÔ˘ÙÔÙÚfiˆ˜ ÙÔ˘˜ ÂÚÈÔÚÈÛÌÔ‡˜ Ù˘ ‰ÈÂÚ‡ÓËÛ‹˜Ì·˜ ı· ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÔ˘Ì ӷ ‰Â›ÍÔ˘Ì fiÙÈ ‰ÂÓ ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ıËΠ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ÔÈ-ÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜,1 ·ÏÏ¿ ÌÈ· ‰È·ÎÚÈÙÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ô˘ η-ıÔÚÈ˙fiÙ·Ó ·fi Â͈ÁÂÓ›˜ (.¯. ∫˘ÚÈ·Îfi) Î·È ·fi ÔÏÈÙÈÎÔ‡˜ ·Ú¿ÁÔÓÙ˜.∏ ı¤ÛË fiÙÈ ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ıËΠ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÛÙËÓ ∂ÏÏ¿‰· ¤¯ÂÈ ·ÔÚÚÈ-Êı› ·fi ÙÔÓ æ·ÏȉfiÔ˘ÏÔ (1990, ÛÛ. 14, 74-5, ‚Ï. Î·È Psalidopoulos, 1996)ηÙfiÈÓ ÂͤٷÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ıˆÚËÙÈÎÒÓ ·fi„ÂˆÓ ÙˆÓ ÂÏÏ‹ÓˆÓ Î˘‚ÂÚÓËÙÈ-ÎÒÓ ÛÙÂϯÒÓ Î·È ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÔÏfiÁˆÓ Î·È ÙˆÓ Û˘ÛÙ¿ÛÂÒÓ ÙÔ˘˜ ÁÈ· ÙË ‰¤Ô˘-Û· ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋. ™ÙËÓ ·ÚÔ‡Û· ·Ó¿Ï˘ÛË ı· Ô‰ËÁËıԇ̠ÛÙÔ›‰ÈÔ Û˘Ì¤Ú·ÛÌ· ‚¿ÛÂÈ ÌÈ·˜ ¿ÏÏ˘ ÌÂıÔ‰ÔÏÔÁÈ΋˜ ÚÔÛ¤ÁÁÈÛ˘ Ë ÔÔ›·ÛÙËÚ›˙ÂÙ·È ÛÙË Û‡ÁÎÚÈÛË ÙˆÓ ‰Â‰ÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ Ô˘·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ıËΠ̠ÙȘ ·ÌÈÁ›˜ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó¤˜ ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂȘ.

∏ ·Ó·ÊÔÚ¿ Ì·˜ ÛÙËÓ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ·ÊÔÚ¿ ÙȘ ·Ú¯¤˜ ÂΛÓÂ˜Ô˘ ‰ÂÓ ÚÔ¤Ú¯ÔÓÙ·È ·fi "ÎÏ·ÛÈΤ˜" Ú›˙˜ Î·È ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂȘ ÙÔ˘ Keynes,fiˆ˜ ·Ó·Ù‡¯ıËÎ·Ó ÛÙÔ ¤ÚÁÔ ÙÔ˘ A Treatise on Money (1930), ·ÏÏ¿·fi ÙȘ "ÚÈ˙ÔÛ·ÛÙÈΤ˜" Ô˘ ËÁ¿˙Ô˘Ó ·fi Ù· ¿ÏÏ· ÙÔ˘ ¤ÚÁ· Î·È ·ÊÔ-ÚÔ‡Ó ÙËÓ ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋ ·Ú¤Ì‚·ÛË Î·È ÚfiÏÔ Ù˘ ÛÙËÓ Â›‰ÔÛË Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›-·˜. ∏ ‚·ÛÈ΋ ÙÔ˘ ÚfiÙ·ÛË ÂÚ› ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ (1936, ÛÛ. 325,378, 380) ‹Ù·Ó Ë ‰Ú·ÛÙÈ΋ ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋ ·Ú¤Ì‚·ÛË ÛÙË ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ›· Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔ-ÓÔÌ›·˜ Ì ÙÔ˘˜ ÂÍ‹˜ ÙÚfiÔ˘˜ Î·È Ì¤Û·: (i) ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··-ÓÒÓ ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁ›·˜ ÂÏÏÂÈÌÌ·ÙÈÎÔ‡ ÚÔ¸ÔÏÔÁÈÛÌÔ‡ ·Ó¿ÏÔÁ· ÌÂÙËÓ Î·Ù¿ÛÙ·ÛË Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜, (ii) ·‡ÍËÛË Û˘ÁÎÂÎÚÈÌ¤ÓˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ

56 AÓ·ÛÙ¿ÛÈÔ˜ ¢ . K·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘

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‰··ÓÒÓ, Î·È (iii) ¿ÏÏ· ÂȉÈο ̤ÙÚ· ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜. √È ÙÚfiÔÈ·˘ÙÔ› ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙ÔÓÙ·È Û ·ÓÙ›ÛÙÔȯ· ÙÌ‹Ì·Ù·ÙÔ˘ ¿ÚıÚÔ˘ Ì·˙› Ì ÙÔ˘˜ ÛÙfi¯Ô˘˜, Ù· ̤۷ Î·È Ù· ·ÔÙÂϤÛÌ·Ù· Ù˘ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜. ¢ÂÓ Â›Ó·È ÛÙȘ ÚÔı¤ÛÂȘ Ì·˜ ηÈÙËÓ ÂÚÈÔÚÈṲ̂ÓË ‰˘Ó·ÙfiÙËÙ· ÂÓfi˜ ¿ÚıÚÔ˘ Ó· ÂÈÛÎÔ‹ÛÔ˘Ì ÙËÓ ÏÔ‡-ÛÈ· ‚È‚ÏÈÔÁÚ·Ê›· Ô˘ ·ÊÔÚ¿ Ù· ‰È¿ÊÔÚ· ‰›·, ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ˜ Î·È ÙËÓÂÍÂÏÈÎÙÈ΋ ÔÚ›· Ù˘ ∂ÏÏËÓÈ΋˜ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜.2 ªÂÚÈΤ˜ ÌfiÓÔ ÂÓ‰ÂÈÎÙÈ-Τ˜ ÌÂϤÙ˜ Ï¿‚·Ì ˘fi„Ë Ì·˜ Î·È Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ ·˘Ù¤˜ Ô˘ ÂÚÈÂÏ¿Ì‚·Ó·Ó ‹Î·Ù¤ÏËÁ·Ó ÛÂ Û˘ÁÎÂÎÚÈ̤Ó˜ ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂȘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ Î·È ·˘-Ù¤˜ Ô˘ ÂÚÌ‹Ó¢·Ó ÙȘ ·Èٛ˜ ÙˆÓ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ ·ÔÙÂÏÂÛÌ¿-ÙˆÓ Î·È Ê·ÈÓÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ Ô˘ ¯·Ú·ÎÙËÚ›˙Ô˘Ó Û‹ÌÂÚ· ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· Ì·˜.

1. K·Ù¿ÛÙ·ÛË ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ Î·È ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ·˘Í·ÓfiÌÂÓˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ

∆· ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈο ÙÔ˘ Keynes Â›Ó·È ·fiÚÚÔÈ· Ù˘ ·Ú·ÙÂٷ̤Ó˘ ·ÓÂÚ-Á›·˜ Ô˘ ¤Ï·‚ ¯ÒÚ· ÌÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÎÚ›ÛË ÙÔ˘ 1929, Î·È ÌÔÏÔÓfiÙȉȷı¤ÙÔ˘Ó ÛËÌ·ÓÙÈ΋ ‚Ú·¯˘¯ÚfiÓÈ· ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁÈÎfiÙËÙ·, ¤¯Ô˘Ó ‰Â¯ı› ·ÚÎÂ-Ù¤˜ ÎÚÈÙÈΤ˜ ÛÙËÓ ÂÔ¯‹ Ì·˜. √ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·ÓÈÛÌfi˜ fï˜, ˆ˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ˘ÈÔıÂÙ‹ıËΠ̠ÙÔÓ ¤Ó· ‹ ÙÔÓ ¿ÏÏÔ ÙÚfiÔ ·fi ÙȘ ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂ-Ú˜ ¯ÒÚ˜ Ô˘ ›¯·Ó ÂχıÂÚË ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·.3 ∏ ¢ÓÔ˚΋ ·˘Ù‹ ˘Ô‰Ô¯‹ÙˆÓ Ó¤ˆÓ ȉÂÒÓ, Ô˘ fiˆ˜ ÚÔ›‰Â Ô ÚˆÙÂÚÁ¿Ù˘ ÙÔ˘˜ (1936, ÛÛ. 383-4), ı· ÂȉÚÔ‡Û·Ó ·ÎÔ‡ÛÈ· ‹ ÂÎÔ‡ÛÈ· ÛÙȘ ÛΤ„ÂȘ ÙˆÓ ÔÏÈÙÈÎÒÓ, ‰Â‰ÈηÈÔÏÔÁÂ›Ù·È ÌfiÓÔ ·fi ÙË ıˆÚËÙÈ΋ ÙÔ˘˜ ·ÓˆÙÂÚfiÙËÙ· ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ ÙˆÓ"·Ï·ÈÒÓ" ÎÏ·ÛÈÎÒÓ Î·È ÓÂÔÎÏ·ÛÈÎÒÓ ıˆÚÈÒÓ, ·ÏÏ¿ ÂÈÚfiÛıÂÙ· ·fiÙȘ ÂÍ‹˜ ·Èٛ˜: (·) Û˘Ó¤ÊÂÚ ÙÔ˘˜ ÔÏÈÙÈÎÔ‡˜ ÁÈ·Ù› ‰È‡ڢÓ ÙȘ ÂÍÔ˘Û›-˜ ÙÔ˘˜ Î·È ÂȉÈÎfiÙÂÚ· ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋, (‚) ¤‰ÈÓ ÂÏ›‰· ÛÙÔ˘˜ Èı·ÓÔ‡˜·Ó¤ÚÁÔ˘˜ Î·È ÙÔ˘˜ ·ÏÔ‡˜ ·ÓıÚÒÔ˘˜ fiÙÈ ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ Î¿ÔÈÔ˜ "·ÙÂÚÓ·-ÏÈÛÙÈÎfi˜" ıÂÛÌfi˜ Ô˘ ÊÚÔÓÙ›˙ÂÈ ÁÈ· ÙËÓ Â˘ËÌÂÚ›· ÙÔ˘˜, Î·È (Á) ¤‰ÈÓÂÈÛ¯‡ ÛÙȘ ÂÚÁ·ÙÈΤ˜ ÂÓÒÛÂȘ Ó· ÚÔÛ·ıÔ‡Ó ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË ÌfiÓÔ ÌÈ·˜ÌÂÙ·‚ÏËÙ‹˜ (ÌÈÛıfi) ·ÓÙ› ‰‡Ô (ÌÈÛıfi Î·È ··Û¯fiÏËÛË). ∞˜ ‰Ô‡Ì ÚÒÙ·‚¿ÛÂÈ ÔÈ·˜ ηٿÛÙ·Û˘ Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜, Ô Keynes Û˘ÓÈÛÙÔ‡Û ¤ÓÙÔÓËÎÚ·ÙÈ΋ ·Ú¤Ì‚·ÛË ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ ÙˆÓ ·˘Í·ÓfiÌÂÓˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ Î·È ÌÂÙ¿ ¿ӷ˘Ù‹ Ë ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ·¤‰ˆÛ ηÚÔ‡˜ ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜.

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√ Keynes, ·ÚÎÂÙ¿ ÚÈÓ ·fi ÙË ‰ËÌÔÛ›Â˘ÛË ÙÔ˘ ¤ÚÁÔ˘ ÙÔ˘ The Gener-al Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, (1936) ·fi ÙÔ 1924 ·ÏÏ¿Î·È ÙȘ ·Ú¯¤˜ ÙÔ˘ 1930 (1931·, ÛÛ. 141-3), ›¯Â ÚÔÙ›ÓÂÈ ÂÓÂÚÁËÙÈÎfiÙÂÚËÎÚ·ÙÈ΋ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÁÈ· ÙËÓ Â›Ï˘ÛË Û˘ÁÎÂÎÚÈÌ¤ÓˆÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ-ÎÒÓ ÚÔ‚ÏËÌ¿ÙˆÓ.4 ¢ÈηÈÔÏÔÁÒÓÙ·˜ ·ÚÁfiÙÂÚ· ÏËÚ¤ÛÙÂÚ· ·˘Ù‹ ÙËÓÚfiÙ·Û‹ ÙÔ˘ (1936, ÛÛ. 31, 105, 219-20), ·Ó·Ê¤ÚıËΠÛÙË ‰È·ÊÔÚÂÙÈ΋·ÓÙÈÌÂÙÒÈÛË Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÛÙ·ıÂÚÔÔ›ËÛ˘ ÌÈ·˜ ÊÙˆ¯‹˜ ·fi ÌÈ·˜ÏÔ‡ÛÈ·˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜. ÀÔÛÙ‹ÚÈÍ fiÙÈ Û ÌÈ· ÊÙˆ¯‹ ¯ÒÚ· Ë ‰È·ÊÔÚ¿ ÌÂÙ·-͇ ηٷӿψÛ˘ Î·È ·ÔÙ·Ì›Â˘Û˘ ‰Â ı· Â›Ó·È ÌÂÁ¿ÏË, ·ÊÔ‡ ÙÔ ÂÈÛfi‰Ë-Ì· ‰ÂÓ Â›Ó·È ·ÚÎÂÙ¿ ÌÂÁ¿ÏÔ ÒÛÙ ÙÔ Ì¤ÁÂıÔ˜ Ù˘ Û˘ÓÔÏÈ΋˜ ηٷӿψ-Û˘ Ó· ¤¯ÂÈ ÌÂȈı› ‰Ú·ÛÙÈο (ÏfiÁˆ Ì›ˆÛ˘ Ù˘ ÚÔ‹˜ ÚÔ˜ ηٷӿψ-ÛË), Î·È ¤ÙÛÈ ‰ÂÓ ··ÈÙÂ›Ù·È ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÂÓ›Û¯˘Û˘ Ù˘ ·ÔÙÂ-ÏÂÛÌ·ÙÈ΋˜ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘. ∂ÓÒ, ·ÓÙ›ıÂÙ·, Û ÌÈ· ÏÔ‡ÛÈ· ¯ÒÚ· Ô˘ ‰È¢ڇÓÂ-Ù·È Ë ‰È·ÊÔÚ¿ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ - ηٷӿψÛ˘, Û ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜ ı·Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ÂÓÈÛ¯˘ı› Ë Û˘ÓÔÏÈ΋ ˙‹ÙËÛË.

∏ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Ì·˜ ‚¤‚·È·, ηٿ ÙË ‰È¿ÚÎÂÈ· Ù˘ ÂÍÂÙ·˙fiÌÂ-Ó˘ ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘, ‰ÂÓ ÌÔÚ› Ó· ¯·Ú·ÎÙËÚÈÛı› Ô‡Ù ˆ˜ ÊÙˆ¯‹ ·ÏÏ¿ Ô‡Ùˆ˜ ÏÔ‡ÛÈ·. ∏ ·Ó·Ù˘Íȷ΋ Ù˘ fï˜ ÔÚ›· ··ÈÙÔ‡Û fi¯È ÙfiÛÔ ÂÓ-ı¿ÚÚ˘ÓÛË Ù˘ ÂÓÂÚÁÔ‡˜ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘ ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ Ù˘ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ Ù˘ ηٷӿψ-Û˘, fiÛÔ ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈÎÒÓ (ȉȈÙÈÎÒÓ Î·È ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ) ÂÂÓ‰‡-ÛˆÓ, ÌÈ· ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ô˘ fiˆ˜ ı· ‰Â›ÍÔ˘Ì ÛÙË Û˘Ó¤¯ÂÈ· ‰ÂÓ ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹-ıËΠfiÛÔ ı· ¤ÚÂÂ. ∂ÎÙfi˜ ·˘ÙÒÓ, Ô Keynes, ›¯Â ¯ÚËÛÈÌÔÔÈ‹ÛÂÈ ÛÙËıˆÚËÙÈ΋ ÙÔ˘ ·Ó¿Ï˘ÛË ÙË ‚·ÛÈ΋ ˘fiıÂÛË fiÙÈ ÔÈ ·ÁÔÚ¤˜ ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁÔ‡Ó¯ˆÚ›˜ ¤ÓÙÔÓË ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋ ·Ú¤Ì‚·ÛË Î·È ¤ÏÂÁ¯Ô Î·È ‚¿ÛË ·˘Ù‹˜ Ù˘ ˘fiıÂ-Û˘ Âȯ›ÚËÛ ӷ ÂÚÌËÓ‡ÛÂÈ ÙȘ Èı·Ó¤˜ ·Èٛ˜ ‰˘ÛÚÔÛ·ÚÌÔÁ‹˜ ηȷη̄›·˜ ÙˆÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ ÌÂÙ·‚ÏËÙÒÓ. ∏ ˘fiıÂÛË fï˜ ·˘Ù‹ ‰ÂÓÙ·ÈÚÈ¿˙ÂÈ Ì ٷ ÂÏÏËÓÈο ‰Â‰Ô̤ӷ ·ÊÔ‡ fiˆ˜ ¤¯ÂÈ ‰Âȯı› (ª‹ÙÚÔ˜,1985, ÛÛ. 152-8, 1986), ÔÈ ·ÁÔÚ¤˜ ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁÔ‡Û·Ó Ì ¤ÓÙÔÓË ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋ ηÈıÂÛÌÈ΋ ·Ú¤Ì‚·ÛË Î·È ¤ÏÂÁ¯Ô, Ì ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· ÙËÓ ·Ó·fiÊ¢ÎÙË Ì›ˆ-ÛË Ù˘ Â˘Î·Ì„›·˜ ÛËÌ·ÓÙÈÎÒÓ ÌÂÙ·‚ÏËÙÒÓ fiˆ˜ ÔÈ ÙÈ̤˜, Ù· Î¤Ú‰Ë Î·ÈÔÈ ÌÈÛıÔ›. ∞ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· ·˘Ù‹˜ Ù˘ Ú·ÎÙÈ΋˜ ‹Ù·Ó Ó· ÌËÓ ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ› Ë·ÁÔÚ·›· ÚÔÛ·ÚÌÔÁ‹ ÛÙȘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈΤ˜ ÌÂÙ·‚ÏËÙ¤˜ ηٿ ÙÔÓ ¿ÚÈÛÙÔÙÚfiÔ Î·È Ó· ÂÌÊ·Ó›˙ÔÓÙ·È ·ÓÈÛÔÚÚԛ˜ fi¯È ÏfiÁˆ ˙ËÙ‹Ûˆ˜ ·ÏÏ¿ Û˘Ó-ıËÎÒÓ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜ Î·È ÎfiÛÙÔ˘˜. ™˘ÓÂÒ˜, ‰ÂÓ ˘‹Ú¯·Ó ÔÈ ÚԉȷÁÚ·-ʤ˜ ÂΛӘ ÛÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· Ì·˜, fiÔ˘ ÔÈ ·ÁÔÚ¤˜ Ù˘ ı· ·ÓÙ·ÔÎÚ›ÓÔ-ÓÙ·Ó ¿ÌÂÛ· Î·È ¯ˆÚ›˜ Ô˘ÛÈ·ÛÙÈο ÂÌfi‰È· ÛÙ· Ó¤· "ÌËӇ̷ٷ" Ù˘ ÔÈ-

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ÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜, fiˆ˜ Ô Keynes ÚÔ¸¤ıÂÙÂ.√ Keynes (1936, Û. 127), ¤Ú·Ó ·˘ÙÒÓ, ‰È¢ÎÚ›ÓÈÛ fiÙÈ Ë ·ÔÙÂÏÂ-

ÛÌ·ÙÈÎfiÙËÙ· Ù˘ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÙˆÓ ·˘Í·ÓfiÌÂÓˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ ÁÈ·ÙËÓ ÂÓ›Û¯˘ÛË Ù˘ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘, ÂÍ·ÚÙ¿Ù·È ·fi ÙÔ Ì¤ÁÂıÔ˜ Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜. 'ŸÛÔÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚË Â›Ó·È Ë ·ÓÂÚÁ›·, ÙfiÛÔ ·ÔÙÂÏÂÛÌ·ÙÈÎfiÙÂÚË Â›Ó·È ·˘Ù‹ Ë ÔÈ-ÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÏfiÁˆ ÂÓÙÔÓfiÙÂÚˆÓ ÔÏÏ·Ï·ÛÈ·ÛÙÈÎÒÓ ÂȉڿÛÂ-ˆÓ. ∂¿Ó fï˜ Ë ·ÓÂÚÁ›· ‰ÂÓ Â›Ó·È ˘„ËÏ‹, Ù· ·ÔÙÂϤÛÌ·Ù· ÌÈ·˜ ÔÏÈ-ÙÈ΋˜ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ, fiˆ˜ ÚÔÂȉÔÔ›ËÛ (1936, ÛÛ.118-9, 127, 290-1), ı· Ô‰ËÁ‹ÛÔ˘Ó ÛÙËÓ ÂÌÊ¿ÓÈÛË ‹ ÛÙËÓ Âȉ›ӈÛË ÙˆÓÏËıˆÚÈÛÙÈÎÒÓ È¤ÛˆÓ. ™ÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜, ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ıËÎÂ Ë ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ù˘·‡ÍËÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛÈÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ ÂÏÏÂÈÌÌ¿ÙˆÓ Î¿Ùˆ ·fi ÙËÓ Â›‰Ú·ÛËÂÎÙ¿ÎÙˆÓ Û˘ÓıËÎÒÓ, fiˆ˜ Ë ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ·Ì˘ÓÙÈÎÒÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ, ηȉȷÚıÚˆÙÈÎÒÓ ·Ú·ÁfiÓÙˆÓ, fiˆ˜ Ë ·Ó·‰È·ÓÔÌ‹ ÙÔ˘ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ˘¤ÚÙˆÓ ÌÈÛıˆÙÒÓ Î·È Û˘ÓÙ·ÍÈÔ‡¯ˆÓ Ô˘ ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ıËΠÙȘ ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘˜1976-7, 1981-2. ¶¤Ú·Ó fï˜ ·fi ·˘Ù¤˜ ÙȘ Û¯ÂÙÈο ‰ÈηÈÔÏÔÁË̤Ó˜ ·È-ٛ˜ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ, ˘‹Ú¯Â Î·È Ë ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ›‰Ú·-ÛË Ô˘ ‰ÂÓ Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ·Ú·ÌÂÏËı›. 'Ÿˆ˜ ¤¯ÂÈ ‰È·ÈÛÙˆı› (¶ÚÔ‚fiÔ˘-ÏÔ˜, ∑·Ì¿Ú·˜, 1989, Û. 64, ∫ÔÏÏ›ÓÙ˙·˜, ª‹ÙÚÔ˜, 1991, ÛÛ. 131-4), ÛÂÁÂÓÈΤ˜ ÁÚ·Ì̤˜, Ë ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ÂË-Ú¿ÛıËÎÂ Î·È ·fi ÙËÓ Â˘Ú›· ·Ô‰Ô¯‹ ÙˆÓ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·ÓÒÓ ·ÓÙÈÏ‹„ÂˆÓ ÁÈ·ÙÔÓ ÚfiÏÔ Î·È Ù˘ ‰˘Ó·ÙfiÙËÙ˜ Ù˘ ‰ËÌÔÛÈÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜. ∏ ‰È·›-ÛÙˆÛË ·˘Ù‹ ÂȂ‚·ÈÒÓÂÙ·È ·fi ÙȘ ·fi„ÂȘ Î·È ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂȘ ·ÓˆÙ¿ÙˆÓ΢‚ÂÚÓËÙÈÎÒÓ ÛÙÂϯÒÓ Ù˘ ÂÔ¯‹˜. °È· ·Ú¿‰ÂÈÁÌ·, ÙËÓ ·Ó¿ÁÎË ÁÈ·ÂÂÎÙ·ÙÈ΋ ‰ËÌÔÛÈÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ ÙˆÓ ·˘Í·ÓfiÌÂÓˆÓ ‰ËÌÔ-Û›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ Î·È ÙË ‰È‡ڢÓÛË ÙÔ˘ ‰ËÌÔÛ›Ô˘ ¯Ú¤Ô˘˜ ›¯·Ó ÚÔ‚¿ÏÂÈÎ·È ·Ô‰Â¯ı› ÔÏÈÙÈÎÔ› ·fi ‰È¿ÊÔÚ˜ ÎÔÌÌ·ÙÈΤ˜ ·Ú·Ù¿ÍÂȘ ÛÙȘ·ÁÔÚ‡ÛÂȘ ÙÔ˘˜ ÛÙËÓ µÔ˘Ï‹ ÙÔÓ ºÂ‚ÚÔ˘¿ÚÈÔ ÙÔ˘ 1975, fiˆ˜ Ô ∞.¶·-·Ó‰Ú¤Ô˘, Ô °.ª·‡ÚÔ˜ Î·È Ô ¶.¶··ÏËÁÔ‡Ú·˜ (·Ó·Ê. ¶··ÏËÁÔ‡Ú·˜,1996, ÛÛ. 493-4, 496-7). ∂›Û˘, Ô ¢ÈÔÈÎËÙ‹˜ Ù˘ ∆Ú¿Â˙·˜ Ù˘ ∂ÏÏ¿‰Ô˜•. ∑ÔÏÒÙ·˜ ÂÓÒ Û ¤Ó· ÛËÌÂ›Ô Ù˘ ¤ÎıÂÛ‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ÁÈ· ÙÔ 1974 (ÛÛ. 20-1)ÚÔÂȉÔÔÈÔ‡Û fiÙÈ Ë ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ Î·È Ë ÂȉfiÙËÛËÙ˘ ηٷӿψÛ˘ ÂÈʇϷÛÛ ÎÈÓ‰‡ÓÔ˘˜ ÓÔÌÈÛÌ·ÙÈ΋˜ ·ÛÙ¿ıÂÈ·˜, ¿ÊË-Ó ·ÓÔÈÎÙfi ·Ú¿ı˘ÚÔ ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ÂÊ·ÚÌÔÁ‹ ÌÈ·˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÂÓ›Û¯˘Û˘ Ù˘˙‹ÙËÛ˘ fiÙ·Ó ÛËÌ›ˆÓ (Ibid., Û. 23): "Ë ·‡ÍËÛȘ ÙˆÓ ÌÈÛıÒÓ Î·È ËÌÂÚÔ-ÌÈÛı›ˆÓ ÂÈ‚·Ú‡ÓÂÈ ÙÔ ÎfiÛÙÔ˜ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜. ¶ÏËÓ fï˜, ÂÊ' fiÛÔÓ ‰È·ÙË-ÚÂ›Ù·È ÂÓÙfi˜ ÏÔÁÈÎÒÓ ÔÚ›ˆÓ Î·È ˘fi ÙËÓ ÚÔ¸fiıÂÛÈÓ fiÙÈ ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ ·Ú-

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 59

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ÁÔ‡Û· ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈ΋ ‰˘Ó·ÌÈÎfiÙ˘, ‰È· Ù˘ ÙÔÓÒÛˆ˜ Ù˘ ˙ËÙ‹Ûˆ˜ ÙËÓÔÔ›·Ó ÚÔηÏ›, Û˘Ì‚¿ÏÏÂÈ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛÈÓ Ù˘ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜ Î·È ‰È' ·˘-Ù‹˜ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÂÍ·ÛÊ¿ÏÈÛiÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÒÓ Îϛ̷ÎÔ˜ ÂȘ ÔÏÏ¿˜ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂÈ˜Î·È ÂȘ ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛÈÓ Ù˘ ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈÎfiÙËÙfi˜ ÙˆÓ".5 ¶·ÚfiÌÔÈ·, ÛÙËÓ ¤ÎıÂÛ‹ÙÔ˘ ÁÈ· ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1976, ÂÈÎÚÔÙ› Ì ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ÚԉȿıÂÛË ÙËÓ ·ÛÎËı›-Û· ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ‰È‡ڢÓÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ÂÏÏÂÈÌÌ¿ÙˆÓ ÛË-ÌÂÈÒÓÔÓÙ·˜ (Û. 22): "∏ ·‡ÍËÛȘ ÙÔ˘ ÂÏÏ›ÌÌ·ÙÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ ‰ËÌÔÛ›Ô˘ ÙÔ̤·‹Ù·Ó ·Ó·fiÊ¢ÎÙË ÛÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô Ù˘ ˘Ê¤Ûˆ˜, ·ÏÏ¿ Û˘Á¯ÚfiÓˆ˜ Î·È ÂÈ-ı˘ÌËÙ‹ ·Ú¯Èο ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ·Ó¿Û¯ÂÛË Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ο̄ˆ˜ ηÈ, ÂÓ Û˘-Ó¯›·, ÁÈ· ÙË ÛÙ‹ÚÈÍË Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ·Ó·Î¿Ì„ˆ˜. ¶Ú¿ÁÌ·ÙÈ, Ë ‰ËÌÔ-ÛÈÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ‹Ù·Ó ÛËÌ·ÓÙÈÎfi˜ ÚÔˆıËÙÈÎfi˜ ·Ú¿ÁÔÓÙ·˜ Ù˘ ÔÈ-ÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ·˜ Ù· ÙÂÏÂ˘Ù·›· ÙÚ›· ¯ÚfiÓÈ·". ∞ÚÁfiÙÂÚ·, ÛÙËÓÂÈÛËÁËÙÈ΋ ¤ÎıÂÛË ÙÔ˘ YÔ˘ÚÁÔ‡ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ ª. ¢ÚÂÙÙ¿ÎË ÁÈ· ÙÔ ÔÈ-ÎÔÓÔÌÈÎfi ¤ÙÔ˜ 1982 (ÛÛ. 29-30, 49-50, 163), ÙÔÓ›˙ÂÙ·È Ë ÚfiıÂÛË ·‡ÍË-Û˘ Ù˘ ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ·Ú¤Ì‚·Û˘ ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ ÙÔ˘ "‰ËÌÔÎÚ·ÙÈ-ÎÔ‡ ÚÔÁÚ¿ÌÌ·ÙÔ˜ ·Ó¿Ù˘Í˘". ∂›Û˘, ÂÈÎÚ›ÓÂÙ·È ¤ÓÙÔÓ· Ë ÌÔÓÂÙ·-ÚÈÛÙÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÂÓÒ ‰È·Ê·›ÓÂÙ·È Ë ÚfiıÂÛË ÂÊ·ÚÌÔÁ‹˜ ÌÈ·˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜Ô˘ ¤¯ÂÈ Û˘ÛÙ·ÙÈο ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹˜.

∆Ô fiÙÈ Â›¯·Ó Á›ÓÂÈ ·Ô‰ÂÎÙ¿ Ù· ÔʤÏË Ù˘ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ‰ÂÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ ı· Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ÂÊ·ÚÌfi˙ÂÙ·È Û fiϘ ÙȘ ηٷÛÙ¿ÛÂȘ. °È' ·˘-Ùfi ı· Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ‰ÈÂÚ¢ÓËı› ÚÒÙ· Â¿Ó ‹Ù·Ó ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ÙfiÛÔ ˘„ËÏ‹Ë ·ÓÂÚÁ›· ÛÙËÓ ·Ú¯‹ Ù˘ ÂÍÂÙ·˙fiÌÂÓ˘ ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘, ÒÛÙ ӷ ‰ÈηÈÔÏÔÁ›-Ù·È Ë ‰Ú·ÛÙÈ΋ ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ Î·È ÙÔ˘ ¯Ú¤Ô˘˜ ˆ˜ ̤-ÛÔÓ ÂÓ›Û¯˘Û˘ Ù˘ Û˘ÓÔÏÈ΋˜ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘. ™‡Ìʈӷ Ì ٷ ‰È·ı¤ÛÈÌ· ÛÙÔÈ-¯Â›·,6 Ë ·ÓÂÚÁ›· ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ·Ó‹Ïı ¿Óˆ ÙÔ˘ 2% ÌÂÙ¿ ÙÔ 1980, ÙÔ1985 ·˘Í‹ıËΠÛÙÔ 7,8%, ÙÔ 1990 Î˘Ì¿ÓıËΠÁ‡Úˆ ÛÙÔ 7%, ÂÓÒ ÙÔ 1993-4 ˘ÂÚ·ÎÔÓÙ›ÛıËΠÛÙÔ 9,7%. ∆ËÓ ›‰È· fï˜ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô, ÙÔ ‰ËÌfiÛÈÔ ¤Ï-ÏÂÈÌÌ· ·ÓÂÚ¯fiÙ·Ó ÙÔ 1985 ÛÙÔ 14% ÂÚ›Ô˘ ÙÔ˘ ∞∂¶, ÙÔ 1990 ÛÙÔ16,4% Î·È ÙÔ 1993 ÛÙÔ 19,1%. ¢ËÏ·‰‹, ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ ÌÈ· "·ÓٛʷÛË" Ù˘ ∂Ï-ÏËÓÈ΋˜ Ú·ÁÌ·ÙÈÎfiÙËÙ·˜ Ì ÙËÓ ÚfiÙ·ÛË ÙÔ˘ Keynes. ∂ÓÒ Ô Keynes›¯Â Û˘ÛÙ‹ÛÂÈ ·‡ÍËÛË ÙÔ˘ ‰ËÌÔÛ›Ô˘ ¯Ú¤Ô˘˜ ÌÂÙ¿ ·fi ·‡ÍËÛË Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚ-Á›·˜ Û ÌÂÁ¿ÏÔ ‡„Ô˜, ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ·˘Í‹ıËΠÙÔ ‰ËÌfiÛÈÔ ¯Ú¤Ô˜ ¯ˆÚ›˜Ó· ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ ÂÈÙ·ÎÙÈ΋ ›ÂÛË ·fi ˘„ËÏ‹ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·. ∫·È fi¯È ÌfiÓÔ ·˘Ùfi,ÂÓÒ ·˘Í‹ıËΠÙÔ ‡„Ô˜ ÙÔ˘ ‰ËÌÔÛ›Ô˘ ¯Ú¤Ô˘˜, Ë ·ÓÂÚÁ›· ·˘Í‹ıËΠ·ÓÙ›Ó· ÌÂȈı› ‰Â›¯ÓÔÓÙ·˜ fiÙÈ Ô ÔÏÏ·Ï·ÛÈ·ÛÙ‹˜ ‰·¿Ó˘ ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜‰ÂÓ ‹Ù·Ó ÙfiÛÔ "ÈÛ¯˘Úfi˜" fiÛÔ ·Ó·ÌÂÓfiÙ·Ó, ·ÊÔ‡ Ì¿ÏÏÔÓ ÂÓ›Û¯˘Â Ù· ÂÈ-

60 AÓ·ÛÙ¿ÛÈÔ˜ ¢ . K·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘

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ÛÔ‰‹Ì·Ù· ÙˆÓ ¿ÏÏˆÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ. ∏ "·ÚÂÓ¤ÚÁÂÈ·" ·˘Ù‹ ÙÔ˘ ÔÏÏ·Ï·ÛÈ·-ÛÙ‹ ‹Ù·Ó ÁÓˆÛÙ‹ ·fi ÙËÓ ÂÔ¯‹ ÙÔ˘ ÚˆÙÂÚÁ¿ÙË Ù˘, ÙÔ˘ Richard Kahn(1931, ÛÛ. 12-3), Ô˘ ÂÈÛ‹Ì·ÓÂ Î·È ÚÔÂȉÔÔ›ËÛ fiÙÈ Ë ·‡ÍËÛË Ù˘··Û¯fiÏËÛ˘ ·fi ÙȘ ‰ËÌfiÛȘ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ, Â›Ó·È ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚË, fiÛÔ ÌÈ-ÎÚfiÙÂÚË Â›Ó·È Ë ·Í›· ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ ·Á·ıÒÓ Ô˘ ÚÔ¤Ú¯ÔÓÙ·È ·fi ÙËÓ¤· ˙‹ÙËÛË (ÂÂÓ‰˘ÙÈ΋ Î·È Î·Ù·Ó·ÏˆÙÈ΋).

∞˜ ¤ÚıÔ˘Ì ÙÒÚ· Û ¤Ó· ¿ÏÏÔ Û˘ÛÙ·ÙÈÎfi ÛÙÔÈ¯Â›Ô Ù˘ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÙÔ˘Keynes. ∞˘Ùfi ·ÊÔÚ¿ ÙËÓ ÏËıˆÚÈÛÙÈ΋ Û˘Ó¤ÂÈ· Ù˘ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÂÓ›Û¯˘-Û˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ Î·È ÙË ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰fiÙËÛ‹ ÙÔ˘˜ Ì ÙËÓ ¤Î‰ÔÛËÓ¤Ô˘ ¯Ú‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ‹ Ì ‰ËÌfiÛÈÔ ‰·ÓÂÈÛÌfi. √ Keynes, ‹Ù·Ó Ôχ ÚÔÛÂÎÙÈ-Îfi˜ ÛÙËÓ ·ÚÔ˘Û›·ÛË Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÙÔ˘ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÂÈÛËÌ·›ÓÔÓÙ·˜fiÙÈ ‰Â ı· Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· Ô‰ËÁ‹ÛÂÈ Û ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌfi. '◊‰Ë ·fi ÙËÓ ÂÔ¯‹ Ô˘¤ÁÚ·Ê ÙÔ A Tract on Monetary Reform, (1923) ‹Ù·Ó ÂÓ¿ÓÙÈÔ˜ Û οıÂÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ô˘ ı· ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁÔ‡Û ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌfi Î·È ı· Âȉ›ӈÓ ÙÔ ÊÔÚÔ-ÏÔÁÈÎfi ‚¿ÚÔ˜ ÙˆÓ ·ÙfïÓ.7 ∞fi ÙÔ 1933 (‚Ï. 1933·, Û. 150) ›¯Â ÚÔÂÈ-‰ÔÔÈ‹ÛÂÈ fiÙÈ ÌÈ· ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ ÌÔÚ› Ó·¤¯ÂÈ ıÂÙÈο ·ÔÙÂϤÛÌ·Ù· ÛÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË Ù˘ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜ Î·È ÙË Ì›ˆÛËÙ˘ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜, ÌfiÓÔ Â¿Ó Ë ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· ‰ÂÓ Â›Ó·È ÏËÛ›ÔÓ ÙÔ˘ ÛËÌ›Ԣ Ù˘ϋÚÔ˘˜ ··Û¯fiÏËÛ˘. ™Â ·ÓÙ›ıÂÙË ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË, ÌÈ· Ù¤ÙÔÈ· ÔÏÈÙÈ΋-fiˆ˜ ·ӤϷ‚Â Î·È ·ÚÁfiÙÂÚ· (1936, ÛÛ. 291, 301)- ı· Ô‰ËÁ‹ÛÂÈ Û ·‡-ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ, ı· Â›Ó·È ‰ËÏ·‰‹ ÏËıˆÚÈÛÙÈ΋ Ì fiϘ ÙȘ ·ÚÓËÙÈΤ˜Û˘Ó¤ÂȘ. °È' ·˘Ùfi Î·È ÛÙËÓ ·Ú¯‹ ÙÔ˘ µ' ¶·ÁÎÔÛÌ›Ô˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘ ÁÚ¿ÊÔ-ÓÙ·˜ ÙÔ How to Pay for the War (1939-40, ÛÛ. 379-80) ÚfiÙÂÈÓ ÌÈ· Ô-ÏÈÙÈ΋ ÂϤÁ¯Ô˘ Î·È Ú‡ıÌÈÛ˘ Ù˘ Û˘ÓÔÏÈ΋˜ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘, ¤ÙÛÈ ÒÛÙ ӷ ÂÏÂÁ-¯ıÔ‡Ó ÔÈ ÏËıˆÚÈÛÙÈΤ˜ ȤÛÂȘ ÛÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·.

∏ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁ›·˜ ‰ËÌÔÛ›Ô˘ ÂÏÏ›ÌÌ·ÙÔ˜ Î·È ¯ÚË-Ì·ÙÔ‰fiÙËÛ‹˜ ÙÔ˘ Ì ÙË ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁ›· Ó¤Ô˘ ¯Ú‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ‹ Ì ÙËÓ ¤Î‰ÔÛË ÔÌÔ-ÏÔÁÈÒÓ, ›¯Â ˆ˜ ÙÂÏÈÎfi ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· ÁÈ· ÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË ÙÔ˘ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌÔ‡. ∏ ηٿÛÙ·ÛË ·˘Ù‹ ‹Ù·Ó ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· Ù˘ ˘ÂÚı¤ÚÌ·ÓÛ˘Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ Ô˘ ¿Ú¯ÈÛ Ì ÙËÓ ÂÂÎÙ·ÙÈ΋ ‰ËÌÔÛÈÔÓÔÌÈ΋ Î·È È-ÛÙˆÙÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ (·˘Í‹ÛÂȘ ‚Ú·¯˘¯ÚfiÓÈˆÓ ÈÛÙÒÛˆÓ) ÙÔ˘ 1975. √ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌfi˜ ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ "Û˘ÓÙÚfiÊ¢ÛÂ" ÙËÓ ÔÚ›· Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜-Ê·ÈÓfiÌÂÓÔ ÛÙ·ÛÈÌÔÏËıˆÚÈÛÌÔ‡- ·ÊÔ‡ ÙÔ ‰È¿ÛÙËÌ· 1974-1980 Î˘Ì¿Ó-ıËΠÛÙÔ 15,8 ÙÔ 1981-1990 ÛÙÔ 18,2 Î·È ÙÔ 1990-1994 ÌÂÈÒıËΠÛÙÔ14,4 (‚Ï. °ÂˆÚÁ·ÎfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜, 1995, Û. 128), ÂȂ‚·ÈÒÓÔÓÙ·˜ ¤ÙÛÈ ÙËÓ ÂÈ-ʇϷÍË Î·È ÚÔÂȉÔÔ›ËÛË ÙÔ˘ Keynes ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ÙÚÔÊÔ‰fiÙËÛË ÙÔ˘ ÏË-

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ıˆÚÈÛÌÔ‡ ·fi ÙȘ ‰ËÌfiÛȘ ‰·¿Ó˜.™˘ÓÂÒ˜, fiÏ· ‰Â›¯ÓÔ˘Ó fiÙÈ ‰ÂÓ ˘‹Ú¯·Ó ÛÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜

Ì·˜ ÙËÓ ÂÍÂÙ·˙fiÌÂÓË ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô, fiϘ ÔÈ ÂȉÈΤ˜ ÚÔ¸Ôı¤ÛÂȘ Ô˘ ›¯ÂÂÈÛËÌ¿ÓÂÈ Ô Keynes ¤ÙÛÈ ÒÛÙ ӷ ÂÊ·ÚÌÔÛı› ÌÈ· ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÂÓ›Û¯˘Û˘Ù˘ Û˘ÓÔÏÈ΋˜ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘ ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ ÙˆÓ ·˘Í·ÓfiÌÂÓˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ.∏ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÙfiÓˆÛ˘ Ù˘ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘ ·Ú' fiÏ· ·˘Ù¿ ˘ÈÔıÂÙ‹ıË-ÎÂ Î·È ÂÓÙ¿ıËΠ·fi ÙËÓ ÂÂÎÙ·ÙÈ΋ ÂÈÛÔ‰ËÌ·ÙÈ΋ (·˘Í‹ÛÂȘ ÌÈÛıÒÓ)ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ô˘ ¤Ï·‚ ¯ÒÚ· ΢ڛˆ˜ ÛÙȘ ·Ú¯¤˜ ÙȘ ‰ÂηÂÙ›·˜ 1980 fiÙ·Ó ÙÔÊ·ÈÓfiÌÂÓÔ ÙÔ˘ ÛÙ·ÛÈÌÔÏËıˆÚÈÛÌÔ‡ "ÂÁηٷÛÙ¿ıËÎÂ" ÛÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Ì·˜ Î·È Ë ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ‰ÂÓ ÌÔÚÔ‡Û ӷ ÂÈχÛÂÈ ÙÔÚfi‚ÏËÌ·.8 √È ·˘Í‹ÛÂȘ fï˜ ·˘Ù¤˜ ÙˆÓ ÌÈÛıÒÓ, Û ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚÔ ‡„Ô˜·fi ÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË Ù˘ ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈÎfiÙËÙ·˜, ÙÔ ·˘Í·ÓfiÌÂÓÔ ÎfiÛÙÔ˜ ¯ÚËÌ·-ÙÔ‰fiÙËÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂˆÓ Î·È ÔÈ ¿ÌÂÛÔÈ ¤ÏÂÁ¯ÔÈ Î·È Ú˘ıÌ›ÛÂȘ ‹Ù·Ó·fi ÙȘ ·Èٛ˜ Ô˘ Ì›ˆÛ·Ó ÙËÓ ·ÓÙ·ÁˆÓÈÛÙÈÎfiÙËÙ· ÙˆÓ ÂÏÏËÓÈÎÒÓÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ Î·È Î·Ù¤ÛÙËÛ·Ó ˙ËÌÈÔÁfiÓ˜ ·ÚÎÂÙ¤˜ ÂÏÏËÓÈΤ˜ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈΤ˜ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂȘ (¶··‰¿Î˘, 1986, ÛÛ. 18-9, 26-8, ∫Ô˘ÙÛÔ˘Ì¿Ú˘, 1996,ÛÛ. 34-5, 86).9 √È ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂȘ ·˘Ù¤˜ ·ÚÁfiÙÂÚ· ÂÚÈ‹Ïı·Ó ÛÙÔÓ ‰ËÌfiÛÈÔÙÔ̤· (΢ڛˆ˜ Û ÙÚ¿Â˙˜ ˘fi ÎÚ·ÙÈÎfi ¤ÏÂÁ¯Ô)- ·Ú¿ ÙËÓ ·ÓÙ›ıÂÛË ÔÈ-ÎÔÓÔÌÔÏfiÁˆÓ ·ÎfiÌË Î·È ∫¸ÓÛÈ·ÓÒÓ fiˆ˜ Ô ∞ÁÁÂÏfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜ (1986, ÛÛ.21,52-3)- Î·È ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁÒÓÙ·˜ ·Ó·ÔÙÂÏÂÛÌ·ÙÈο Î·È Û ηıÂÛÙÒ˜ ˘„Ë-ÏfiÙÂÚÔ˘ ÎfiÛÙÔ˘˜ (‚Ï. Bitros, 1998) ‰ËÌÈÔ‡ÚÁËÛ·Ó ÌÈ· ÂÈϤÔÓ ·ÈÌÔÚ-Ú·ÁÔ‡Û· ÏËÁ‹ ÁÈ· Ù· ¯Ú‹Ì·Ù· ÙˆÓ ÊÔÚÔÏÔÁÔ˘Ì¤ÓˆÓ.

2. K·Ù·Ó·ÏˆÙÈΤ˜ ‹ ÂÂÓ‰˘ÙÈΤ˜ ‰ËÌfiÛȘ ‰·¿Ó˜;

√ Keynes, "ÚÔ·Á¿Ó‰ÈÛÂ" (‚Ï. .¯. 1936, ÛÛ. 288-9), ÌÈ· ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÂÓ›Û¯˘Û˘ Ù˘ Û˘ÓÔÏÈ΋˜ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘ Ô˘ ÌÔÚ› Ó· ıˆÚËı› fiÙÈÏfiÁˆ Ù˘ ‰È‡ڢÓÛ˘ ÙÔ˘ ‰ËÌÔÛ›Ô˘ ÂÏÏ›ÌÌ·ÙÔ˜ ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ıËΠ·fi ÙȘ∂ÏÏËÓÈΤ˜ ΢‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛÂȘ. √ Keynes, ›¯Â ÛËÌÂÈÒÛÂÈ (1936, ÛÛ. 128-131,220), fiÙÈ ·ÎfiÌË Î·È Â¿Ó ¯ÔÚËÁÔ‡ÓÙ·È ‰ËÌfiÛȘ ÈÛÙÒÛÂȘ ÁÈ· ‰·¿Ó˜¯ˆÚ›˜ ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈÎfi ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· ‹ ¿ÌÂÛË ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË Ù˘ ¢ËÌÂÚ›·˜ (fiˆ˜.¯. ÁÈ· ÙÔ ¯Ù›ÛÈÌÔ ˘Ú·Ì›‰ˆÓ ‹ ÁÈ· Ó· ·ÓÔȯıÔ‡Ó Î·È Ó· ÛηÛıÔ‡ÓÙڇ˜ ÛÙÔ ¤‰·ÊÔ˜), ·˘Ù‹ Ë Ú·ÎÙÈ΋ ı· ‹Ù·Ó ·ÚÎÂÙ‹ ÁÈ· Ó· ÌÂÈÒÛÂÈ

62 AÓ·ÛÙ¿ÛÈÔ˜ ¢ . K·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘

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ÙËÓ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·.10 ∞Ó¤ÊÂÚ fï˜ ·˘Ù‹ ÙËÓ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË Ù˘ ·ÓÔ‡ÛÈ·˜ "Û·-Ù¿Ï˘" ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈÎÒÓ fiÚˆÓ,11 ÁÈ· ÙË Ì›ˆÛË Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜, ÁÈ· ‰‡Ô Ïfi-ÁÔ˘˜: (·) °È· Ó· ‰Â›ÍÂÈ fiÙÈ ·ÎfiÌË Î·È ·˘Ù‹ Ë ·Ï‹ Ú·ÎÙÈ΋ ÙÔ˘ ‰ËÌÔÛ›-Ô˘ ÙÔ̤· ÙËÓ ÔÔ›· ·ÓÙÈÏ·Ì‚¿ÓÂÙ·È ¿ÓÂÙ· Ô "ÎÔÈÓfi˜ ÓÔ˘˜" ÌÔÚ› Ó··Ô‰ÒÛÂÈ Î·ÚÔ‡˜. (‚) °È· Ó· ›ÛÂÈ ÙÔ˘˜ ÔÏÈÙÈÎÔ‡˜ Ô˘ ›¯·Ó ‰È··È-‰·ÁˆÁËı› Ì ÙËÓ "ÎÏ·ÛÈ΋ ·Ú¿‰ÔÛË" Î·È ıˆڛ· ÂÓ·ÓÙ›ÔÓ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔ-Û›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ, fiÙÈ ÌÈ· ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ‰È‡ڢÓÛ˘ ÙÔ˘ ÚÔ¸ÔÏÔÁÈÛÌÔ‡ ηȯÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰fiÙËÛ‹˜ ÙÔ˘ Ì ‰·ÓÂÈÛÌfi, ı· ¤¯ÂÈ ıÂÙÈο ·ÔÙÂϤÛÌ·Ù· ÛÙË Ì›-ˆÛË Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜. ªÂ ·˘Ùfi ÙÔ ·Ú¿‰ÂÈÁÌ·, ‰ÂÓ ‹ıÂÏ ӷ ˘Ô‰Â›ÍÂÈ ÙËÓÚ·ÎÙÈ΋ Ô˘ ı· Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ıËı›, ·ÏÏ¿ Ó· ‰Â›ÍÂÈ fiÙÈ ·ÎfiÌË Î·È·˘Ù‹ Ë ·Ú¿ÏÔÁË ‹ ÛηӉ·Ï҉˘ ÂÓ¤ÚÁÂÈ· ÌÔÚ› Ó· ·Ô‰ÒÛÂÈ Î·ÚÔ-‡˜ ÌÂÈÒÓÔÓÙ·˜ ÙËÓ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·.12

ªÂ ηӤӷ ÙÚfiÔ Ô Keynes ‰ÂÓ ·Ó¤ÊÂÚ ÙȘ ÂÚÈÙÒÛÂȘ Û·Ù¿ÏË˜ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ÂÛfi‰ˆÓ Ì ÛÎÔfi Ó· ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ıËıÔ‡Ó ˆ˜ ·Ú·‰Â›ÁÌ·Ù··fi ÙȘ ΢‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛÂȘ, ·ÏÏ¿ ·ÓÙ›ıÂÙ·, ·Ú·Ù‹ÚËÛ (1936, Û. 220), fiÙÈ ÌÈ·Ù¤ÙÔÈ· ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ‰ÂÓ ¤¯ÂÈ "ÏÔÁÈ΋" ‰ÈηÈÔÏÔÁ›· ÁÈ· ÌÈ· ÎÔÈÓˆÓ›·. °È· ÙÔÓÏfiÁÔ ·˘Ùfi ›¯Â ÂÈÛËÌ¿ÓÂÈ Ì ¤ÌÊ·ÛË (1931·, Û. 144), fiÙÈ ÙÔ ‰È¢ڢÓfi-ÌÂÓÔ ÙÌ‹Ì· ÙÔ˘ ‰ËÌÔÛ›Ô˘ ¯Ú¤Ô˘˜ ı· Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ‰··Ó¿Ù·È Û ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈ-Τ˜ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ Î·È fi¯È Û ηٷӷψÙÈÎÔ‡˜ ÛÎÔÔ‡˜ (.¯. ‰ÒÚÔ ÛÙÔ˘˜ ‚Â-ÙÂÚ¿ÓÔ˘˜ ÙÔ˘ ÔϤÌÔ˘). 'ŒÓ· ·Ú¿‰ÂÈÁÌ· ·˘Ù‹˜ Ù˘ Ô˘ÛÈ·ÛÙÈ΋˜ ı¤Û˘ÙÔ˘ Â›Ó·È Ë Û˘Ì‚Ô˘Ï‹ ÙÔ˘ ÚÔ˜ ÙÔÓ ¶Úfi‰ÚÔ ÙˆÓ ∏.¶.∞. F. Roosevelet.™Â ·ÓÔÈÎÙ‹ ÙÔ˘ ÂÈÛÙÔÏ‹ Ô˘ ‰ËÌÔÛȇıËΠÛÙÔ˘˜ New York Times, ÙËÓ·Ú·ÌÔÓ‹ Ù˘ ¶ÚˆÙÔ¯ÚÔÓÈ¿˜ ÙÔ˘ 1933 (1933‚, ÛÛ.33-4, 36) ÙÔÓ ÚÔ¤-ÙÚ ӷ ·˘Í‹ÛÂÈ ÙȘ ‰ËÌfiÛȘ ‰·¿Ó˜ ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ ÂÓfi˜ ÂÏÏÂÈÌÌ·ÙÈÎÔ‡ÚÔ¸ÔÏÔÁÈÛÌÔ‡ Ì ·ÒÙÂÚÔ ÛÙfi¯Ô ÙËÓ ÂÓ›Û¯˘ÛË Ù˘ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘ Î·È Ù˘··Û¯fiÏËÛ˘, Î·È Î·Ù¤ÏËÁ ÛËÌÂÈÒÓÔÓÙ·˜: "∂›Ó·È ¤Ú·Ó Ù˘ ‰ÈηÈÔ‰Ô-Û›·˜ ÌÔ˘ Ó· ÂÈϤ͈ Û˘ÁÎÂÎÚÈ̤ÓÔ˘˜ ÛÎÔÔ‡˜ ÙˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ. ¶ÚÔÙ›ÌË-ÛË fï˜ ı· Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ‰Ôı› Û ÂΛÓÔ˘˜ Ô˘ ÌÔÚ› ÁÚ‹ÁÔÚ· Ó· ÂÎÏË-ÚˆıÔ‡Ó Û ÌÂÁ¿ÏË Îϛ̷η, fiˆ˜ ÁÈ· ·Ú¿‰ÂÈÁÌ·, Ë ·ÔηٿÛÙ·ÛË ÙË˜Ê˘ÛÈ΋˜ ηٿÛÙ·Û˘ ÙˆÓ ÛȉËÚÔ‰ÚfïÓ".13

√ Keynes ÂÓ·ÓÙÈÒıËΠԢÛÈ·ÛÙÈο ÛÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ Î·Ù·Ó·ÏˆÙÈÎÒÓ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ ÁÈ· ‰‡Ô ÛËÌ·ÓÙÈÎÔ‡˜ ÏfiÁÔ˘˜: (·) ÏfiÁˆ ÙˆÓ ÙÔÎÔ-¯ÚÂÔÏ˘Û›ˆÓ ·˘Í¿ÓÂÙ·È ÙÔ ‰ËÌfiÛÈÔ ¯Ú¤Ô˜ ·ÊÔ‡ Ë "·Ô‰ÔÙÈÎfiÙËÙ·" ÙˆÓ‰··ÓÒÓ ·˘ÙÒÓ Â›Ó·È ÌÈÎÚ‹14 Î·È (‚) ÔÈ ÔÏÏ·Ï·ÛÈ·ÛÙÈΤ˜ ÂȉڿÛÂÈ˜Â›Ó·È ÌÈÎÚfiÙÂÚ˘ ¤ÓÙ·Û˘. ø˜ ÚÔ˜ ÙÔÓ ‰Â‡ÙÂÚÔ ·˘Ùfi ÏfiÁÔ, ›¯Â Ì ۷-Ê‹ÓÂÈ· ÂÈÛËÌ¿ÓÂÈ (1936, ÛÛ. 286-7) fiÙÈ, Ë ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ ÙÔ˘ ÔÏÏ·Ï·ÛÈ·-

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ÛÙ‹ ‰··ÓÒÓ, ÂÂÓ¤ÚÁÂÈ· Ù˘ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ Ù˘ ·ÔÙÂÏÂÛÌ·ÙÈ΋˜ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘ÛÙËÓ ··Û¯fiÏËÛË, ÂÍ·ÚÙ¿Ù·È ·fi ÙÔ Â›‰Ô˜ ÙˆÓ ·Á·ıÒÓ Ô˘ ·ÊÔÚ¿ Ë·‡ÍËÛË Ù˘ ÂÓÂÚÁÔ‡ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘. 'ŸÛÔ ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚ˘ ÂÏ·ÛÙÈÎfiÙËÙ·˜ ˆ˜ ÚÔ˜ÙËÓ ··Û¯fiÏËÛË Â›Ó·È Ë ·˘Í·ÓfiÌÂÓË ˙‹ÙËÛË ÙˆÓ ·Á·ıÒÓ, ÙfiÛÔ ÌÂÁ·Ï‡-ÙÂÚÔ˜ Ô ÔÏÏ·Ï·ÛÈ·ÛÙ‹˜ Î·È ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚË Ë Â›‰Ú·ÛË ÛÙË ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹ Ù˘··Û¯fiÏËÛ˘. ªÂ ¿ÏÏ· ÏfiÁÈ·, Â¿Ó ·˘ÍËı› Ë ˙‹ÙËÛË ÁÈ· ı·ÙÚÈο ¤ÚÁ·ÁÈ·Ù› ÂȯÔÚËÁ‹ıËÎÂ Ë ·Ú¿ÛÙ·ÛË ·fi ÙÔ ÎÚ¿ÙÔ˜, ·˘Ùfi ı· Ô‰ËÁ‹ÛÂÈ ÛÂÌÈÎÚfiÙÂÚË ·‡ÍËÛË Ù˘ ··Û¯fiÏËÛ˘ Û˘ÁÎÚÈÙÈο Ì ·˘Ù‹Ó Ô˘ ı· ›¯ÂÂÈÙ¢¯ı› Â¿Ó Ë ‰ËÌfiÛÈ· ·˘Ù‹ ‰·¿ÓË Â›¯Â ¯ÚËÛÈÌÔÔÈËı› ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ·Ó¤-ÁÂÚÛË ÂÓfi˜ Û¯ÔÏ›Ԣ.15 °È· ÙÔ˘˜ ÏfiÁÔ˘˜ ·˘ÙÔ‡˜, Û ۯ¤ÛË Ì ÙÔ "›‰Ô˜"ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ, ÚfiÙÂÈÓ (1931·), Ì ۷ʋÓÂÈ· Î·È ÏÂÙÔÌÂ-ÚÒ˜ Û˘ÁÎÂÎÚÈ̤ӷ ‰ËÌfiÛÈ· ¤ÚÁ· ˘Ô‰ÔÌ‹˜ Ô˘ ı· ·˘Í‹ÛÔ˘Ó ÙËÓ ·Ú·-ÁˆÁÈÎfiÙËÙ· Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ (.¯. ηٷÛ΢‹ Î·È ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ÙÔ˘ ÛȉËÚÔ-‰ÚÔÌÈÎÔ‡ Î·È Ô‰ÈÎÔ‡ ‰ÈÎÙ‡Ô˘, ηٷÛ΢‹ ÂÚÁ·ÙÈÎÒÓ Î·ÙÔÈÎÈÒÓ, ÎÙÏ.).16

∆ËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ Î·È ÙË ¯ÚËÛÈÌÔÔ›ËÛ‹ ÙÔ˘˜ ΢-Ú›ˆ˜ Û ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈÎÔ‡˜ Î·È fi¯È ηٷӷψÙÈÎÔ‡˜ ÛÎÔÔ‡˜ ‹ ÛÎÔÔ‡˜ Ô-Ï˘ÙÂÏ›·˜, ÚfiÙÂÈÓ·Ó Î·È ˘ÔÛÙ‹ÚÈÍ·Ó, ÂÓÛÙÂÚÓÈ˙fiÌÂÓÔÈ ÙËÓ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ÔÏÈÙÈ΋, ÁÓˆÛÙÔ› ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÔÏfiÁÔÈ fiˆ˜ Ô Hansen (1941, ÛÛ. 90-2), Ô Fri-edman (1948, Û. 136), Ô Samuelson (1951, ÛÛ. 1272-5), Î.¿. ∞˜ ‰Ô‡Ì ÙÒ-Ú· Â¿Ó ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ Ì ÙËÓ ˘¤ÚÔÁÎË ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓÏ‹ÊıËÎ·Ó ˘fi„Ë ÔÈ ·Ú·¿Óˆ Û˘Ì‚Ô˘Ï¤˜ Î·È ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂȘ.

∏ ‰È¿ÚıÚˆÛË ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ‰Â›¯ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ"ÚÔÙÈÌ‹ıËηÓ" ÔÈ Î·Ù·Ó·ÏˆÙÈΤ˜ ‰·¿Ó˜ Û ‚¿ÚÔ˜ ÙˆÓ ÂÂÓ‰˘ÙÈÎÒÓ(¶ÚÔ‚fiÔ˘ÏÔ˜, 1981, ÛÛ. 34-5, 92-4, ÃÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜, 1990, Û. 410, ™·Ú·ÓÙ›-‰Ë˜, 1997). µ¿ÛÂÈ ÙˆÓ ÛÙÔȯ›ˆÓ Ô˘ ¤¯Ô˘Ì ÛÙË ‰È¿ıÂÛ‹ Ì·˜,17 Ô ÏfiÁÔ˜Ù˘ ‰ËÌfiÛÈ·˜ ηٷӿψÛ˘ ÚÔ˜ ÙȘ ‰ËÌfiÛȘ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ ·Á›Ô˘ ÎÂÊ·-Ï·›Ô˘ ·fi 1,8 ÂÚ›Ô˘ ÙÔ 1970 ·Ó‹Ïı Û 3,10 ÙÔ 1980 Î·È Û 4,05 ÙÔ1990 ÁÈ· Ó· ‚ÚÂı› ÙÔ 1994 ÂÚ›Ô˘ ÛÙÔ 3,3. ∆· ÛÙÔȯ›· ·˘Ù¿ ‰Â›¯ÓÔ˘ÓÔÏÔοı·Ú· fiÙÈ ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô Ù˘ ÌÂÁ¿Ï˘ ÂÈÛÚÔ‹˜ ÂÚÁ·Û›·˜ ÛÙÔÓ ‰ËÌfiÛÈÔÙÔ̤· ·˘Í‹ıËÎÂ Ë Î·Ù·Ó¿ÏˆÛË Î·È ÌÂÈÒıËÎÂ Ë ÂÂÓ‰˘ÙÈ΋ ÙÔ˘ ‰Ú·ÛÙË-ÚÈfiÙËÙ·: ∏ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Û ϿıÔ˜ ÂÊ·ÚÌÔÁ‹. ∞ÎfiÌË Î·È ¤Ó·˜ıÂÚÌfi˜ ˘ÔÛÙËÚÈÎÙ‹˜ ÙÔ˘ Keynes, Ô ∞ÁÁÂÏfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜, ÙfiÓÈ˙ Ì ¤ÌÊ·ÛË(1986, ÛÛ. 64,159, 165,169), fiÙÈ Ë ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ÂÈ-ÛÙÚ¤„ÂÈ ÛÙȘ Ú›˙˜ Ù˘ Î·È ÔÈ ‰ËÌfiÛȘ ‰·¿Ó˜ Ó· ηÙ¢ı‡ÓÔÓÙ·È ÛÂÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ ÌÂÁ¿ÏˆÓ ¤ÚÁˆÓ ˘Ô‰ÔÌ‹˜ Ô˘ ·˘Í¿ÓÔ˘Ó ÙËÓ ·Ô‰ÔÙÈÎfiÙËÙ·ÙˆÓ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂˆÓ Î·È fi¯È Û "ηٷӷψÙÈΤ˜ ۷ٿϘ".

64 AÓ·ÛÙ¿ÛÈÔ˜ ¢ . K·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘

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∏ "ÚÔÙ›ÌËÛË" ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ Î·Ù·Ó·ÏˆÙÈÎÒÓ Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ Î·È fi¯ÈÙˆÓ ÂÂÓ‰˘ÙÈÎÒÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ, ÛÙËÓ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Ì·˜,‰ÂÓ Â›Ó·È ‚¤‚·È· ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· ÙÔ˘ ÓfiÌÔ˘ ÙÔ˘ Engel, fiÔ˘ Ì ÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛËÙÔ˘ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ·˘Í¿ÓÔÓÙ·È ÔÈ ‰·¿Ó˜ ÔÏ˘ÙÂÏ›·˜ ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ ÙˆÓ ·Ó·-Áη›ˆÓ. ∂›Ó·È ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· Ù˘ ›‰Ú·Û˘ ÙÔ˘ ÔÏÈÙÈÎÔ‡ ·ÎÏÔ˘ ÛÙˉȷÌfiÚʈÛË ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ, ÌÈ· ›‰Ú·ÛË Ô˘ ÂÈÛËÌ¿ÓıËηfi ¤Ó·Ó ·fi ÙÔ˘˜ ÚˆÙÂÚÁ¿Ù˜ Ù˘ ·ÚÂÌ‚·ÙÈ΋˜ ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ-΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÙÔÓ Kalecki (1943) Î·È ·Ó·Ï‡ıËΠ·ÚΤÛÙÂÚ· ·fi ÙÔÓNordhaus (1975). ™‡Ìʈӷ Ì ·˘Ù‹ ÙËÓ ÂÚÌËÓ¢ÙÈ΋ ÚÔÛ¤ÁÁÈÛË Ù˘ÂÈÏÔÁ‹˜ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ ·fi ÙȘ ΢‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛÂȘ Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Ì·˜,ÚÔÙÈÌÔ‡ÓÙ·È ÔÈ ‰·¿Ó˜ Ô˘ ÌÔÚÔ‡Ó Ó· "ÂÏ·ÛÔ˘Ó" ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚÔ·ÚÈıÌfi „ËÊÔÊfiÚˆÓ.18 √È ‰·¿Ó˜ ‰ËÏ·‰‹, Ô˘ Â›Ó·È ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔ ÂÌ-Ê·Ó›˜ Î·È ‚Ú·¯˘¯ÚfiÓÈ·˜ ¯Ú‹Û˘, fiˆ˜ ÔÈ ‰·¿Ó˜ ÁÈ· "¿ÚÙÔ Î·È ı¿-Ì·Ù·" Î·È ÁÈ· ÚÔÛÏ‹„ÂȘ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ˘·ÏϋψÓ. ∆Ô fiÙÈ ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ıËη˘Ù‹ Ë ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ·Ô‰ÂÈÎÓ‡ÂÙ·È ·fi ÙÔÓ ÏfiÁÔ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓÚÔ˜ ÙÔ ∞∂¶, fiÔ˘ ηٿ ÙË ‰È¿ÚÎÂÈ· ÙˆÓ ÚÔÂÎÏÔÁÈÎÒÓ ÂÚÈfi‰ˆÓ ·˘-Í·ÓfiÙ·Ó ÏfiÁˆ Ù˘ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ Ó¤ˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ˘·ÏÏ‹ÏˆÓ Î·È Î·Ù·Ó·Ïˆ-ÙÈÎÒÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ.19

'ŸÏ· ‰Â›¯ÓÔ˘Ó fiÙÈ Ë ·ÓÂÚÁ›· ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ıËΠӷ ÂÏÂÁ¯ıÂ›Î·È Ó· ÌÂȈı› ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ Ù˘ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ Ù˘ ÁÚ·ÊÂÈÔÎÚ·Ù›·˜, Ô˘ ‹Ù·Ó·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· Î·È fi¯È ·ÈÙ›·- fiˆ˜ ÔÚı¿ ›¯Â ÙÔÓ›ÛÂÈ Ô von Mises (1944, Û.30)- Ù˘ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ Ù˘ ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋˜ ·Ú¤Ì‚·Û˘ ÛÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ˙ˆ‹. °È··Ú¿‰ÂÈÁÌ·, ·fi Ù· ÛÙÔȯ›· Ù˘ ÔÛÔÛÙÈ·›·˜ Û˘ÌÌÂÙÔ¯‹˜ Ù˘ ··Û¯fi-ÏËÛ˘ ηٿ ÎÏ¿‰Ô ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ·˜, Ê·›ÓÂÙ·È fiÙÈ Ë ··-Û¯fiÏËÛË ÛÙÔ ‰ËÌfiÛÈÔ ÙÔ̤· ·˘Í‹ıËΠ·fi 23% ÂÚ›Ô˘ ÙÔ 1975 Û 27%ÙÔ 1983 (¶·˘ÏfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜, 1986, Û. 252). ¢Â Û˘Ó·ÓÙ‹Û·Ì fï˜ ÛÙË ‰ÈÂÚ‡-ÓËÛË ÙˆÓ ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂˆÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÙˆÓ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·ÓÒÓ, ÙËÓ Úfi-Ù·ÛË ·‡ÍËÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ˘·ÏÏ‹ÏˆÓ Ì ·ÔÎÏÂÈÛÙÈÎfi ÛÙfi¯Ô ÙË Ì›-ˆÛË Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜. °È· ·Ú¿‰ÂÈÁÌ·, ÛÙÔ ÂÚ›ÊËÌÔ "Ì·ÓÈʤÛÙÔ" ÔÈÎÔÓÔ-ÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÙˆÓ ¤ÓÙ ÁÓˆÛÙÒÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÔÏfiÁˆÓ Despres, Friedman,Hart, Samuleson, Wallace (1950) ‰ÂÓ ·Ó·Ê¤ÚÂÙ·È Ô˘ıÂÓ¿ ·ÚfiÌÔÈ·ÚfiÙ·ÛË Ì›ˆÛ˘ Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜. ∞ÓÙ›ıÂÙ· Ì¿ÏÈÛÙ·, ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ Ë Û·Ê‹˜ÚÔÂȉÔÔ›ËÛË (1950, ÛÛ. 420-1, 423) Ù˘ ÌË ·‡ÍËÛ˘ ÙÔ˘ ‰ËÌÔÛ›Ô˘ ÙÔ-̤· ¯¿ÚÈÓ Ù˘ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜. ∞ÎfiÌË Î·È ÔÈ "·ÚÈÛÙÂÚÔ›" ÏÂÁfiÌÂ-ÓÔÈ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·ÓÔ›, fiˆ˜ Ô Abba Lerner (1943, 1974), fi¯È ÌfiÓÔ ‰Â Û˘Ó¤ÛÙË-Û ·ÚfiÌÔÈÔ Ì¤ÙÚÔ fiˆ˜ ·˘Ùfi Ô˘ ¯ÚËÛÈÌÔÔÈ‹ıËΠÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜, ·Ï-

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Ï¿ ÂÓ·ÓÙÈÒıËΠÛÙËÓ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÂÓ›Û¯˘Û˘ ÙˆÓ "ÔÏ˘ÙÂÏÒÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰·-·ÓÒÓ". ™ÙÔÓ ›‰ÈÔ ÙfiÓÔ, ·ÎfiÌË Î·È ·ÎÚ·›ÔÈ "·ÚÈÛÙÂÚÔ› ∫¸ÓÛÈ·ÓÔ›" ηÈÛÔÛÈ·ÏÈÛÙ¤˜,20 Êı¿ÓÔ˘Ó Ó· ÚÔÙ›ÓÔ˘Ó ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÎÔÔÈ‹ÛÂȘ ‚·ÛÈÎÒÓ ·-Ú·ÁˆÁÈÎÒÓ ‰È·‰ÈηÛÈÒÓ, ·ÏÏ¿ fi¯È ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ˘·ÏϋψÓ̤¯ÚÈ ÛËÌ›Ԣ Ì›ˆÛ˘, ¤ˆ˜ ÂÎÌˉ¤ÓÈÛ˘, Ù˘ ÔÚȷ΋˜ ÙÔ˘˜ ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈ-ÎfiÙËÙ·˜.

™˘ÓÂÒ˜, Ë ÚˆÙÔÙ˘›· Î·È ÚˆÙÔÔÚ›· ÁÈ· ÌË ÎÔÌÌÔ˘ÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÔÈ-ÎÔÓÔÌ›·, ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ù˘ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ˘·ÏÏ‹ÏˆÓ ¯¿ÚÈÓ Ù˘Ì›ˆÛ˘ Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜, ·Ó‹ÎÂÈ ÛÙȘ ∂ÏÏËÓÈΤ˜ ΢‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛÂȘ Ô˘ ˘ÈÔı¤ÙË-Û·Ó ·˘Ùfi ÙÔ Ì¤ÙÚÔ ‚Ú·¯˘¯ÚfiÓÈ·˜ ·Ó·ÎÔ‡ÊÈÛ˘ Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜ Î·È Ì·ÎÚÔ-¯ÚfiÓÈ·˜ ηٷÛÙÚÔÊ‹˜ fi¯È ÌfiÓÔ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈ΋˜ ηÈËıÈ΋˜ (ÁÚ·ÊÂÈÔÎÚ·Ù›·, ·Ú·ÓƠ̂˜, ‰È·ÊıÔÚ¿).

∂ÎÙfi˜ fï˜ ·fi ·˘Ù‹ ÙËÓ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ô˘ ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ıËΠÛÙËÓ ÂÈÏÔÁ‹ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ ˆ˜ "̤ÛÔ" Ì›ˆÛ˘ Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜ Î·È Ë ÔÔ›· ÛÂÙ›ÔÙ· ‰Â ı˘Ì›˙ÂÈ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó¤˜ ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂȘ, ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ˘ÈÔıÂÙ‹ıËÎÂÎ·È ÌÈ· ¿ÏÏË Ô˘ Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ¯·Ú·ÎÙËÚÈÛı› ˆ˜ ·ÓÙ›-∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹. ∂ÓÒ Ôȉ·¿Ó˜ ÁÂÓÈ΋˜ ‰ÈÔ›ÎËÛ˘ ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ‹Ù·Ó ˘„ËÏfiÙÂÚ˜ ηٿ 50%·fi ÙÔ Ì¤ÛÔ fiÚÔ ÙˆÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ Ù˘ ∂ӈ̤Ó˘ ∂˘ÚÒ˘ (∂.∂.) Î·È ·˘ÙfiÏfiÁˆ ÙÔ˘ ÌÂÁ¿ÏÔ˘ ·ÚÈıÌÔ‡ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ˘·ÏϋψÓ, ÔÈ ‰·¿Ó˜ ÁÈ·ÙËÓ ·È‰Â›· ˆ˜ ÔÛÔÛÙfi ÙÔ˘ ∞∂¶ ‹Ù·Ó ÔÈ ÌÈÎÚfiÙÂÚ˜ (°ÂˆÚÁ·ÎfiÔ˘-ÏÔ˜, 1997, Û. 37, Hadjidema, 1998, ÛÛ. 7-8).21 ∫·È Â‰Ò Ë ÂÏÏËÓÈ΋ ÔÈÎÔ-ÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ¤Ú¯ÂÙ·È Û ·ÓÙ›ıÂÛË Ì ÙÔÓ Keynes (1931·, Û. 146), ÔÔÔ›Ô˜ ÏÔȉfiÚËÛ ¤ÓÙÔÓ· ÙËÓ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ù˘ ∞ÁÁÏÈ΋˜ ΢‚¤ÚÓËÛ˘ Ô˘ÌÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÎÚ›ÛË ÙÔ˘ 1929 ·ÔÊ¿ÛÈÛ ӷ ÂÚÈÎfi„ÂÈ ÙȘ ·ÌÔÈ-‚¤˜ ÙˆÓ ‰·ÛÎ¿ÏˆÓ ˆ˜ ̤ÙÚÔ Ì›ˆÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ.

∏ ‚Ú·¯˘¯ÚfiÓÈ· ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ù˘ "ÂÈÏÂÎÙÈ΋˜" ·‡ÍËÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ‰··ÓÒÓ ÁÈ· ÛÎÔÈÌfiÙËÙ˜ Ô˘ ‰Â Û˘ÓÂÚÁÔ‡Ó ·ÔÊ·ÛÈÛÙÈο ÛÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔ-ÓÔÌÈ΋ ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍË Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Ì·˜, ‰Â›¯ÓÂÈ ÙË ‰˘Ó·ÙfiÙËÙ· ÌÈ·˜ ÔÌ¿‰·˜·ÙfiÌˆÓ Ó· Â›Ó·È Û ı¤ÛË Ó· ÂÈ‚¿ÏÏÂÈ ÙȘ "·ÙÔÌÈΤ˜ Ù˘ ÚÔÙÈÌ‹ÛÂȘ"ÛÙËÓ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ô˘ ı· ¯·Ú¿ÍÂÈ ÙË ÌÂÏÏÔÓÙÈ΋ ¢ËÌÂÚ›· ÌÈ·˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜.22

°È· ÙË ‰˘Ó·ÙfiÙËÙ· ·˘Ù‹ Î·È ÙȘ ·ÚÓËÙÈΤ˜ Ù˘ Û˘Ó¤ÂȘ ›¯·Ó ÚÔÂȉÔ-ÔÈ‹ÛÂÈ ÔÈ Ô·‰Ô› Ù˘ ÂÓÈÛ¯˘Ì¤Ó˘ ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋˜ ·Ú¤Ì‚·Û˘. ∞fi ÙË ‰Âη-ÂÙ›· ÙÔ˘ 1940, ÔÈ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÔÏfiÁÔÈ (‚Ï. .¯. Beveridge, 1944, Û. 22, Bach,1949, Û. 254), ›¯·Ó ÂÈÛËÌ¿ÓÂÈ ÙÔ˘˜ ÎÈÓ‰‡ÓÔ˘˜ Ó· ηıÔÚ›˙ÂÙ·È ‹ Ó·ÂËÚ¿˙ÂÙ·È Ë ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÌÈ·˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜ ·fi ‰È¿ÊÔÚ˜ ÔÌ¿‰Â˜›ÂÛ˘ Î·È ÔÚÁ·ÓˆÌ¤ÓˆÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ Î·È ÔÏÈÙÈÎÒÓ Û˘ÌÊÂÚfiÓÙˆÓ.

66 AÓ·ÛÙ¿ÛÈÔ˜ ¢ . K·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘

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∂›Û˘, Î·È ·˘Ùfi Â›Ó·È ÙÔ Ï¤ÔÓ ·ÓËÛ˘¯ËÙÈÎfi ÁÈ· ÙË ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ›· Ù˘ ‰Ë-ÌÔÎÚ·ÙÈ΋˜ Ì·˜ ÎÔÈÓˆÓ›·˜, Ô Keynes (1936, Û. 374), ›¯Â ÂÈÛËÌ¿ÓÂÈ ÙÔÓΛӉ˘ÓÔ ÔÌ¿‰Â˜ ·ÙfiÌˆÓ Ó· ÂȉÈÒÎÔ˘Ó Î·È Ó· ÂÈÙ˘Á¯¿ÓÔ˘Ó "ÏÔ‡ÙÔ"Î·È "ÂÍÔ˘Û›·". ¢Â Ê·›ÓÂÙ·È fï˜- fiˆ˜ ‰Â›¯ÓÔ˘Ó ÔÈ ‰È¿ÊÔÚ˜ ÂÌÂÈÚÈ-Τ˜ ηٷÛÙ¿ÛÂȘ- fiÙÈ ¤Ï·‚·Ó ˘fi„Ë ÙÔ˘˜ ÙȘ ÚÔÂȉÔÔÈ‹ÛÂȘ ·˘Ù¤˜ ÔÈۯ‰ȷÛÙ¤˜ Î·È ˘Â‡ı˘ÓÔÈ Ù˘ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ Ù˘ ¤ÓÙÔÓ˘ ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋˜ ·Ú¤Ì‚·-Û˘ ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜.

∞fi ÙËÓ ·Ú·¿Óˆ ·Ó¿Ï˘ÛË ‰Â ı· ‹Ì·ÛÙ ̷ÎÚÈ¿ ·fi ÙËÓ Ú·ÁÌ·-ÙÈÎfiÙËÙ· Â¿Ó Û˘ÌÂÚ¿ÓÔ˘Ì fiÙÈ Ë ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰·-·ÓÒÓ Ô˘ ˘ÈÔıÂÙ‹ıËΠÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ÁÈ· ÙÔ ‰È¿ÛÙËÌ· 1975-1994, fi¯ÈÌfiÓÔ ¤Ú¯ÂÙ·È Û ·ÓÙ›ıÂÛË Ì ·˘Ù¿ Ô˘ Ú¤Û‚Â˘Â Î·È ˘ÔÛÙ‹ÚÈ˙Â Ô KeynesÁÂÓÈο ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ·Ó¿ÁÎË ÂÓ›Û¯˘Û˘ Ù˘ Û˘ÓÔÏÈ΋˜ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘, ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ·ÓÙÈ-ÛÙÚ·Ù¢fiÙ·Ó ÙÔ˘˜ ÛÙfi¯Ô˘˜ Ù˘.

3. ÕÏÏ· ̤ÙÚ· ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜

¶·Ú¿ ÙÔ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ fiÙÈ Ô Keynes ‰ÂÓ ‹Ù·Ó ˘¤Ú ÌÈ·˜ ‰Ú·ÛÙÈ΋˜ ÌÂÙ·-‚ÔÏ‹˜ ÙˆÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ ıÂÛÌÒÓ, ÂÓÙÔ‡ÙÔȘ, ˘ÔÛÙ‹ÚÈ˙ (1939-40, Û.375), fiÙÈ ı· ¤Ú ӷ ΢Úȷگ› ÌÈÎÚ‹ Î·È fi¯È ÌÂÁ¿ÏË ·ÓÈÛԉȷÓÔÌ‹ ÂÈ-ÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ Î·È ÏÔ‡ÙÔ˘.23 ∏ ı¤ÛË ÙÔ˘ ·˘Ù‹ ÛÙËÚÈ˙fiÙ·Ó ÛÙË ıˆڛ· ÙÔ˘(1936, ÛÛ. 94-5) fiÙÈ Ë ÌÂÁ¿ÏË ·ÓÈÛԉȷÓÔÌ‹ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ÌÂÈÒÓÂÈ ÙË ÚÔ-‹ ÚÔ˜ ηٷӿψÛË Î·È ÙË Û˘ÓÔÏÈ΋ ˙‹ÙËÛË. ™ÙËÓ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË ·˘Ù‹,ÌÈ· ·Ó·‰È·ÓÔÌ‹ ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ Ù˘ ÊÔÚÔÏÔÁ›·˜ ˘¤Ú ÙˆÓ ÊÙˆ¯ÒÓ ÌÔÚ› Ó··˘Í‹ÛÂÈ ÙË Û˘ÓÔÏÈ΋ ˙‹ÙËÛË. ∞˘Ù‹ fï˜ Ë ÔÏÈÙÈ΋, fiˆ˜ ·Ú·‰¤¯ÂÙ·È(1936, ÛÛ. 110-1), ÌfiÓÔ ÌÈÎÚ‹ ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹ ÛÙËÓ ÂÓÂÚÁfi ˙‹ÙËÛË ÌÔÚ› Ó·ÚÔηϤÛÂÈ (·ÚfiÌÔÈ·˜ ÈÛ¯‡Ô˜ Ì ·˘Ù‹ Ù˘ ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ÙfiÎÔ˘), ·ÊÔ‡ÂÂÓÂÚÁÔ‡Ó Î·È ¿ÏÏÔÈ ÛËÌ·ÓÙÈÎÔ› ‰È·ÊÔÚÂÙÈÎÔ› ·Ú¿ÁÔÓÙ˜ Ô˘ ÙËÓ Î·-ıÔÚ›˙Ô˘Ó (.¯. ÂÈÛfi‰ËÌ·, ÚÔÙÈÌ‹ÛÂȘ, ·ÓÂÍ·ÚÙËÛ›·, ÎÙÏ.).

∞ÓÙ›ıÂÙ· ÚÔ˜ ÙȘ ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂȘ ·˘Ù¤˜ ÙÔ˘ Keynes, ηٿ ÙËÓ ÏËıˆÚÈ-ÛÙÈ΋ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜, Ë Û˘ÌÌÂÙÔ¯‹ (¿ÌÂÛË Î·È ¤ÌÌÂÛË ÏfiÁˆ ÙÔ˘ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌÔ‡) ÙˆÓ ÌÈÛıˆÙÒÓ ÛÙË ÊÔÚÔÏÔÁ›· ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ‹Ù·Ó ˘„ËÏfi-ÙÂÚË ·fi ÙȘ ¿ÏϘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈΤ˜ ÔÌ¿‰Â˜ (∞ÁÁÂÏfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜, 1986, ÛÛ. 31,33,∞Á·ËÙfi˜, 1986, ÛÛ. 76-7, 94-5). ∂›Û˘, ÔÈ ÊÔÚÔÏÔÁÈÎÔ› Û˘ÓÙÂÏÂÛÙ¤˜

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 67

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Î˘Ì·›ÓÔÓÙ·Ó Û ˘„ËÏ¿ ›‰· ˆ˜ Û˘Ó¤ÂÈ· ÙˆÓ ÌÂÁ¿ÏˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰·-·ÓÒÓ ÂÈÙ›ÓÔÓÙ·˜ ÙÔÓ ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌfi Î·È Ô‰ËÁÒÓÙ·˜ Û ÊÔÚÔ‰È·Ê˘Á‹Î·È ·Ú·ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·.24 À¿Ú¯Ô˘Ó ‰ËÏ·‰‹ ÛÙÔȯ›·25 Ô˘ Ô‰ËÁÔ‡Ó ÛÙÔÛ˘Ì¤Ú·ÛÌ· fiÙÈ Ì¿ÏÏÔÓ ÁÈ· Âȉ›ӈÛË Ù˘ ÊÔÚÔÏÔÁÈ΋˜ ÌÂÙ·¯Â›ÚÈÛË˜ÙˆÓ ·ÌÂÈ‚ÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ ÌÂ Û˘Ì‚·Ùfi ÂÈÛfi‰ËÌ· (‰ËÏ. ÌÈÛıˆÙÔ›, Û˘ÓÙ·ÍÈÔ‡¯ÔÈ)ı· Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ÌÈÏ¿ÌÂ. ∂¿Ó ÛÙË ‰È·›ÛÙˆÛË ·˘Ù‹, ÚÔÛÙÂı› Ë ·Ú·ÔÈÎÔ-ÓÔÌ›· Î·È Ë ÊÔÚÔ‰È·Ê˘Á‹, ÌÔÚԇ̠‡ÎÔÏ· Ó· Û˘ÌÂÚ¿ÓÔ˘Ì fiÙÈ ‰È·-̤ÛÔ˘ Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ Ë ·ÓÈÛԉȷÓÔÌ‹ ÙÔ˘ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ÛÙ˯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ Ì¿ÏÏÔÓ ‰È¢ڇÓıËΠ·Ú¿ ÌÂÈÒıËΠ(‚Ï. Î·È ¡ÂÁÚÂfiÓÙË-¢Â-ÏÈ‚¿ÓË, 1981, ÛÛ. 192-3, ™·ÚÚ‹˜, ∑ˆÁÚ·Ê¿Î˘, 1993, ÛÛ. 74-50).

™˘ÓÂÒ˜, fi¯È ÌfiÓÔ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ‰ÂÓ ÌÔÚ› Ó· ¯·Ú·ÎÙËÚÈÛı› Ë ‰ËÌÔ-ÛÈÔÓÔÌÈ΋ Ì·˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋, ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ÛÙËÚÈÁ̤ÓË Û ϷÓı·Ṳ̂Ó˜ ‚¿ÛÂȘ˘ÔÏÔÁÈÛÌÔ‡, ·ÊÔ‡ Ë ·Ú·ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· Î·È Ë ÊÔÚÔ‰È·Ê˘Á‹ Â›Ó·È ÌÈ· ‚·-ÛÈ΋ ·Ú¿ÌÂÙÚÔ˜ Ù˘ ÌË ÈÛÙ‹˜ ÂÊ·ÚÌÔÁ‹˜ Î·È ·fi‰ÔÛ˘ ÙˆÓ Ì¤ÙÚˆÓÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜.

√ Keynes, ÂÎÙfi˜ Ù˘ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂˆÓ ˆ˜ ̤ÛÔ ÂÓ›-Û¯˘Û˘ Ù˘ ÂÓÂÚÁÔ‡ ˙ËÙ‹Ûˆ˜ ÁÈ· ÙË Ì›ˆÛË Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜, ›¯Â ÂÈÛËÌ¿-ÓÂÈ ÙËÓ ·Ó¿ÁÎË ÙfiÓˆÛ˘ Ù˘ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈ΋˜ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ·˜ Î·È ÙˆÓÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂˆÓ Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ Ù˘ Ì›ˆÛ˘ ÙÔ˘ ÙfiÎÔ˘ ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È Ù˘ ‰È·-ÌfiÚʈÛ˘ ηٿÏÏËÏÔ˘ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈÎÔ‡ ÂÚÈ‚¿ÏÏÔÓÙÔ˜ (Houmanidis,1990). ™ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· Ì·˜, ‰Â Ê·›ÓÂÙ·È (‚Ï. Paleologos, 1989) ÙÔ ‡„Ô˜ÙÔ˘ ÙfiÎÔ˘ Ó· ·ÔÙÂÏ›, fiˆ˜ ıˆÚÔ‡ÛÂ Ô Keynes (1936, ÛÛ. 196-7), ÙÔÓϤÔÓ ÛËÌ·ÓÙÈÎfi ·Ú¿ÁÔÓÙ· ›‰Ú·Û˘ Î·È Î·ıÔÚÈÛÌÔ‡ ÙˆÓ È‰ÈˆÙÈÎÒÓÂÂÓ‰‡ÛˆÓ. ¢ËÏ·‰‹, Ë ı¤ÛË ÙÔ˘ Keynes ÁÈ· ÙÔÓ ÚfiÏÔ Ù˘ ÓÔÌÈÛÌ·ÙÈ΋˜ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÛÙË ‰È·ÌfiÚʈÛË ÂÈı˘ÌËÙÒÓ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂˆÓ ‰Â Ê·›ÓÂÙ·È Ó· ›¯Â¤ÓÙÔÓ· ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁÈ΋ ÂÊ·ÚÌÔÁ‹ ÛÙËÓ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ Ì·˜.∂Ô̤ӈ˜, ¤Ó· ·ÎfiÌË fiÏÔ Ù˘ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜- ÂÎÙfi˜ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔ-ÛÈÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ ÛÙÚ·ÙËÁÈÎÒÓ Ô˘ ‹‰Ë ÂÍÂÙ¿Û·ÌÂ- ‰ÂÓ ‹Ù·Ó ‰È·ı¤ÛÈÌÔ ÁÈ·ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ Ì·˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋.

™¯ÂÙÈο Ì ÙË ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁ›· ÂÓfi˜ ¢ÓÔ˚ÎÔ‡ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈÎÔ‡ ÂÚÈ‚¿Ï-ÏÔÓÙÔ˜, Ô Keynes (1936, Û. 162), ÚÔÂȉÔÔ›ËÛ fiÙÈ Ë ÁÂÓÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈÎ‹ÙˆÓ Î˘‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛÂˆÓ ‰Â ı· Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ÚÔηÏ› ·Ó·ÛٿوÛË ÛÙȘ ÚÔÛ‰Ô-˘ ÙˆÓ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈÒÓ Î·È Ó· ÎÏÔÓ›˙ÂÈ ÙËÓ ÂÌÈÛÙÔÛ‡ÓË ÙÔ˘˜ Û ·˘-Ù¤˜. ∞ÓÙ›ıÂÙ· (1936, Û. 164), ı· Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ÂÚÈ‚¿ÏÏÔÓÙ·È Ì "Û˘Ì¿-ıÂÈ·" ÔÈ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈΤ˜ ÂÂÓ‰˘ÙÈΤ˜ ÚÔÛ¿ıÂȘ Î·È ·ÊÔ‡ Â›Ó·È Û ı¤-ÛË ÙÔ ÎÚ¿ÙÔ˜ Ó· ÛÙ·ıÌ›ÛÂÈ Î·Ï‡ÙÂÚ· ÙËÓ ÔÚȷ΋ ·Ô‰ÔÙÈÎfiÙËÙ· ÙˆÓ ÎÂ-

68 AÓ·ÛÙ¿ÛÈÔ˜ ¢ . K·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘

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Ê·Ï·ÈÔ˘¯ÈÎÒÓ ·Á·ıÒÓ Ì·ÎÚÔ¯ÚfiÓÈ·, Ó· ÛÙÚ¤„ÂÈ Î·È Ó· ÔÚÁ·ÓÒÛÂÈ ÙȘÂÂÓ‰˘ÙÈΤ˜ ÚÔÛ¿ıÂȘ ÙˆÓ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈÒÓ ÚÔ˜ ÙËÓ Î·Ù‡ı˘ÓÛËÔ˘ ı· ·˘Í‹ÛÔ˘Ó ÙË ÁÂÓÈ΋ ¢ËÌÂÚ›·. ∂ÎÙfi˜ ·˘ÙÔ‡, ›¯Â ÂÈÛËÌ¿ÓÂÈ(1936, ÛÛ. 119-120), fiÙÈ Ë ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ›· ÙÔ˘ ÔÏÏ·Ï·ÛÈ·ÛÙ‹ Ô˘ ÂȉڿÌÂÙ¿ ·fi ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ ‰Â ı· ¤¯ÂÈ Ù· ›‰È· ·ÔÙÂϤ-ÛÌ·Ù· ÛÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË Ù˘ ¤Ӊ˘Û˘ Î·È ÙÔ˘ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜, Â¿Ó Î¿Ùˆ ·fiÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ·˘Ù‹ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁÔ‡ÓÙ·È ·ÚÓËÙÈΤ˜ ÚÔ¸Ôı¤ÛÂȘÁÈ· ÙȘ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈΤ˜ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ. ∂›Û˘, ›¯Â ıˆڋÛÂÈ (1936, ÛÛ. 47,50, 56-7, 68), fiÙÈ Â¿Ó Ë ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋ ·Ú¤Ì‚·ÛË Â›Ó·È ·ÛÙ·ı‹˜, Ì ·ÏÈÓˆ‰›-˜ Î·È ·Ó·ÍÈfiÈÛÙË, ı· ÂËÚ·ÛıÔ‡Ó ·ÚÓËÙÈο ÔÈ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈΤ˜ ÚÔÛ-‰Ô˘ Î·È ı· ·˘ÍËı› Ë ·‚‚·ÈfiÙËÙ· ÙˆÓ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈÒÓ, Ì ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂ-ÛÌ· Ó· ÌÂȈıÔ‡Ó ÔÈ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ Î·È Ë ··Û¯fiÏËÛË. ∞˘Ù‹ ÙËÓ "Èı·Ófi-ÙËÙ·" ›¯Â ÛÎÈ·ÁÚ·Ê‹ÛÂÈ (1936, Û. 120) ÛËÌÂÈÒÓÔÓÙ·˜: "ªÂ ÙËÓ ÌÂÚ‰Â-̤ÓË „˘¯ÔÏÔÁ›· Ô˘ Û˘¯Ó¿ ÂÈÎÚ·Ù› (‰ËÏ. ÛÙÔÓ È‰ÈˆÙÈÎfi ÙÔ̤·), ›ӷȉ˘Ó·ÙfiÓ ÙÔ Î˘‚ÂÚÓËÙÈÎfi ÚfiÁÚ·ÌÌ·, ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ Ù˘ ›‰Ú·Û‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ÛÙËÓÂÌÈÛÙÔÛ‡ÓË ÙˆÓ ·ÙfïÓ, Ó· ·˘Í‹ÛÂÈ ÙËÓ ÚÔÙ›ÌËÛË Ú¢ÛÙfiÙËÙ·˜ ‹ Ó·ÌÂÈÒÛÂÈ ÙËÓ ÔÚȷ΋ ·Ô‰ÔÙÈÎfiÙËÙ· ÙÔ˘ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘, Ô˘ ÌÔÚ› Ó· ÂÈ-‚Ú·‰‡ÓÔ˘Ó ¿ÏϘ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ, ÂÎÙfi˜ Î·È Â¿Ó ÏËÊıÔ‡Ó Ì¤ÙÚ· Ô˘ ı·ÂÍÔ˘‰ÂÙÂÚÒÛÔ˘Ó ·˘Ùfi ÙÔ Îϛ̷". ªÂ ¿ÏÏ· ÏfiÁÈ·, Ë ÛÙ·ıÂÚfiÙËÙ· ηȉȿÚÎÂÈ· ÂÓfi˜ ÁÓˆÛÙÔ‡ ÛÙÔ˘˜ ÂȯÂÈÚË̷ٛ˜ "ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÔ‡ ÂÚÈ‚¿ÏÏÔ-ÓÙÔ˜" Â›Ó·È ··Ú·›ÙËÙÔ ÛÙÔÈ¯Â›Ô ÁÈ· ÙË ıÂÙÈ΋ ÙÔ˘˜ ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁÈ΋ Û˘Ì‚Ô-Ï‹. °È' ·˘Ùfi Î·È Ë ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹˜ ˘Ê‹˜ ¯ˆÚ›˜ ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆ-ÛË ÙÔ˘ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈÎÔ‡ Îϛ̷ÙÔ˜, ‰ÂÓ ÂÓÓÔÂ›Ù·È fiÙÈ ı· ·Ô‰ÒÛÂÈ ÙÔ˘˜·Ó·ÌÂÓfiÌÂÓÔ˘˜ ηÚÔ‡˜, ÙÔ˘Ï¿¯ÈÛÙÔÓ Û‡Ìʈӷ Ì ÙÔÓ ÚˆÙÂÚÁ¿Ù˘Ù˘.

∏ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Ì·˜, Ì ÙȘ ·ÏÈÓˆ‰›Â˜ Ù˘, ÙËÓ·Ó·ÍÈÔÈÛÙ›· Ù˘, ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ÙË Û˘¯Ó‹ ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹ ÙÔ˘ ıÂÛÌÈÎÔ‡ Î·È ÓÔÌÈ-ÎÔ‡ Ï·ÈÛ›Ô˘ Ô˘ Û¯ÂÙ›˙ÂÙ·È Ì ÙËÓ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈ΋ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ·, ‰ÂÓ¤¯ÂÈ Û˘Ì‚¿ÏÂÈ ÛÙË ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁ›· ·ÈÛÈfi‰ÔÍÔ˘ Îϛ̷ÙÔ˜, ·ÏÏ¿ Ì¿ÏÏÔÓ ÙÔ·ÓÙ›ıÂÙÔ ¤¯ÂÈ Î·Ù·Ê¤ÚÂÈ (‚Ï. ÷ÛÛ›‰, ∫·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘, 1999, ÎÂÊ. 12).26

¢ËÏ·‰‹, ÙÔ ÁÂÓÈÎfi ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎfi Ì·˜ ÂÚÈ‚¿ÏÏÔÓ Ô˘ ‰È·ÌÔÚÊÒıËΠ-ÂÎÙfi˜ ·fi ÙȘ Â͈ÙÂÚÈΤ˜ ÂȉڿÛÂȘ- Î·È ·fi ÙËÓ ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋ ·Ú¤Ì‚·ÛËÎ·È ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ô˘ ¯ÚËÛÈÌÔÔÈ‹ıËÎÂ, ‰Â Ê·›ÓÂÙ·È Ó· ·Ô‰Â›-¯ıËΠ"¢ÓÔ˚Îfi" ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍË ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈÎÒÓ ÂÂÓ‰˘ÙÈÎÒÓ ‰Ú·-ÛÙËÚÈÔًوÓ. ∂ÎÙfi˜ ·˘ÙÔ‡, ÔÈ Û˘¯Ó¤˜ ÎÚ·ÙÈΤ˜ ·ÚÂÌ‚¿ÛÂȘ, ÔÈ ¤ÏÂÁ¯ÔÈÎ·È Ú˘ıÌ›ÛÂȘ ÙÈÌÒÓ, ÔÈ "ÂÈÏÂÎÙÈΤ˜" ÂÂÓ‰˘ÙÈΤ˜ ÂȉÔÙ‹ÛÂȘ, ÎÙÏ.

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Ô‰‹ÁËÛ·Ó ÛÙË ÌÂÙ·ÌfiÚʈÛË ÙÔ˘ 'ŒÏÏËÓ· ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·Ù›· ·fi ÛÎÂÙfiÌÂ-ÓÔ˘ ÁÈ· ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈΤ˜ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ ·ÙfiÌÔ˘, Ó· ·Û¯ÔÏÂ›Ù·È Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ Ì ·-Ú·ÛÈÙÈΤ˜, ÚÔÛÔ‰ÈÔ‡¯Â˜ Î·È ÎÂÚ‰ÔÛÎÔÈΤ˜ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ˜. ∫·È Û·˘Ùfi ÙÔ ı¤Ì· Ë ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Ì·˜ ‹Úı Û ·ÓÙ›ıÂÛË ÌÂÙÔÓ Keynes, Ô˘ ›¯Â Ì Ôχ ‡ÛÙÔ¯Ô ÙÚfiÔ ÚÔÂȉÔÔÈ‹ÛÂÈ ÁÈ· ÙËÓÈı·ÓfiÙËÙ· ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·Ù›· Û ¢ηÈÚÈ·Îfi ÎÂÚ‰ÔÛÎfiÔ,ÁÚ¿ÊÔÓÙ·˜ (1923, Û. 24):

"∫·Ó¤Ó·˜ ÂÓÂÚÁËÙÈÎfi˜ ¿ÓıÚˆÔ˜ ‰Â ı· ‰Â¯ı› Ó· ·Ú·-Ì›ÓÂÈ ÊÙˆ¯fi˜ Â¿Ó ÈÛÙ‡ÂÈ fiÙÈ ÔÈ ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÎÒ˜ ·ÓÒÙÂÚÔ›ÙÔ˘ ΤډÈÛ·Ó Ù· ·Á·ı¿ ÙÔ˘˜ ·fi Ù˘¯ÂÚfi Ù˙fiÁÔ. ∆Ô Ó· ÌÂÙ·-Ùڷ› Ô ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·Ù›·˜ Û ÎÂÚ‰ÔÛÎfiÔ Â›Ó·È Û·Ó Ó· Ú›-¯ÓÂȘ ÁÚÔıÈ¿ ÛÙÔÓ Î·ÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfi, ÁÈ·Ù› ηٷÛÙÚ¤ÊÂÙ·È Ë „˘-¯ÔÏÔÁÈ΋ ÈÛÔÚÚÔ›· Ô˘ ÂÈÙÚ¤ÂÈ ÙË ‰È·ÈÒÓÈÛË ÙˆÓ ¿ÓÈ-ÛˆÓ ·ÓÙ·ÌÔÈ‚ÒÓ. ∆Ô ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎfi ‰fiÁÌ· ÙˆÓ Î·ÓÔÓÈÎÒÓÎÂÚ‰ÒÓ, …Â›Ó·È ·Ó·Áη›· ÚÔ¸fiıÂÛË ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ˘ÂÚ¿ÛÈÛËÙÔ˘ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡. √ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·Ù›·˜ Â›Ó·È ·ÓÂÎÙfi˜ ÌfiÓÔfiÛÔ Ù· Î¤Ú‰Ë ÙÔ˘ ¤¯Ô˘Ó οÔÈ· Û¯¤ÛË Ì ·˘Ùfi… Ô˘ ÔȉڷÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ¤˜ ÙÔ˘ Û˘ÓÂÈÛʤÚÔ˘Ó ÛÙËÓ ÎÔÈÓˆÓ›·".

∂ÎÙfi˜ ·fi ÙȘ ·‰˘Ó·Ì›Â˜ ÂÊ·ÚÌÔÁ‹˜ Ù˘ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ Î·È ÌÈ· ÛËÌ·ÓÙÈ΋ ·ÓÙÈÓÔÌ›· Ô˘ ÙȘ Û˘Óԉ‡ÂÈ. ∏ ·ÓÙÈÓÔÌ›··˘Ù‹ ËÁ¿˙ÂÈ ·fi ÙÔ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ fiÙÈ Ô Keynes, "¿ÊËÛÂ" ÔÏÏ¿ Ú¿ÁÌ·Ù·Ó· οÓÔ˘Ó Ù· ΢‚ÂÚÓËÙÈο ÛÙÂϤ¯Ë, ÙˆÓ ÔÔ›ˆÓ ÙËÓ ÈηÓfiÙËÙ· Î·È ı¤-ÏËÛË Ô ›‰ÈÔ˜ ·ÌÊÈÛ‚‹ÙËÛ ¤ÓÙÔÓ·.27 ™Ù· ‰ËÌÔÛȇ̷ٿ ÙÔ˘ (‚Ï. .¯.1919, ÛÛ. 24-5, 27-8, 1922, Û. 1) Ô˘ ·Ó·Ê¤ÚÔÓÙ·È Û ηٷÛÙ¿ÛÂȘ Ô˘·ÊÔÚÔ‡Ó Î¿ÔÈ· ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ‰Â›¯ÓÂÙ·È ˘ÔÙÈÌËÙÈÎfi˜ÚÔ˜ Ù· ΢‚ÂÚÓËÙÈο ÛÙÂϤ¯Ë (ÙÔ˘˜ ÔÏÈÙÈÎÔ‡˜ Î·È fi¯È ÙÔ˘˜ ‰ËÌÔÛ›Ô˘˜˘·ÏÏ‹ÏÔ˘˜) ÙÔ˘˜ ÔÔ›Ô˘˜ ıˆÚ› ˆ˜ ·Ó›Î·ÓÔ˘˜, ȉÈÔÙÂÏ›˜ Î·È fi¯Èȉȷ›ÙÂÚ· Â˘Ê˘Â›˜. '◊Ù·Ó ‰ËÏ·‰‹ Ô Keynes ÙfiÛÔ ·ÊÂÏ‹˜, ÒÛÙ ӷ ·Ó·-ı¤ÙÂÈ ÛËÌ·ÓÙÈο ¤ÚÁ· ÁÈ· ÙËÓ Â˘ËÌÂÚ›· ÙÔ˘ Û˘ÓfiÏÔ˘, Û ¿ÙÔÌ· ÌË Èηӿӷ Ù· ʤÚÔ˘Ó Û ¤Ú·˜; 'Ÿ¯È, ‰ÂÓ ‹Ù·Ó ·ÊÂÏ‹˜ ·ÏÏ¿ Ú·ÏÈÛÙ‹˜ Î·È ÊÈÏfi-‰ÔÍÔ˜. '◊ıÂÏ ӷ Á›ÓÔ˘Ó ÔÈ ÔÏÈÙÈÎÔ› fiÚÁ·Ó· Ù˘ "‰È·ÓfiËÛ˘" Î·È ÙˆÓÂȉÈÎÒÓ ÂÈÛÙËÌfiÓˆÓ ÔÈ ÔÔ›ÔÈ ı· ۯ‰ȿ˙Ô˘Ó Î·È Ù· ΢‚ÂÚÓËÙÈο ÛÙÂ-Ϥ¯Ë ı· ÂÎÙÂÏÔ‡Ó fiˆ˜ ÂÈÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ ÛÙȘ ÛÂÏ›‰Â˜ Ù˘ "ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÙÔ˘ ‰È·-ı‹Î˘" (1926‚, Û. 295) Î·È ·Ê‹ÓÂÈ Ó· ÂÓÓÔËı› ÛÙȘ ÙÂÏÂ˘Ù·›Â˜ ÛÂÏ›‰Â˜ÙÔ˘ General Theory.

70 AÓ·ÛÙ¿ÛÈÔ˜ ¢ . K·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘

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∏ ¤ÏÏÂÈ„Ë ·ÓȉÈÔÙÂÏÔ‡˜ Û˘ÌÂÚÈÊÔÚ¿˜ ÙˆÓ Î˘‚ÂÚÓËÙÈÎÒÓ Ì·˜ ÔÏÈ-ÙÈÎÒÓ ¤¯ÂÈ ÂÈÛËÌ·Óı› Î·È Â›Ó·È ÁÓˆÛÙ‹ (‚Ï. ∫ÔÏÏ›ÓÙ˙·˜, ¡Ù¤ÏÏ·˜,1998, Û. 126). ∂›Û˘, Ë Ï·Óı·Ṳ̂ÓË ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ô˘ ÂÊ·ÚÌfi-ÛıËΠÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜, Ì ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· ÙË ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁ›· ÛÔ‚·ÚÒÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ-ÎÒÓ ÚÔ‚ÏËÌ¿ÙˆÓ ¤¯ÂÈ Â·ÚÎÒ˜ ÙÔÓÈÛı› (‚Ï. ∞ÏÔÁÔÛÎÔ‡Ê˘, 1994, ÛÛ.16,19, ¶ÚÔ‰ÚÔÌ›‰Ë˜, 1998, Û. 101, ∫·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘, 1999) ÒÛÙ ‰Â ¯ÚÂÈ¿˙Â-Ù·È Â·Ó¿ÏË„Ë. ∫·È ÔÈ ‰‡Ô ·˘Ù¤˜ Û˘ÓÈÛÙÒÛ˜ ÙˆÓ Î˘‚ÂÚÓËÙÈÎÒÓ Ì·˜ÛÙÂϯÒÓ ‰Â›¯ÓÔ˘Ó fiÙÈ ˆ˜ ÚÔ˜ ÙË ı¤ÏËÛË Î·È ÈηÓfiÙËÙ¿ ÙÔ˘˜ Ì¿ÏÏÔÓÂȂ‚·ÈÒÓÔ˘Ó ÙÔ˘˜ Êfi‚Ô˘˜ ÙÔ˘ Keynes.

∂ÎÙfi˜ ÙˆÓ ·Ú·¿Óˆ ‰È·ÊÔÚÔÔÈ‹ÛÂˆÓ Ù˘ ÂÏÏËÓÈ΋˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ·fi ÙËÓ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹, ‰Â Ê·›ÓÂÙ·È Ó· ÏÂÈÙÔ‡ÚÁËÛÂ Ë ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·Ì·˜ ‚¿ÛÂÈ ÙˆÓ "ÂÏ¿¯ÈÛÙˆÓ" ··Ú·›ÙËÙˆÓ ÚÔ¸Ôı¤ÛÂˆÓ ÌÈ·˜ ‰ËÌÔÎÚ·-ÙÈ΋˜ Î·È Â˘ÓÔÌÔ‡ÌÂÓ˘ ÎÔÈÓˆÓ›·˜ Ô˘ ›¯Â ÚԉȷÁÚ¿„ÂÈ Ô Keynes(1939-40, Û. 377). ¢ËÏ·‰‹, ÌÈ·˜ ÎÔÈÓˆÓ›·˜ fiÔ˘: (·) ΢Úȷگ› Ë ÔÈÎÔ-ÓÔÌÈ΋ ·ÓÙ·ÌÔÈ‚‹ ·Ó¿ÏÔÁ· Ì ÙËÓ ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈ΋ ÚÔÛ¿ıÂÈ· Î·È ÙÔ˘˜ÎÈÓ‰‡ÓÔ˘˜ Ô˘ ·Ó·Ï·Ì‚¿ÓÔ˘Ó Ù· ¿ÙÔÌ·, (‚) ΢Úȷگ› Ë Ì¤ÁÈÛÙË ‰˘Ó·Ù‹ÂÏ¢ıÂÚ›· ÂÈÏÔÁ‹˜ ÙˆÓ ·ÙfiÌˆÓ Ó· ‰È·ı¤ÛÔ˘Ó ÙÔ ÂÈÛfi‰ËÌ¿ ÙÔ˘˜ fiÔ˘ı¤ÏÔ˘Ó, Î·È (Á) ÂÏ·ÊÚ‡ÓÔÓÙ·È Ù· ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈο ‚¿ÚË ÙˆÓ ·‰‡Ó·ÌˆÓ ηȷӛۯ˘ÚˆÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈο ·ÙfïÓ. ∞˘Ù¤˜ ÔÈ ÂÏ¿¯ÈÛÙ˜ Î·È ··Ú·›ÙËÙ˜·Ú¯¤˜ ÌÈ·˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ Ô˘ ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ› Ì Âȉ›ˆÍË ÙËÓ ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈ΋ ‰È-ηÈÔÛ‡ÓË, ‰Â Ê·›ÓÂÙ·È Ó· ÂȉÈÒ¯ıËÎ·Ó Û˘ÓÂȉËÙ¿ Î·È Û˘ÛÙËÌ·ÙÈο ηÈÛ˘ÓÂÒ˜ ‰ÂÓ ÂÈÙ‡¯ıËÎ·Ó fiϘ Û ÈηÓÔÔÈËÙÈÎfi ‚·ıÌfi ·fi ÙȘ ÂÏÏË-ÓÈΤ˜ ΢‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛÂȘ. ∏ ÚÒÙË ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ÂÏ¿¯ÈÛÙË "ÂÈÙ·Á‹" Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔ-ÌÈ΋˜ Î·È ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈ΋˜ ‰ÈηÈÔÛ‡Ó˘, ¤¯ÂÈ Î·Ù··ÙËı› ·fi ÙËÓ ·Ó·ÍÈÔ-ÎÚ·Ù›·. ∏ ‰Â‡ÙÂÚË ·Ú¯‹ ÏÂÈÙÔ‡ÚÁËÛ ÌfiÓÔ Î·ÙfiÈÓ Â͈ÙÂÚÈÎÒÓ È¤ÛˆӉȷ̤ÛÔ˘ Ù˘ Û‡Ó‰ÂÛ‹˜ Ì·˜ Ì ÙËÓ ∂.∂., ·ÊÔ‡ fï˜ ÚÒÙ· ÔÈ ÛÙÚ‚ÏÒ-ÛÂȘ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ ÛÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· Ì·˜, ·fi ÙËÓ ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋ ·Ú¤Ì‚·ÛË Ì ÙËÓ›ʷÛË Ù˘ ‰·ÛÌÔÏÔÁÈ΋˜ ÚÔÛÙ·Û›·˜, Ô‰‹ÁËÛ·Ó Û Ì›ˆÛË ÙÔ˘ ÏÂÔ-Ó¿ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ ηٷӷψً. ∏ ÙÚ›ÙË ·Ú¯‹, fiÏ· ‰Â›¯ÓÔ˘Ó, fiÙÈ ‰ÂÓ ¤¯ÂÈ Î˘-ÚÈ·Ú¯‹ÛÂÈ ÛÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ Ì·˜, ·ÊÔ‡ ηٿ ÁÂÓÈ΋ ÔÌÔÏÔÁ›· ÙÔ ÊÔÚÔ-ÏÔÁÈÎfi ‚¿ÚÔ˜ ÙÔ Ê¤ÚÔ˘Ó ÔÈ ÌÈÛıˆÙÔ› Î·È Ë ÊÔÚÔ‰È·Ê˘Á‹ Î·È ·Ú·ÔÈÎÔ-ÓÔÌ›· ¤¯Ô˘Ó Á›ÓÂÈ "ÂıÓÈÎfi ÛÔÚ".

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4. ™˘ÌÂÚ¿ÛÌ·Ù·

∞fi ÙËÓ ·Ó¿Ï˘ÛË Ô˘ ÚÔËÁ‹ıËΠ‡ÎÔÏ· Û˘ÌÂÚ·›ÓÂÙ·È fiÙÈ Ô˘‰Â-Ì›· Û¯¤ÛË ÌÔÚ› Ó· ¤¯ÂÈ Ô Keynes Î·È ÔÈ ÚÔÙÚÔ¤˜, Û˘Ì‚Ô˘Ï¤˜ ‹ ıˆ-ڛ˜ ÙÔ˘, Ì ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ô˘ ·ÎÔÏÔ‡ıËÛ·Ó ÔÈ Î˘‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛÂȘÙ˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Ì·˜ ÙÔ ‰È¿ÛÙËÌ· 1975-1994. ∞˘Ùfi ÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ, ÂÎÙfi˜ ÙˆÓ ¿Ï-ψÓ, fiÙÈ Ë ÂÈÛ‹Ì·ÓÛË ÙÔ˘ Keynes fiÙÈ ÔÈ ÔÏÈÙÈÎÔ› Ï›ÁÔ-Ôχ ·ÎÔÏÔ˘-ıÔ‡Ó ÙȘ Û˘Ì‚Ô˘Ï¤˜ Î·È ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂȘ ÂÓfi˜ ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÎÔ‡ ÂÈÛÙ‹ÌÔÓ·, ÌÔ-Ú› Ó· ÈÛ¯‡ÂÈ ÁÈ· ¿ÏÏÔ˘˜, ·ÏÏ¿ fi¯È ÁÈ· ÙÔ˘˜ Û˘Ì·ÙÚÈÒÙ˜ Ì·˜. ∏ ·‰˘-Ó·Ì›· Ó· ۯ‰ȷÛı› Î·È Ó· ÂÊ·ÚÌÔÛı› ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ÌÈ· ÂÈÛÙËÌÔÓÈÎ¿Û˘Ó‹˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ‰Â›¯ÓÂÈ, ÂÎÙfi˜ ÙˆÓ ¿ÏψÓ, fiÙÈ ÔÈ ÏÂÁfiÌÂ-ÓÔÈ "Âȉ‹ÌÔÓ˜", "ÂȉÈÎÔ›", Î.Ï. Û‡Ì‚Ô˘ÏÔÈ ÙˆÓ Î˘‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛˆÓ, ‰ÂÓ ÌÔ-ÚÔ‡Û·Ó ‹ ‰ÂÓ Âȉ›ˆÎ·Ó Ó· ›ÛÔ˘Ó Ù· ΢‚ÂÚÓËÙÈο ÛÙÂϤ¯Ë ÁÈ· ÙÔÓ ÚÂ-·ÏÈÛÌfi ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂˆÓ Ô˘ ‚·Û›˙ÔÓÙ·Ó Û ÁÂÓÈο ·Ô‰ÂÎÙ¤˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈΤ˜˘Ôı¤ÛÂȘ.

∂ÎÙfi˜ ·˘ÙÒÓ, ·Ô̤ÓÂÈ Ó· ··ÓÙËı› ˆ˜ ÌÔÚ› Ó· ¯·Ú·ÎÙËÚÈÛıÂ›Ë ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ô˘ ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ıËΠÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ÙËÓ ÂÍÂÙ·˙fiÌÂ-ÓË ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô. Èڛ˜ Ó· ÚÔÂÎÙ›ÓÂÙ·È Û ٤ÙÔÈÔ ÛÎÔfi ÙÔ ¿ÚıÚÔ Î·È ‚¿-ÛÂÈ ÙˆÓ fiÛˆÓ ÌÂÏÂÙÒÓ ¤¯Ô˘Ì ÂÈÛÎÔ‹ÛÂÈ, ¯·Ú·ÎÙËÚ›˙ÔÓÙ¿˜ ·˘Ù‹ ÙËÓÔÏÈÙÈ΋, ı· ϤÁ·Ì fiÙÈ ‰È·ı¤ÙÂÈ Ù· ÂÍ‹˜ Û˘ÛÙ·ÙÈο: (·) Â›Ó·È ¤ÓÙÔÓ·‰È·ÎÚÈÙÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ù˘ "ÛÙÈÁÌ‹˜" Î·È ÙÔ˘ ÛÙÂÓÔ‡ ÚÔÛˆÈÎÔ‡ ÔÏÈÙÈ-ÎÔ‡ Î·È ÎÔÌÌ·ÙÈÎÔ‡ Û˘ÌʤÚÔÓÙÔ˜ ÙˆÓ Î˘‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛˆÓ, Î·È (‚) Â›Ó·È ÌÈ·ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÙˆÓ "ÔÚÁ·ÓˆÌ¤ÓˆÓ Û˘ÌÊÂÚfiÓÙˆÓ" fiˆ˜ ÚÔ›‰·Ó fiÙÈ ı· ¯·-Ú·ÎÙËÚ›˙ÂÈ ÙË Û‡Á¯ÚÔÓË ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ˙ˆ‹ ÔÈ £ÂÛÌÈÎÔ› Thorstein VeblenÎ·È John Commons.

Abstract

Anastassios D. Karayiannis: Keynesian economic policy and the Greek pract-

ice during 1975-1994.

The present paper examines and characterizes the main factors and strategies of the

Greek economic policy during 1975-1994. Then, the extent, scope and means of this policy

is compared with that of Keynes, using the method of rational reconstruction. The main

conclusions are that there is not any distinct similarity between the Greek and Keynesian

72 AÓ·ÛÙ¿ÛÈÔ˜ ¢ . K·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘

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policies, and that the first may be better characterized as a discriminatory policy explained

through the institutional views of Veblen and Commons about the influence of the organized

"going concerns".

Y¶O™HMEIø™EI™

1. ∆ÔÓ ¯·Ú·ÎÙËÚÈÛÌfi ·˘Ùfi ¤¯Ô˘Ó ·Ô‰ÒÛÂÈ ·ÚÎÂÙÔ› ÛÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ô˘

·Û΋ıËΠÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ÌÂÙ¿ ÙÔÓ µ' ¶·ÁÎfiÛÌÈÔ ¶fiÏÂÌÔ (‚Ï. æ·ÏȉfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜, 1990,

ÛÛ. 11-3). °È· ·Ó¿Ï˘ÛË ÙÔ˘ ÙÚfiÔ˘ "‰È›ۉ˘Û˘" ÙˆÓ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·ÓÒÓ È‰ÂÒÓ ÛÙË ¯ÒÚ·

Ì·˜ Î·È ÙÔÓ ÙÚfiÔ ˘Ô‰Ô¯‹˜ ÙÔ˘˜ ·fi ÙÔ˘˜ '∂ÏÏËÓ˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÔÏfiÁÔ˘˜, ‚Ï. æ·Ïȉfi-

Ô˘ÏÔ˜ (1989, ÛÛ. 425-469, 1990, ÛÛ. 36-47)

2. ªÈ· Ôχ ÂӉȷʤÚÔ˘Û· Î·È Ô˘ÛÈ·ÛÙÈ΋ ÎÚÈÙÈ΋ ·ÚÔ˘Û›·ÛË ÙˆÓ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ Ì·ÎÚÔ-

ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ ˘Ô‰ÂÈÁÌ¿ÙˆÓ Ô˘ ¤¯Ô˘Ó ÂÍÂÙ·Ûı› ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· Ì·˜, ̤¯ÚÈ Ù·

̤۷ Ù˘ ‰ÂηÂÙ›·˜ ÙÔ˘ 1980, ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ ÛÙÔ ‚È‚Ï›Ô ÙˆÓ Alexander, Demopoulos (1989

ÎÂÊ. 3). ∂›Û˘, ÛÙÔ ›‰ÈÔ ‚È‚Ï›Ô ·Ó·ÛÎÔÔ‡ÓÙ·È Ù· ̤ÙÚ· ‰ËÌÔÛÈÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ Î·È ÓÔÌÈ-

ÛÌ·ÙÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ Ô˘ ˘ÈÔıÂÙ‹ıËÎ·Ó ·fi ÙȘ ∂ÏÏËÓÈΤ˜ ΢‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛÂȘ ·fi ÙÔ 1953

̤¯ÚÈ ÙÔ 1983 (ÎÂÊ. 2).

3. °È· ÙËÓ Â›‰Ú·ÛË Ù˘ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹˜ ÛΤ„˘ ÛÙË ıˆڛ· ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ‚Ï. ™·-

Ú·ÓÙ›‰Ë˜ (1996).

4. √ Keynes, Ì ÙÔ ¿ÚıÚÔ ÙÔ˘ "Does Unemployment Need a Drastic Remedy?" Ô˘ ‰Ë-

ÌÔÛ›Â˘Û ÛÙÔ Nation ÙÔ 1924, fiˆ˜ ÂÈÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ Ô Harrod (1951, ÛÛ. 345-50), ¤ıÂÛÂ

ÙȘ ‚¿ÛÂȘ Ù˘ ÌÂÙ¤ÂÈÙ· ·ÔηÏÔ‡ÌÂÓ˘ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜.

5. £· Ú¤ÂÈ fï˜ Ó· ÛËÌÂȈı› fiÙÈ Ô ∑ÔÏÒÙ·˜ (‚Ï. Zolotas, 1977, Û. 352) ‰Â Û˘Ìʈ-

ÓÔ‡Û Ì ÙËÓ ·˘ÛÙËÚ‹ ÂÊ·ÚÌÔÁ‹ ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÂÈÛËÌ·›ÓÔÓÙ·˜ fiÙÈ ÙÔ Úfi-

‚ÏËÌ· Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ ‰ÂÓ ‹Ù·Ó Ë ·Ó·Ú΋˜ ˙‹ÙËÛË, ·ÏÏ¿ ‰È·ÚıÚˆÙÈο ÌÂÈÔÓÂÎÙ‹Ì·Ù·

Î·È Û˘ÓÂÒ˜ ¤Ú ӷ ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ıËı› ‰È·ÊÔÚÂÙÈ΋ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋. ∂›Û˘, ›¯Â

(‚Ï. Zolotas, 1975, ÛÛ. 15, 19-20) ÚÔÂȉÔÔÈ‹ÛÂÈ ÁÈ· ÙȘ ÏËıˆÚÈÛÙÈΤ˜ Û˘Ó¤ÂȘ

Ù˘ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÙˆÓ ·˘Í·ÓÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ÂÏÏÂÈÌÌ¿ÙˆÓ.

6. µÏ. ∆¿ÛÂȘ: ∏ ∂ÏÏËÓÈ΋ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· 1998, (ÛÛ. 22,26,30).

7. √ Keynes (1923, ÛÛ. 38-9, 53-6), η٤ÎÚÈÓ ÙÔ Ì¤ÙÚÔ ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁ›·˜ ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌÔ‡ ÌÂ

ÛÙfi¯Ô ÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË (‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ Ù˘ ·Ó·ÁηÛÙÈ΋˜ ÊÔÚÔÏÔÁ›·˜ ÙˆÓ ·ÙfiÌˆÓ Ô˘ Û˘ÓÂ-

¿ÁÂÙ·È Ô ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌfi˜) ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ÂÛfi‰ˆÓ, Î·È Ù˘ ‰È·ÛÙÚ¤‚ψÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔ-

ÌÈÎÒÓ ÎÈÓ‹ÙÚˆÓ Î·È ÙÔ˘ ηٷÌÂÚÈÛÌÔ‡ ÙˆÓ fiÚˆÓ Ô˘ Û˘Ó¿ÁÂÙ·È ÌÈ· Ù¤ÙÔÈ· Ô-

ÏÈÙÈ΋.

8. §fiÁˆ ÙÔ˘ ÛÙ·ÛÈÌÔÏËıˆÚÈÛÌÔ‡ ÚÔÙ¿ıËΠ·fi ÔÚÈṲ̂ÓÔ˘˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÔÏfiÁÔ˘˜ (.¯.

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 73

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Alexander, Demopoulos, 1989, ÛÛ. 264-7, ¶·˘ÏfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜, 1989) Ë ˘ÈÔı¤ÙËÛË ÂÓfi˜ ÛÙ·-

ıÂÚÔÔÈËÙÈÎÔ‡ ÚÔÁÚ¿ÌÌ·ÙÔ˜ Ì ٷ˘Ùfi¯ÚÔÓË Ì›ˆÛË ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ Î·È

Ù˘ ÊÔÚÔÏÔÁ›·˜. ∞ÏÏ¿ ÙÔ ÛÙ·ıÂÚÔÔÈËÙÈÎfi ·˘Ùfi ÚfiÁÚ·ÌÌ· ı· Âȉ›ӈÓ ÙËÓ

·ÓÂÚÁ›· ÁÈ' ·˘Ùfi Î·È ¯ÚÂÈ¿˙ÔÓÙ·Ó, fiˆ˜ ÂÈÛ‹Ì·Ó·Ó ¿ÏÏÔÈ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÔÏfiÁÔÈ (.¯.

∫ÔÏÏ›ÓÙ˙·˜, ª‹ÙÚÔ˜, 1991), ·Ó·Ù˘Íȷ΋ ‰È¿ÛÙ·ÛË ÛÙËÚÈ˙fiÌÂÓË Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ ÛÙËÓ ÂÓ-

‰˘Ó¿ÌˆÛË Ù˘ ÚÔÛÊÔÚ¿˜ Î·È fi¯È ÛÙÔÓ ¤ÏÂÁ¯Ô Ù˘ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘. √È ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂȘ fï˜ ·˘-

Ù¤˜ ‰˘ÛÙ˘¯Ò˜ ‰ÂÓ ÂÈÛ·ÎÔ‡ÛıËÎ·Ó Î·È ‰ÂÓ ˘ÈÔıÂÙ‹ıËÎ·Ó ·fi ÙȘ ΢‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛÂȘ Ì·˜.

9. √ Kahn (1956), ÛÙÂÓfi˜ Û˘ÓÂÚÁ¿Ù˘ ÙÔ˘ Keynes, ÚÔÛ·ıÒÓÙ·˜ Ó· ÂÍËÁ‹ÛÂÈ ÔÈ· ı¤-

ÛË ı· ¤·ÈÚÓÂ Ô ‰Â‡ÙÂÚÔ˜ ÛÙËÓ ··›ÙËÛË ÙˆÓ ÂÚÁ·ÙÈÎÒÓ ÂÓÒÛÂˆÓ ÁÈ· ·˘Í‹ÛÂȘ ÌÈ-

ÛıÒÓ ˘ÂÚ¿Óˆ ÙÔ˘ ÂȤ‰Ô˘ ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈÎfiÙËÙ·˜ fiÙ·Ó Ë ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· ‹Ù·Ó ÏËÛ›ÔÓ ÙÔ˘

ÛËÌ›Ԣ Ï‹ÚÔ˘˜ ··Û¯fiÏËÛ˘, ‹Ù·Ó ·ÚÎÂÙ¿ Û·Ê‹˜: ÌÈ· Ù¤ÙÔÈ· ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ı· Âȉ›-

ÓˆÓ ÙÔÓ ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌfi Î·È ı· Ì›ˆÓ ÙȘ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ, ÌÂ Û˘Ó¤ÂÈ· ÙË ÌÂÏÏÔÓÙÈ΋ ¯ÂÈ-

ÚÔÙ¤Ú¢ÛË ÙÔ˘ ÂȤ‰Ô˘ ‰È·‚›ˆÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ÂÚÁ·˙Ô̤ӈÓ. ∞ÓÙ› ·˘Ù‹˜ Ù˘ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ Ô˘

‚·ÛÈÎfi˜ ÛÙfi¯Ô˜ Ù˘ ‹Ù·Ó Ë ·Ó·‰È·ÓÔÌ‹ ÙÔ˘ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ ‰ÈÔÈÎËÙÈÎÒÓ ÌË-

¯·ÓÈÛÌÒÓ, ÚfiÙÂÈÓ ÙËÓ ·Ó·‰È·ÓÔÌ‹ ÙÔ˘ ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ Ù˘ ηٿÏÏËÏ˘ ÊÔÚÔÏÔÁ›·˜. ∏

ı¤ÛË ·˘Ù‹ ‰Â Ê·›ÓÂÙ·È Ó· ÂÈÛ·ÎÔ‡ÛıËÎÂ Î·È Ó· ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ıËΠÛÙËÓ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË Ù˘

¯ÒÚ·˜ Ì·˜ ÁÈ·Ù› ÔÈ ·˘Í‹ÛÂȘ ÙˆÓ ÌÈÛıÒÓ Ô‰‹ÁËÛ·Ó ÛÙËÓ "ÎÔ‡ÚÛ·" "ÌÈÛıÒÓ-ÙÈÌÒÓ"

Ô˘ η٤ÏËÍ Û Ì›ˆÛË ÙÔ˘ Ú·ÁÌ·ÙÈÎÔ‡ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ÙˆÓ ÂÚÁ·˙Ô̤ӈÓ.

10. √ Keynes ‰ÂÓ ‹Ù·Ó Ô ÚÒÙÔ˜ Ô˘ ÂÈÛ‹Ì·Ó fiÙÈ ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ Î¿ÔÈÔ ıÂÙÈÎfi ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ·

ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ ÛÙË Ì›ˆÛË Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜ ·ÎfiÌË Î·È Â¿Ó ·˘Ù¤˜ Û·Ù·ÏÒÓÙ·È

¿ÛÎÔ·. √ Frank Graham (1933, Û. 228) ıÂÒÚËÛ fiÙÈ ¤Ó·˜ ÙÚfiÔ˜ Ì›ˆÛ˘ Ù˘ ·ÓÂÚ-

Á›·˜ Ô˘ ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ Â›Ó·È ‰È·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ Ù˘ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ Û ‰ËÌfiÛÈ·

¤ÚÁ· ˘Ô‰ÔÌ‹˜ Ô˘ ı· ·˘Í‹ÛÔ˘Ó Â›Ù ÙËÓ Î·Ù·Ó·ÏˆÙÈ΋ ¢ËÌÂÚ›· ›Ù ÙËÓ ·Ú·Áˆ-

ÁÈ΋ ÈÛ¯‡ Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜. ∏ ¯ÚËÛÈÌÔÔ›ËÛË fï˜ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ fiÚˆÓ, ÂÈÛËÌ·›-

ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ ı· Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· Â›Ó·È Ô˘ÛÈ·ÛÙÈ΋ Î·È ·Ô‰ÔÙÈ΋ Î·È fi¯È "Ûο„ÈÌÔ ÙÚ˘ÒÓ ÛÙÔ

¤‰·ÊÔ˜ Î·È Î¿Ï˘„‹ ÙÔ˘˜".

11. O Keynes (1936, Û. 381) fi¯È ÌfiÓÔ ·Ó·ÁÓÒÚÈÛ ÙË "Û¿Ù·ÏË" Û˘ÌÂÚÈÊÔÚ¿ ÙÔ˘ ÎÚ¿-

ÙÔ˘˜ ·ÏÏ¿ ÙË ¯·Ú·ÎÙ‹ÚÈÛÂ Î·È ˆ˜ "ÛηӉ·ÏÒ‰Ë".

12. √Úı¿ Ô æ·ÏȉfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜ (1990, Û. 33) ·Ú·ÙËÚ› ·Ó·ÊÔÚÈο Ì ·˘Ùfi ÙÔ ·Ú¿‰ÂÈÁÌ·

ÙÔ˘ Keynes fiÙÈ ‹Ù·Ó ÚÔ˚fiÓ ÙÔ˘ ÚÔÙÚÂÙÈÎÔ‡ ÙÚfiÔ˘ ÁÚ·„›Ì·Ùfi˜ ÙÔ˘.

13. √ Keynes ‹‰Ë ·fi ÙÔ 1914 Û ¤Ó· ÁÚ¿ÌÌ· ÚÔ˜ ÙËÓ ÌËÙ¤Ú· ÙÔ˘ (‚Ï. Harrod, 1951, Û.

199) ›¯Â ·ÔÛ·ÊËÓ›ÛÂÈ fiÙÈ Ù· ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈο Î·È ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈο ÔʤÏË ·fi ÙȘ ÎÚ·ÙÈΤ˜

‰·¿Ó˜ ÂÂÓ‰˘ÙÈÎÒÓ ¤ÚÁˆÓ ˘Ô‰ÔÌ‹˜ Â›Ó·È ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚ· ·fi ·˘Ù¿ Ô˘ ·ÔÚÚ¤Ô˘Ó

·fi Ù· ÂȉfiÌ·Ù· ·ÓÂÚÁ›·˜.

14. √ Keynes, ·Ú·Ù‹ÚËÛ (1936, ÛÛ. 163-4), fiÙÈ ·ÎfiÌË Î·È ÛÙËÓ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË ÙˆÓ ˘ËÚÂ-

ÛÈÒÓ ÎÔÈÓ‹˜ ˆÊÂÏ›·˜ Ô˘ ·Ú¤¯ÂÈ ÙÔ ÎÚ¿ÙÔ˜, ·Ú¿ ÙÔ fiÙÈ ·ÔÛÎÔÔ‡Ó ÛÙË ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆ-

ÛË ÙÔ˘ ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÎÔ‡ ÔʤÏÔ˘˜, ı· Ú¤ÂÈ ÛÙÔÓ Û¯Â‰È·ÛÌfi ÙÔ˘˜ Ó· Ï·Ì‚¿ÓÂÙ·È ˘fi„Ë

ÙÔ ÎfiÛÙÔ˜ Î·È Ë ·fi‰ÔÛË ÙˆÓ ÂÂÓ‰˘ı¤ÓÙˆÓ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›ˆÓ.

15. °È· Ó· ÙÔÓ›ÛÔ˘Ì ·ÎfiÌË ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔ ÙË ı¤ÛË ÂÓ·ÓÙ›ÔÓ Ù˘ ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋˜ Û·Ù¿Ï˘ ı·

¯ÚËÛÈÌÔÔÈ‹ÛÔ˘Ì ÙËÓ ·Ú·Ù‹ÚËÛË ÙÔ˘ Schumpeter (·Ó·Ê. Smithies, 1948, Û. 179)

74 AÓ·ÛÙ¿ÛÈÔ˜ ¢ . K·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘

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fiÙÈ Ô µ·ÛÈÏÈ¿˜ §Ô˘‰Ô‚›ÎÔ˜ Ô 15Ô˜ Î·È Ë ª·ÓÙ¿Ì ªÔÌ·ÓÙÔ‡Ú Ô˘ ‹Ù·Ó Î·È ÔÈ

‰‡Ô Ôχ Û¿Ù·ÏÔÈ, ‰ÂÓ ¤ÊÂÚ·Ó Â˘ËÌÂÚ›· ÛÙÔ˘˜ °¿ÏÏÔ˘˜.

16. √ Keynes fi¯È ÌfiÓÔ ‹Ù·Ó ˘¤Ú ÙˆÓ ¯Ú‹ÛÈÌˆÓ Î·È ÂÂÓ‰˘ÙÈÎÒÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ

·ÏÏ¿ Û ÌÈ· ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË Ô˘ ¤Ú ӷ ›ÛÂÈ ÙÔ˘˜ ÔÏÈÙÈÎÔ‡˜ ÁÈ· ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔ-

Û›ˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ ‰È·ÙËÚÒÓÙ·˜ fï˜ ÈÛÔÛÎÂÏÈṲ̂ÓÔ ÙÔÓ ÚÔ¸ÔÏÔÁÈÛÌfi, ÚfiÙÂÈÓÂ

(1931‚, Û. 236), Ó· ·Ó·‚ÏËıÔ‡Ó ÔÈ ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈΤ˜ ·ÚÔ¯¤˜ Î·È Ó· ‰··ÓËıÔ‡Ó Ù· ÎÂÊ¿-

Ï·È· ·˘Ù¿ Û ‰ËÌfiÛÈ· ¤ÚÁ· ˘Ô‰ÔÌ‹˜ ÒÛÙ ӷ ÌÂȈı› Ë ·ÓÂÚÁ›·.

17. ∂ÂÍÂÚÁ·Û›· ÛÙÔȯ›ˆÓ ·fi ÙÔ˘˜ ∂ıÓÈÎÔ‡˜ §ÔÁ·ÚÈ·ÛÌÔ‡˜ Ù˘ ∂ÏÏ¿‰Ô˜: 1993, 1995.

18. √ æ·ÏȉfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜ (1990, ÛÛ. 66, 75), ‡ÛÙÔ¯· ÂÂÛ‹Ì·Ó fiÙÈ Ë ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋

Ù˘ ∂ÏÏ¿‰Ô˜ ÌÂÙ¿ ÙË ÌÂÙ·Ôϛ٢ÛË ·ÎÔÏÔ‡ıËÛ ÙÔÓ "ÔÏÈÙÈÎfi-ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎfi ·ÎÏÔ"

Ì ÛÙfi¯Ô ÙËÓ ÚÔÛ¤Ï΢ÛË ÂÏ·ÙÒÓ-„ËÊÔÊfiÚˆÓ.

19. µÏ. ¶ÚÔ‚fiÔ˘ÏÔ˜, ∑·Ì¿Ú·˜ (1989, ÛÛ. 65-6, 78), Andrikopoulos, Prodromidis

(1995), °ÂˆÚÁ·ÎfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜ (1997, ÛÛ. 33-4). ∆ËÓ ¤ÓÙÔÓË Â›‰Ú·ÛË ÙÔ˘ ÔÏÈÙÈÎÔ‡ ·-

ÎÏÔ˘ ÛÙË ‰È·ÌfiÚʈÛË Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÙˆÓ "·ÚÔ¯ÒÓ" ¤¯Ô˘Ó ÂÓÙÔ›ÛÂÈ

Î·È ÂÈÛËÌ¿ÓÂÈ ·ÚÎÂÙÔ› ÂÚ¢ÓËÙ¤˜, ‚Ï. ∞ÏÔÁÔÛÎÔ‡Ê˘, §·˙·Ú¤ÙÔ˘ (1997, ÛÛ. 231,

242-3) Î·È Kapopoulos (1998) ÁÈ· Û¯ÂÙÈ΋ ‚È‚ÏÈÔÁÚ·Ê›·.

20. µÏ. ÛÙË Û˘ÏÏÔÁ‹ ¿ÚıÚˆÓ ÙÔ˘ Singh (1956, ÛÛ. 41-3, 54-6).

21. √ Mauro (1998), ÂÈÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ Ë ÌË ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ‰··ÓÒÓ ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ·È‰Â›·, Û ÔÏ-

Ϥ˜ ¯ÒÚ˜, ÌÔÚ› Ó· ÂÚÌËÓ¢Ù› ·fi ÙÔ fiÙÈ ÔÈ ‰·¿Ó˜ ·˘Ù¤˜ ‰ÂÓ "·Ô‰›‰Ô˘Ó" ¯ÚË-

Ì·ÙÈο ÔʤÏË ÛÙÔ˘˜ ÂÌÏÂÎfiÌÂÓÔ˘˜ ÊÔÚ›˜ Î·È ¿ÙÔÌ·, ‰ËÏ·‰‹ ‰ÂÓ ÂÈÙÚ¤Ô˘Ó ÙË

‰ˆÚÔ‰ÔΛ·.

22. O Alogoskoufis (1995, Û. 161) ˘ÔÛÙËÚ›˙ÂÈ Û¯ÂÙÈο fiÙÈ Ë ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Ô˘

·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ıËΠÛÙË ¯ÒÚ· Ì·˜ ÌÂÙ¿ ÙË ÌÂÙ·Ôϛ٢ÛË ‹Ù·Ó ΢ڛˆ˜ ¤Ó· ·ÚÔÁÚ·ÌÌ¿-

ÙÈÛÙÔ ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· Ù˘ ›ÂÛ˘ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÎÒÓ ÔÌ¿‰ˆÓ ÁÈ· ·Ó·‰È·ÓÔÌ‹ ÙÔ˘ ÂÈ-

ÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ Î·È ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔ "ÚÔÛٷ٢ÙÈÎÔ‡" ÎÚ¿ÙÔ˘˜.

23. O Keynes (1926·, ÛÛ. 290-1), ÁÈ· Ó· ·ÔÛÙÔÌÒÛÂÈ ·ÚÎÂÙÔ‡˜ Ô˘ ÚÔÊ·ÓÒ˜ ı· ıˆ-

ÚÔ‡Û·Ó ÙȘ ·fi„ÂȘ ÙÔ˘ ˆ˜ ÎÔÌÌÔ˘ÓÈÛÙÈΤ˜, ‰‹ÏˆÛ fiÙÈ ·ÓÙÈÛÙÚ·Ù‡ÂÙ·È ¤ÓÙÔÓ· ¤Ó·

Ù¤ÙÔÈÔ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· ÂÂȉ‹ ÛÙËÚ›˙ÂÙ·È Û ϷÓı·Ṳ̂Ó˜ ıˆڛ˜ ÙÔ˘ ÚÔËÁÔ‡ÌÂÓÔ˘ ·ÈÒÓ·

Î·È ‰ÂÓ ¤¯ÂÈ Î·Ì›· Û¯¤ÛË Ì ٷ Û‡Á¯ÚÔÓ· ÚÔ‚Ï‹Ì·Ù·.

24. µÏ. ¶·˘ÏfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜ (1989), Agapitos (1989), ¶ÚÔ‚fiÔ˘ÏÔ˜, ∑·Ì¿Ú·˜ (1989)

25. µÏ. ÁÈ· ·Ú¿‰ÂÈÁÌ·, ∞Á·ËÙfi˜ (1986, Û. 248), ¢ÚÂÙÙ¿Î˘ (1997, ÛÛ. 30-3, 45-7), ÷-

Ù˙ˉ‹Ì· (1997).

26. ∏ Û˘¯Ó‹ ·ÏÈÓˆ‰›· Î·È Ë ·Ó·ÍÈÔÈÛÙ›· Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ Î·È ÙˆÓ ·Ó·Á-

ÁÂÏÏfiÌÂÓˆÓ Ì¤ÙÚˆÓ ÙˆÓ ∂ÏÏËÓÈÎÒÓ Î˘‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛÂˆÓ ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ÂÍÂÙ·˙fiÌÂÓË ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô Â›Ó·È

¤Ó· ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ Ô˘ ¤¯ÂÈ ÂÈÛËÌ·Óı› Î·È ÙÔÓÈÛı› ·fi ·ÚÎÂÙÔ‡˜ ÂÚ¢ÓËÙ¤˜ (.¯. ‚Ï.

∞ÏÔÁÔÛÎÔ‡Ê˘, 1994, ÛÛ. 58-64, Hassid, 1994, ÛÛ. 109, 113, ∫Ô˘ÙÛÔ˘Ì¿Ú˘, 1996, ÛÛ.

144-5, ÷ÏÈÎÈ¿˜, 1998, ÛÛ. 74-5).

27. º·›ÓÂÙ·È Â›Û˘ fiÙÈ ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ Î·È Î¿ÔÈ· ÛËÌ·ÓÙÈ΋ ·‰˘Ó·Ì›· ÛÙËÓ ÚÔÙÚÔ‹ ÙÔ˘

Keynes ÁÈ· ÂÓÙÔÓfiÙÂÚË ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋ ·Ú¤Ì‚·ÛË Î·È Ù·˘Ùfi¯ÚÔÓ· ÁÈ· ¤ÏÂÁ¯Ô Î·È ÂÚÈÔÚÈ-

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ÛÌfi Ù˘ ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋˜ Û·Ù¿Ï˘, ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ÔÔ›· ›¯Â ÚÔÂȉÔÔÈ‹ÛÂÈ Ôχ ÚÈÓ Ô Smith

(1776, Û. 346), ÁÚ¿ÊÔÓÙ·˜: "∂›Ó·È Ôχ ¿ÙÔÔ Î·È ÙÔÏÌËÚfi ÁÈ· ÙÔ˘˜ ‚·ÛÈÏÈ¿‰Â˜ ηÈÙÔ˘˜ ˘Ô˘ÚÁÔ‡˜ Ó· ÚÔÊ·Û›˙ÔÓÙ·È fiÙÈ ·Ú·ÎÔÏÔ˘ıÔ‡Ó ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· ÙˆÓ ·ÙfïÓÎ·È Ó· ÂÚÈÔÚ›˙Ô˘Ó ÙȘ ÚÔÛˆÈΤ˜ ÙÔ˘˜ ‰·¿Ó˜, ›Ù Ì ÂÚÈÔÚÈÛÙÈÎÔ‡˜ ÓfiÌÔ˘˜ ‹··ÁÔÚ‡ÔÓÙ·˜ ÙËÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁ‹ ÔÏ˘ÙÂÏÒÓ ·Á·ıÒÓ".

76 AÓ·ÛÙ¿ÛÈÔ˜ ¢ . K·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘

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80 AÓ·ÛÙ¿ÛÈÔ˜ ¢ . K·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘

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¡ÂÁÚÂfiÓÙË-¢ÂÏÈ‚¿ÓË, ª. (1981) ∞Ó¿Ï˘ÛË Ù˘ ∂ÏÏËÓÈ΋˜ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜:ÚÔ‚Ï‹Ì·Ù·-ÂÈÏÔÁ¤˜, ∞ı‹Ó·: ¶··˙‹Û˘.

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¶ÚÔ‰ÚÔÌ›‰Ë˜, ∫. (1998) "¶ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂȘ ¶ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÁÈ· ÙÔÓ ∞ÓÙ·ÁˆÓÈÛÌfi",∆¿ÛÂȘ: ∏ ∂ÏÏËÓÈ΋ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·, ∞ı‹Ó·: ∆¿ÛÂȘ, ÛÛ. 100-104.

Paleologos, J. (1989) "The Dynamic Specification of the Investment Func-tion for the Greek Economy: 1954-1988", Spoudai, ∆ÔÌ. 39,ÛÛ. 109-135.

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™·ÚÚ‹˜, ∞. ∑ˆÁÚ·Ê¿Î˘, ™. (1993) "∞ÏÏ·Á¤˜ ÛÙË ¢ÔÌ‹ Î·È ∫·Ù·ÓÔÌ‹∂ÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ÛÙËÓ ∂ÏÏ¿‰· Û ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô ¢È·ÚıÚˆÙÈÎÒÓ ªÂ-Ù·‚ÔÏÒÓ", ÛÙÔ ∆. °È·ÓÓ›ÙÛ˘ (ÂÈÌ.) ª·ÎÚÔÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ¢È·-¯Â›ÚÈÛË Î·È ∞Ó·Ù˘Íȷ΋ ∂ÌÏÔ΋: ¶ÚÔ‚Ï‹Ì·Ù· ™ÙÚ·ÙËÁÈ-ÎÒÓ ∂ÈÏÔÁÒÓ ÛÙËÓ ∂ÏÏ¿‰·, ∞ı‹Ó·: Gutenberg, ÛÛ. 59-76.

Samuelson,P. (1951) "Principles and Rules in Modern Fiscal Policy: ANeo-Classical Reformulation", ·Ó·‰ËÌ. ÛÙÔ J.Stiglitz (ÂÈÌ.)The Collected Scientific Papers of Paul A. Samuelson, Cambr-idge, Mass: The M.I.T.Press, ∆ÔÌ. II, 1966, ÛÛ. 1271-1290.

Singh,V. (1956) (ÂÈÌ.) Keynesian Economics: A Symposium, Delhi: Peo-ple's Publishing House, Ltd.

Smith,A. (1776) An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth ofNations, R.Campbell, A. Skinner (ÂÈÌ.), Oxford: ClarendonPress.

Smithies, A. (1948) "Federal Budgeting and Fiscal Policy", ÛÙÔ HowardEllis (ÂÈÌ.) A Survey of Contemporary Economics, Toronto:The Blakiston Company, ÛÛ. 174-209.

∆¿ÛÂȘ: ∏ ∂ÏÏËÓÈ΋ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· 1998, ∞ı‹Ó·: ¶ÂÚÈÔ‰ÈÎfi ∂ÈÏÔÁ‹.÷ÏÈÎÈ¿˜, ¢. (1998) "√ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ¶ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ Î·È √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ∞Ó¿Ù˘ÍË",

82 AÓ·ÛÙ¿ÛÈÔ˜ ¢ . K·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘

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∆¿ÛÂȘ: ∏ ∂ÏÏËÓÈ΋ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·, ∞ı‹Ó·: ∆¿ÛÂȘ, ÛÛ. 74-86.÷ÛÛ›‰, π., ∫·Ú·ÁÈ¿ÓÓ˘, ∞.¢. (1999) ∏ ∂ȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈÎfiÙËÙ· ÛÙËÓ ∂Ï-

ÏËÓÈ΋ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·: √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ Î·È ∫ÔÈÓˆÓÈ΋ ¶ÚÔÛ¤ÁÁÈÛË,∞ı‹Ó·: Interbooks.

÷Ù˙ˉ‹Ì·, ™. (1997) "∏ ∂ͤÏÈÍË Ù˘ ª¤Û˘ ºÔÚÔÏÔÁÈ΋˜ ∂È‚¿Ú˘Ó-Û˘ ÛÙËÓ ∂ÏÏ¿‰· ·fi ÙÔÓ º.∂.º.¶. Î·È ÙÔ˘ ª¤ÛÔ˘ ∫·ı·-ÚÔ‡ ¢È·ıÂÛ›ÌÔ˘ ∂ÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ηٿ ÙËÓ ∂ÈÎÔÛ·ÂÙ›· 1973-1993", ™Ô˘‰·›, ∆ÔÌ., 47, ¡Ô 1-2, ÛÛ. 41-52.

ÃÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜, §. (1990) √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ πÛÙÔÚ›· Ù˘ ∂ÏÏ¿‰Ô˜ ∆ÔÌ. µ', ∞ı‹-Ó·: ¶··˙‹Û˘.

æ·ÏȉfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜, ª. (1989) ∏ ∫Ú›ÛË ÙÔ˘ 1929 Î·È ÔÈ '∂ÏÏËÓ˜ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÔ-ÏfiÁÔÈ, ∞ı‹Ó·: 'π‰Ú˘Ì· '∂Ú¢ӷ˜ Î·È ¶·È‰Â›·˜ Ù˘ ∂ÌÔÚÈ-΋˜ ∆Ú¿Â˙·˜ Ù˘ ∂ÏÏ¿‰Ô˜.

æ·ÏȉfiÔ˘ÏÔ˜, ª. (1990) ∫¸ÓÛÈ·Ó‹ ıˆڛ· Î·È ÂÏÏËÓÈ΋ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ÔÏÈÙÈ΋: ª‡ıÔ˜ Î·È Ú·ÁÌ·ÙÈÎfiÙËÙ·, ∞ı‹Ó·: ∫ÚÈÙÈ΋.

Zolotas, X. (1975) Developments and Prospects of the Greek Economy:An address, Athens: Bank of Greece.

Zolotas, X. (1977) International Monetary Issues and Development Poli-cies, Athens: Bank of Greece.

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SCHUMPETER’S GAP AND THE ECONOMIC

THOUGHT IN HELLENISTIC TIMES*

CHRISTOS P. BALOGLOU

University of Crete (Rethymnon)

I. Introduction

The economic thought during the Hellenistic period (323-31 B.C.) hasnot been studied extensively. Histories of economic thought, when theyrefer to ancient thought, usually pass directly from Aristotle or his imme-diate successors to medieval economic Aristotelianism1; even the mostrecent and up-to-date of these histories are no exception. It would seemthat ancient economic thought, having reached its zenith in Aristotle's Pol-itics, disappeared, only to reappear as a catalyst for the reflections ofmedieval commentators.2

It may be noted, however, that given the environment in which knowl-edge in general evolved in the West, one does not observe much attentionof the Schools and authors of the Hellenistic Times in literary history,including economics.3

Another motivation, a bit more fundamental, has to do with the "gap"

* A preliminary version of this paper was submitted to the 13th Heilbronn Symposium in

Economics and the Social Sciences (Heilbronn, 23-25. June 2000). I thank the participants,

and in particular Dr.Dr. Helge Peukert (University of Frankfurt/M.) for his criticisms and

positive notes. π acknowledge the help of D. Kerantzakis for polishing my English. Any

errors that might be found should be held for the author’s account.

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in the evolution of economic thought alleged by Joseph A. Schumpeter(1883-1950) in his classic, History of Economic Analysis (1954): "So far asour subject is concerned we may safely leap over 500 years to the epochof St. Thomas Aquinas (1255-74), whose Summa Theologica is in the his-tory of thought what the southwestern spire of the Cathedral of Chartres isin the history of architecture".4 Schumpeter classified several pre-Latin-European scholastic centuries as "blank", suggesting that nothing of rele-vance to economics, or for that matter to any other intellectual endeavor,was said or written anywhere else. Such a claim of "discontinuity" ispatently untenable. A substantial body of contemporary social thought,including economics, is traceable to the Hellenistic writers, of the Hel-lenistic Times.

This paper aims to investigate whether Schumpeter's statement andopinion is right. On discussing this matter it will be investigated firstSchumpeter's relation to the economic thought of the Greeks (Section 1).The level of research on the economic thought of the Hellenistic Times asit appears in the textbooks which Schumpeter used is the issue of the sec-ond section. Section 3 shows the progress of the research concerning theHellenistic economic thought after the publication of the "History of Eco-nomic Analysis". Finally, the conclusions summarize the findings of thispaper.

This reference and relation between Schumpeter's statement and thedevelopment of Hellenistic economic thought acquires in our view a spe-cial meaning if we consider that in the past the 'Great-Gap' thesis has beenunderlined and the development of Arab-Islamic Economic Thought and ithas been proved the irrelevance of this thesis.5 A comparison between Hel-lenistic economic thought and the 'Great-Gap thesis' has not been madeuntil today, as far as we know.

1. Schumpeter and the Greek Economic Thought

It is known that Schumpeter was a man of great culture, wide readingand the possessor of a classical education. He had an excellent Gymnasium

86 Christos Baloglou

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education, giving him a familiarity with Greek and Latin philosophicalschools, and a working knowledge of German, French, Italian, English, andsome ability to read other European languages.6 Schumpeter's coming ofage in the overcharged decade of the declining Hapsburg Monarchy, andhis knowing personally the leading economists in his own country and inGerman, France, Britain and America, plus his ambitious, possibly arro-gant, showmanship, gave him both a sophistication and a range of person-al contacts that no other major historian of the whole discipline has had.Moreover, he generalized easily and often imaginatively. Most of all, heescaped the usual constraints of having been educated within the bounds ofBritish Utilitarianism, and even though for much of his life he apparentlyhad a weakness for the effortless superiority of the English gentleman-scholar, he was in the important sense an intellectually superbly equippedoutsider.7

The "History of Economic Analysis" (henceforth HEA) upon whichJ.A. Schumpeter worked during the last nine years of his life (1941-1950)8

and which he had not quite finished, makes up a real achievement and is aproduct of a long preparation and tiring and systematic research. The workis even today impressive in its bibliographic completeness and its detailedrange of description. The HEA was the result of his intention to translate,revise, and bring up to date the "little sketch of doctrines and methods"(Epochen der Dogmen – und Methodengeschichte) written for the first vol-ume of Max Weber's Grundriss, which was published in 1914.9 This was along essay of a little more than hundred pages which was divided into fourparts. The four main headings in the Epochen were as follows:10

I. Die Entwicklung der Sozialokonomik als Wissenschaft.

II. Die Entdeckung des wirtschaftlichen Kreislaufs.

III Das klassische System und seine Auslaufer.

IV. Die historische Schule und die Grenznutzentheorie.

An examination of the table of contents will show that the first chapterof the Epochen is treated in much more detail in Part II in HEA entitled"From the beginnings to the first classical situation (to about 1790)"; thispart reflects Schumpeter's greatest relative strengths. This second partdescribes the development and the fortunes of scientific analysis in the fieldof economics, from Graeco-Roman times to 1790.

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At this point arises the question on the evaluation of Greeks by Schum-peter.

In the Epochen he declares that the most significant influences whichcome to us by the Greeks are these by Aristotle, Plato, the Stoics and Epi-cureans.11 The great part of this chapter is dealing with Aristotle (pp. 5-8),a little attention will be given to Xenophon (p. 8) and a brief reference willbe given also to the Stoics and Epicureans (p. 9). This reference servesonly the fact that it makes a connection of Greek with the Roman thought.

By the writing of the chapter Schumpeter uses the Histories of G.Kautz, Geschichtliche Entwicklung der Nationalokonomie und ihrer Liter-atur Wien 1860, J. Bonar, Philosophy and Political Economy in some oftheir historical relations. London 1896, and A. Souchon, Les theorieseconomiques dans la Grece antique. Paris 1898.12

In the first chapter of Part II of his HEA entitled "Graeco-Roman Eco-nomics", Schumpeter recalls the distinction between "Economic Thought"and "Economic Analysis" and emphasizes that "the history of economicanalysis begins only with the Greeks"13

In spite of that, he refers to the Ancient Egyptians, Babylonians andAssyrians and to the Chinese political thinkers.14

The greatest part of the chapter is dealing with Aristotle (pp. 57-65).There is a little reference to Xenophon, -and only in a note (p. 54, n. 1),-and there is also a reference to the work "Eryxias" which does belong tothe Hellenistic period.15

Schumpeter does cite the M.L.W. Laistner's collection Greek Eco-nomics (London 1923), and Souchon's work once again.16

From the Hellenistic Period he devotes a unit entitled Greek Philoso-phy referring only to the various Schools of the Hellenistic Times: Skep-tics, Stoics, Epicureans, and Neo-Platonists (p. 65). It is worth-noting thathe devotes one page to Epicurus himself and especially his philosophicalthought. He does not mention or refer to any economic matters dealingwith these Schools.

Another issue, which as far as concerns, is of interest, is that Schum-peter, when dealing with Plato, characterized the 'Politeia' as a 'state novel'and compared it with the other Utopias of the Hellenistic Age. He refers tothe term 'Staatsroman', a term which has been introduced by E. Rohde,17

and recognized that these works did influence the literature of the Ren-

88 Christos Baloglou

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naissance.18 He quotes Ed. Salin's work entitled 'Platon und die griechischeUtopie' (Munchen und Leipzig 1921) and appreciated it.19

2. Hellenistic Economic Thought in other textbooks prior HEA.

At this point arises the question whether Schumpeter had a knowledgeon the Hellenistic Age. To what extend had there been published any stud-ies on economy and economic thought during the Hellenistic Times beforethe publication of HEA?

Rostovtzeff's opus magnum entitled The Social and Economic Historyof the Hellenistic World (3vols, Oxford 1941) was published when Schum-peter began to write his HEA and as it seems it was unknown to him. Fromthe other books which he cited, Bonar's and Kautz's textbooks do refer tothe economic thought of the Hellenistic Times.

Schumpeter does not know Trever's dissertation,20 which devotes a chap-ter to the Hellenistic economic thought, and he does not quote Andreades'sopus magnum entitled A History of the Greek Public Finance, the Englishtranslation of which appeared by Cambridge University Press in 1933.21

Andreades devotes a large chapter to Xenophon's Poroi, and to thework "Oeconomica", which belongs to the Hellenistic Age. It was writtenby a member of the Peripatetic School. This work has an extraordinary sig-nificance both of the introduction of the term "political economy"22 and ofits diffusion in Renaissance.23

However, we should make a note that the brief references he makes tothe Schools of the Hellenistic Times he derives several facts from Bonar'sbook and Bailey's basic textbook on Epicurus. Apart, however from theSchools, it is interesting to note that Schumpeter did know the Hellenistic"Utopias", because he mentioned Salin's book. Salin devoted the most partof his book to Plato24 and the rest to Aristotle,25 Xenophon'sCyropaedie,26 Zenos' Politeia,27 and the four Hellenistic "Utopias":Theopompus' Meropian Land, Hecataeus Cimmerian State, Euhemerus'Sacred Chronicle and Iambulus' Sun Polis.28 Finally, he devoted a chapterto Cicero.29

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Schumpeter did know Salin's book very well, he evaluates it very posi-tively, as we saw, and he writes: "This literature naturally reflects the socialmovements of its time, a subject into which it is impossible to enterhere".30

It would be interesting to trace on those thoughts of Schumpeter's whichreflect to a certain extent his position that there did not exist any economicthought in the Hellenistic Times.

Schumpeter writes a History of Economic Analysis and not a Historyof Economic Doctrines or Social and Economic Theories. From this pointof view we could assume that did not engage with the tradition of economicthought in the Hellenistic Times.

Apart from this, however, we should mention that the informationavailable in respect to the economy of the Hellenistic Period was enoughat the time of writing the HEA. We still wonder on the fact that althoughthe works of Salin and Poehlmann were known to Schumpeter, he did notextensively occupy himself with those issues. The fact that this II Part hasnot been completed by him is certainly not a factor that holds us back.

Finally, it is worth noting another assumption. Frank Knight expressedthe view that Schumpeter's HEA was limited to Western economic think-ing. This view justifies the fact that Schumpeter did make a brief referenceto the contribution of the Asian world. This explains also the fact that hedid not make any reference to the Arab-Islamic World.

3. The development of the research in the study of the economic

thought of the Hellenistic Times

It is characteristic that Schumpeter's statement concerning the 'Gap'after Aristotle has played a decisive role in assessing and accepting theHellenistic Age by the historians of economic thought. Indeed, as far as weknow, the most of the textbooks in this field do not refer to the authors andSchools of the Hellenistic Times. The research, philological and philosoph-ical, has been rapidly developed in the last years and this can be identifiedby the numerous editions of the surviving fragments of the authors and the

90 Christos Baloglou

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synthetic histories of Hellenistic philosophy which have been published. Inspite of this, we cannot express support to the view that the economic lit-erature of the Hellenistic Times has been developed to a satisfactory leveland neither has it reached a satisfactory point. This is proved by the factthat only Spiegel's large book does refer to the authors of the HellenisticTimes.

The absence of any systematic analysis of the authors of the HellenisticAge is to a certain point justifiable, since no such works of those authorsare in existence, as there are only fragments to the most extent.

As far as our work is concerned, we have tried to show that several Hel-lenistic schools do refer to economic problems.31 Several post-Aristoteliantexts on the topic of oikonomike (ÂÚ› ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜) survive from the Hel-lenistic period: the three books of "Oeconomica" written by a member ofAristotle's Peripatetic School,32 the treatise ¶ÂÚ› ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ (On house-hold economics) written by Philodemus of Gadara (110-40),33 the√ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎfi˜ of the Neopythagoreans Bryson and Callicratidas. Asidefrom the works entitled √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎfi˜, Diogenes Laertius informs us thatseveral authors wrote works, entitled ÂÚ› ÏÔ‡ÙÔ˘ (on wealth).

Conclusions

Schumpeter wrote a great work which acquired him a lot of favourablecriticism on an international level. Unfortunately, he died early enough, sohe was not able to see it published and completed, otherwise he could havebeen capable to improve and complete it.

His assumptions concerning the 'Great Gap' do not hold anymore, but,nevertheless, he was able to demonstrate that this makes up a whole peri-od of the History of Economic Thought, which is even today challengingfor one who would search further into the matter.

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Abstract

CHRISTOS BALOGLOU: Schumpeter’s Gap and the Economic Thought in

Hellenistic Times

This paper, written in occasion of the 50th anniversary of Joseph A. Schumpeter's death

(+1950), aims to investigate whether "Schumpeter's Gap" and the Economic Thought in

Hellenistic Times does also exist. By this investigation the development of the research in

the study of the economic thought in the Hellenistic Times has been considered.

NOTES

1. J.C. Glaser 1865 p. 313 expressed the view that we do not find any interesting econom-

ic topics during this period. Many books do not deal with the economic thought during

the Hellenistic period. From the older bibliography see F. Ferrara 1841 [repr. 1955 pp.

381-433], P. Rossi 1857, L. Cossa 1878, A. Souchon 1898, M.L.W. Laistner 1923, G.

Barbieri 1958, Idem 1964, M. Oprisan 1964 and from the later literature see B. Gordon

1975, W.N.A Klever 1986, S. Todd Lowry 1987, L. Houmanidis 1990, L. Baeck 1994.

2. There are other works, though not extensively, which are dealing with the economic

thought of the Hellenistic period, such as J. Bonar 1896, ch. III, A.A. Trever 1916 pp.

125-45, D. Stephanidis 1948 pp. 172-181, G. Tozzi 1955 pp. 246-86, Idem 1961 pp.

209-42, H. Spiegel 1971 pp. 34-39 on the Cynics, Stoics and Epicureans (on p. 672 an

interpretative bibliography), C. Baloglou and A. Constantinidis 1993 pp. 163-177, C.

Baloglou 1995 ch. 11. The interesting article by C. Natali 1995 is dealing with the term

"oikonomia" in the Hellenistic period.

3. I tried in my recent studies to cover this period and to demonstrate that there are

authors who seem to have economic interest. Cf. Baloglou 1992, Idem 1998a; Idem

1998b; Idem 1999a; Idem 2000.

4. J. Schumpeter 1954 [1994] p. 74.

5. See S.M. Ghazanfar 1991; Idem 1995; Idem 1998.

6. G. Haberler 1951 pp. 335-336; M. Perlman 1994 p. xxi.

7. L. Robbins, 1955 pp. 1-22.

8. E.B. Schumpeter 1954 p. xl.

9. The book is entitled: J.Schumpeter, Epochen der Dogmen und Methodengeschichte.

Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr. There is a Greek translation by N. Giannoulatos entitled

92 Christos Baloglou

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πÛÙÔÚ›· √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ £ÂˆÚÈÒÓ Î·È ¢ÔÁÌ¿ÙˆÓ (History of Economic Theories and

Doctrines). Athens: Papazisis, 1939 and an English by R. Aris entitled Economic Doc-trine and Method: An Historical Sketch. New York: Oxford University Press, 1954.

We are referring to the Greek edition.

10. J. Schumpeter 1939 p. 1.

11. J. Schumpeter 1939 p. 5.

12. J. Schumpeter 1939 p. 1, 2, 4n.

13. J. A. Schumpeter 1954 [1994] p. 52.

14. J. A. Schumpeter 1954 p. 52. F. Knight 1954 p. 261 took care to notice that if Schum-

peter was willing to start with the Babylonians, albeit with only a brief reference, he

surely should have been able to make some, even if limited, references to Indian and

presumably other Asian sources, e.g. Zoroaster, as well. It is not without worth to

note that Kaulla 1860 did make extensive references to the Asian sources.

15. J. A. Schumpeter 1954 p. 57.

16. J. A. Schumpeter 1954 p. 54 n. 1.

17. E. Rohde 1914.

18. J. A. Schumpeter 1954 p. 55.

19. "The best interpretation of Greek Staatsromane that I know of -and one that is itselfa work of art- is Edgar Salin's …" J. Schumpeter 1954 p. 55 n. 3.

20. Trever 1916 [1975].

21. A. M. Andreades 1933. It is the revised and enlarged Greek edition of 1928.

22. Oeconomica B I 1345 b12-14.

23. For the reception of the work "Oeconomica" in Renaissance, see J. Soudek 1958, Idem

1968, C. Baloglou 1999b.

24. Ed. Salin 1921 pp. 1-162.

25. Ed. Salin 1921 pp. 163-180.

26. Ed. Salin 1921 pp. 188-198.

27. Ed. Salin 1921 pp. 181-187.

28. Ed. Salin 1921 pp. 199-207 (Theopompus' Meropean Land); pp. 208-219 (Hecataeus' Aigyp-tiaca); pp. 220-234 (Euhemerus' Sacred Chronicle) and pp. 235-241 (Iambulus' Sun State).

29. Ed. Salin 1921 pp. 242-265.

30. J. Schumpeter 1954 p. 55 n. 3.

31. Baloglou and Peukert 1992; 19962; There is a literature concerning the Schools of Hel-

lenistic Age.

32. See Fr. Susemihl 1887; B. A. van Groningen et A. Wartelle 1968.

33. Maniatis and Baloglou 1994.

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Baeck, L. (1994), The Mediterranean Tradition in Economic Thought.London and New York: Routledge.

Baloglou C. (1992), "∞È ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈη› ·ÓÙÈÏ‹„ÂȘ ÙˆÓ ÛÙˆ˚ÎÒÓπÂÚÔÎÏ¤Ô˘˜ Î·È ªÔ˘ÛˆÓ›Ô˘ ƒÔ‡ÊÔ˘ (summary in German)",¶§∞∆ø¡, vol. 44, pp. 122-34.

_______ (1995), ∏ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÛΤ„Ë ÙˆÓ ∞Ú¯·›ˆÓ ∂ÏÏ‹ÓˆÓ [Summaryin German: Das okonomische Denken der Alten Griechen].Foreword by Bas. A. Kyrkos. Thessalonike: Historical andFolk-Cultural Society of Chalkidike.

_______ (1998a), "Hellenistic Economic Thought", in: Ancient andMedieval Economic Ideas and Concepts of Social Justice,edited by S. Todd Lowry and B. Gordon. Leiden-New York-Koln: Brill, pp. 105-146; cf. the review by D.P. O' Brien, Eco-nomic Journal, February 2000, pp. 274-276.

_______ (1998b), "The Economic Thought of the Early Stoics", Essays inEconomic Analysis. Festschrift in Honor of ProfessorTheocharis, edit. by G. Demopoulos, P. Korliras, K. Prodro-mides. Athens: Sideris, pp. 18-36.

_______ (1999a), "∏ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÊÈÏÔÛÔÊ›· ÙˆÓ ∫˘ÓÈÎÒÓ (Summaries inEnglish and French)", Mesogeios, 4, 132-146.

_______ (1999b), "The influence of the work "Oeconomica" on the forma-tion of economic thought and policy in the Middle Ages and inthe Renaissance", Aristotle's Political Philosophy and its influ-ence, edit. by D.N. Koutras. Athens: ∂Ù·ÈÚ›· ∞ÚÈÛÙÔÙÂÏÈ-ÎÒÓ ªÂÏÂÙÒÓ "∆Ô §‡ÎÂÈÔÓ", pp. 23-36.

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_______ (2000), "Die okonomische Philosophie des Kynikers Krates vonTheben", III. International Congress of Boeotian Studies.Thebes, 4-8. September 1996. ∂ÂÙËÚ›˜ ∂Ù·ÈÚ›·˜ µÔȈÙÈ-ÎÒÓ ªÂÏÂÙÒÓ, vol. III, No 2, Athens, pp. 258-70.

Baloglou, C. und H. Peukert (1992), Zum antiken okonomischen Denkender Griechen (800-31 v.u.Z). Eine kommentierte Bibliogra-phie. Marburg: Metropolis, 2nd edn 1996.

Baloglou, C. und A. Constantinidis (1993), Die Wirtschaft in derGedankenwelt der alten Griechen. Frankfurt/M.-Bern: P.Lang.

Barbieri, G. (1958), Fonti per la storia delle dottrine economiche dall' Anti-chita alla prima scolastica. Milano: Marzorati.

_______ (1964), "Le dottrine economiche nell' Antichita Classica", GrandeAntologia Filosofia, edit. by A. Padovani, vol. II, Milano, pp.823-925.

Cossa, L. (1978), "Di alcuni studii storici teorie economiche dei Greci",Saggi di Economia Politica, edit. by L. Cossa. Milano, pp. 3-14.

Ferrara, F (1841), "Economia Politica degli Antichi", Giornale di Statisti-ca, vol. 6, 323-377 [repr. in: Opere complete di Francesco Fer-rara, edit. by B. R. Ragazzi, vol. I. Roma 1955, pp. 381-433].

Ghazanfar, S.M. (1991), "Scholastic Economics and Arab Scholars" The'Great Gap' Thesis Reconsidered", Diogenes: InternationalReview of Human Sciences, No 154, April-June, pp. 117-140.

_______ (1995) "History of Economic Thought: The Schumpeterian 'GreatGap', the 'Lost' Arab-Islamic Legacy, and the Literature Gap",Journal of Islamic Studies 6, No 2, July, pp. 234-253.

_______ (1998), "Post-Greek/Pre-Renaissance Economic Thought: Con-tributions of Arab-Islamic Scholastics during the 'Great Gap'Centuries", Research in the History of Economic Thought andMethodology, 16, 65-89.

Glaser, J.C. (1865), "Die Wirthschaftslehre der Griechen", Jahrbucher furGesellschafts – und Staatswissenschaften 4, 283-313.

Gordon, B. (1975), Economic Analysis before Smith: From Hesiod to Les-sius. New York: Barnes & Noble.

Groningen B. A. van et A. Wartelle (1968), Aristote Economique. Texte

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etabli par B. A. Groningen et A. Wartelle. Traduit et annotepar A. Wartelle. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.

Haberler, G. (1951), "Joseph Alois Schumpeter, 1883-1950", QuarterlyJournal of Economics, 64, 333-72.

Houmanidis, L. Th. (1990), √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ πÛÙÔÚ›· Ù˘ ∂ÏÏ¿‰Ô˜, vol. I.Athens: Papazisis.

Kaulla, G. (1860), Die geschichtliche Entwicklung der Nationalokonomikund ihrer Literatur. Wien [repr. Taunus i. G. 1970].

Klever, W.N.A. (1986), Archeologie van de economie: De economischetheorie in de Griekse oudheid. Utrecht: Nijmegen.

Knight, F. (1954), "Schumpeter's History of Economics", Southern Journalof Economics, 21, 261-72.

Laistner, M.L.W. (1923), Greek Economics: Introduction and Translation.New York.

Lowry, S. Todd (1987), The Archaelogy of Economic Ideas: The ClassicalGreek Tradition. Durham (USA): Duke Univ. Press.

Maniatis, E. & C. Baloglou (1994), ºÈÏfi‰ËÌÔ˜, ¶ÂÚ› ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ [Philode-mus, On household-economics). Athens.

Natali, C. (1995), "Oikonomia in Hellenistic Political Thought", From Jus-tice and Generosity, edit. by A. Laks and M. Schofield. Cam-bridge (UK), pp. 95-128.

Oprisan, M. (1964), Gindirea Economica di Grecia Antica. Bucuresti:Academy of Univ. Press, Bucarest.

Perlman, M. (1994) "Introduction", in: J.A. Schumpeter, History of Eco-nomic Analysis. London: Routledge, pp. xvii-xxxix.

Robbins, L. (1955), "Schumpeter's History of Economic Analysis", Quar-terly Journal of Economics, 44, 1-22.

Rohde, E. (1914), Der griechische Roman und seine Vorlaufer. Berlin[repr. Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1960].

Rossi, P. (1857), "Fragments d' histoire de l' economie politique chez lesGrecs", Melanges d' economie politique d' histoire et dephilosophie, vol. I. Paris, pp. 36-150.

Salin, Ed. (1921), Platon und die griechische Utopie. Munchen und Leipzig:Duncker & Humblot.

Souchon, Aug. (1898), Les theories economiques dans la Grece antique.Paris: Les Belles Lettres.

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Soudek, J. (1958), "The Genesis and Tradition of Leonardo Bruni's anno-tated Latin version of the (Pseudo) Aristotelian Economics",Scriptorium, 12, 260-268.

_______ (1968), "Leonardo Bruni and his public: A statistical and inter-pretative study of his annotated latin version of the (Pseudo)Aristotelian Economics", Studies in Medieval and Renais-sance History, 5, 49-136.

Schumpeter, Elisabeth Boody (1954) "Editor's Introduction" in: J.A.Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis. London: Allen &Unwin, pp. xl-xlviii.

Schumpeter, J. A. (1939), πÛÙÔÚ›· √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ £ÂˆÚÈÒÓ Î·È ¢ÔÁÌ¿ÙˆÓ,Greek transl. By N. Giannoulatos. Athens: Papazisis.

_______ (1954), History of Economic Analysis. London: Allen & Unwin[repr. London: Routledge, 1994].

Spiegel, H.W. (1971), The Growth of Economic Thought. Durham (NC):Duke Univ. Press.

Stephanidis, D. (1948), ∏ ∫ÔÈÓˆÓÈ΋ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÂÓ ÙË ÈÛÙÔÚÈ΋ Ù˘ÂÍÂÏ›ÍÂÈ, vol. I. Athens.

Susemihl, Fr. (1887), Aristotelis quae feruntur Oeconomica. Lipsiae: Teub-ner.

Tozzi, G. (1955), Economisti Greci, Siena._______ (1961), Economisti Greci e Romani. Milano: Feltrinelli.Trever, A.A. (1916), A History of Greek Economic Thought. Diss. Chica-

go [repr. Philadelphia: Porcupine Press, 1975].

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THE MYTHS THAT MAINTAIN US

D. MACAROV, PH.D.

The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Riding along a Texas highway many years ago, a well-known Harvardsociologist grabbed his driver’s arm to ake him avoid a boulder in the mid-dle of the road. The car nevertheless smashed into and through the obstac-le, which turned out to be -as the Texan knew it would- a soft, loose tum-bleweed, which only looked like a rock. The sociologist, later reflecting onhis own behavior, formulated his famous dictum that, “Things perceived asreal are real in their consequences”.

Thus, myths that are accepted as reality may control situations as muchor more than proven facts. The myth that the Soviet Union was firm, agg-ressive and powerful shaped policies and events in the rest of the world foryears. The myth that ethnic differences in the Balkans had been weakenedby continuous interaction within Yugoslavia made the recent explosion inthat area more surprising. The myth that communism in North Korea andin Cuba is a threat to the United States has been increasingly questioned,but still guides American policy.

There are other myths, which, if given continued credence, will distortwhat can be a kinder, gentler, happier future for mankind. This article isconcerned with six myths that today are widely accepted and highly influen-tial in shaping government policy, the economy, and social relations, al-though none of them are true.

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The inflation/unemployment trade-off myth

For many decades it has been an article of faith among economists -andtherefore among the governmental agencies depending upon them- that ahigh unemployment rate insures a low inflation rate. Years of statisticalnegative correlation between unemployment and inflation supported thisassumption. Therefore, the level of acceptable unemployment, and -con-sequently- the steps necessary to limit unemployment, have generally beendecided on the basis correlation between unemployment on individuals,families, and society as a whole are usually answered to the effect that, dueto rising costs, inflation would hurt the financial position of the unemplo-yed as much or more than that of the working population and that a heal-thy economy (read: “low inflation”) is a sine-qua-non for more help to theunemployed. Even explicit refutations of the inflation/unemployment linkby numerous experts have not been enough to erase the conception thatthe road to low inflation is high unemployment.

The amount of unemployment deemed necessary or unavoidable hasvaried with time and places. In 1930, Lord Beveridge, in Britain, saw 2%as the irreducible rate;1 in 1973 this had become 3.5% in the United States;in 1979 this had grown to 4%; and in 1983, to 6%. Current 4% figures arenot expected to be reduced very much.

However, it will be recognized that these are all officially determinedgovernmental rates. Many devices are used by governments to portrayunemployment as less than it is, including narrow definitions, questionab-le methods of counting and biased statistical handling. For example, in theUnited States on hour of work per week is enough to define somenone asemployed. Thus, many authorities hold that official rates must be increas-ed by 50% to 300% to arrive at the actual number of people wanting work,or more work, and unable to find it.2 In any case, the seriousness withwhich unemployment is fought is usually tempered by, and often undercutby, fears of inflation.

But now comes the single stubborn fact that can destroy an elaboratetheory. For the past few years unemployment in the United States has beenlower than at any previous time except during wartime - and inflation hasnot increased. There are even reputed to be severe labor shortages in some

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geographical areas and in some industries, but the inflation figure remainsthe same. Nore is this an historical aberration: even during the Reagan erathe American economy was characterized as “stagflation”. In Israel, therunaway inflation of over 400% per annum some years ago was not stop-ped by creating mass unemployment, but rather by a freeze on wages andprices. Yet, so strong is the power of mythology that these denials of the-ory have been and are being glossed over.

As any first-year research student knows (or should know) correlationis not causation. Because two factors are closely related, it does not neces-sarily follow that one causes the other. For excample, the correlation bet-ween age and retirement does note mean that older people are incapableof working; or that they don’t want to work; nor does it mean that notworking ages people. Retirement is determined by external factors such aspension plans, governmental policy, age discrimination, and social pressu-re, as well as by individual preferences.

Similarly, both unemployment and inflation are independently broughtabout by fiscal policy, technological changes, population structure, andmany other factors. The time has come to abandon the myth that unempl-oyment causes inflation, and instead to recognize that involuntary work-lessness is the root of so many individual, family and social problems thatevery effort should be made to reduce or to eradicate it, without the spur-ious excuse of inflation as a rationalization to avoid such endeavors.

The satisfaction/productivity link myth

One of the most deep-rooted and long-lived myths of modern industri-al society is that satisfied workers work harder and/or do better work. Thisseems so reasonable, so logical, and even so desirable that ever since theHuman Relations school of employee-employer relations, arising from theHawthorne studies, replaced Taylorism with its emphasis on workers astools, innumerable employers have tried to increase production by offe-ring workers more satisfying terms or conditions.

Lack of success in this endeavor was pointed out almost a quarter of a

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century ago, when Locke studied over three thousand cases, seeking a linkbetween worker satisfaction and worker productivity, and finding none.3

The lack of such findings in those and thousands of subsequent cases can bepartially explained by the lacunae in the abovementioned Hawthorne stu-dies, which – although highly influential – were seriously flawed. For exa-mple, the composition of the experimental group was changed in mid-study; the control group was disbanded; the effect of differential paymentswas disregarded; and the changes in production were largely due to factorsother that the assumed improvements in human relations.

Another factor raising questions about assumptions concerning workersatisfactions is the very complicated nature of satisfactions themselves. Ithas been pointed out that satisfaction is a function of expectations, whichmay change quite rapidly. In addition workers may get (or not get) satis-factions from the very fact of having a job; from the work itself; from fac-tors arising from the work (such as prestige and friendships); from the jobconditions; and from any combination of these and their lack.4 Herzberg,in his work, made a contribution to understanding the complicated natureof work satisfactions by distinguishing between factors leading to satisfac-tions and those leiading to dissatisfactions, which may have no relationsh-ip to one another. Unfortunately, he simply assumed, but never studiedempirically, that satisfactions and dissatisfactions exert influence on prod-uctivity. His assumption, taken at face value by many, reinforced the satis-faciton/productivity myth.5

Perhaps the most dramatic instances of myth-denial in this field includethe planning of the Saturn works of General Motors, which were delibera-tely fashioned and widely publicized as maximizing worker participationand thus worker satisfaction, thereby promising harmonious working rela-tionships and sustained high productivity. Unfortunately for the plans andthe publicity as well as the myth, one of the longest, most bitter strikes inGeneral Motors’ history took place subsequently in the Saturn plant. Sim-ilarly, the Volvo works in Sweden were widely praised as an example ofworker participation, satisfaction, and productivity – and nevertheless bec-ame the focus of a large-scale worker strike.

Since many reported work satisfactions and dissatisfactions are inextr-icably intertwined, consciously or unconsciously, with the money factor, itis hard to determine to what extent payment affects satisfactions. In one

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study, however, done in an Israeli kibbutz where everyone received thesame compensation regardless of type or amount of work, no connectionbetween work patterns and work satisfactions were found.6 In other workds,some workers reporting satisfaction from their jobs worked hard, whileothers did not. Some who reported little satisfaction worked hard, and oth-ers did not. This strengthens the (lack of) findings that satisfactions at worklead to more productivity.

Inability to link satisfaction to work patterns has given rise to the hyp-othesis of a “work personality” – that is, the possibility that work patterns,at least in adulthood, are innate responses, little affected by outside influe-nces. In other words, there are people who work hard at whatever they do,and others who never seem to work hard, regardless of the task.7 Unfortu-nately, the possible existence of a stable, life-long reaction to work hasbeen little studied, nor, in the event that such a personality trait exists,have its antecedents been more than cursorily explored.8

Of course, the attempt to provide workers with satisfactions in theirworkplaces is commendable, and – where it exists – a symptom of (perhapsunintended) altruism, but as a spur to more or better work, this myth des-erves to be laid to rest.

The unearned income/work disincentive myth

The belief that unearned income is a disincentive to work contains twosets of contradictory myths, making it, in effect, a double paradox. First,there is the belief that work is inherently moral, noble, healthy, and neces-sary; and that people who cannot work, or who cannot find work, becomeunhappy, depressed, and physically ill. In this view, everyone wants towork, and that – presumably – is the way it should be.

Alongside this belief, and held with equal vigor, is the opposite assum-ption: If people are given enough money on which to live, they will stopworking. This is the basis for the “wage-stop”, almost universal in socialsecurity and welfare systems, that limits unearned payments to less that thegoing, average, or most-recent wage. If people can live without working,

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goes this belief, they will certainly opt to do so, which, of course, contrad-icts the myth that people work because of the values inherent in labor.

Insofar as the first supposition is concerned, there is ample evidencethat people can live healthy, happy lives without working. This was true ofthe ancient Greeks (for whom slaves did the necessary work); in certaintimes and sectors of Jewish life, where learning Torah was a joyous activi-ty and work was relegated to those incapable of study; and, in more anec-dotal fashion, the case of royalty. Although life expectancy was much shor-ter in the days of many monarchies, the royal families – who did not workfor a living – almost invariably lived longer than their hard-working subj-ects, and seemed to have enjoyed life more.

On a more scientific basis, consider some findings concerning retirees.Despite the mythology that they are bored, restless, and unhappy, studyafter study finds that people who retired voluntarily – that is, chose not towork – and have income enough on which to live decently, are happier thatthose of their peers who continued working. They are healthier, and intheir own estimations, are better off. In fact, the majority wish they hadretired sooner.9 Further, the fact that over sixty-seven percent of all Ame-rican male retirees chose to forego three years’ salary and twenty percentof their pensions for life by retiring early, and that over ninety percent ofcurrent retirees leave work early, does not testify to great happiness atwork.10

The second part of this myth – that people will choose not to work ifthey are given money, has indeed been tested empirically. In the early sev-enties several experiments were conducted in various parts of the UnitedStates, in which sums of money were given to working families, and the eff-ect on their work patterns studied. Although the recipients were not requ-ired to choose between the payments and work (which would have streng-thened the experiments), the findings were that the effect of unearned inc-ome on work patterns was almost negligible. Results indicated that therewas a tendency for the second wage-earner in the family to work up to fivepercent less if money was available from elsewhere. Considering the num-ber of second wage-earners (read: wives and mothers) who work only bec-ause of financial need, this result is not remarkable.

Even Freud, whose famous dictum that happiness means to love and towork, did not test this assumption empirically and, indeed, later remarked

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that there seems to be natural human aversion to work (which is hard toreconcile with happiness). It has also been pointed out that Freud’s client-ele were mostly from wealthy urban Viennese families, who did not work.Had he dealt with working people, and had he found the same neuroses andproblems among them, as later therapists have, his views might have cha-nged.11

The reason that two such contradictory myths can exist side-by-side isthat they are applied to different aspects of social policy. The belief thatpeople need work to be healthy and happy is the basis for training schemes,job-creation plans and make-work; and is the basis for much counseling andtherapy in which – a la Freud – work is prescribed and used as a correcti-ve. The belief that people will not work if they can acquire sufficientmoney by other means is the reason that the great majority of social secu-rity programs throughout the world limit payments, even those going tothe elderly, the handicapped, children and the ill, who cannot in any casework.

The second paradox concerning work incentives arises when proposalsfor higher taxes on the wealthy are met with the argument that if their inc-omes are reduced it will hardly be worthwhile for them to work – or towork more – and they will lose their incentives, with disastrous effects onthe economy. It does not seem to occur to most economic policy makersthat if the income of the wealthy is reduced, they might, like the poor, workeven harder to make up the shortfall. In other words, we simultaneouslybelieve that the poor will not work if the are given money, but that the richwill not work if the are not given money. And both of these myths under-pin the economy and the social welfare system.

The trickle-down myth

The myth that a prosperous economy is the best antidote for povertyhas been expressed in a number of metaphors. The most current popularsaying holds that: “A rising tide lifts all the boats”. This view ignores thefact – to continue the metaphor – that a rising tide drowns those without

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boats, and creates a vicious undertow that drags small boats under. Thismyth, in short, says that prosperity among the wealthy will trickle down –even if not in proportionate amounts – to the poor.

As one consequence of the belief in trickle-down, social welfare benef-its are usually restricted during periods of prosperity on the assumptionthat poverty arises from poor economic conditions, and is reduced duringgood times. On the contrary, when a recession strikes, one of the mostpopular methods of curtailing expenditures is to limit social welfare bene-fits. Both of these attitudes have been epitomized as a law of social welfa-re: “When we can afford it, we don’t need it. When we need it, we can’tafford it”.

On a more serious note, the assumption that wealthy periods – or wealthamong the majority of the population – will result in better conditions forthe lowest economic stratum of society simply isn’t true. During the lastdecade the gap between the rich and the poor has been growing in everycountry.

For example, in the 1980s, for every person in the United States whojoined the middle class, two joined the group of the poor.12 For every sev-enty dollar increase in income among the richest twenty percent in theUnited States, the poorest twenty percent lost a dollar.13 In the United King-dom during the same period, for every five thousand pounds sterling in-crease among the upper twenty percent, the lowest ten percent lost twohundred pounds. From 1978 to 1987 the income of the top fifth of the popu-lation in the United States increased by thirteen percent, while that of thebottom fifth declined by eight percent.14

On a global basis, whereas in 1960 the richest twenty percent of theworld population had incomes thirty times greater than the poorest twen-ty percent, by 1990 this had grown to sixty percent greater, when measur-ed between countries. When the gap is measured withing countries, the inc-ome of the richest twenty percent is one hundred fifty times greater thanthat of the poorest.15

Prosperity, it seems, does not trickle down. Rather, it bubbles up. Therich get richer at the expense of those poorer than themselves, and to bel-ieve that a prosperous economy will inevitably or automatically ease thecondition of the poor is akin to believing in the tooth fairy.

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The Bureaucracy-is-Bad Myth

One of the most-often heard reasons for wanting to limit government-al power, privatize public functions, or decrease financial allotments is toreduce the (sometimes bloated; sometimes bungling; sometimes faceless)bureaucracy. Indeed, the word has become a synonym for red-tape and in-efficiency.

However, it might be well to remember the positive functions perfor-med by bureaucracies from their very beginnings. When Jethro saw thatMoses was trying to deal with all the questions, complaints, and requestsof the Hebrews single-handedly, he said, “Thou wilt surely wear away... forthis thing is too heavey for thee. Thou art not able to perform it by thyse-lf alone... Provide able men to be rulers of thousands and rulers of hundre-ds and rulers of fifties and rulers of ten... and every small matter they shalljudge”.

Somewhat later Max Weber pointed out the positives of bureaucracyvery lucidly. By operating according to clear rules, bureaucracy givesevery person that to which he or she is entitled, doing away with nepotism,bribery, influence, whims and force as determinants as to who should getwhat. By dividing the areas handled by each sector, it becomes possible forexpertise and specialization to emerge. By instituting a chain of command,it makes sure that responsibility can be traced to someone.

Problems of bureaucracy do not arise from the nature of bureaucraciesas such, but rather from their misuse. Perhaps the most common objectionto bureaucracy arises from the fact that it is normative for the bureaucratto make the prescribed decisions – that is, not to make mistakes. That ishis or her job. But he or she gets no credit for not making mistakes. Thereare no reactions – no commendations, salary increases or promotions arebased upon not making mistakes. However, let the clerk make a mistake,and there is always a negative reaction – a correction, a calling-down, ablack mark on the record.

The bureaucrat is thus is a no-win position. If there is no gain in makingcorrect decisions, but there is loss in making incorrect decisions, the logi-cal result is that which has come to be described as bureaucratic behavior,that is, to put on making decisions, to avoid making decisions, to deflect

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the decisions sideways to someone else, or upwards in the hierarchy. Thedefect is obviously not inherent in bureaucracies as such, but in the waythey are often conducted.

On the other hand, consider a non-bureaucratic world. On what basiswould decisions be made and implemented? By general consent, whichburned the witches of Salem? By a charismatic leader, like Hitler? By smallself-governing groups, like the Ku Klux Klan? By religious leaders, likeKhomeni or the Grand Inquisitor?

Few alternatives to bureaucratic organizations have survived very longin the modern world, and new systems which are now being bruited abouthave yet to prove themselves less immune to decay and deviation than bur-eaucratic structures. In the meantime, it might be more advisable to usebureaucracies, despite their inherent problems.

The Privatization/Improved Services Myth

Privatization, like sin, can take many different forms, and mean variousthings to people using the word. One researcher lists twenty-one methodsof privatization, which, in effect, becomes twenty-one definitions of varia-tions. These include selling shares to the public; selling-out to the work-force; contracting out to for-profit bodies; and withdrawing from the acti-vity, among the many others.16 For purposes of this paper, however, priv-atization is defined as government agencies or services giving over theirfunctions to other bodies.

There is a multiplicity of reasons as to why formerly nonprofit institu-tions give over their functions to for-profit bodies. Governments, for exam-ple, strive to avoid strife-creating services, like welfare services where ben-efits are seen by recipients as half-empty cups rather than half-full ones,and resented. Or, conversely, services in which the non-deserving are seenas being pampered, and the program is therefore resented by others. Thereare also services that begin to be too expensive to be continued, viz., therising costs of medical care.

There is sometimes an ideological aspect to privatization. The belief

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that the best government is the least government calls for the governmentto divest itself of every service that can be performed by voluntary of pri-vate bodies, regardless of effeciency of effectiveness.

Then there is the belief that the state cannot do what is obviously nee-ded due to the nature of the political process, the pressures of interest groupsand the limitations of administrative bureaucracy. Further there are distin-ctive ethnic and religious needs that cannot (sometimes by law) be answe-red by the government.

However, the most common reason advanced for privatization is thatthe desire for profit will result in more efficient results. The collapse of theSoviet Union’s economic structure put the mark of Cain on anything seenas cooperative, collective, nationalized, or even governmental, and – con-versely – a seal of approval on everything based on profit. Leaving aside themoral aspect of ascribing to human greed the most effective force under-lying societal behaviour, there remains the pragmatic question as to underwhat circumstances privatizaition the public goods and services results inmore efficient operations.

Efficiency, in turn, can only be properly measured if effectiveness isheld constant, and evaluating the results of the human services – hospitals,schools, social welfare agencies, and even prisons – is exceeding difficult.As has been pointed out,

“Because there is very little empirical, tested knowledge... policy ques-tions are often resolved largely on grounds of expediency, or on the basisof questionable assumptions regarding the virtues of non-government org-anizations”.17

Specifically, there is lack of convincing evidence that the values andoperating principles and methods of the market can be effectively trans-ferred to the personal social services, particularly in meeting the needs ofthe poor, or in assuring some semblance of equality.18

It is beyond the scope of this paper and the time allotted me to attemptto survey the entire area of privatization, so let it suffice to use the priva-tization of medical services as a typical example.

There is a tendecency in the area of medicine, as in other areas, for pri-vate services to “cream” the potential clientele – that is, to pick those pat-ients of clients who are easiest and most profitable to deal with. Thus, forexample, “despite the fact that long-term care requires little or no profes-

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sional skill, and very little technology, it is still very difficult to get any kingof insurance that will pay for long-term care... Medicare, in the United Sta-tes, specifically exempts long-term care from coverage”,19 and efforts bythe Clinton administration to provide some sort of long-term health careunder governmental auspices were resoundingly defeated.

Incidentally, although there is a tendency to see long-term care users asprimarily the elderly, about half of community residents needing help withthe activities of daily living (ADL) are under sixty-five, and only twentypercent of them are in nursing homes.20 Yet, “private insurance is for themost part unavailable, and governments have so far established no insura-nce mechanisms to fill this gap”.21 The consequence is that about half ofhomecare costs are paid by the users, often with catastrophic results.22

In Israel, the situation is somewhat different. The National InsuranceInstitute (the equivalent of the American Social Security Administration)provides a limited number of home-help hours to persons judged to be inc-apable of ADL (as evaluated by a Registered Nurse), and this is not limit-ed to the aged. The recruitment and assignment of such personnel, howev-er, is sub-contracted to for-profit manpower-provision agencies. There issome criticism of this system, since the homecare worker generally recei-ves about a half of the sum paid for his or her service by the government.In fact, the for-profit employment agencies have been termed the “for-too-much-profit” agencies.

It should be noted that for many years the only employment agenciesin Israel were those of the Ministry of Labor, private fee-accepting emp-loyment agencies being prohibited by law. The growth of manpower-pro-viding agencies was aided by a loophole in the law. These agencies employthe workers themselves, and then “lease” them, so to speak, to employers,rather than referring the workers to job openings.

A considerable share of long-term care personnel in Israel comes fromabroad. Entering Israel legally as foreign workers, they are employed bypersons made eligible by their physical condition, and the are protectedinsofar as social security, salaries, severance pay, and health coverage andconcerned. Since the first wave of such workers came from the Philippin-es, the word “Filipino” has become generic, meaning a long-term care wor-ker.

Some private insurance companies in Israel do offer a type of long-

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term care policy, but the maximum length of coverage is five years. Sinceelderly persons needing help may live for fifteen, twenty, and even twen-ty-five years after their condition develops, and the non-elderly even lon-ger, this system is hardly adequate.

Turning now to hospitals, concern with the bottom line, couched interms of competition and managed care cost imperatives in the United Sta-tes, has been said to result: “Not only in the shortest length of hospital staysin the industrialized world, but in massive reduction in expert nursing staffin almost all the hospitals in the country – and it is only just beginning”.23

This has been described as “the abandoned of the sick and vulnerable in anincreasing cost-cutting, market-driven health care world”.24

A further consequence of the privatization of medicine is that for-pro-fit agencies invest very little in training and research, and almost nothingin basic research. “The institutions that produce and train medical manpo-wer and perform much clinical research are being forced, by a competitivemarketplace, to forego the resources necessary to carry out their researchand educational functions”.25

Concerning nursing homes, it has been found that nonprofit nursinghomes are more costly than for-profit homes, but this is because the non-profit nursing homes pay higher wages to their employees and hire morestaff per patient. Similarly, a study of homes for the aged in England foundthat the government was more efficient in managing large establishments,but that small establishments were more efficient in private hands. However,the latter were often run as Mom-and-Pop operations, with the owners payinghelp less than the minimum wage, and with the owners themselves working upto ninety-six hours a week without pay, so to speak, so that their real laborcosts were not reflected in the statistics.26

Insofar as hospices are concerned, little difference in costs or quality ofservice has been found to flow from sponsorship – government, voluntary,or for-profit. However, nonprofit hospices have been described as “patie-nt maximizers”, in contradistinction to “profit maximizers”.

Still another distinction between for-profit and nonprofit settings: Per-sons employed in the nonprofit sector report themselves as gaining moresatisfaction from their jobs than their counterparts in business and management.Again, this is not surprising. The goals and activities of the non profit org-anization tend to synchronize with the impetus that leads people to unde-

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rtake careers as carers of various sorts. Consequently, although the classicdilemma of the professional versus the administration has been documen-ted many times, the situation of the personal service professional within abusiness-oriented organization is much more difficult.

Finally, there is evidence that workers is privatized agencies are confi-ned to dealing with cases. Advocacy, social action, organizing client pres-sure groups, and even preventive activities are all abandoned as not cont-ributing to the profit-making function of the agency.27

In summary, privatization of health services does not seem to haveresulted in improved health. On the contrary, ther eis widespread feelingthat more people are being left out of the health services, and that the lessaffluent are receiving worse care and attention than heretofore.

In view of the underlying philosophy for privatization – increased pro-fits – this is not surprising. As Justice Brandeis once remarked: “A corpo-ration has no soul”. For-profit organizations are rarely altruistic, human orsympathetic. They are simply devices – as their name indicates – for makinga profit. When the human part is taken out of the human services, the res-ults are predictable.

Summary

The six myths discussed above are not inclusive of all the mistaken bel-iefs that underlie much social policy. There is the belief that payment nec-essarily leads to better use of services, and that interaction inevitably leadsto good relations, among others. However, myths – in the long run – beginto be seen as just that and the structures built on them start to crumble.Social policy planners would do well to divest themselves of at least someof these long-standing beliefs, in order to begin to plan a more equitable,stable, and happier society.

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Abstract

DAVID MACAROV: The Myths That Maintain Us

There are six myths that, among others, serve to structure government policy, the eco-

nomy and society. Like all myths, belief in them leads to action, and the results may be at

variance with reality. These myths include the belief that inflation and unemployment are

necessarily linked, and that the rise of one inevitably leads to a decrease in the other. A sec-

ond myth holds that satisfied employees are more loyal to their employers, work harder,

and produce more. The third myth is a double paradox that people have an inner need to

work, but will stop if given enough money to live on without work; and that poor people

reduce their work if given more money, but rich people will not work as hard if their inco-

mes are limited. Then there is the trickle-down myth: That a rising tide lifts all the boats.

Finally, is the myth that privatization results in improved services. This article examines the

evidence for each of these myths, and concludes that social policy planners and executies

would do well to divest themselves of these long-standing beliefs, in order to begin to plan

a more equitable, stable, and happier society.

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NOTES

1. Beveridge, W.H., Unemployment: A Problem of Industry. London:Allen and Unwin, 1930; Reich, R.B, “An Industrial Policy forthe Right,” The Public Interest, 7, pp, 3-17; World of WorkReport, 1985, 10, 8; Jones, B., Sleepers Wake! Technologyand the Future of Work. London: Oxford University Press,1982;

2. Kogut, A., and Aron, S., “Toward a Full Employment Policy: an Over-view,” Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, 7, pp. 85-99;Yankelovich, D., and Immerwahr, J., Putting the Work Ethicto Work. New York: Public Agenda Foundation, 1983; Sicr-on, M., How Many Unemployed are there in Israel? Paperdelivered at the annual meeting of the Israel Industrial Relati-ons Research Association, Bar-Ilan University, Ramat Gan,Israel, (1980); Field, F., “Making Sense of the UnemploymentFigures,” in Field, F. (Ed.), The Conscript Army. London:Routledge and Kegan Paul (1977).

3. Locke, E.A. “Job Satisfaction and Job Performane: A Theoretical Ana-logy,” Organizational Behavior and Human Performance, 5(1970): 484-500.

4. Macarov, D., Worker Productivity: Myths and Reality. Beverly Hills:Sage, 1982.

5. Herzberg, F., B. Mauser and B.B. Snyderman. The Motivation to Work.New York: Wiley, 1959.

6. Macarov, D., “Work Without Pay: Work Incentives and Patterns in aSalaryless Environment.” International Journal of Social Eco-nomics, 2 (1975), 106-114.

7. Neff, W.S., Work and Human Behavior, New York: Atherton, 1968.

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8. Macarov, D., “The Work Personality: A Neglected Element in Research.”International Journal of Manpower, 3 (1982), 2-8.

9. Parnes, S. and M. Rosow, Productivity and the Quality of Working Life.Scarsdale: Work in America Institute; Stagner, R., “The Affl-uent Society versus Early Retirement,” Aging and Work, 1(1978), pp. 25-33.

10. Social Security Bulletin, 1994, 57, 3, p. 118.11. Friedenberg, E.Z., “Neo-Freudianism and Erich Fromm,” Commenta-

ry, 1962, 34, p. 389.12. Ropers, R.H., Persistent Poverty: The American Dream Turned Night-

mare. New York: Plenum, 1991.13. Townsend, P., The International Analysis of Poverty. New York: Har-

vester Wheatleaf, 1993, p. 15.14. Ropers, op cit., p. 57.15. Poverty and the Environment. Nairobi, Kenya: United Nations Envir-

onment Programme, 1995.16. Pirie, M., Privatization. Aldershot: Wildwood Press, 1988.17. Kramer, R.M., H. Lorentzen, W.B. Melief and S. Pasquinelli (ed.), Pri-

vatization in Four European Countries: Comparative Studiesin Government-Third Sector Relationships. London: Sharpe,1993, pp. 187-196.

18. Ibid.19. Feder, J., and W.T. Scanlon, “Problems and Prospects in Financing

Long-Term Care,” in McLennan, K., and J.A. Meyer (eds.),Care and Costs: Current Issues in Health Care Policy. Bould-er: Westview, 1989, pp. 67-85.

20. Binstock, R.H., “The Financing and Organization of Long-Term Care,”in Walker, L.C., E.H. Bradley and T. Wetle, Public and Priv-ate Responsibilities in Long Term Care: Finding the Balance.Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1998.

21. Ibid.22. Ibid.23. Baer, E.D., C.M. Fagin and S. Gordon, (eds.) Abandonment of the Pat-

ient: The Impact of Profit-Driven Health Care on the Public.New York: Springer, 1996.

24. Ibid.

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25. Hessel, R.M., and E.P. Steinberg, “Medical Rsearch and Teaching in aMarket-Driven Health Care System”, in McLennan, K., andJ.A. Meyer (eds.), Care and Costs: Current Issues in HealthCare Policy. Boulder: Westview, 1989, pp. 133-145.

26. Judge, K., and M. Knapp, “Efficiency in the Production of Welfare:The Public and Private Sectors Compared,” in Klein, r., andM. O’Higgins, The Future of Welfare. Oxford: Basil Blackw-ell, 1985.

27. Smith, S. R., Changing Government-Nonprofit Relations in Social Pol-icy. Arnulf M. Pins Memorial Lecture, Paul Baerwald Schoolof Social Work, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem, Israel,1999, pp. 38-39.

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∏ ÂͤÏÈÍȘ Ù˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ ÌÂٷ͇ 16Ô˘ - 18Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜

1. ™˘ÁÁÚ·Ê›˜ ˘ÔÛÙËÚ›˙Ô˘Ó fiÙÈ Ë ËÁÂÌÔÓ›· ÙˆÓ T˘‰ˆÚ (1457-1603)Û˘Ì›ÙÂÈ Ì ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ Ù˘ ∂·Ó·ÛÙ¿Ûˆ˜ ÙˆÓ ∆ÈÌÒÓ (16Ô˜-17Ô˜·ÈˆÓ). ∫·Ù¿ ÙÔÓ J.T. Rogers(1) Ë ·Î·Ù¿ÛÙ·ÙÔ˜ ‡„ˆÛȘ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ ‹Ú¯È-ÛÂÓ ÂÓ ∞ÁÁÏ›· ηٿ ÙÔ ‰Â‡ÙÂÚÔÓ ‹ÌÈÛ˘ Ù˘ ‚·ÛÈÏ›·˜ ÙÔ˘ ∂ÚÚ›ÎÔ˘ ∏’(1491-1547), Ì ÙÔ ˘ÔÙÈÌË̤ÓÔÓ ÓfiÌÈÛÌ·. K·Ù’ ·˘ÙfiÓ ÙÔÓ ÙÚfiÔÓ ÔRogers ·ÔÛÙ·ÛÈÔÔÈ› ÙËÓ ÂΉԯ‹Ó ÙÔ˘ ‚·ÛÈÎÔ‡ ·ÈÙ›Ô˘ Ù˘ ·ӷÛÙ¿-Ûˆ˜ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ, ÂÎ Ù˘ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁ‹˜ ÔÏ˘Ù›ÌˆÓ ÌÂÙ¿ÏÏˆÓ ÂÎ ÙÔ˘ N¤Ô˘KfiÛÌÔ˘. O R.B. Outvahte fï˜ ‹ÙÔ ÂΛÓÔ˜, Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ·ÚÂÙ‹ÚËÛÂÓÚÒÙÔ˜ fiÙÈ ·È ÙÈÌ·› › EÏÈÛ¿‚ÂÙ (1533-1603) ‰ÂÓ Ë˘Í‹ıËÛ·Ó Î·Ù¿ ÙËÓ·˘Ù‹Ó ·Ó·ÏÔÁ›·Ó Ì ÙËÓ ÂÏ¿ÙÙÙˆÛÈÓ Ù˘ ÂÛˆÙÂÚÈ΋˜ ·Í›·˜ ÙÔ˘ ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·-ÙÔ˜, Î·È fiÙÈ ·È ÙÈÌ·› Û˘Ó¤¯ÈÛ·Ó Ó· ˘„Ô‡ÓÙ·È Î·È ÌÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ ·ÔηٿÛÙ·-ÛÈÓ Ù˘ ÂÛˆÙÂÚÈ΋ ·Í›·˜ ÙÔ˘ ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜(2). O Brenner, ·fi Ù˘ ȉÈ΋˜ÙÔ˘ ÛÎÔÈ¿˜, ·ÚÂÙ‹ÚËÛÂÓ fiÙÈ Ë ·‡ÍËÛȘ ÙˆÓ ÁÂÓÈÎÒÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ ÂÓ AÁÁÏ›·‹Ú¯ÈÛÂÓ Ì ÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛÈÓ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ ÙˆÓ ·ÁÚÔÙÈÎÒÓ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ, ‰ËÏ·‰‹·fi ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1510 Î·È Û˘Ó¯›ÛıËÛ·Ó Î·ı’ fiÏÔÓ ÙÔ ÚÒÙÔÓ ‹ÌÈÛ˘ ÙÔ˘

1. J.T. Rogers: «A History of Agriculture and Prices in England from the year after theOxford Parliament to the Continental War (1713)» The Economic History Review1259. Vol. IV ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 727-728.

2. R.B. Outvahte: «Inflation in Tudor and Early Stuart England» 1929. ∆he EconomicHistory Review, Vol. IV ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 15, 35.

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16Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜. K·È Ë ‡„ˆÛȘ ·‡ÙË ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ, ηٿ Brenner, ˆÊ›ÏÂÙÔÂȘ ÙËÓ Â·‡ÍËÛÈÓ Ù˘ ΢ÎÏÔÊÔÚÈ΋˜ Ù·¯‡ÙËÙÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ ¯Ú‹Ì·ÙÔ˜. ∫·È ·‡-ÙË, ·ÈÙ›·Ó ›¯Â ÙËÓ Ù·¯Â›·Ó ‡„ˆÛÈÓ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ ÙˆÓ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ Ù˘ ‚ÈÔ-Ì˯·Ó›·˜ Î·È ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È ÙËÓ Â› Ù˘ Á˘ ÎÂÚ‰ÔÛÎÔ›·Ó Û˘Ó›·Ù˘ ·˘Í‹Ûˆ˜ ÙÔ˘ ÏËı˘ÛÌÔ‡ Î·È Ù˘ Û˘ÁÎÂÓÙÚÒÛÂÒ˜ ÙÔ˘ ÂȘ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·-ÓÈο Î·È ÂÌÔÚÈο ΤÓÙÚ·, Û˘Á¯ÚfiÓˆ˜ Ì ÙËÓ ÂÏ¿ÙÙˆÛÈÓ Ù˘ ÚÔÛÊÔ-Ú¿˜ ·ÁÚÔÙÈÎÒÓ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ Î·È ÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛÈÓ ÙˆÓ ËÌÂÚÔÌÈÛı›ˆÓ.(3)

∫·ı’ ËÌ¿˜, Ë ÂÓ E˘ÚÒË ∂·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛȘ ÙˆÓ ∆ÈÌÒÓ ÂÎΛÓËÛÈÓ ¤¯ÂÈÚfi Ù˘ ÂÈÛÚÔ‹˜ ÔÏ˘Ù›ÌˆÓ ÌÂÙ¿ÏÏˆÓ ÂÎ ÙÔ˘ N¤Ô˘ KfiÛÌÔ˘. K·È ÙÔ‡ÙÔ,·Ê’ ÂÓfi˜ ÌÂÓ ‰ÈfiÙÈ ÔÚ˘¯Â›· ÔÏ˘Ù›ÌˆÓ ÌÂÙ¿ÏÏˆÓ ÂÓ E˘ÚÒË Î·È AÊÚÈ-΋ ˇÍËÛ·Ó ÙËÓ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹Ó ÙˆÓ, ·Ê’ ÂÙ¤ÚÔ˘ ‰Â ‰ÈfiÙÈ Î·Ù¿ ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓÙ˘ ¶ÚÒÙ˘ µÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈ΋˜ ∂·Ó·ÛÙ¿Ûˆ˜ (1540-1640), Ë ·‡ÍËÛȘ ÙÔ˘ÏËı˘ÛÌÔ‡ ÂÙfiÓˆÛ ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ· ÌÂ Û˘Ó¤ÂÈ·Ó ÙËÓ‡„ˆÛÈÓ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ.

◊‰Ë ·fi ÙÔ˘ 14Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜ ·Ó‰›¯ıËÛ·Ó ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·Ù›·È ÂȘ TÚ·Â-˙›Ù·˜Ø ÙÔ‡ÙÔ Û˘Ó¤‚Ë ÂȘ ÙËÓ πÙ·Ï›·Ó Î·È ÂȘ ÙËÓ ˘fiÏÔÈÔÓ E˘ÚÒËÓ, ˆ˜Ô ÚÔ·Ó·ÊÂÚı›˜ Jaques Coeur ÂÓ °·ÏÏ›·, ηıÒ˜ Î·È ÂÓ °ÂÚÌ·Ó›· ÔÈ:Arteveide, Welser, Imholf Hochstetters, Rems, Manlichs, Mentings, Adlers,Hangs Î·È Fugger. √È ÙÂÏÂ˘Ù·›ÔÈ Ì¿ÏÈÛÙ· Â¤Ù˘¯ÔÓ Ó· Îfi„Ô˘Ó Î·È È‰È-ÎfiÓ ÙˆÓ ÓfiÌÈÛÌ·. I‰Ú˘Ù‹˜ Ù˘ TÚ·¤˙˘ ·˘Ù‹˜ ‹ÙÔ Ô Georg Fugger(1453-1506) Ì ηْ ¢ı›·Ó ·ÔÁfiÓÔ˘˜ ÙÔ˘˜ Marx (1488-1511), Raymund(1489-1535), Anton (1493-1560) Ì ÙÂÏÂ˘Ù·›ÔÓ ·fiÁÔÓÔÓ ÂÎ Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÁÂ-Ó›·˜ ÙÔÓ Raymund (1553-1606). OÈ Fugger ηÙ›¯ÔÓ ÙÂÚ·ÛÙ›·Ó ÂÚÈÔ˘-Û›·Ó(4) ÂÚÈÏ·Ì‚¿ÓÔ˘Û·Ó ÔÚ˘¯Â›· ¯·ÏÎÔ‡ Î·È Ûȉ‹ÚÔ˘, ¯Ú˘ÛÔ‡ Î·È ·Ú-Á‡ÚÔ˘ ÂȘ ™¿ÏÛÙÌÔ˘ÚÁÎ Ì ÈηÓÔ‡˜ ‰È¢ı˘ÓÙ¿˜ ÙˆÓ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂÒÓ ÙˆÓˆ˜ ÔÈ: Hans Meterhofer, Georg Tronstetter Î·È Hans Capeller. ∏ TÚ¿Â-˙· ÙˆÓ Fugger Ë ÔÔ›· ›¯Â ‰·Ó›ÛË ÌÂÁ¿Ï· ÔÛ¿ ÂȘ ÙËÓ IÛ·Ó›·Ó, ÌÂÙËÓ ÙÒ¯Â˘Û›Ó Ù˘ (1607), ·Ú’fiÏÔÓ fiÙÈ Î·Ù›¯ÂÓ Â› ‰‡Ô ·ÈÒÓ·˜ ÌÂÁ›-ÛÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ÈÛ¯‡Ó, ÂÎÏÔÓ›ÛıË, Î·È ÂÚ› ÙÔ Ù¤ÏÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ 17Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜¤·˘Û ӷ ˘Ê›ÛٷٷÈ.

118 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

3. Y.S. Brenner: «The Inflation of Prices in England» (1551-1650). The Economic Histo-ry Review, Vol. XIV ¡Ô 2 (1961) ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 225-239. ∞Ó·ÏfiÁÔ˘˜ ·fi„ÂȘ Ì ÙÔÓ Bre-

nner ·Ó¤Ù˘ÍÂÓ ÚÔ ·˘ÙÔ‡ Ë Ingrid Hammerstom: «The Price Revolution in Sixteenth

Century ∆he Scandinavian Economic History Review, V (1957) ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 128-154.

4. √ Jacob Fugger, ÌÂÙ¿ ÙÔÓ ı¿Ó·ÙfiÓ ÙÔ˘, η٤ÏÈÂÓ ÂÚÈÔ˘Û›·Ó ÙfiÛÔÓ ÌÂÁ¿ÏËÓ fiÛËÓ

‰ÂÓ Â›¯Â ÁÓˆÚ›ÛË Ô ÎfiÛÌÔ˜ ·fi ڈ̷˚ÎÒÓ ¯ÚfiÓˆÓ. ¶ÂÚ› Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÁÂÓ›·˜ ÙÔ˘ ‰¤Ó-

‰ÚÔ˘ ÙˆÓ Fugger ÂȘ Scripta Mercaturae, München 1967 Vol. I ÛÂÏ. 60.

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MÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ TÚ¿Â˙·Ó ÙˆÓ Fugger ‰¤ÔÓ Ó· ÌÓËÌÔÓ‡ۈÌÂÓ ÂÓÙ·‡ı· ηÈÙÔÓ Welser Ì ËÁ¤ÙËÓ ÙÔ˘ √›ÎÔ˘, ÙÔÓ Bartolomäus(5) ÁÂÓÓËı¤ÓÙ· ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜1484 Î·È ÂÍ·ÏÒÛ·ÓÙ· ÙËÓ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈÎ‹Ó ÙÔ˘ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ· ÂȘ N˘-ÚÂÌ‚¤ÚËÓ, O‡ÏÌ, §ÂÈ„›·Ó, KÔψӛ·Ó, AÌ‚¤ÚÛ·Ó, §˘ÒÓ, §ÈÛÛ·‚ÒÓ·,BÂÓÂÙ›·Ó, MÈÏ¿ÓÔÓ, PÒÌËÓ. H ∆Ú¿Â˙· ·‡ÙË Â¯ÔÚ‹ÁÂÈ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÂÈ ‰·-Ó›ˆ ˘ÔÛÙËÚ›˙Ô˘Û· Ú›ÁÎÈ·˜ Î·È ‚·ÛÈÏ›˜ Î·È ÂÈÙ˘Á¯¿ÓÔ˘Û· ÔÏÏ¿-ÎȘ Ó· ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙ‹ Î·È Ù·˜ ÊÈÏÔ‰ÔÍ›·˜ ÚÈÁΛˆÓ, ÔÈ ÔÔ›ÔÈ Ì ٷ ‰·-ÓÂÈ˙fiÌÂÓ· ·Ó‹Ú¯ÔÓÙÔ ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ıÚfiÓÔÓ, ˆ˜ ¿ÏψÛÙ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ Û˘Ó¤‚·ÈÓÂÓ Î·ÈÌ ÙÔ˘˜ Fugger, ÔÈ ÔÔ›ÔÈ Â¯ÔÚ‹ÁÔ˘Ó ‰¿ÓÂÈ· ¤ÙÈ Î·È ÂȘ TÚ·Â˙›Ù·˜. TÔÓB·ÚıÔÏÔÌ·›ÔÓ Welser ËÎÔÏÔ‡ıËÛ·Ó Î·È ÔÈ ‰È¿‰Ô¯Ô› ÙÔ˘ Anton, Christoph,Leonhard Î.·.(6), ÌÂٷ͇ ‰Â ÙˆÓ Ï¤ÔÓ ÈηÓÒÓ Û˘ÓÂÚÁ·ÙÒÓ ÙˆÓ ÂȘ™¿ÏÛÌÔ˘ÚÁÎ ‹Û·Ó Î·È ÔÈ ·‰ÂÏÊÔ› Adam Î·È Hary Swetlowitz.

2. MÂÙ¿ ÙoÓ ∂ηÙÔÓÙ·ÂÙ‹ ¶fiÏÂÌÔÓ (1338-1453) ÙÔ ÂÌfiÚÈÔÓ Î·Ù¤ÛÙËÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚÔÓ, ·ÓÂÌÊ·Ó›ÛıËÛ·Ó ·È ·ÙÔÓ‹Û·Û·È ÂÌÔÚÔ·ÓËÁ‡ÚÂȘ ηÈÙÔ ı·Ï¿ÛÛÈÔÓ ÂÌfiÚÈÔÓ Â·Ó¤ÎÙËÛ ÙËÓ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ¿ ÙÔ˘ ·Ó¿ ÙËÓMÂÛfiÁÂÈÔÓ.

H ÚÒÙË BÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈ΋ E·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛȘ (1540-1640) ËÚ¤ıÈÛ ÙÔ ÂÌfi-ÚÈÔÓ Î·È ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ÂÌÔÚÈÎfiÓ Î·ÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfiÓ, Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ÂÙfiÓˆÛ ÙÔÓ ËÓ‰ÚÒ-ıË Ì ÙËÓ ı‹Ú·Ó ÙˆÓ ÔÏ˘Ù›ÌˆÓ ÌÂÙ¿ÏÏˆÓ Î·È ÙËÓ ÔÏÈÙÈÎ‹Ó ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔ-ÚÔÎÚ·ÙÈÛÌÔ‡.

EÓ °·ÏÏ›· Ô ÂÌÔÚÈÎfi˜ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfi˜ ÂÓÂı·ÚÚ‡ÓıË, ·fi ÂÔ¯‹˜§Ô˘‰Ô‚›ÎÔ˘ IA' (1461-1483), Ì ÙËÓ Â˘ÓÔ˚Î‹Ó ·˘ÙÔ‡ ı¤ÛÈÓ ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ ÙÔ˘ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È ÙËÓ ‰˘ÛÌÂÓ‹ ÙÔ˘ ı¤ÛÈÓ ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ Ù˘ ·ÓÙȉڿÛˆ˜ ÙˆÓ E˘ÁÂ-ÓÒÓ.

EÓ AÁÁÏ›· Ô ÂÌÔÚÈÎfi˜ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfi˜ ÚÔÒ‰Â˘ÛÂÓ ¤ÙÈ ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂ-ÚÔÓ. ∏ ÚfiÔ‰fi˜ ÙÔ˘ ·˘Ù‹ ˆÊ›ÏÂÙÔ(7): ·) EȘ ÙËÓ ÂÚÈÔ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·Ó. A‡-ÙË ·ÓÂÙ‡¯ıË ÂȘ Ù· ·ÛÙÈο ΤÓÙÚ·, fiÔ˘ ˘Ê›ÛÙ·ÙÔ Ï‹ıÔ˜ ÂÚÁ·ÙÈÎÒÓ¯ÂÈÚÒÓ, ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ÂȘ Ù· ÂÚ›¯ˆÚ¿ ÙˆÓ, fiÔ˘ ˘‹Ú¯ÔÓ Â˘ıËÓ¿ ÔÈÎfi‰·ÚÔ˜ ·Ó¤ÁÂÚÛÈÓ ÂÁηٷÛÙ¿ÛˆÓ. K·È Ù·‡Ù· ȉȷÈÙ¤Úˆ˜ ·ÚÂÙËÚ‹ıËÛ·Ó,fiÙ·Ó Ë AÁÁÏ›· ‰È‹ÏıÂÓ, ·fi ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎfiÓ Î·È-Ù·ÏÈÛÌfiÓ. ‚) EȘ ÙÔ ÌÂÙ¿ ÙÔ˘ Â͈ÙÂÚÈÎÔ‡ ÂÌfiÚÈÔÓ, ÙÔ ÔÔ›ÔÓ Î·Ù¤ÛÙË

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 119

5,6.Th. G. Werner: «Bartoloma~us Welser, Werden und Wirken eines Köninglichen Kauf-

mannes der Rennaissanse» Script Mercaturae 1967 Vol. 1 ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ. 71 Î. Â. Die Fugg-

er und Welser in Salzburg Scripta Meraturae Vol. 1-2, 1972 pp. 73 Î.Â.

7. √ √. Meredith: Economic History of England. London, ·.¯Ú. ÛÂÏ. 152. J. Nef: Rise ofBritish Industry, New York 1932.

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ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔÓ ÂȉÈÎÂ˘Ì¤ÓÔÓ Î·È ·ÓÙ·ÁˆÓÈÛÙÈÎfiÓ. AÈ ÂÌÔÚÈη› ∂Îı¤-ÛÂȘ, Î·È ·È ·ÁÔÚ·› Û˘ÓÂΤÓÙÚˆÓ·Ó ÔÏÔ¤Ó Î·È ÌÂÁ·Ï˘Ù¤Ú·˜ Î·È Î·ÏÏÈÙ¤-Ú·˜ ÔÈfiÙËÙÔ˜ ÂÌÔÚ‡̷ٷ, Ù· ÔÔ›· ËÚ¤ıÈ˙ÔÓ ÙËÓ Î·Ù·Ó¿ÏˆÛÈÓ ÚÔ˜ÈηÓÔÔ›ËÛÈÓ Ó¤ˆÓ ·Ó·ÁÎÒÓ ‰È· Ó· ‰È¢ڢÓı‹ ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔÓ ÙÔ Â͈ÙÂ-ÚÈÎfiÓ ÂÌfiÚÈÔÓ. ∆Ô‡ÙÔ ‰ÈˢÎfiÏ˘ÓÂÓ Î·È ÙËÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·Ó Ì ÙÔÓ ÂÊÔ-‰È·ÛÌfiÓ Ù˘ Ì ÚÒÙ·˜ ‡Ï·˜ Î·È ÙÔ˘˜ ÂÚÁ·˙fiÌÂÓÔ‡˜ Ù˘ Ì ÙÚfiÊÈÌ·, ¤ÙÈfï˜ ÙÔ Â͈ÙÂÚÈÎfiÓ ÂÌfiÚÈÔÓ ÂÙÔÓÔ‡ÙÔ Î·È Ì ÙËÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁ‹Ó Û·Ó›ˆÓ·Á·ıÒÓ ÚÔÂÚ¯ÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ ÂÎ ÙˆÓ ·ÔÈÎÈÒÓ. ∫·Ù¿ ÙËÓ ‰È¿ÚÎÂÈ·Ó Ù˘ ËÁÂ-ÌÔÓ›·˜ ÙˆÓ ∆˘‰ÒÚ Ë ÂÙ·ÈÚ›· Merchant ∞dventurers ÚÔÛ¿ıËÛ ӷÔÚÁ·ÓÒÛË ÙËÓ ·ÁÔÚ¿ › ÌÔÓÔˆÏȷ΋˜ ‚¿Ûˆ˜. ∏ ÂÙ·ÈÚ›· fï˜ ·‡ÙˉÂÓ Ë‰˘Ó‹ıË Ó· ÛËÌÂÈÒÛË ÚfiÔ‰ÔÓ ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ Ù˘ πÛ·Ó›·˜ Î·È ¶ÔÚÙÔÁ·Ï›-·˜. ∆Ô‡ÙÔ fï˜ Â¤Ù˘¯ÂÓ Ë Û˘Á¯ÒÓ¢ÛȘ ÙˆÓ ÂÙ·ÈÚÈÒÓ Muscovy Comp-any (1555), Levant Company (1581) Î·È East India Company (1600)·ÊÔ‡ ‹ÙÔ ÙÔ ‚·ÛÈÎfiÓ ‚‹Ì· ÚÔ˜ ÂÌÔÚÈÎ‹Ó ÂͿψÛÈÓ Î·È ·Ó¿Ù˘-ÍÈÓ.(8) Á) ∂Ș Ù· ÌÂÁ¿Ï· ·Ôı¤Ì·Ù· ¿ÓıÚ·ÎÔ˜, Ù· ÔÔ›· ˆ˜ ıÂÚÌ·ÓÙÈ΋‡ÏË ·ÓÙÈη٤ÛÙËÛ·Ó ÙÔÓ Í˘Ï¿Óıڷη(9).

3. M ÙËÓ ˆÎ¿ÓÂÈ·Ó ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ ·Ú¯›˙ÂÈ ÌÈ· Ó¤· ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô˜ Î·È ‰È· ÙËÓOÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·Ó. ∫·È ÂȘ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ Û˘ÓÂÙ¤ÏÂÛÂÓ Ë Ù¯ÓÔÏÔÁÈ΋ ÚfiÔ‰Ô˜ Î·È ËıÚËÛ΢ÙÈ΋ MÂÙ·ÚÚ‡ıÌÈÛȘ, ·È ÔÔ›·È ÂÓÂı¿ÚÚ˘ÓÔÓ ÙËÓ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈ-Î‹Ó ÚˆÙÔ‚Ô˘Ï›·Ó ›Ó· ·‡ÙË Û˘ÓÂÚÁ‹ÛË Î·Ù¿ ÙÔ Ì¿ÏÏÔÓ Î·È ‹ÙÙÔÓ ÂȘÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍÈÓ. Afi ÙÔ˘ 18Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜, Î·È ‰Ë ÂÚ› ÙÔ Ù¤ÏÔ˜ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘, ı· ·Ú¯›ÛË ÌÈ· Ó¤· ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô˜ ‰È· ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·Ó, ÙËÓ ÔÔ›·Ó ı·ÛËÌ·‰Â‡ÛÔ˘Ó Ë °ÂˆÚÁÈ΋ E·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛȘ, Ë BÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈ΋ ∂·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛÈ˜Î·È Ë KÔÈÓˆÓÈ΋ E·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛȘ. Afi Ù˘ ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘ Ù·‡Ù˘ Ë TÚ¿Â˙·,ˆ˜ ·Ú¿ÁˆÓ Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ˙ˆ‹˜, ı· ·›ÍË ÚˆÙ‡ÔÓÙ· ÚfiÏÔÓ Î·È Ë√ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ πÛÙÔÚ›· ı· ÂÈÛ¤ÏıË ÂȘ Ì›·Ó Ó¤·Ó ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ ÙËÓ ÙˆÓ ™˘Á-¯ÚfiÓˆÓ XÚfiÓˆÓ, Ì ÙÔÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎfiÓ Î·ÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfiÓ.

H ·Ó¿‰ÂÈÍȘ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡ Î·È ‚Ú·‰‡ÙÂÚÔÓ ÙÔ˘ ‚ÈÔÌË-¯·ÓÈÎÔ‡ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡ ÂÓ IÛ·Ó›· ‹Ú¯ÈÛÂÓ, ·fi ÙËÓ ÂÚÈÔ¯‹Ó Ù˘ K·Ù·-ψӛ·˜(10) ÂÓı· ˘‹Ú¯ÂÓ ·ÓÂÙ˘Á̤ÓË ÌÂÙ·ÍÔ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·(10), ‰È· Ó· ·ÎÔ-

120 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

8,9.√ Meredith: A˘ÙfiıÈ.

10. E. Liuch: Il Pensiamento Economico a Catalunya 1760-1840, Origines Ideologicas delprotectionisme y la pusa de consiencia de la Borgesia Catalana, Barcelona 1973, ÙÔ˘

ȉ›Ô˘: Pensiamento Economico e Industrializzation Sedera Valenciana (1740-1840)

Università di Valencia 1974 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 58-61.

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ÏÔ˘ı‹ÛÔ˘Ó Î·È ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈη› ÌÔÓ¿‰Â˜ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜ ÂÙ¤ÚˆÓ ·Á·ıÒÓ. √ Je-an Charles Asselain ˘ÔÛÙËÚ›˙ÂÈ fiÙÈ Ë °·ÏÏ›·, ¤ÙÈ Î·È Î·Ù¿ ÙÔÓ 20ÔÓ ·ÈÒ-Ó·, ›¯ÂÓ ÌÔÚÊ‹Ó ËÌÈ·ÁÚÔÙÈÎ‹Ó - ËÌÈ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈ΋Ó. πÛ¯˘Ú›˙ÂÙ·È ‰Â fiÙÈ Ë°·ÏÏ›· ‰È‹ÏıÂÓ ÙËÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎ‹Ó Ù˘ ·ӿÛÙ·ÛÈÓ Î·Ù¿ ÙÔÓ ·˘ÙfiÓ ¯Úfi-ÓÔÓ Ì ÙËÓ ∞ÁÁÏ›·Ó.(11) ∂¿Ó, ϤÁÂÈ, ˘¿Ú¯Ë Û‡Á¯˘ÛȘ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ÔÊ›ÏÂÙ·È ÂȘÙÔ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ fiÙÈ Ë ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈ΋ ·ӿÛÙ·ÛȘ ÂÓ °·ÏÏ›· ‹ÙÔ Â·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛȘ«·Ú·ÁˆÁÈ΋» ÂÓÒ Ù˘ ∞ÁÁÏ›·˜ ‹ÙÔ «Î·Ù·Ó·ÏˆÙÈ΋». ∫·È ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ‰ÈfiÙÈ Ëª. µÚÂÙ·ÓÓ›· ·Ú‹Á·Á ̤۷ ηٷӷÏÒÛˆ˜, ÂÓÒ Ë °·ÏÏ›· ̤۷ ·Ú·-ÁˆÁ‹˜. H IÛ·Ó›· fï˜ Ô˘‰¤ÔÙ ÂÁÓÒÚÈÛ ÙËÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎ‹Ó ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍÈÓÙ˘ AÁÁÏ›·˜ (·fi ÙÔ˘ 18Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜) ‹ Î·È Ù˘ °·ÏÏ›·˜ Î·È ÙÔ˘ µÂÏÁ›Ô˘(ηٿ ÙËÓ ·Ú¯‹Ó ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜) ‹ Î·È Ù˘ °ÂÚÌ·Ó›·˜ (ηٿ ÙÔ Ù¤ÏÔ˜ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜). ¶ÚÔÛ¤ÙÈ Ë IÛ·Ó›· ¤ÓÂη ÙˆÓ Î·ı˘ÛÙÂÚËÌ¤ÓˆÓ ‰È·Ú-ıÚÒÛÂÒÓ Ù˘ Î·È Ù˘ ÌÂÁ¿Ï˘ Á·ÈÔÎÙËÛ›·˜ Î·È ˘fi ÙËÓ ›ÂÛÈÓ Î·ı˘ÛÙÂ-ÚËÌ¤ÓˆÓ ıÂÛÌÒÓ, ÔÊÂÈÏÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ ÂȘ ÙËÓ Â›‰Ú·ÛÈÓ Ù˘ EÎÎÏËÛ›·˜,‰ÂÓ ÂÁÓÒÚÈÛ ÙËÓ µÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎ‹Ó ∂·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛÈÓ. K·Ù¿ Û˘Ó¤ÂÈ·Ó Î·È ·ÈÙÚ·Â˙Èη› ÂÚÁ·Û›·È ÂȘ ÙËÓ ¯ÒÚ·Ó ·˘Ù‹Ó ‰ÂÓ ÚÔۤϷ‚ÔÓ ÙËÓ ÚÔËÁ̤-ÓËÓ ÌÔÚÊ‹Ó ˆ˜ ÂΛÓËÓ ÙˆÓ ¿ÏÏˆÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ Ù˘ ¢. E˘ÚÒ˘. ∫·Ù¿ ÙԉȿÛÙËÌ· ¿ÓÙˆ˜ Ù˘ ·Ó·‚ÈÒÛˆ˜ Ù˘ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ Ù˘ πÛ·Ó›·˜ ȉڇıË-Û·Ó ‰‡Ô ÌÂÁ¿Ï·È ∆Ú¿Â˙·È, Ë Ù˘ µ·Ï¤ÓÙÛÈ· Î·È Ë Ù˘ µ·ÚÎÂÏÒÓ˘.

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 121

11. J. Ch. Asselain: Histoire Économique de la France du XVIII siècle jusqu’ à nos jours.Vol. I (De l’ Ancien Régime à la Premiere Guerre Mondiale), Paris 1984 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 9,

12 Î. Â. √ R. Roehle «French Industrialization, a reconsideration» Exploration in Ec-onomic History, (1971) ı· ÚÔ¯ˆÚ‹ÛË ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔÓ ‰È· Ó· ÈÛ¯˘ÚÈÛı‹ fiÙÈ ÙÔ ÚÒ-

ÙÔÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎfiÓ ŒıÓÔ˜ ˘‹ÚÍÂÓ Ë °·ÏÏ›· Î·È fi¯È Ë ∞ÁÁÏ›·, ¿Ô„Ș Ô˘‰fiψ˜ -

ηı’ ËÌ¿˜- ¢ÛÙ·ıÔ‡Û· Û˘ÌÊÒÓˆ˜ ÚÔ˜ Ù· ÁÂÁÔÓfiÙ·, ‰Â‰Ô̤ÓÔ˘ fiÙÈ Ë Î·Ù¿ ÙÔ˘ ¡·-

ÔϤÔÓÙÔ˜ ·ÓÙ›‰Ú·ÛȘ ÂÓ °·ÏÏ›· ÚÔ‹ÏıÂÓ Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ ÂÎ ÙˆÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯¿ÓˆÓ Ù˘, Ù˘ ‚ÈÔ-

Ì˯·Ó›·˜ Ù˘ ·Ó‰Úˆı›Û˘ ηٿ ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ ÙÔ˘ °·ÏÏÈÎÔ‡ ·ÔÎÏÂÈÛÌÔ‡ ˘fi ÙÔ˘

¡¤ÏÛˆÓÔ˜ (1804). ™˘Ó‰˘·ÛÙÈÎ‹Ó ¿ÓÙˆ˜ ¿Ô„ÈÓ ı· ˘ÔÛÙËÚ›ÍÔ˘Ó ÔÈ P. O’ Brien

Î·È C. Keyder Economic Growth in Britain and France: two paths towards the 20thcentury London 1978, ÔÈ ÔÔ›ÔÈ Â‰¤¯ıËÛ·Ó, fiÙÈ ÙfiÛÔÓ Ë M. BÚÂÙÙ·Ó›· fiÛÔÓ Î·È Ë

°·ÏÏ›· ‰È‹ÏıÔÓ ÙËÓ BÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎ‹Ó E·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛÈÓ Î·Ù¿ ÙËÓ ·˘Ù‹Ó ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ ¯ÚfiÓÔ˘,

·fi ‰È·ÊÔÚÂÙÈ΋˜ fï˜ Ô‰Ô‡. K·ı’ ËÌ¿˜ Ë BÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈ΋ E·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛȘ –ˆ˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ

˘ÔÛÙËÚ›˙ÂÙ·È ·fi ÙËÓ ÏÂÈÔ„ËÊ›·Ó ÙˆÓ Û˘ÁÁڷʤˆÓ, - ÂÓ AÁÁÏ›· ÂÓÂÊ·Ó›ÛıË ·fi

ÙÔ ‰Â‡ÙÂÚÔÓ ‹ÌÈÛ˘ ÙÔ˘ 18Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜ Î·È ÂÎ¿Ï˘„ ÙÔÓ ¯ÚfiÓÔÓ Ì¤¯ÚÈ ÙˆÓ Ì¤ÛˆÓ ÙÔ˘

19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜ Î·È Û˘ÁÎÂÎÚÈ̤ӈ˜ ÌÂٷ͇ 1760-1860 ÂÓÒ ÂȘ °·ÏÏ›·Ó Î·È µ¤ÏÁÈÔÓ -ˆ˜

ÂϤ¯ıË ·ÓˆÙ¤Úˆ- ηٿ ÙËÓ ·Ú¯‹Ó ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜

Page 118: APXEION OIKONOMIKH™ I™TOPIA™ · the students mostly prefer to follow other fields of Economics, as historical research does not secure a professional career, except the academic.

Afi ÙÔ˘ 17Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜, Ë IÛ·Ó›· ‰ÂÓ Â›Ó·È Ï¤ÔÓ Ë ‰‡Ó·ÌȘ Ë ÔÔ›·¿ÏÏÔÙ ÂËÚ¤·Û ÌÈ·Ó ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ Ù˘ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ Ì ÙËÓ ·‰È·ÊÈÏÔÓ›ÎËÙÔÓÈÛ¯‡Ó Ù˘. T¤ÏË 16Ô˘, ·Ú¯¿˜ 17Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜, Ë ·ÓÒÏ˘ ÂÍËÏÒıË ‰È· Ó·Ï‹ÍË ÙËÓ AÓ‰·ÏÔ˘Û›·Ó Î·È ÙËÓ K·ÛÙ›ÏÏËÓ. E› ‰Â ºÈÏ›Ô˘ °' (1598-1621) ¤¯ÔÌÂÓ ÂÎ Ó¤Ô˘ ‰ÈˆÁÌfiÓ ÙˆÓ MÔ˘ÛÔ˘ÏÌ¿ÓˆÓ (1610), ηıÒ˜ ›-Û˘ Î·È ˘ÔÙ›ÌËÛÈÓ ÂȘ ÙÔ ‰ÈÏ¿ÛÈÔÓ ÙÔ˘ ÈÛ·ÓÈÎÔ‡ ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜. ∆· ÂÍ·ÚÁ‡ÚÔ˘ Î·È ¯·ÏÎÔ‡ (·Ó·ÏÔÁ›· 2,43%) ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·Ù· vellfin (16Ô˜ ·ÈÒÓ)¤·˘Û·Ó Ó· ÂÚȤ¯Ô˘Ó ¿ÚÁ˘ÚÔÓ Î·È ·ÚÁfiÙÂÚÔÓ Â˙‡ÁÈ˙ÔÓ ÙÔ ‹ÌÈÛ˘ ÙÔ˘ÚÔÙ¤ÚÔ˘ ‚¿ÚÔ˘˜ ÙˆÓ. ¶·Ú’ fiÏËÓ ‰Â ÙËÓ ˘fi ÙˆÓ BÔ˘ÏÒÓ (Cortes) ‰È¿-ıÂÛÈÓ 17.500.000 ‰Ô˘Î¿ÙˆÓ ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ‚·ÛÈϤ·, fiˆ˜ ÛÙ·ıÂÚÔÔ›ËÛË ÙËÓ·Í›·Ó ÙÔ˘ ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜ ‰È· 20 ¤ÙË, ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ÂÂÙ‡¯ıË ÌfiÓÔÓ ‰È· Ù· ÚÒÙ·ÂÓÓ¤· ¤ÙË. TÔ 1617 Ô ‚·ÛÈχ˜ Â˙‹ÙËÛ ¿‰ÂÈ·Ó ÂΉfiÛˆ˜ 600.000 ‰Ô˘Î¿-ÙˆÓ ÂȘ ¯¿ÏÎÈÓ· ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·Ù·, ·È BÔ˘Ï·› fï˜ ‰¤¯ıËÛ·Ó ‰È· 800.000, Ì·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· Ó· ÂÓÙ·ı‹ Ë ‡„ˆÛȘ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ. K·È ¿ÏÈÓ fï˜ ·È BÔ˘Ï·›ÚÔÛ¤ÊÂÚÔÓ ÂȘ ÙÔÓ B·ÛÈϤ· 18.000.000 ‰Ô˘Î¿Ù· ‰È· Ó· Ù· ΢ÎÏÔÊÔÚ‹-ÛÔ˘Ó ÂȘ ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ ÂÓÓ¤· ÂÙÒÓ, ÂÊ’ fiÛÔÓ Ô ‚·ÛÈχ˜ ‰ÂÓ ı· ÚÔ¤‚·ÈÓÂÓÂȘ ÎÔ‹Ó ¿ÏÏˆÓ ¯·ÏÎ›ÓˆÓ ÓÔÌÈÛÌ¿ÙˆÓ. K·È ¿ÏÈÓ fï˜ ÙÔ ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂ-ÛÌ· ‹ÙÔ Ë ÂÚ·ÈÙ¤Úˆ ·‡ÍËÛȘ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ.(12)

K·Ù¿ Ù· ¤ÓÙ ÚÒÙ· ¤ÙË Ù˘ ‚·ÛÈÏ›·˜ ÙÔ˘ Ô º›ÏÈÔ˜ ¢' (1617-1665) ¤ÎÔ„Â 37.987.373 ¯¿ÏÎÈÓ· Ì¿Úη, Ù· ÔÔ›· ·ÓÙÈÛÙÔȯԇÓÙ· ÂȘ·Í›·Ó 264.144.440 ¯Ú˘Û¿ maravedis ‡„ˆÛ·Ó ÙËÓ ·Í›· ÙÔ˘ ¯·ÏÎÔ‡, ÒÛÙÂÓ· ÂÈÛ¤Ú¯ÂÙ·È ¯·ÏÎfi˜ ÂȘ IÛ·Ó›·Ó ÚÔ˜ ÎÂÚ‰ÔÛÎÔ›·Ó Î·È Ó· ÂÍ¿Áˆ-ÓÙ·È ÔχÙÈÌ· ̤ٷÏÏ· Î·È ÂÌÔÚ‡̷ٷ.(13)

E› ºÈÏ›Ô˘ ¢' Ë ÎÚ›ÛȘ η٤ÛÙË ‚·ı˘Ù¤Ú·, ÒÛÙ ÔÈ ÂÌÔÚÔÎÚ¿Ù·ÈWard, Campomanés Î·È Ulloa Ó· ÚÔÙ›ÓÔ˘Ó ˘¤Ú ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È Ù˘‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·˜ ÚÔÛٷ٢ÙÈο ̤ÙÚ·, ¯ˆÚ›˜ fï˜ Î·È Ó· ÂÈÙ¢¯ıÔ‡Ó ·Ô-ÙÂϤÛÌ·Ù·.(14) MÂٷ͇ 1641-1642 Ë ÓÔÌÈÛÌ·ÙÈ΋ ˘ÔÙ›ÌËÛȘ ÂÓÂÙ¿ıË, ·ÈÙÈÌ·› ¯ÔÓ‰ÚÈ΋˜ ˆÏ‹Ûˆ˜ ÂȘ ™Â‚›ÏÏËÓ ·Ó‹ÏıÔÓ Î·Ù¿ 93% ‰È· Ó· ÂΤ-

122 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

12. ¢¤ÔÓ Ó· ÏËÊı‹ ˘’ fi„ÈÓ fiÙÈ ÙÔ Ì¤ÁÈÛÙÔÓ ‡„Ô˜ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ ÌÂٷ͇ 1506-1525 ·Ó‹ÏıÂÓ

ηٿ 17% Î·È ‰Ë ηٿ ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ 1522-1525 (P. Villar: A History of gold and mon-ey 1450-1920 (·ÁÁÏ. ÌÂÙ.), London 1976 ÛÂÏ. 82, 191-194. H. Elliot: «The decline of

Spain» Economic decline of the Empires, C. M. Cipolla (edit.), London 1970 ÛÂÏ. 177.

13. Trevor Davis: Spain in Decline (1621-1780). London 1970 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 94, 98.

14. ªarjorie Grice - Hutchinson: Early Economic Thought in Spain (1501-1621). London

1970 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 106-108. I‰È·ÈÙ¤Úˆ˜ Ô Ulloa ÂÎÊÚ¿˙ÂÈ ÙËÓ Ï‡ÛËÓ ÙÔ˘ ‰È· ÙËÓ ÌÂٷ͇

πÛ·Ó›·˜ Î·È ∞ÌÂÚÈ΋˜ ·Ú·ÎÌ‹Ó ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È Ù· ÏÂÔÓÂÎÙ‹Ì·Ù·, Ù· ÔÔ›·

·ÂÎfiÌÈÛÂÓ ÂÎ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Ë ∞ÁÁÏ›· ‰È· Ù˘ ™˘Óı‹Î˘ Ù˘ √˘ÙÚ¤¯Ù˘ (1713).

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ÛÔ˘Ó ÂȘ 87% Ì ٷ ηٿ Ù˘ ˘„ÒÛˆ˜ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ Ì¤ÙÚ· Î·È Ó· ·Ó·‰ÂÈ-¯ı‹ ‰È· Ù· ÚÔÛ·ı›·˜ ÙÔ˘ Ô Gaspar de Gusman Conte d’ Olibares(15).

¶·Ú¿ Ù·˜ ÚÔÛ·ı›·˜ ·˘Ù¿˜ fï˜ ÙÔ˘ Olivares Ë IÛ·Ó›· ‰ÂÓ Â·-Ó‹ÏıÂÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÚÔÙ¤Ú·Ó Ù˘ ·ÎÌ‹Ó, Ë ‰Â ¢ÓÔ˚΋ ÚÔ˜ ÙÔ˘˜ E‚Ú·›Ô˘˜ÛÙ¿ÛȘ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ ‰È· Ù˘ ·Ú·¯ˆÚ‹Ûˆ˜ ÚÔÓÔÌ›ˆÓ (1627) - ‹‰Ë ·ÔÏ·Ì-‚·ÓfiÓÙˆÓ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ÂÓ ¶ÔÚÙÔÁ·Ï›· - ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ 1.700.000 ÎÚÔ˘˙¤ÚÔ˜ ÂȘ Ô˘‰¤ÓÛ˘ÓÂÙ¤ÏÂÛÂÓ, ‰ÈfiÙÈ Ë EÎÎÏËÛ›· ·ÓÙ¤‰Ú·Û ηı’ fiÏËÓ ÙËÓ I‚ËÚÈÎ‹Ó ÂÓ·-ÓÙ›ÔÓ ÙˆÓ E‚Ú·›ˆÓ.(16) K·È Ë ›‰Ú˘ÛȘ ·ÎfiÌË Ù˘ Junta de la Reformacifinde Comercio ‰ÂÓ ÂËÚ¤·Û ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ˙ˆ‹Ó Ù˘ IÛ·Ó›·˜, ·ÏÏ¿ Ô‡-ÙÂ Î·È ÙÔ ÊÔÚÔÏÔÁÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ·, ÙÔ ÔÔ›ÔÓ ·Ó‰ȈÚÁ·ÓÒıË ˘fi ÙÔ˘ Oli-vares, Î·È ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ¤ÓÂη Ù˘ ηْ ·˘ÙÔ‡ ·ÓÙȉڿÛˆ˜, Î·È ÙˆÓ ÔϤ̈Ó.

◊‰Ë ÌÂٷ͇ 1631-1665 ÛËÌÂÈÔ‡ÓÙ·È Â·Ó·ÛÙ¿ÛÂȘ ÂÓ·ÓÙ›ÔÓ ÙˆÓ E˘-ÁÂÓÒÓ, ·ÔÏ·Ì‚·ÓfiÓÙˆÓ ÚÔÓÔÌ›ˆÓ Î·È ‰ÈηȈ̿وÓ. H ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁ›·‰Â ÌÔÓÔˆÏ›Ô˘ › ÙÔ˘ ¿Ï·ÙÔ˜ Û˘ÓÂÙ¤ÏÂÛÂÓ ÒÛÙ ӷ ÂΉËψı‹ Ë ÚÒÙË·ӿÛÙ·ÛȘ (1631) ÂȘ BÈÛÎfiÁÈ·Ó. E›Û˘ ·ӷÛÙ¿ÛÂȘ ÂÛËÌÂÈÒıËÛ·ÓÂȘ ¡Â¿ÔÏÈÓ Î·È ™ÈÎÂÏ›·Ó, ȉ›ˆ˜ ÏfiÁˆ ÙÔ˘ ÂÓÛ·„·ÓÙÔ˜ ÏÈÌÔ‡ (1647).™Ô˘‰·ÈÔÙ¤Ú· fï˜ ·ÛÒÓ ‹ÙÔ Ë Â·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛȘ Ù˘ B·ÚÎÂÏÒÓ˘, ËÔÔ›· Î·È ÂÙÂÚÌ·Ù›ÛıË ÙÔ 1652, ·ÊÔ‡ Û˘ÓÂÙ¿Ú·Í ÙËÓ IÛ·Ó›·Ó.

H ÎÚ›ÛȘ ·‡ÙË Û˘Ó¯›ÛıË Î·È Â› K·ÚfiÏÔ˘ B' (1665-1700) ÙˆÓ BÔ˘Ú-‚fiÓˆÓ, ηٿ Ù·˜ ·Ú¯¿˜ Ù˘ ‚·ÛÈÏ›·˜ ÙÔ˘ ÔÔ›Ô˘ ÂȘ ¢ÔÌÈÓÈηÓfi˜, Ô Ju-an de Castro, ¤ÛÙÂÈÏ ÂȘ ÙËÓ AÓÙÈ‚·Û›ÏÈÛÛ·Ó M·ÚÈ¿ÓÓ·Ó ÙÔ ‚È‚Ï›ÔÓ ÙÔ˘"Memorie sobre la perdita de Espania, y su Comercio" (1668).(16) ∂Ș ÙÔ‚È‚Ï›ÔÓ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ Ô‡ÙÔ˜ ·ÓÂʤÚÂÙÔ Â› ÙˆÓ ·‰˘Ó·ÌÈÒÓ Ù˘ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜, η-ıÒ˜ Î·È Ù˘ Û·Ù¿Ï˘ ̤ ÙËÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁ‹Ó ÔÏ˘ÙÂÏÒÓ ·Á·ıÒÓ, Î·È fiÙȤÓÂη Ù˘ ˘ÔÙÈÌ‹Ûˆ˜ ÙÔ˘ ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜ Î·È ÙÔ˘ ‰ÈÏ·ÛÈ·ÛÌÔ‡ Ù˘ ÙÈ-Ì‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ÂÚ›Ô˘ ÙÔ ÂÌfiÚÈÔÓ Ù˘ ™ÂÁÎfi‚È· ˘¤ÛÙË ÌÂÁ¿ÏËÓ Î¿Ì„ÈÓ.

∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ 1650 Ô ÏËı˘ÛÌfi˜ Ù˘ πÛ·Ó›·˜ ‹ÙÔ Èı·ÓÒ˜ ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚÔ˜ÙˆÓ 4,5 ÂηÙÔÌ. ÌÂÙ¿ ‰Â ÙËÓ ·Ú¤Ï¢ÛÈÓ 73 ÂÙÒÓ ·Ó‹ÏıÂÓ ¤Ú· ÙˆÓ 7ÂηÙÔÌ. Î·È ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1747 ËÚ›ıÌÂÈ 7.400.000 ηÙÔ›ÎÔ˘˜.(17) TÔ 1669 ȉڇ-ıË Ë Junta de Comercio y Moneda ‰È· Ó· ·Ó·‰ÈÔÚÁ·Óˆı‹ Ù· ¤ÙË 1681,1683 Î·È 1691 ¯ˆÚ›˜ fï˜ Ó· ‰˘ÓËı‹ Ó· ÂÓÈÛ¯‡ÛË ÙÔ ÂÌfiÚÈÔÓ Î·È Ó·ÛÙ·ıÂÚÔÔÈ‹ÛË ÙËÓ ·Í›·Ó ÙÔ˘ ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜. ¢È¿ÊÔÚÔÈ ÓfiÌÔÈ ıÂÛÈÛı¤-

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 123

15. §. £. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë: OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ IÛÙÔÚ›· Ù˘ E˘ÚÒ˘ ∞ı‹Ó·È 1991, ÛÂÏ. 246.

16. R. Trevor Davis: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 39.

17. R. Heer: The Eighteenth Century Revolution in Spain. Princeton 1969 ÛÂÏ. 86.

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ÓÙ˜ ÚÔ˜ ÚÔ·ÁˆÁ‹Ó Ù˘ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·˜ Î·È Ù˘ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜ ÌÂٷ͈ÙÒÓÔ˘‰¤Ó Â¤Ù˘¯ÔÓ, ÂÓÒ ·fi ÙÔ˘ 1679 ÂıÂÛ›ÛıË ÓfiÌÔ˜ ÂÓı·ÚÚ‡ÓˆÓ ÙËÓÌÂÙ·Ó¿ÛÙ¢ÛÈÓ Ù¯ÓÈÙÒÓ ÂȘ IÛ·Ó›·Ó.

E› ºÈÏ›Ô˘ E' (1700-1746) Ë IÛ·Ó›· ¤·˘Û ӷ ·›˙Ë ÚˆÙ‡ÔÓÙ·ÚfiÏÔÓ ˆÎ·Ó›Ԣ ‰˘Ó¿Ìˆ˜, ÁÂÓÈÎÒ˜ fï˜, ηٿ ÙÔÓ 18ÔÓ ·ÈÒÓ·, ÏË-ı˘ÛÌÈ·ÎÒ˜ Ë˘Í¿ÓÂÙÔ, ηıÒ˜ Î·È ·È ÙÈÌ·›.(18) H ·گ›· Ù˘ ™Â‚›ÏÏ˘·¤‰È‰Â ÙÔ Ì¤ÁÈÛÙÔÓ ÙˆÓ ÂÛfi‰ˆÓ ·ÓÂÚ¯Ô̤ӈÓ, ηٿ ÙÔÓ ÂÌÔÚÔÎÚ¿ÙËÓUztariz, ÂȘ 315.463.007 maravedis.(19) EÎÙfi˜ ÙÔ˘ Û˘ÓÔÏÈÎÔ‡ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·-ÙÔ˜, ‰È· ÙÔ Û‡ÓÔÏÔÓ Ù˘ K·ÛÙ›ÏÏ˘ ÂÈÛÂÚ¿ÙÙÔÓÙÔ 2.400.433.652 marav-edis, ÂÓÒ ÌfiÓÔÓ ‰È· ÙËÓ Â·Ú¯›·Ó ÙÔ˘ TÔϤ‰Ô˘ Î·È Ù˘ §· M¿Ó¯·275.686.000 maravedis.(20) Afi ÙËÓ °ÚÂÓ¿‰· ÂÈÛÂÚ¿ÙÙÔÓÙÔ 242.918.475,ÙËÓ M·‰Ú›ÙËÓ 201.725.025, ÂÓÒ ·fi Ù·˜ fiÏÂȘ MÔ‡ÚÙÛÈ·, ™fiÚÈ·, TfiÚÔ,Z·ÌfiÚ·, 38, 25, 34 Î·È 29 ÂηÙÔÌ. maravedis ·ÓÙÈÛÙÔ›¯ˆ˜.(21)

4. EÓ AÁÁÏ›· Ì ÙËÓ ˘Ô¯ÒÚËÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ‚·ÛÈϤˆ˜ ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ ÙˆÓ ‚·ÚfiÓˆÓ-ÊÂÔ˘‰·Ú¯ÒÓ Î·È ÙËÓ ı¤ÛÈÛÈÓ Ù˘ Magna Carta (1215) ‹Ú¯ÈÛÂÓ Ë ‰Ú·-ÛÙËÚÈÔÔ›ËÛȘ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È Ù˘ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·˜, ȉ›ˆ˜ Ì ÙËÓ ÂÁηٿ-ÛÙ·ÛÈÓ Ù¯ÓÈÙÒÓ, ˘Ê·ÓÙÔ˘ÚÁÒÓ ÂÎ ºÏ·Ì·Ó‰›·˜ ÂÓ AÁÁÏ›·, ÒÛÙÂ Ë ÚÒ-ÙË ‡ÏË Ë ÂÎ Ù˘ ÎÙËÓÔÙÚÔÊ›·˜ Ù˘ ÚÔÂÚ¯Ô̤ÓË Ó· ·ÍÈÔÔÈËı‹. O‡Ùˆ˜ Ë‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›· ÂÓÂı·ÚÚ‡ÓıË ÂÎ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ÂÎ Ù˘ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›-·˜, ÒÛÙ ÂÓˆÚ›ÙÂÚÔÓ ÙˆÓ ¿ÏÏˆÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ Ë AÁÁÏ›· Ó· Û˘ÁÎÂÓÙÚÒÛË ÎÂ-Ê¿Ï·È· ÚÔ˜ ‰·ÓÂÈÛÌfiÓ. ™˘Á¯ÚfiÓˆ˜ ‰¤¯ıË Î·È ÙËÓ Â›‰Ú·ÛÈÓ ÙˆÓ IÙ·-ÏÒÓ ÌÂÁ·ÏÂÌfiÚˆÓ - ÙÚ·Â˙ÈÙÒÓ Î.Ï. ˆ˜ ÔÈ Frescobaldi ÂÎ ÙˆÓ ÂÓ AÁ-ÁÏ›· ˘ÔηٷÛÙËÌ¿ÙˆÓ ÙˆÓ. ŸÙ·Ó ‰Â ȉڇıË Î·È Ë TÚ¿Â˙· Ù˘ AÁÁÏ›-·˜ ÂÙÔÓÒıËÛ·Ó ÂÚ·ÈÙ¤Úˆ ·È ÙÚ·Â˙Èη› ÂÚÁ·Û›·È.

H TÚ·Â˙È΋ ÔÚÁ¿ÓˆÛȘ ÂÓ AÁÁÏ›· ÂÌÊ·Ó›˙ÂÙ·È ·fi ÙÔ˘ MÂÛ·›ˆÓԘ̠ÂÁηÙÂÛÙË̤ӷ˜ TÚ·¤˙·˜, ΢ڛˆ˜ πÙ·ÏÒÓ, ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ÕÁÁÏˆÓ ·ÚÁ˘-

124 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

18. ¢È· ÙÔÓ Braudel Ô ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌfi˜ ‰ÈÂÎ˘Ì·›ÓÂÙÔ ·Ó·ÏfiÁˆ˜ Ù˘ fiψ˜ Î·È Ù˘ ÂÚÈÔ-

¯‹˜ [Braudel: The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II

(·ÁÁÏ. ÌÂÙ.) London 1972 Vol. I p. 440]

19. R. Chaunu: «Notes sur l’ Espagne de Philippe V (1700-1746» Revue d’ Histoire Écon-omique et Sociale Vol. XLII 1963 No 4 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 408 Î. Â.

20,21.R. Trevor Davis: ∆he Golden Century of Spain (1501-1621), London 1970 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ.

146, 151, 154. K·Ù¿ ÙÔÓ 15ÔÓ ·ÈÒÓ· 1 ¯Ú˘ÛÔ‡Ó ‰Ô˘Î¿ÙÔÓ ÈÛÔ‡ÙÔ ÚÔ˜ 375 maraved-

is ‰ËÏ. 9sh, 8d ÚÔ ÙÔ˘ µ’ ¶·ÁÎÔÛÌ›Ô˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘ ‰È· Ó· ˘ÔÛÙ‹ ÂÓ ¯ÚfiÓˆ Û˘Ó¯›˜

˘ÔÙÈÌ‹ÛÂȘ, Ë ‰Â ÈÛÔÙÈÌ›Ô˘ ÙÔ˘ ‰Ô˘Î¿ÙÔ˘ ÚÔ˜ ÙÔ vellfin ‹ÙÔ (16Ô˜ ·ÈÒÓ) 1 marave-

dis = 385 vellfin. (R. Trevor Davis: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 297, 298).

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Ú·ÌÔÈ‚ÒÓ ‰ÈÂÓÂÚÁÔ‡ÓÙˆÓ fi¯È ÌfiÓÔÓ ÙËÓ ·ÓÙ·ÏÏ·Á‹Ó ÓÔÌÈÛÌ¿ÙˆÓ, ·ÏÏ¿ÚÔ‚·ÈÓfiÓÙˆÓ Î·È ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÂÍfiÊÏËÛÈÓ ÈÛÙˆÙÈÎÒÓ ÂÈÛÙÔÏÒÓ Î·È Ù›ÙψÓ΢ÎÏÔÊÔÚÔ‡ÓÙˆÓ ·fi ¯ÂÈÚfi˜ ÂȘ ¯Â›Ú·Ó (Goldsmith Notes). E› K·Úfi-ÏÔ˘ A' (1600-1649) ÔÈ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·Ù›·È η٤ıÂÙÔÓ Ù· ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÈο ÙˆÓ ‰È·-ı¤ÛÈÌ· ÂȘ ÙÔ ¢ËÌfiÛÈÔÓ £ËÛ·˘ÚÔÊ˘Ï¿ÎÈÔÓ. √ ∫¿ÚÔÏÔ˜ fï˜ ÙÔ 1640η٤¯ˆÓ Ù·‡Ù·, ·ÓÂÚ¯fiÌÂÓ· ÂȘ 130.000 ϛڷ˜, ËÚÓ‹ıË Ó· ÂÍÔÊÏ‹ÛË Ù·˜‰È· KÚ·ÙÈÎÔ‡ ÔÌÔÏÔÁÈ·ÎÔ‡ ‰·Ó›Ԣ ÔÌÔÏÔÁ›·˜ Â¯Ô˘ÛÒÓ ·Í›·Ó ÂÓ Û˘Ófi-ψ 40 ¯ÈÏ. ϛڷ˜ Î·È ÌÈÎÚÔÙ¤Ú·˜ Ù˘ ÔÓÔÌ·ÛÙÈ΋˜ ÙˆÓ ÙÔÈ·‡Ù˘. O ‚·-ÛÈχ˜ K¿ÚÔÏÔ˜ B' (1630-1685), ›Û˘, ¤ÓÂη ÙˆÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ ‰˘Û¯Â-ÚÂÈÒÓ ÙÔ˘ KÚ¿ÙÔ˘˜, ·fi ÙÔ˘ 1672, Î·È ÌË ‰˘Ó¿ÌÂÓÔ˜ Ó· ÂÍÔÊÏ‹ÛË ÙÔ˘’ ·˘ÙÔ‡ ÂÈÙ¢¯ı¤Ó ‰¿ÓÂÈÔÓ ›‰Ú˘ÛÂÓ ÙËÓ ·Ó·ÊÂÚıÂ›Û·Ó TÚ¿Â˙·Ó Ù˘AÁÁÏ›·˜ (1694) ˘fi Ó· È‰Ú˘ı‹, ÌÂÙ¿ ÂÓ ¤ÙÔ˜, Î·È Ë TÚ¿Â˙· Ù˘ ™ÎˆÙ›·˜(1695). O‡Ùˆ˜ ÂÙ¤ıË ÊÚ·ÁÌfi˜ ˘fi Ù˘ ¢ËÌÔÛ›·˜ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ Ù˘ AÁÁÏ›·˜ÂȘ ÙËÓ ˘fi ÙˆÓ È‰ÈˆÙÈÎÒÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ ¤Î‰ÔÛÈÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›ˆÓ. AșΈÙÈη› TÚ¿Â˙·È Ù·¯¤ˆ˜ ·Ó·Ù˘¯ıÂ›Û·È ¤ÓÂη ÙˆÓ ÂȘ ·˘Ù¿˜ ηٷı¤-ÛÂˆÓ ·Ú›¯ÔÓ Î·È ÈÛÙÒÛÂȘ › ·ÓÔÈÎÙÒÓ ÏÔÁ·ÚÈ·ÛÌÒÓ, › ÚÔÛˆ-ÈÎÒÓ ÂÁÁ˘‹ÛÂˆÓ Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ ·ÁÚÔÙÈÎÔ‡ ¯·Ú·ÎÙ‹ÚÔ˜, ηıÒ˜ Î·È ÂÌÚ·Á-Ì¿ÙÔ˘ ·Ûʷϛۈ˜.(22) K·È Ë ∆Ú¿Â˙· Ù˘ AÁÁÏ›·˜ fï˜ ÒÊÂÈÏ ÙËÓ›‰Ú˘Û›Ó Ù˘ ÂȘ ™ÎÒÙÔÓ, ÙÔÓ William Paterson, ‰È· Ù˘ ڿ͈˜ TornageAct Ì ·Ú¯ÈÎfiÓ ÎÂÊ¿ÏÈÔÓ 1,2 ÂηÙÔÌ. ϛڷ˜ Î·Ï˘Êı¤ÓÙÔ˜ ˘fi ÙÔ˘ ÎÔÈ-ÓÔ‡ Î·È Ì ÚÒÙÔÓ ‰ÈÔÈÎËÙ‹Ó ÙÔÓ Paterson.

H TÚ¿Â˙· Ù˘ AÁÁÏ›·˜ ›¯ÂÓ -ˆ˜ ‹‰Ë- ÂϤ¯ıË ÙÔ ÂΉÔÙÈÎfiÓ ÚÔÓfi-ÌÈÔÓ, ˉ‡Ó·ÙÔ Ó· ÚÔÂÍÔÊÏ‹ÛË ÁÚ·ÌÌ¿ÙÈ· Î·È Û˘Ó·ÏÏ·ÁÌ·ÙÈο˜ ηÈ› ÔÈÛıÔÁÚ·Ê‹ÛÂÈ, ‰¯ÂÙÔ Î·Ù·ı¤ÛÂȘ, Î·È Ë‰‡Ó·ÙÔ Ó· ÂΉ›‰Ë ÁÚ·Ì-Ì¿ÙÈ· ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ÎÔÌÈÛÙ‹Ó ÌÂÙ·‚È‚¿ÛÈÌ· (runninig cash notes), Ù˘ ·Í›·˜ÙˆÓ Î·Ï˘ÙÔ̤Ó˘ ˘fi ˆÚÈṲ̂ÓÔ˘ ‚¿ÚÔ˘˜ ÔÏ˘Ù›ÌÔ˘ ÌÂÙ¿ÏÏÔ˘, Î·È Ó·ÚÔ‚·›ÓË ÂȘ ÚÔÂÍÔÊÏ‹ÛÂȘ. EÂȉ‹ ‰Â ÙÔ ·Ú¯ÈÎfiÓ ‰¿ÓÂÈÔÓ ‰ÂÓ ÂÎ¿Ï˘-Ù ٷ˜ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙ‹ÛÂȘ ÙÔ˘ ∫Ú¿ÙÔ˘˜ ‰¿ÓÂÈÛÂÓ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ, ·fi Ù˘ ÂÔ̤-Ó˘ Ù˘ ȉڇÛÂÒ˜ Ù˘, ÚÔ˜ ÂÍfiÊÏËÛÈÓ ÙˆÓ ¯ÚÂÒÓ ÙÔ˘ ‚·ÛÈϤˆ˜. TÔ¤ÙÔ˜ 1699 ·ÂÊ·Û›ÛıË Ô ‰ÈÏ·ÛÈ·ÛÌfi˜ ÙÔ˘ ·Ú¯ÈÎÔ‡ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘, ‰Â‰Ô̤-ÓÔ˘ fiÙÈ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ‰·ÓÂÈÛı¤Ó ‰È· ‰È¿ÚÎÂÈ·Ó 11 ÂÙÒÓ ÚÔ˜ 8% ÂÙËÛ›ˆ˜ ‰ÂÓÂÍ‹ÚÎÂÈ. ¶ÚÔÛ¤ÙÈ ÂıÂÛ›ÛıË NfiÌÔ˜, ηٿ ÙÔÓ ÔÔ›ÔÓ, Ô˘‰ÂÌ›· TÚ¿Â˙·Ë‰‡Ó·ÙÔ Ó· ÂΉ›‰Ë ›‰È· ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ¿ÙÈ·. MÂÙ¿ ·Ú¤Ï¢ÛÈÓ ÂÚ›Ô˘‰‡Ô ·ÈÒÓˆÓ (1834) ˘fi ÙÔ˘ Úˆı˘Ô˘ÚÁÔ‡ Ù˘ AÁÁÏ›·˜ Peel, ÂıÂÛ›-ÛıË Ô ÓfiÌÔ˜ Charter Bank, ÔfiÙÂ Î·È ÂıÂÛ›ÛıË Û‡ÛÙËÌ· ··ÁÔÚ‡ÛÂ-

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 125

22. πÓÛÙÈÙÔ‡ÙÔÓ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ Î·È ∆Ú·Â˙È΋˜ ªÔÚÊÒÛˆ˜ ÛÂÏ. 39.

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ˆ˜ ÂΉfiÛˆ˜ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›ˆÓ ¿Ó¢ ηχÌÌ·ÙÔ˜. ¶ÚÔÛ¤ÙÈ ÂÙ¤ıË,fiÚÈÔÓ ÂȘ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛÈÓ ·Ó¿Á΢ ÂΉfiÛˆ˜ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›ˆÓ ¿Ó¢ η-χÌÌ·ÙÔ˜, Û˘ÌÊÒÓˆ˜ ÚÔ˜ ÙËÓ ÈÛ¯‡Ô˘Û·Ó ˘ÊÈÛٷ̤ÓËÓ Ú·ÎÙÈ΋Ó.T·˘ÙÔ¯ÚfiÓˆ˜ ·ËÁÔÚ‡ÂÙÔ Ë ¤Î‰ÔÛȘ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›ˆÓ ¤Ú· ÙˆÓ 14ÂηÙÔÌ. ÏÈÚÒÓ ‰ËÏ. 11 ÂηÙÔÌ. ÎÂÎ·Ï˘Ì̤ӷ ÂÎ ÊfiÚˆÓ Î·È 3 ÂηÙÔÌÌ˘-Ú›ˆÓ ˆ˜ ·ÓÙ›ÎÚ˘ÛÌ· ÂÎ ÙÔ˘ ¢ËÌÔÛ›Ô˘ T·Ì›Ԣ. K·È ·‡ÙË ‹ÙÔ Ë ÎÏËı›-Û· Currency Principle(23). ¶ÂÚ› fiÏˆÓ fï˜ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ, ·fi ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒ-ÓÔ˜ Î·È Î·ÙfiÈÓ, ı· ÔÌÈÏ‹ÛˆÌÂÓ Î·ÙˆÙ¤Úˆ.

M ÙËÓ ·fi ÙÔ˘ 1540-1640 ÚÒÙËÓ µÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎ‹Ó ∂·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛÈÓ Î·ÈÙËÓ ‡·ÚÍÈÓ ÌÂÁ¿ÏˆÓ ÎÔÈÙ·ÛÌ¿ÙˆÓ ¿ÓıÚ·ÎÔ˜, Ì ÙËÓ ÂʇÚÂÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘·ÙÌÔ‡ Î·È Î·Ù¿ ÙËÓ ÌÂٷ͇ 1760-1830 ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ Ù˘ ‰Â˘Ù¤Ú·˜ µÈÔÌ˯·-ÓÈ΋˜ ∂·Ó·ÛÙ¿Ûˆ˜, Î·È ÙËÓ ÏËı‡Ó ÙˆÓ ÂÚÁ·ÙÈÎÒÓ ¯ÂÚÈÒÓ Î·È Ù·˜ ÙÂ-¯ÓÔÏÔÁÈο˜ ·Ó·Î·Ï‡„ÂȘ ·Ó·Ù‡ÛÛÂÙ·È Ë ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›· Î·È Ì ·˘Ù‹Ó ·˘-Í¿ÓÂÙ·È Î·È Ë ·ÔÙ·Ì›Â˘ÛȘ. O Peel Î·È Ô Arkright, Á·ÈÔÎÙ‹ÌÔÓ˜, ÚÔ¤-‚ËÛ·Ó ÂȘ ÌÂÁ¿Ï·˜ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ › ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎÒÓ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂˆÓ ÂÊ·ÚÌfi-Û·˜ Ô ‰Â‡ÙÂÚÔ˜ Î·È ÙËÓ ÂʇÚÂÛ›Ó ÙÔ˘. ∂›Û˘ Ô Antony Bacon Î·È ‰È¿-ÊÔÚÔÈ ¤ÌÔÚÔÈ Â¤Ó‰˘Û·Ó Ù· Î¤Ú‰Ë ÙˆÓ Â› ÔÚ˘¯Â›ˆÓ Î·È ÂÚÁÔÛÙ·Û›ˆÓ,ÙÔ ›‰ÈÔÓ Î·È ÔÏÏÔ› ‚ÈÔÌ‹¯·ÓÔÈ. MÂٷ͇ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ·Ó·Ê¤ÚÔÌÂÓ ÙÔÓ PeterSomson, ÙÔÓ Nemiah Loyd Î·È ÙÔ Peter Stabs ÂÎ ÙÔ˘ ÎfiÛÌÔ˘ ÙˆÓ ÂȯÂÈ-Ú‹ÛˆÓ, ÂÓÒ ÔÈ Gotl, Gramway, Newton, Chambers and Sons ‹Û·Ó οÙÔ-¯ÔÈ ÌÂÁ¿ÏˆÓ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›ˆÓ(24).

TÔ TÚ·Â˙ÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· η٤ÛÙË ·Ô‰ÔÙÈÎÒÙÂÚÔÓ ÂÓ AÁÁÏ›· ÂÓÈÛ¯‡-ÔÓÙ·˜ Ì ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ‰È¿ÊÔÚ· ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈο ¤ÚÁ·, ÙÔ ‰Â ¤ÙÔ˜ 1773 ÂÓ›-Û¯˘ÛÂÓ ÙÔ ÃÚËÌ·ÙÈÛÙ‹ÚÈÔÓ, ÙÔ ÔÔ›ÔÓ ÚÔËÁÔ˘Ì¤Óˆ˜ Û˘ÓÂÛÙ‹ıË ˘fiÔÌ¿‰Ô˜ ∆Ú·Â˙ÈÙÒÓ(25). TÔ‡ÙÔ ÌÂÙÂʤÚıË ÂȘ ¯Â›Ú·˜ ·ÛÊ·ÏÈÛÙÈÎÒÓ ÂÙ·È-ÚÈÒÓ Î·È ‰ËÌÔÛ›·˜ ·Ûʷϛۈ˜(26). AÈ ·ÛÊ¿ÏÂÈ·È (Ó·˘ÙÈÏȷη›, ˘Úfi˜,˙ˆ‹˜) ˘Â‚Ô‹ıËÛ·Ó Ù·˜ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂȘ Î·È Û˘ÓÂΤÓÙÚˆÛ·Ó ·ÔÙ·Ìȇ-ÛÂȘ. E›Û˘ OÏÏ·Ó‰Ô› TÚ·Â˙›Ù·È ¤Ӊ˘ÔÓ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÂÓ AÁÁÏ›·, ÔÈ ‰ÂÕÁÁÏÔÈ ÚÔ¤‚·ÈÓÔÓ ÂȘ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ ÂȘ IÓ‰›·Ó, ηıÒ˜ Î·È ÂȘ ¿ÏÏ· ̤ÚËÙÔ˘ ÎfiÛÌÔ˘, Î·È ÂȘ AÌÛÙÂÚÓÙ¿Ì(27). Yfi Ù·˜ Û˘Óı‹Î·˜ Ù·‡Ù·˜ ÙÔ È-ÛÙˆÙÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· Â΢ÚÈ¿Ú¯ËÛÂÓ, Ë ‰Â Û˘ÛÛÒÚ¢ÛȘ ÎÂÚ‰ÒÓ Î·È ÔÈ Ó¤ÔÈ

126 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

23. πÓÛÙÈÙÔ‡ÙÔÓ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ Î·È ∆Ú·Â˙È΋˜ ªÔÚÊÒÛˆ˜ Ôp.cit., ÛÂÏ. 42.

24. T. S. Ashtor: The Industrial Revolution (1760-1830), London 1943 ÛÂÏ. 97.

25. ∆Ô Royal Stock Exchange ȉڇıË ˘fi ÙÔ˘ Gresham ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1571.

26. ∆. S. Ashtor: op. cit. ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ. 507 Î. Â.

27. √ Meredith: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 139-140.

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ıÂÛÌÔ› ÚÔÂÙÔ›Ì·Û·Ó ÙËÓ ‰˘Ó·ÙfiÙËÙ· ·˘Í‹Ûˆ˜ ÙˆÓ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›ˆÓ Î·È ÌÂ-Ù·ÊÔÚ¿˜ ÙˆÓ, ÚÔ˜ ÂÚÈÔ¯¿˜ ÛÙÂÚÔ˘Ì¤ÓˆÓ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ. ∫·È ÙÔ ∞ÁÁÏÈÎfiÓ™Ù¤ÌÌ· ›Û˘ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙ›ÙÔ ˘fi IÙ·ÏÒÓ Î·È OÏÏ·Ó‰ÒÓ (De la Pol-es, Whittington ÙÔ˘ Gloster) ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È E‚Ú·›ˆÓ(28). OÈ OÏÏ·Ó‰Ô› ÌÂÙ‚›-‚·˙oÓ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÂÓ AÁÁÏ›·, ΢ڛˆ˜ ‰ÈfiÙÈ ÙÔ ÂÈÙfiÎÈÔÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ¯ÒÚ·ÓÙˆÓ ‹ÙÔ ¯·ÌËÏfiÓ ÂÓ Û¯¤ÛÂÈ ÚÔ˜ ÂΛÓÔ ÂÓ AÁÁÏ›·, Î·È ÌÂÙ›¯ÔÓ ÂȘ ÙÔFirst Joint Stock Ù˘ East India Company(29).

5. ¶ÚÒÙË TÚ¿Â˙· (ȉȈÙÈ΋) ÂΉÒÛ·Û· ·Î¿Ï˘ÙÔÓ ÂȘ ÔχÙÈÌÔÓ̤ٷÏÏÔÓ ¯Ú‹Ì· ÂÓ °·ÏÏ›· ‹ÙÔ Ë ˘fi ÙÔ˘ John Law “Banque Grénérale”(1716)(30). √ Law ÁÂÓÓËı›˜ ÂȘ E‰ÈÌ‚Ô‡ÚÁÔÓ (1671) ÂÎ ·ÙÚfi˜ TÚ·Â˙›-ÙÔ˘ Û˘Ó¤Ï·‚ÂÓ ÙËÓ È‰¤·Ó Ù˘ ȉڇÛˆ˜ Ù˘ ÂÓ ÏfiÁˆ TÚ·¤˙˘, › ÙË ‚¿-ÛÂÈ Û˘ÓÂÚÁ·˙ÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ ÂÙ·ÈÚÈÒÓ ÚÔ˜ ÌÔÓÔÒÏËÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ˘ÂÚÔÓÙ›Ô˘ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È ÙËÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁ‹Ó ÔÏ˘Ù›ÌˆÓ ÌÂÙ¿ÏÏˆÓ (ÌÂÚηÓÙÈÏÈÛÌfi˜). HTÚ¿Â˙· ı· ˉ‡Ó·ÙÔ Ó· ·ÍÈÔÔÈËı‹ Ì ÙËÓ ›ÛÙÈÓ Ù˘ Î·È Ù·˜ ‰È·Êfi-ÚÔ˘˜ ηٷı¤ÛÂȘ ÙˆÓ È‰ÈˆÙÒÓ Ù·ÔıÂÙÔ‡Û· Ù·‡Ù· ÂȘ ÎÂÚ‰ÔÊfiÚÔ˘˜ ÂÈ-¯ÂÈÚ‹ÛÂȘ. ∫·È Ì¿ÏÈÛÙ· Ó· ÂΉ›‰Ë ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ¿ÙÈ· ¿Ó¢ ·ÓÙÈÎÚ‡ÛÌ·-ÙÔ˜ ÂȘ ÔχÙÈÌÔÓ Ì¤Ù·ÏÏÔÓ, ÙÔ˘ ÂÏ¿ÙÔ˘ ÛÙËÚÈ˙Ô̤ÓÔ˘ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ›ÛÙÈÓÙ˘ TÚ·¤˙˘, Î·È Ù·‡Ù˘ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ·fi‰ÔÛÈÓ ÙˆÓ ÙÔÔıÂÙ‹ÛÂÒÓ Ù˘. OLaw Û˘Ó·ÓÙ‹Û·˜ ·ÓÙ›‰Ú·ÛÈÓ ÂȘ ÙÔ ÚÔÙ·ı¤Ó ˘’ ·˘ÙÔ‡ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· ÚÔ¤-‚Ë ÂȘ ›‰Ú˘ÛÈÓ Ó¤·˜ TÚ·¤˙˘ (ÎÚ·ÙÈ΋), Ù˘ Banque Royale (1718).¶ÚÔ˜ ÙÔÓ ÛÎÔfiÓ ÙÔ‡ÙÔÓ ›‰Ú˘Û ÂÙ·ÈÚ›·Ó, ÙËÓ ÙˆÓ ¢˘ÙÈÎÒÓ πÓ‰ÈÒÓ ÌÂÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ 100 ÂηÙÔÌ. ÏÈ‚ÚÒÓ. ∞È ÌÂÙÔ¯·› Ù˘ ÂÙ·ÈÚ›·˜ Ù·‡Ù˘ ÎÏËı›-Û˘ «ÙÔ˘ ªÈÛÛÈÛÈ‹» ‹Û·Ó ÔÓÔÌ·ÛÙÈ΋˜ ·Í›·˜ 100 ÏÈ‚ÚÒÓ ÂοÛÙË, ÙÔ¤ÙÔ˜ 1719 Ë ÔÓÔÌ·ÛÙÈ΋ ÙˆÓ ·Í›· ·Ó‹ÏıÂÓ ÂȘ 5.000 Ï›‚Ú·˜ ÂοÛÙË. ∫·ÈÂÓÒ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ˆÊ¤ÏËÛ ÙÔ ∫Ú¿ÙÔ˜, ‹ÙÔ fï˜ ÂȘ ‚¿ÚÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ ÎÔÈÓÔ‡. ¢ÈfiÙÈ Ë∆Ú¿Â˙· ·Ó¤Ï·‚ÂÓ Ì ¢ı‡ÓËÓ Ó· ÚÔÂÍÔÊÏ‹ ÙÔ˘˜ ÊfiÚÔ˘˜ ›Ó· ‚ÔËı‹ÛËÙÔ ¢ËÌfiÛÈÔÓ ¯Ú¤Ô˜. √È ÈÛوٷ› ÙÔ˘ ∫Ú¿ÙÔ˘˜ ·fi ÏÂ˘Ú¿˜ ÙˆÓ ·ÚÔ˘-Û›·˙ÔÓ Ù˜ ÔÌÔÏÔÁ›·˜ ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛÚ¿ÙÙÔÓÙ˜ ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ ÂÛfi‰ˆÓ fi¯È ÎÂÎ·Ï˘Ì̤-ÓÔÓ ¯Ú‹Ì· ·ÏÏ¿ Ù· ∆Ú·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ¿ÙÈ· Ù˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ Ì ٷ ÔÔ›· ˉ‡-Ó·ÓÙÔ Ó· ·ÁÔÚ¿˙Ô˘Ó ÌÂÙÔ¯¿˜ Ù˘ ÂÙ·ÈÚ›·˜ ÙÔ˘ ªÈÛÛÈÛÈ‹. ∞È ·ÁÔÚ·›fï˜ ·‡Ù·È ‡„ˆÛ·Ó ·ÎfiÌË ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔÓ ÙËÓ ·Í›· ÙˆÓ ‰È· Ó· ·Ó¤ÏıË ËÂÈηٷÏÏ·Á‹ ÂȘ ̤Á· ‡„Ô˜ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1720. √‡Ùˆ˜ Ë ·Í›· ÙˆÓ ÌÂÙÔ¯ÒÓ

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 127

28,29. √ Meredith: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 139-140.

30. G. Luzzatto: Storia Economica. L’ Età Contemporanea Padova 1960 ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ. 113-115

P. Bonfante: Storia del Commercio, Torino 1946 ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ. 113-115 Î·È ÂȘ πÓÛÙÈÙÔ‡-

ÙÔÓ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÂÓ.·Ó..

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·Ó‹ÏıÂÓ ÂȘ 18.000-20.000 Ï›‚Ú·˜ ÂοÛÙË. ∆Ô ÎÔÈÓfiÓ ÙfiÙ ¤Û¢Û ӷ·ÔÛ‡ÚË Î·È Ù· ÙÂÏÂ˘Ù·›· ÂÎ ¯Ú˘ÛÔ‡ Î·È ·ÚÁ‡ÚÔ˘ ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·Ù·. Àfi Ù·˜Û˘Óı‹Î·˜ Ù·‡Ù·˜ ÙÔ ÎÔÈÓfiÓ ËÁfiÚ·˙ÂÓ ÎÔÛÌ‹Ì·Ù· Î·È ·Î›ÓËÙ·, ÒÛÙÂ Ó·Â¤Ì‚Ë ÙÔ ∫Ú¿ÙÔ˜ ‰È· Ó· ÂÏ·ÙÙÒÛË. ÙÔ ÔÛfiÓ ÙˆÓ ÌÂÙÔ¯ÒÓ Ù˘ ÂÙ·ÈÚ›-·˜ ÙÔ˘ ªÈÛÛÈÛÈ‹ ‰È· ¢È·Ù¿ÁÌ·ÙÔ˜. ∫·È ÂÓÒ ·Ì¤Ûˆ˜ ·Ó‹ÏıÂÓ Ë ÙÈÌ‹ÙˆÓ ÌÂÙÔ¯ÒÓ ÂÓ Û˘Ó¯›· ·‡ÙË Î·Ù‹ÏıÂÓ ·ÔÙfï˜, ÔfiÙÂ Î·È ÔÈ ÌÂÙÔ-¯·› Ù˘ ÂÙ·ÈÚ›·˜ ÙÔ˘ ªÈÛÛÈÛÈ‹ ÂͤÂÛ·Ó ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÙÈÌ‹Ó ÙˆÓ 500 ÏÈ‚ÚÒÓÂοÛÙË, ÙÔ ·ıËÙÈÎfiÓ Ù˘ ÂÙ·ÈÚ›·˜ ˘ÂÚ¤‚Ë ÙÔ ÂÓÂÚÁËÙÈÎfiÓ Ù˘ ηٿ2000 ÂηÙÔÌ. Ï›‚Ú·˜, ÔÈ ‰Â ÈÛوٷ› ‰ÂÓ Ë‰˘Ó‹ıËÛ·Ó Ó· ηχ„Ô˘Ó ÂÈÌËÌfiÓÔÓ ÙÔ 1,12 ÙˆÓ ÈÛÙÒÛÂˆÓ Ù˘. ∫·Ù¿ Û˘Ó¤ÂÈ·Ó, ‹ÙÔ ·Ó·fiÊ¢ÎÙÔ˜Ë ¯ÚˆÎÔ›· Ù˘ ˘fi ÙÔ˘ Law È‰Ú˘ı›Û˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘. µÂ‚·›ˆ˜ ÙÔ Û¯¤-‰ÈÔÓ ÙÔ˘ Law ‹ÙÔ ÌÂÁ·ÏÔÊ˘¤˜Ø Ì‹ˆ˜ fï˜ ‰ÂÓ ‹ÙÔ Î·È ÙÔ˘ ¶ÚˆÙÔ·-·‰¿ÎË; ∆Ô Û˘Ì¤Ú·ÛÌ· Â›Ó·È fiÙÈ Ù· ÂÊ·ÚÌÔ˙fiÌÂÓ· Û¯¤‰È· Ú¤ÂÈ Ó·Â˘ÓÔÔ‡ÓÙ·È Î·È ·fi Ù·˜ ˘·Ú¯Ô‡Û·˜ Û˘Óı‹Î·˜ ¿Ïψ˜ Ô‰ËÁÔ‡ÓÙ·È ÂȘ·ÔÙ˘¯›·Ó.

E›Ó·È, ¿ÓÙˆ˜, ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ ·Ó·ÌÊÈÛ‚‹ÙËÙÔÓ fiÙÈ ÌÔÏÔÓfiÙÈ Ë ÚfiıÂÛȘÙÔ˘ Law ‹ÙÔ ¤ÓÙÈÌÔ˜ ÂÓ ÙÔ‡ÙÔȘ ÚÔÂοÏÂÛ ÙÔÛ·‡ÙËÓ ·Ó·Ù·Ú·¯‹Ó ÂȘÙÔ ∫Ú¿ÙÔ˜ ÒÛÙ ÙÔ ÛοӉ·ÏÔÓ Law, ÌÂÙ¿ ÙË ¯ÚˆÎÔ›·Ó Ù˘ TÚ·¤˙˘ÙÔ˘, ÙÔÓ ˆ‰‹ÁËÛÂÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ Ê˘Ï·Î‹Ó, Î·È Ì ‹‰Ë, ÙÔ ·fi §Ô˘‰Ô‚›ÎÔ˘14Ô˘ ‰ËÌÔÛÈÔÓ ¯Ú¤Ô˜ ÙˆÓ 3,5 ÂηÙÔÌ. ÏÈ‚ÚÒÓ, ÙÔ ÔÔ›ÔÓ ‹ÙÔ 5 ÊÔÚ¤˜ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚÔÓ ÙˆÓ ÂÙËÛ›ˆÓ ÂÛfi‰ˆÓ ÙÔ˘ ∫Ú¿ÙÔ˘˜, Ó· Û˘ÓÙ·Ú¿ÍË ÙËÓ °·Ï-Ï›·Ó › ‚‰ÔÌ‹ÎÔÓÙ· ¤ÙË. ∫·È ‹ÙÔ ÂȘ ÙˆÓ ·Ú·ÁfiÓÙˆÓ, ÔÈ ÔÔ›ÔÈ ÚÔ-ÂοÏÂÛ·Ó ÙËÓ °·ÏÏÈÎ‹Ó E·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛÈÓ Â› §Ô˘‰Ô‚›ÎÔ˘ 16Ô˘ (1789).∆ÔÈ·‡ÙË ‹ÙÔ Ë Î·Ù¿ÛÙ·ÛȘ ÂÓ °·ÏÏ›· Î·È ÂÍËÎÔÏÔ‡ıËÛÂ Ë Â› ÙˆÓ OÈÎÔ-ÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ Ù˘ ·Ó·Ù·Ú·¯‹, ÔfiÙ ÙÔ Á·ÏÏÈÎfiÓ ÓfiÌÈÛÌ· ˘¤ÛÙË ÛÂÈÚ¿Ó˘ÔÙÈÌ‹ÛÂˆÓ Ì¤¯ÚȘ fiÙÔ˘, ÌÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ °·ÏÏÈÎ‹Ó E·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛÈÓ, Ó· È‰Ú˘ı‹Ë TÚ¿Â˙· Ù˘ °·ÏÏ›·˜ (1800) ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ‹Û·Û· ÙÂÏÈÎÒ˜ ·fi ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜1808.

6. E›Ó·È ÈÛÙÔÚÈÎfiÓ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ fiÙÈ ÚÔ ÙˆÓ ¢ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ ÚÔË-Á‹ıËÛ·Ó ·È ȉȈÙÈη› TÚ¿Â˙·È ·Ó‹ÎÔ˘Û·È ÂȘ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·Ù›·˜-ÎÂÊ·Ï·È-Ô‡¯Ô˘˜, ›Ù ԇÙÔÈ ‹Û·Ó ¤ÌÔÚÔÈ, ›Ù ÂÊÔÏÈÛÙ·›, ›Ù ·ÁÁÂÏÌ·Ù›·È,ÔÈ ÔÔ›ÔÈ Û˘ÁÎÂÓÙÚÒÛ·ÓÙ˜ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÚÔ¤‚·ÈÓÔÓ ÂȘ Û˘ÛÙËÌ·ÙÈ΋ÓÚ¿ÍÈÓ ‰·ÓÂÈÛÌÔ‡.

AÚ¯Ô̤ÓÔ˘ ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜ Ë AÁÁÏ›· ‹ÙÔ ÂΛÓË Ë ÔÔ›· ›¯ÂÓ Ù·˜ÂÚÈÛÛÔÙ¤Ú·˜ ȉȈÙÈο˜ TÚ·¤˙·˜, ˆ˜ ·È City Banks, ¯ԇ۷˜ Û˘Ó‹ıˆ˜ÙÔ fiÓÔÌ· ÙÔ˘ ¯ÒÚÔ˘ ȉڇÛÂˆÓ ÙˆÓ London Bankers ‹ Country BanksÎ.Ï.(31) AÈ City Banks Â΢ÎÏÔÊfiÚÔ˘Ó ÙÔ Â›ÛËÌÔÓ ÓfiÌÈÛÌ·, Ù˘ TÚ·¤-

128 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

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˙˘ Ù˘ AÁÁÏ›·˜, ηÙfiÈÓ Û˘ÁÎÂÓÙÚÒÛˆ˜ ÙÔ˘ ÌÂÁ·Ï˘Ù¤ÚÔ˘ ·ÚÈıÌÔ‡TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ. AÈ TÚ¿Â˙·È ·‡Ù·È ›¯ÔÓ ˘ÔηٷÛÙ‹Ì·Ù· ÂȘ ‰È·ÊfiÚÔ˘˜fiÏÂȘ Î·È ÂȘ ÙËÓ •¤ÓËÓ. K·Ù¿ ÙÔÓ 18ÔÓ ·ÈÒÓ· ÂÓ §ÔÓ‰›Óˆ ·È ȉȈÙÈ-η› TÚ¿Â˙·È ·Ó‹Ú¯ÔÓÙÔ ÂȘ 30 Î·È ÌÂÙ¿ ÙÔ ‰Â‡ÙÂÚÔÓ ‹ÌÈÛ˘ ÙÔ˘ ·˘ÙÔ‡·ÈÒÓÔ˜ (1776), ·È ÂÓ AÁÁÏ›· Î·È O˘·ÏÏ›· ËÚÈıÌÔ‡ÓÙÔ ÂȘ 150, ÙÔ 1/3ÙˆÓ ÔÔ›ˆÓ ‹Û·Ó City-Banks. H ·Ï·ÈÔÙ¤Ú· ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ·ÊÂÒÚ· ÂȘ ÂÌfi-ÚÔ˘˜ ¯Ú˘Û·ÊÈÎÒÓ ÂΉ›‰Ô˘Û· -fiˆ˜ Î·È ¤ÙÂÚ·È È‰ÈˆÙÈη› TÚ¿Â˙·È –ȉÈο ÙˆÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ¿ÙÈ·. OÓÔÌ·ÛÙ‹ ÌÂٷ͇ ÙˆÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ‹ÙÔ Ë ÙÔ˘ HÔare, È‰Ú˘ı›۷ ÙÔ 1672 ˘fi ÙÔ˘ Richard Hoare(32), Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜Î·È ˆÓÔÌ¿ÛıË ÈfiÙ˘ ˘fi Ù˘ ‚·ÛÈÏ›ÛÛ˘ ÕÓÓ˘ (1702) ‰È· Ó· ηٷ-ÛÙ‹ Î·È ª¤Á·˜ §fiÚ‰Ô˜ ÙÔ˘ §ÔÓ‰›ÓÔ˘ (1712)(33). EÓ §ÔÓ‰›Óˆ fï˜ Ë·Ï·ÈÔÙ¤Ú· TÚ¿Â˙· ‹ÙÔ Ë ÙˆÓ Barings ÌÂ È‰Ú˘Ù‹Ó ÙÔÓ Johann BaringηٷÁfiÌÂÓÔÓ ÂÎ BÚ¤Ì˘. ∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ 1770 Ë TÚ¿Â˙· ·‡ÙË ‰È¤ıÂÙÂÓ ÏÔ‡-ÙÔÓ Î·È ÈÛ¯‡Ó ÈÛÙˆÙÈÎÔ‡ ȉڇ̷ÙÔ˜ Î·È ÂȘ ÙˆÓ ‰‡Ô ˘ÈÒÓ ÙÔ˘ Johann,Ô Francis, ¤ÁÈÓ ̤ÏÔ˜ Ù˘ East India Company Î·È B·ÚÒÓÔ˜ (1793). H›‰Ú·ÛȘ Ù˘ ÂÓ ÏfiÁˆ TÚ·¤˙˘ ÂÂÍÂÙ¿ıË Î·È ÂÎÙfi˜ Ù˘ N‹ÛÔ˘, ÂȘÙËÓ AÌÂÚÈ΋Ó, ÈÛÙˆ‰ÔÙÔ‡Û· ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂȘ Î·È K˘‚¤ÚÓËÛÈÓ. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜1803 Ë TÚ¿Â˙· ÙˆÓ Barings, ÔÌÔ‡ Ì ÙËÓ OÏÏ·Ó‰ÈÎ‹Ó ÙÔ˘ Hoge, ‰·-ÓÂÈÔ‰fiÙËÛ ÙËÓ ·ÌÂÚÈηÓÈÎ‹Ó Î˘‚¤ÚÓËÛÈÓ Ì ÂηÙÔÌ. ‰ÔÏÏ¿ÚÈ·, Ù·ÔÔ›· η٤‚·ÏÂÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ °·ÏÏ›·Ó ÚÔ˜ ÂÍ·ÁÔÚ¿Ó Ù˘ §Ô˘˚˙È¿Ó·˜. TËÓÔÈÎÔÁ¤ÓÂÈ· ÙˆÓ Barings ‰È‰¤¯ıË ÂÙ¤Ú· ÔÈÎÔÁ¤ÓÂÈ· ‚Ú·‰‡ÙÂÚÔÓ, ›Û˘ÌÂÁ›ÛÙ˘ ÈÛ¯‡Ô˜, ÔÈ ÙˆÓ Rothschilds(34).

ŒÙÂÚÔÈ ÌÂÁ¿ÏÔÈ TÚ·Â˙ÈÎÔ› O›ÎÔÈ ‹Û·Ó ÔÈ ÙˆÓ Taylors Î·È LloydsÙÔ˘ Birmingham, ÔÈ ÔÔ›ÔÈ ·ÓÙ·ÁˆÓ›˙ÔÓÙÔ ˆ˜ Country Bank Ù·˜ CityBanks, ˆ˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ Û˘Ó¤‚·ÈÓÂÓ Î·È Ì ¿ÏÏÔ˘˜ TÚ·Â˙›Ù·˜. E›Û˘ ÌÂÁ¿Ï·ÈTÚ¿Â˙·È ‹Û·Ó ·È ÙˆÓ Legend Bulling ÙÔ˘ Liverpool Î·È Ë ÙÔ˘ GurneyÂȘ Norwitch ÌÂÙ¤¯Ô˘Û· ˆ˜ Û˘Ó¤Ù·ÈÚÔ˜ Î·È ÂȘ ÂÙ¤Ú·˜ ȉȈÙÈο˜ TÚ·¤-˙·˜ Ù˘ AÁÁÏ›·˜.

7. EÓ °·ÏÏ›· ·È TÚ¿Â˙·È ·Ó‹ÎÔ˘Û·È ÂȘ TÚ·Â˙›Ù·˜, ıÚËÛ·̷ÙÔ˜ÚÔÙÂÛÙ·ÓÙÈÎÔ‡ ÂηÏÔ‡ÓÙÔ Î·È Banques Protestantes. K·È Ù·˜ TÚ¿Â-˙·˜ ÙÔ˘ ›‰Ô˘˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ Û˘Ó·ÓÙÒÌÂÓ Î·È ÂȘ EÏ‚ÂÙ›·Ó Î·È OÏÏ·Ó‰›·Ó (ÂÎK·Ï‚ÈÓÈÛÙÒÓ) Î·È Ê˘Á¿‰ˆÓ O˘ÁÂÓfiÙˆÓ, ›Û˘, ÂȘ Amsterdam, °ÂÓ‡-

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 129

31. ∂. ∫. Born: Institutional Banking (·ÁÁÏ. ÌÂÙ.) ÛÂÏ. 20 ÂÎ Ù˘ ÁÂÚÌ·ÓÈ΋˜ ÂΉfiÛˆ˜

˘fi Ù›ÙÏÔÓ Geld and Banken im 19 und 20 Jarhundert, Stuttgart 1997.

32. E. K. Born: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 21.

33,34. E. K. Born: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 22.

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ËÓ Î·È °ÂÓÔ‡ËÓ. H ·Ï·ÈÔÙ¤Ú· ÙˆÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ‹ÙÔ Ë ÙÔ˘ Mallet,ηٷÁˆÁ‹Ó ¤¯Ô˘Û·Ó, ·fi ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜ 1557, fiÙ ·fi PÔ˘¤Ó Ô‡ÙÔ˜ ÂÁηٷ-ÛÙ¿ıË ÂȘ °ÂÓ‡ËÓ ¤Óı· ›‰Ú˘Û ȉȈÙÈÎ‹Ó TÚ¿Â˙·Ó. H TÚ¿Â˙· ·‡ÙËÛ˘Á¯ˆÓ¢ı›۷ Ì ÙËÓ ÙÔ˘ Berthelmy De la Rive ÂȘ °ÂÓ‡ËÓ ÂÁ¤ÓÓËÛÂÙËÓ ÙˆÓ De la Rive-Mallet. ªÂÙˆÓÔÌ¿ÛıË ‰Â ÂȘ Mallet Frères CÔ, ·Ô-Û·Ûı›۷ Ù˘ ·Ï·È¿˜ Û˘ÌÚ¿ÍÂÒ˜ Ù˘. ™‹ÌÂÚÔÓ ‰Â Û˘Ó¯›˙ÂÈ Ó· ˘Ê›-ÛÙ·Ù·È ˘fi ÙËÓ ÂˆÓ˘Ì›·Ó Neuflize Schluberger Mallet y Cie.(35)

K·Ù¿ ÙÔÓ 17ÔÓ ·ÈÒÓ· Ô Ô˘ÁÂÓfiÙÔ˜ David André Î·Ù¤Ê˘ÁÂÓ ÂȘ °ÂÓÔ‡ËÓÌÂÙÂÚ¯fiÌÂÓÔ˜ ÙËÓ ÂÌÔÚ›·Ó ÌÂÙ¿Í˘, ηÓÔ‡ Î·È ·ÔÈÎÈ·ÎÒÓ ÂȉÒÓ Ôȉȿ‰Ô¯ÔÈ ÙÔ˘ ÔÔ›Ô˘ ›‰Ú˘Û·Ó TÚ·Â˙ÈÎ‹Ó Âȯ›ÚËÛÈÓ. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1799 oDominique André ‹ÓÔÈÍÂÓ Ó¤·Ó TÚ¿Â˙·Ó ÂȘ ¶·ÚÈÛ›Ô˘˜, Î·È Ë ÔÔ›·ÂÚÈ‹ÏıÂÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÁ¤ÓÂÈ·Ó ÙˆÓ Neuflize ˆ˜ ÎÏËÚÔÓÔÌ›·, ηٿ ÙÔ Ù¤-ÏÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜(36).

K·Ù¿ ÙËÓ ‰È¿ÚÎÂÈ·Ó Ù˘ °·ÏÏÈ΋˜ E·Ó·ÛÙ¿Ûˆ˜, ˘fi ÙˆÓ Ê˘Á¿‰ˆÓȉڇıË TÚ·Â˙ÈÎfi˜ O›ÎÔ˜ ÂÓ AÁÁÏ›· Î·È Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ÙÂÏÈÎÒ˜ ÂÚȤÂÛÂÓÂȘ ·Ê¿ÓÂÈ·Ó. H TÚ¿Â˙· ·‡ÙË Â›¯ÂÓ È‰Ú‡ıË ˘fi ÙËÓ ÂˆÓ˘Ì›·Ó Tourt-on et Guiger ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1700, Î·È Â›Ù· Û˘Ó¤¯ÈÛÂÓ ˘fi ÙÔÓ Isaak Thellusson‰È· Ó· ÂÂÎÙ›ÓË ÙËÓ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ¿ Ù˘ ÂȘ °ÂÓ‡ËÓ, °ÂÓÔ‡ËÓ Î·È Amst-erdam. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1756 Ô Jauques Necker, Ô Î·ÙfiÈÓ ‰È·‰Ú·Ì·Ù‹Û·˜ Úˆ-Ù·ÁˆÓÈÛÙÈÎfiÓ ÚfiÏÔÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·Ó Ù˘ °·ÏÏ›·˜, Î·È ÙÔ˘ ÔÔ›Ô˘ ËÚԤϢÛȘ ‹ÙÔ ÂÎ °ÂÓ‡˘, ¤ÁÈÓÂ Û˘Ó¤Ù·ÈÚÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ Thellusson ‰È· Ó· ‰·-ÓÂÈÔ‰ÔÙ‹ Î·È ÙÔ °·ÏÏÈÎfiÓ KÚ¿ÙÔ˜(37). TÂÏÈÎÒ˜ Ë TÚ¿Â˙· ·‡ÙË ÂÚÈ‹Ï-ıÂÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÁ¤ÓÂÈ·Ó ÙˆÓ Greffuche, TÚ·Â˙ÈÙÒÓ ÂȘ Amsterdam, ηÈÌÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ ‰ÈÎÙ·ÙÔÚ›·Ó ÙˆÓ I·Îˆ‚›ÓˆÓ (1793) ÔÈ Greffuche Î·Ù¤Ê˘ÁÔÓ ÂȘ§ÔÓ‰›ÓÔÓ ‰È· Ó· ·ӤÏıÔ˘Ó ÂȘ ¶·ÚÈÛ›Ô˘˜ (1819). H ÔÈÎÔÁ¤ÓÂÈ· ·‡ÙËÛ˘Ó¤¯ÈÛ ٷ˜ ∆Ú·Â˙Èο˜ ÂÚÁ·Û›·˜ Ù˘ Ì TÚ¿Â˙·Ó ˘fi ÙËÓ ÂˆÓ˘Ì›·ÓSartoris Cie. ¶Ï›ÛÙÔÈ Â›Û˘ TÚ·Â˙›Ù·È ÂÓ °·ÏÏ›· ÚÔ‹Ú¯ÔÓÙÔ ÂÍ EÏ-‚ÂÙ›·˜, ˆ˜ Ô Hans Konrad Hottinger (1798), Ë ÚÔ ‰Â Ù˘ ÂÌÊ·Ó›Ûˆ˜Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÁÂÓ›·˜ ÙˆÓ Rothscilds ÂÓ ¶·ÚÈÛ›oȘ ÛÔ˘‰·›· TÚ¿Â˙· ‹ÙÔ Î·ÈË ÙˆÓ Werms Co.

130 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

35. E. K. Born: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 22.

36,37. ∂.∫. µorn: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 23. √ Necker ‹ÙÔ ÂΛÓÔ˜ Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ÙËÓ ˘fi ÙÔ˘ Turgot

È‰Ú˘ıÂ›Û·Ó ∆Ú¿Â˙·Ó Caisse d’Escopte (1776) ÌÂÙ¤ÙÚ„ÂÓ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1778 ÂȘ ›‰Ô˜ ∫Â-

ÓÙÚÈ΋˜ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÔÔ›·Ó ·Ó·ÚÔÂÍfiÊÏÔ˘Ó Ù· ¯·ÚÙÔÊ˘Ï¿ÎÈ¿ ÙˆÓ ·È ȉȈÙÈ-

η› ∆Ú¿Â˙·È (Luzzato: op.cit. ÛÂÏ. 116) Î·È Ë ÔÔ›· ÙÂÏÈÎÒ˜ ·ÂÚÚÔÊ‹ıË ˘fi Ù˘

·Ó·ÊÂÚı›Û˘ ·ÓˆÙ¤Úˆ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ Ù˘ °·ÏÏ›·˜

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∂ÓÙ·‡ı· ‰¤ÔÓ Ó· ÌÓËÌÔÓ‡ۈÌÂÓ Î·È ÙÔÓ Claude Perier (1749-1801)ÌÂÁ·Ï¤ÌÔÚÔÓ Î·È ÂÚÁÔÛÙ·ÛÈ¿Ú¯ËÓ Î·È ∆Ú·Â˙›ÙËÓ ÂȘ Grenoble ÂÎ Ù˘ÔÔ›·˜ ÚÔ‹ÏıÂÓ Ë Anzi and Coal Mining Company, ηٿ ÙËÓ ‰È¿ÚÎÂÈ·ÓÙ˘ ∂·Ó·ÛÙ¿Ûˆ˜, Î·È Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ˘‹ÚÍÂÓ ÂȘ ÙˆÓ Û˘ÓÈ‰Ú˘ÙÒÓ Ù˘ ∆Ú·-¤˙˘ Ù˘ °·ÏÏ›·˜ › ª. ¡·ÔϤÔÓÙÔ˜(38). √ Perier ·¤ÎÙËÛ ÂÎ ÙÔ˘Á¿ÌÔ˘ ÙÔ˘ ÂÙ¿ ˘ÈÔ‡˜, ÙÚÂȘ ÙˆÓ ÔÔ›ˆÓ ÔÈ: Sapion (1776-1821), Casim-ir (1777-1832), Î·È Joseph (1786-1866) ˘‹ÚÍ·Ó ÌÂÁ·ÏÔÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·Ù›·ÈÎ·È ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰fiÙ·È ÂȘ ¶·ÚÈÛ›Ô˘˜ ηٿ ÙËÓ ·ÔηٿÛÙ·ÛÈÓ ÙˆÓ µÔ˘Ú-‚ÒÓˆÓ. ∏ ∆Ú¿Â˙¿ ÙˆÓ ÂȘ §Ô˘ÍÂÌ‚Ô‡ÚÁÔÓ ˘fi ÙËÓ ÂˆÓ˘Ì›·Ó «PerierBrothers» ‹ÙÔ Ì›· ÌÈÎÚ¿ ȉȈÙÈ΋ TÚ¿Â˙·, Ë ÔÔ›· ÔÌÔ‡ Ì ÚÔÛÙÂı›-Û·˜ ÂÙ¤Ú·˜ ÌÈÎÚ¿˜ TÚ¿Â˙·˜ Û˘Ó¤ÛÙËÛ·Ó ÙËÓ «La Haute Banque Parisie-nne». ∫·Ù’ ·Ú¯‹Ó Ë ∆Ú¿Â˙· ȉڇıË ˘fi ÙÔ˘ Scipion, ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1801, ÌÂÙ¿‰‡Ô ÚÒËÓ Û˘ÓÂÙ·›ÚˆÓ ÙÔ˘ Claude Perier, ÙÔ˘˜ Henry Flory Î·È WilliamSabatier,(39) ÙÔ˘ ÚÒÙÔ˘ ·Ó‹ÎÔÓÙÔ˜ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ·ÓˆÙ¿ÙËÓ ¢ÈÔ›ÎËÛÈÓ Ù˘∆Ú·¤˙˘ Ù˘ °·ÏÏ›·˜ Î·È ÙÔ˘ ‰Â˘Ù¤ÚÔ˘ ÂȘ ÙÔ ÎÂÓÙÚÈÎfiÓ ™˘Ì‚Ô‡ÏÈÔÓÙ˘ Anzi Mining Company. √È ‰‡Ô Ô‡ÙÔÈ Û˘Ó¤Ù·ÈÚÔÈ ÙÔ˘ Scipion ·Ú¤-ÌÂÈÓ·Ó ÂȘ ÙËÓ TÚ¿Â˙·Ó ÙÔ˘ ̤¯ÚÈ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1807. ∞fi ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜ fï˜ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ ¤ˆ˜ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1818 Ë ∆Ú¿Â˙· ˘fi ÙËÓ ÂˆÓ˘Ì›·Ó «Perier Brothe-rs» ·Ú¤ÌÂÈÓÂÓ ÂȘ ÙÔ˘˜ ÚÔ·Ó·ÊÂÚı¤ÓÙ·˜ ÙÚÂȘ ·‰ÂÏÊÔ‡˜ Scipion, Casi-mir, Joseph Î·È Ì ÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ Û˘ÌÌÂÙÔ¯‹˜ 2.000.000 ÊÚ¿ÁΈÓ(40) ˘fiÙËÓ ÌÔÚÊ‹Ó Ù˘ ∞ÓˆÓ‡ÌÔ˘ ∂Ù·ÈÚ›·˜ (Joint Stock Company). ∏ ÂÓ ÏfiÁˆ∆Ú¿Â˙· Û˘Ó¤‚·ÏÂÓ Ù· ̤ÁÈÛÙ· ‰È· ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍÈÓ Ù˘°·ÏÏ›·˜ ÌÂٷ͇ ÙˆÓ ÂÙÒÓ 1815-1830. ªÂÙ¿ fï˜ ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ÎÚ›-ÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ 1825 Î·È ÙËÓ ·ÓfiËÙÔÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ÔÏÈÙÈÎ‹Ó ÙÔ˘ ÀÔ˘ÚÁÔ‡Villéle Ë ∆Ú¿Â˙· ˘ÂÌÔÓÔ̇ıË Ì¤¯ÚȘ fiÙÔ˘ ÂÛÙ·Ì¿ÙËÛ ٷ˜ ÂÚÁ·Û›·˜Ù˘.

MÂٷ͇ fï˜ ÙˆÓ ÛÔ˘‰·ÈÔÙ¤ÚˆÓ ÁÂÁÔÓfiÙˆÓ Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ˙ˆ‹˜ÂÓ °·ÏÏ›· ‹ÙÔ Ë ›‰Ú˘ÛȘ Ù˘ Comptoir Nationale d’ Escompte de Paris(·Ú¯¿˜ ÙÔ˘ 1848), ηıÒ˜ Î·È Ë ÌÂÙ·ÙÚÔ‹ Ù˘ ÂȘ Comptoir d’ Escomptede Malhase (1913), Ë ÔÔ›· ÂÁ¤ÓÓËÛ ÙËÓ Banque Nationale de (Gredit

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 131

38 R. J. Barker: The Perier Bank during the Restoration (1815-1830). The Journal of Eur-opean Economic History 1973, Vol. 2 NÔ 3 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 641-656.

39. R. J. Barker: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 642.

40. R. J. Barker: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 643.

41. G. Guenser: «La Création de la Banque Nationale de Paris» Revue Internationale d’Histoire de la Banque, Genève 1969 Vol. 2 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 119 Î. Â.

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Î·È Ù˘ ÔÔ›·˜ Ë ‰È¿Ï˘ÛȘ (1932) ‰ËÌÈÔ‡ÚÁËÛ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1932 ÙËÓ BanqueNationale pour le Commerce et l’ Industrie.(41)

∏ ·Ó·ÊÂÚı›۷ ∆Ú¿Â˙· Comptoir Nationale d’ Escompte ȉڇıË–ˆ˜ ÂϤ¯ıË– ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1848 Î·È ÂÂÍÂÙ¿ıË ÂȘ Ù·˜ ΢ÚȈ٤ڷ˜ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈ-ο˜ Î·È ÂÌÔÚÈο˜ fiÏÂȘ ¤¯Ô˘Û· ÙËÓ ˘ÔÛÙ‹ÚÈÍÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ∫Ú¿ÙÔ˘˜(42).MÂÙ¿ ‰Â ÙËÓ ÌÂÙ·ÙÚÔ‹Ó Ù˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ Comptoir d’ Escompte de Malh-ase ÂÈÛ˘Ì‚¿Û·Ó ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1913, ÙËÓ ÒıËÛÂÓ, -·Ú¿ ÙËÓ Î·ÙÔ¯‹Ó Ù˘ ∞Ï-Û·Ù›·˜ Î·È Ù˘ §ˆÚ·›Ó˘, ÌÂÙ¿ ÙÔ 1870 ˘fi ÙˆÓ °ÂÚÌ·ÓÒÓ- ÚÔ˜ Ù·˜Î·Ù¯Ô̤ӷ˜ ÂÚÈÔ¯¿˜ ·˘Ù¿˜, Î·È Ë ÔÔ›· ÂÚÈÂÏ‹ÊıË ÂȘ ÙÔ °·ÏÏÈÎfiÓ∆Ú·Â˙ÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ·. ∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ 1918 ȉڇıË Î·È Ë Banque Nationale deCrédit ‰È·Ï˘ı›۷ ÙÔ 1932 Î·È Î·Ù·ÁˆÁ‹Ó ¤¯Ô˘Û·Ó ·fi ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1901·fi ÙËÓ Banque Nationale pour le Commerce et l’ Industrie Î·È Ë ÔÔ›·Ì¤¯ÚÈ ÙÔ 1922 Û˘ÓÂÈÚÁ¿˙ÂÙÔ ÛÙÂÓÒ˜ Ì ÙËÓ Banque Nationale du Crédit.∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ 1859 ȉڇıË Î·È Ë Crédit Industriel et Commercial Î·È ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜1863 Ë ÂÚ›ÊËÌÔ˜ ∆Ú¿Â˙· Crédit Lyonais.

°·ÏÏÈη› ∆Ú¿Â˙·È ȉڇıËÛ·Ó Â›Û˘ ÂȘ °·ÏÏÈο˜ ·ÔÈΛ·˜(43) ˆ˜ ËBanque de la Reunion (1861). ∏ Comptoir Nationale de Paris ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜1885 ·¤ÛÙÂÈÏÂÓ ÂȘ ª·‰·Á·ÛοÚËÓ Ú¿ÎÙÔÚ¿˜ Ù˘, ηıÒ˜ ÙÔ ›‰ÈÔÓ Î·ÈÂȘ ∆˘ÓËÛ›·Ó (1913), ÙÔ ›‰ÈÔÓ ¤Ú·ÍÂÓ Î·È Ë Banque Escompte et du Cr-édit Ï‹ÁÔÓÙÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜. ∂Ș ™·˚ÁÎfiÓ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1862, ȉڇıË Ë Ba-nque de l’ Indocine ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÔÔ›· ÌÂÙ¤Û¯ÔÓ Ì ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È¿ ÙˆÓ Ë ComptoirNationale d’ Escompte (1885) Î·È Ë Crédit Industriel et Commercial.∂›Û˘ ‰È¿ÊÔÚ· ÙÌ‹Ì·Ù· °·ÏÏÈÎÒÓ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ È‰Ú‡ıËÛ·Ó ÂȘ ∫·ÏÎÔ‡-Ù·Ó Î·È ™·ÁοËÓ (1860), µÔÌ‚¿ËÓ Î·È ÃÔÁÎ-∫ÔÁÎ (1862), ÂȘ °ÎÔÎÔ¯fi-Ì· (1867) Î·È ∞ÏÂÍ¿Ó‰ÚÂÈ·Ó (1869), ™›‰Ó¸ Î·È ªÂÏ‚Ô‡ÚÓËÓ (1880) ηÈηٿ ÙËÓ ÂÔ¯‹Ó Ù˘ ·Ú¯‹˜ Ù˘ ΢ÚÈ·Ú¯›·˜ ÙÔ˘ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÈÎÔ‡ ÎÂÊ·-Ï·›Ô˘ ÂȘ ÕÁÈÔÓ ºÚ·ÁΛÛÎÔÓ, ™ÈοÁÔÓ Î·È ¡¤·Ó √ÚÏ¿ÓËÓ (1894).(44)

H ›ÛÙȘ ÂÌÊ·Ó›˙ÂÙ·È Ì ÙËÓ ‡·ÚÍÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ̤ÛÔ˘ ·ÓÙ·ÏÏ·Á‹˜, ·›˙Ô-ÓÙÔ˜ ÙÔÓ ÚfiÏÔÓ ÙÔ˘ ¯Ú‹Ì·ÙÔ˜. H ›ÛÙȘ Û˘Ì›ÙÂÈ Ì ÙËÓ ‡·ÚÍÈÓ ÙÔ˘ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘, ˆ˜ ·Ú¿ÁÔÓÙÔ˜ Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ˙ˆ‹˜ Î·È Û˘ÓÙÂÏÂÛÙÔ‡ Ù˘·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜. TÔ‡ÙÔ Û˘ÓÂÎÂÓÙÚÒıË, ›Ù ÂÎ ÏÔ˘Û›ˆÓ ÂÛÔ‰ÂÈÒÓ, ›Ù ÂÎÂÈÚ·Ù›·˜, ›Ù ÂÍ ·Ó·Î·Ï‡„ˆ˜ ÏÔ˘ÙÔÊfiÚˆÓ ÎÔÈÙ·ÛÌ¿ÙˆÓ, ›Ù ÂÎÁˆÁÚ·ÊÈÎÒÓ ·Ó·Î·Ï‡„ÂˆÓ Î·È ÂÊ¢ڤÛˆÓ, ›Ù ÂÎ ÎÂÚ‰ÔÛÎÔ›·˜, ›ÙÂ

132 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

42,43,44. G. Guenser: «La Création de la Banque Nationale de Paris» Revue Internationa-le d’ Histoire de la Banque, Genève 1969 Vol. 2 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 119 Î. Â.

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ÂÍ ÂÎÌÂÙ·Ïχۈ˜ ·ÓıÚˆÈÓ‹˜ ÂÚÁ·Û›·˜. TËÓ ÂÔ¯‹Ó, ηٿ ÙËÓ ÔÔ›·ÓÙÔ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ Û˘ÓÂÚÁ› ˆ˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ‰‡Ó·ÌȘ, ·fi 15 ·ÈÒÓÔ˜ Î·È Î·-ÙfiÈÓ, ÙËÓ Î·ÏÔ‡ÌÂÓ ÂÌÔÚÈÎfiÓ Î·ÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfiÓ, Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ Êı¿ÓÂÈ ÂȘ ÙËÓ·Ú·ÎÌ‹Ó ÙÔ˘ ̤¯ÚÈ Ù· ̤۷ ÙÔ˘ 18Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜, fiÙ ·Ú¯›˙ÂÈ Ë ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô˜ÙÔ˘ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎÔ‡ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡ Î·È Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ Ï‹ÁÂÈ Î·Ù¿ ÙÔ Ù¤ÏÔ˜ ÙÔ˘19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜, Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ηٿ ÙËÓ Ï‹ÍÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ ÌÂÙ·ÌÔÚÊÔ‡-Ù·È ÂȘ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÈÎfiÓ Î·ÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfiÓ.

∞fi ÙÔÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎfiÓ Î·ÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfiÓ ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÈÎfiÓ Î·ÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfiÓ

1. ∏ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô˜ ÙÔ˘ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÈÎÔ‡ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡ Û˘Ì›ÙÂÈ Ì ÙËÓÙÔ˘ ÈÌÂÚÈ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡ ÙËÓ ÔÔ›·Ó, ÏËÓ ÙÔ˘ Lenin, Î·È ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÔÏfiÁÔÈ ‰ÈË-Ú‡ÓËÛ·Ó ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ Ù·‡ÙËÓ ˆ˜ Ô J. Hobson Imperialism, a Study,1902, ed. 1954. ¢È· ÙÔÓ Hobson ÙÔ fiÏÔÓ Ê·ÈÓfiÌÂÓÔÓ ·ÊÔÚ¿ ÂȘ ÙÔ ÔÈÎÔ-ÓÔÌÈÎÔ-ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÎfiÓ Úfi‚ÏËÌ· Ù˘ ª. µÚÂÙ·ÓÓ›·˜, ÂȘ ÙËÓ ˘ÂÚ·Ú·Áˆ-Á‹Ó Î·È ÙËÓ ·ÊıÔÓ›·Ó ÙˆÓ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›ˆÓ Ù· ÔÔ›· ‰ÂÓ Â‡ÚÈÛÎÔÓ ÂÁ¯ÒÚÈÔÓÙÔÔı¤ÙËÛÈÓ, ÒÛÙÂ Ë µÚÂÙ·ÓÓ›·, Ë °·ÏÏ›·, Ë °ÂÚÌ·Ó›· Î·È Ë √ÏÏ·Ó‰›·Ó· ÚÔ‚Ô‡Ó ÂȘ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›ˆÓ ÙˆÓ ÂȘ Ù·˜ ÂÚÈÔ¯¿˜ Ù˘ ÔÏÈÙÈ-΋˜ ΢ÚÈ·Ú¯›·˜ ÙˆÓ Î·È ÙËÓ ‰È¿ıÂÛ›Ó ÙˆÓ ÚÔ˜ ÂÚ·ÈÙ¤Úˆ ¤ÎÙ·ÛÈÓ.∞fi ÙÔ˘ ÛËÌ›Ԣ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ ˆÚÌ‹ıË Ô π.U.N. Lenin (Imperialism Highest St-age of Capitalism, 1917/1920) ‰È· Ó· ˘ÔÛÙËÚ›ÍË ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ ÙÔ˘ ÈÌÂ-ÚÈ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡ ˆ˜ ÙÔÈ·‡ÙËÓ Î‡ÎÏÔ˘ ·ӷÛÙ¿ÛÂˆÓ Î·È ÔϤ̈Ó. √ ‰Â Harc-ourt ÂοÏÂÛ ÙÔÓ ÈÌÂÚÈ·ÏÈÛÌfiÓ «stock-jobbing imperialism», ˆ˜ ÂÎÊÚ¿-˙ÔÓÙÔ˜ Ù· Û˘ÌʤÚÔÓÙ· ÙˆÓ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÒÓ. EȘ ÙÔ ·ÚfiÓ KÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ ı·ÂÍÂÙ¿ÛˆÌÂÓ ÙËÓ ÂͤÏÈÍÈÓ Ù˘ TÚ·¤˙˘ ηٿ ÙËÓ ÂÓ ÏfiÁˆ ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ.

K·Ù¿ ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ ÙÔ˘ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÈÎÔ‡ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡, ÙÔ TÚ·Â˙È-ÎfiÓ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ Û˘ÁÎÂÓÙÚÒÓÂÈ ·ÁÎfiÛÌÈÔÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ÈÛ¯‡Ó, ÙËÓ ÔÔ›-·Ó ηÙ¢ı‡ÓÂÈ Ì ‰È·ÊfiÚÔ˘˜ ¯ÂÈÚÈÛÌÔ‡˜, Ë ‰Â ·ÌÔÈ‚‹ ÙÔ˘ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘ - ÔÙfiÎÔ˜- ı· ıˆÚËı‹ ˆ˜ ÙÔ Î˘ÚÈ·Ú¯Ô‡Ó ÂÈÛfi‰ËÌ· Ù˘ ÂÔ¯‹˜ Ì·˜.

K·È ÂÓ °ÂÚÌ·Ó›· fï˜ ȉڇıËÛ·Ó ·fi ÙÔ˘ 1800 ȉȈÙÈη› TÚ¿Â˙·È.EÓ KÔψӛ·, ºÚ·ÓÎÊÔ‡ÚÙËÓ Î·È ÂȘ ¿ÏÏ·˜ fiÏÂȘ ·Ó‰‡ıËÛ·Ó È‰ÈˆÙÈ-η› TÚ¿Â˙·È. MÂٷ͇ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ·Ó·Ê¤ÚÔÌÂÓ ÙÔ˘˜ ·‰ÂÏÊÔ‡˜ Benthmann,ÙÔÓ TÚ·Â˙ÈÎfiÓ O›ÎÔÓ ÙˆÓ B. Metzler und Sons Co, Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ‰·ÓÂÈÔ-‰fiÙÂÈ Î·È ÙËÓ A˘ÛÙÚ›·Ó, ÙËÓ ¶ÚˆÛÛ›·Ó Î·È ¿ÏÏ· KÚ¿ÙË. ŒÙÂÚÔ˜ ‰Â ÌÂ-

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 133

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Á¿ÏÔ˜ TÚ·Â˙›Ù˘ ‹ÙÔ Ô ÂÓ ºÚ·ÓÎÊÔ‡ÚÙË Johann Jakob von Willemer, ÔÔÔ›Ô˜ ÚÔ¤‚Ë ÂȘ ‰·ÓÂÈÔ‰ÔÙ‹ÛÂȘ ϤÔÓ ÙÔ˘ 1 ÂηÙÔÌ. guldens(45). Afi‰Â ÙÔ˘ 1727 ÂÓ KÔψӛ· ÂÓÎÈÓ‹Û·˜ ÂÎ Ù˘ ÌÂÙ·ÍÔÎψÛÙ‹˜ Î·È ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔ-Ú›Ô˘ ÌÂÙ¿Í˘ ·Ó‰›¯ıË Ô O›ÎÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ Johann David Herstatt. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜1792 ÂÌÊ·Ó›˙ÔÓÙ·È ¤ÙÂÚÔÈ TÚ·Â˙›Ù·È ˆ˜ ÔÈ Abraham Schuaffhausen ÌÂ-ÙÂÚ¯fiÌÂÓÔ˜ ÙËÓ ÂÌÔÚ›·Ó ÙÔ˘ Ô›ÓÔ˘, ÙˆÓ ‰ÂÚÌ¿ÙˆÓ Î·È ÙÔ˘ ‚¿Ì‚·ÎÔ˜,ˆ˜ ›Û˘ Î·È Ô Heinrich Stein ›Û˘ ÌÂÁ·Ï¤ÌÔÚÔ˜. TÔ BÂÚÔÏ›ÓÔÓ Â›-Û˘ ˘‹ÚÍÂÓ Î¤ÓÙÚÔÓ TÚ·Â˙È΋˜ ·ÁÔÚ¿˜, ÌÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ ›‰Ú˘ÛÈÓ Ù˘ Ëӈ̤-Ó˘ °ÂÚÌ·Ó›·˜ (Reich) ÙÔ 1871. ¶ÚfiÙÂÚÔÓ fï˜ ›¯ÂÓ ·Ó·‰Âȯı‹ ÂȘ BÂ-ÚÔÏ›ÓÔÓ Ô ÌÂÁ·Ï¤ÌÔÚÔ˜ David Splitgerber Ì ÙÔÓ Gottfried Daum(46). HÂÙ·ÈÚ›· ÙˆÓ ‰‡Ô ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ·Ó‰ÚÒÓ Û˘ÓÂΤÓÙÚˆÛ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÂÎ ÙÔ˘ ÛȉÂÚÂ-ÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È ÔÏÂÌÈÎÒÓ ÂȉÒÓ, Î·È È‰›ˆ˜ ˘ÚÔ‚fiψÓ, ‰È· Ó· ÂÊԉȿ-ÛÔ˘Ó Ì ·˘Ùfi ÙÔ ˘ÏÈÎfiÓ ÙÔ KÚ¿ÙÔ˜ ηٿ ÙÔÓ EÙ·ÂÙ‹ ¶fiÏÂÌÔÓ.

Afi ÙÔ˘ 1764, ›Û˘ ·Ó‰›¯ıË ¤ÙÂÚÔ˜ TÚ·Â˙ÈÎfi˜ O›ÎÔ˜, Ô ÙˆÓHesse-Kassel, ÂÎ ÙˆÓ ÏÔ˘ÛÈˆÙ¤ÚˆÓ °ÂÚÌ·ÓÒÓ ÚÈÁ΋ˆÓ. £· ‹ÙÔ ‰ÂÌÂÁ¿ÏË ·Ú¿ÏÂȄȘ Â¿Ó ‰ÂÓ ·ÓÂʤڷÌÂÓ ÂÓÙ·‡ı· Î·È ÙÔÓ Meyer AmschelRothschild È‰Ú˘Ù‹Ó Ù˘ ÁÓˆÛÙ‹˜ ‰˘Ó·ÛÙ›·˜ ÙˆÓ TÚ·Â˙ÈÙÒÓ. E›Û˘ ‰ÂÔÓÔÌ·ÛÙ‹˜ ÔÈÎÔÁÂÓ›·˜ Ù˘ ºÚ·ÓÎÊÔ‡ÚÙ˘ ‹ÙÔ Î·È Ô Solomon HerzhOppenheim, ηıÒ˜ Î·È Ë ·Ó·Ù‡Í·Û· ÙÚ·Â˙ÈÎ‹Ó ‰Ú¿ÛÈÓ ÂȘ ¶·Ï·ÈÙÈ-Ó¿ÙÔÓ (Palatinate) ÔÈÎÔÁ¤ÓÂÈ· ÙˆÓ Seligmans Î·È Ë ÙˆÓ Kaulla ÂÎ Württ-emberg, Ë ÔÔ›· ‹ÙÔ Î·È ‰·ÓÂÈÔ‰fiÙ˘ Ù˘ B·˘·ÚÈ΋˜ A˘Ï‹˜.

¶ÏËÓ fï˜ ÙˆÓ È‰ÈˆÙÈÎÒÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ Î·Ù¿ ÙÔ˘ 17ÔÓ-18ÔÓ ·ÈÒÓ·,ȉڇıËÛ·Ó Î·È ¢ËÌfiÛÈ·È TÚ¿Â˙·È. To ¤ÙÔ˜ 1606 È‰Ú˘ıË Ë TÚ¿Â˙· Ams-terdamsche Wisselbank Î·È Ë ÙÔ˘ Hamburger Bank (1619). EȘ Ù·˜ ¢ËÌÔ-Û›·˜ TÚ·¤˙·˜ ‰¤ÔÓ Ó· ÂÚÈÏ¿‚ˆÌÂÓ Î·È Ù·˜ ÂÓ ¶ÚˆÛÛ›·, ˆ˜ Ë Königlic-he Soehandlung, Ë Prussian Giro und Lehnbanco, Ë Hochfürstlich Bradenb-urg - Anspach - Bayrentlische Hofbanco. E›Û˘ ÂÓ ¶ÚˆÛ›· ȉڇıËÛ·Ó¤ÙÂÚ·È TÚ¿Â˙·È ÎÏËıÂ›Û·È Landschaften, ˆ˜ ·È: Schlesische Landscaft(1771), Ë Märkische Landscaft (1777), Ë Pommersche Landscaft (1781), ËWestpreussische Landschaft (1787) Î·È Ë Östpreussische Landschaft ‚Ú·-‰‡ÙÂÚÔÓ(47). AÈ TÚ¿Â˙·È ·‡Ù·È ÛÙËÚÈ˙fiÌÂÓ·È Â› Ù˘ ΢ÚÈ·Ú¯Ô‡Û˘ ÌÔÚ-ÊÔÏÔÁ›·˜ Ù˘ ¶ÚˆÛÛÈ΋˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ ÙˆÓ ÌÂÁ·ÏÔÁ·ÈÎÙËÌfiÓˆÓ E˘ÁÂÓÒÓ,∫ÏËÚÈÎÒÓ Î·È ∫·ÁÎÂÏÏ·Ú›ˆÓ ÙˆÓ fiψÓ, ÚÔ¤‚·ÈÓÔÓ ÂȘ ‰·ÓÂÈÔ‰ÔÙ‹-ÛÂȘ, ÂηχÙÔÓÙÔ ‰Â ˘fi ÌÂÁ¿ÏˆÓ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›ˆÓ Î·È ÂÁÁ›ˆÓ ÂÁÁ˘‹ÛˆÓ.

134 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

45. ∂.∫. Born: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 29, 66 Î. Â.

46,47. Born: op. cit. ∞˘ÙfiıÈ.

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OÈ fiÏÂÌÔÈ, ·È ÂÍÂÁ¤ÚÛÂȘ, Î·È ÔÈ ÂÍÔÏÈÛÌÔ›, ηٿ Ù·˜ ÂÈÚËÓÈο˜ Â-ÚÈfi‰Ô˘˜, ·ÂÚÚfiÊÔ˘Ó ÎÔÓ‰‡ÏÈ· ÂÎ ÙˆÓ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ, ηıҘ›Û˘ Ë ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·, ÙÔ ÂÌfiÚÈÔÓ Î·È Ë ÁˆÚÁ›·. ¢ËÌfiÛÈ· ¤ÚÁ·, ‰ÈÒÚ˘-Á˜, Î·È ÛȉËÚfi‰ÚÔÌÔÈ È‰›ˆ˜, ·ÂÚÚfiÊËÛ·Ó ÌÂÁ¿Ï·˜ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ › ÙË‚¿ÛÂÈ ÙÚ·Â˙ÈÎÒÓ ‰·ÓÂÈÔ‰ÔÙ‹ÛˆÓ.

Afi Ù· ̤۷ ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜ Ë TÚ·Â˙È΋ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙ˘, ÂÓ °ÂÚÌ·-Ó›· Î·È ¶ÚˆÛ›·, ηı›ÛÙ·Ù·È Ô Î‡ÚÈÔ˜ ÌÔ¯Ïfi˜ Ù˘ OÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜.

2. EÓ AÁÁÏ›·, ηÙfiÈÓ NfiÌÔ˘ (1826), ÂÂÙÚ¿Ë Ë ÎÂʷϷȷ΋ ŒÓˆ-ÛȘ ÂÙ¿ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ ÌÂÙ¿ Ù˘ O˘·Ï›·˜ Ì 10.000 ÌÂÙfi¯Ô˘˜ Î·È Ë ÔÔ›·ÂÂÎÙ·ı›۷ ÂÚȤϷ‚ÂÓ 50 TÚ·¤˙·˜. ∏ ŒÓˆÛȘ ·‡ÙË Â‰¤¯ÂÙÔ Î·Ù·ı¤-ÛÂȘ Î·È Âͤ‰È‰Â ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ¿ÙÈ·. H ŒÓˆÛȘ ›Û˘ ›¯Â ÙËÓ ‰˘Ó·Ùfi-ÙËÙ· Ó· ·Ú¤¯Ë ‚Ú·¯¤Ô˜ ¯ÚfiÓÔ˘ ÈÛÙÒÛÂȘ ÂȘ ÂÌfiÚÔ˘˜, ‹ÙÔ ‰Â ÙÔ·ÓÙÈΛÌÂÓfiÓ Ù˘ ÂÚȈÚÈṲ̂ÓÔÓ, ÒÛÙ ӷ ÌË ıˆÚËı‹ ˆ˜ ·ÓÙ·ÁˆÓÈÛÙ‹˜Ù˘ TÚ·¤˙˘ Ù˘ AÁÁÏ›·˜. ¶·Ú¿ Ù·‡Ù· ÂÛËÌÂÈÒıË ·ÓÙ›‰Ú·ÛȘ ·fi ÙËÓÙÂÏÂ˘Ù·›·Ó TÚ¿Â˙·Ó, ηıÒ˜ ›Û˘ Î·È ·fi ÔÌ¿‰·˜ ȉȈÙÈÎÒÓ TÚ·Â-˙ÒÓ ÂÓ §ÔÓ‰›Óˆ. EÎ Ù˘ ·ÓÙȉڿÛˆ˜ Ù·‡Ù˘ Ù· ÌÂÓ ÚÔÓfiÌÈ¿ Ù˘ ‰ÈÂ-Ù‹ÚËÛÂÓ Ë TÚ¿Â˙· Ù˘ AÁÁÏ›·˜, ·È ‰Â ȉȈÙÈη› TÚ¿Â˙·È ˘Â¯ÚÂÒıË-Û·Ó ÂȘ Ù·˜ ˘ÔÏÔ›Ô˘˜ ÙÚ·Â˙Èο˜ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ·˜. O ¿ÓıÚˆÔ˜fï˜ Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ÂÍÂfiÓËÛ ӤÔÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÈÎfiÓ Û¯¤‰ÈÔÓ ‹ÙÔ Ô ÂÎ ™ÎˆÙ›·˜ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·Ù›·˜ William R.K. Douglas, ‰Ú‡ˆÓ ÂÓ §ÔÓ‰›Óˆ ÔÌÔ‡ ÌÂÙ¿‰‡Ô ÂÙ¤ÚˆÓ ™ÎÒÙˆÓ ·ÚÈÛÙÔÎÚ·ÙÒÓ, ÙÔ˘ M·ÚÎËÛ›Ô˘ ÙÔ˘ Bute Î·È ÙÔ˘§fiÚ‰Ô˘ Stuart ÙÔ˘ Rothebarry. ¶·Ú¿ Ù·‡Ù· ˘‹ÚÍÂÓ ·ÓÙ›‰Ú·ÛȘ ÂȘ ÙËÓÚÔÛ¿ıÂÈ¿Ó ÙˆÓ ·fi ̤ÚÔ˘˜ Ù˘ TÚ·¤˙˘ Ù˘ AÁÁÏ›·˜ Î·È ÙˆÓ È‰Èˆ-ÙÒÓ ÂÓ §ÔÓ‰›Óˆ ∆Ú·Â˙ÈÙÒÓ ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ÙÔ˘ TÚ·Â˙ÈÎÔ‡ T‡Ô˘. O Sam-muel Lloyd, o ηÙfiÈÓ §fiÚ‰Ô˜ Overstone, Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ‹ÙÔ Ô·‰fi˜ ÙÔ˘ Cu-rrency School, ÙÔ ÔÔ›ÔÓ ÂÓ ·ÓÙÈı¤ÛÂÈ ÚÔ˜ ÙÔ Banking School ˘Âڷ̇-ÓÂÙÔ Ù˘ ÂΉfiÛˆ˜ ¯·ÚÙÔÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜, ˘ÂÛÙ‹ÚÈ˙ÂÓ fiÙÈ ·È Joint StockBanks ÂÓ›¯ÔÓ ÙËÓ ·‰˘Ó·Ì›·Ó ÚÔÛ·ÚÌÔÁ‹˜ Î·È ‰È·ÎÚÈÙÈÎfiÙËÙÔ˜ ÙˆÓI‰ÈˆÙÈÎÒÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ, ÂÊ’ fiÛÔÓ ‰Èˢı‡ÓÔÓÙÔ ˘fi Ï‹ıÔ˘˜ ˘·ÏϋψÓÎ·È fi¯È ˘fi ȉÈÔÎÙ‹ÙÔ˘ TÚ·Â˙›ÙÔ˘, ÂÎÙfi˜ ÙÔ˘ ÏfiÁÔ˘ fiÙÈ ı· ÂÚȈڛ˙Â-ÙÔ Ë ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙ˘ Î·È Ô ·ÚÈıÌfi˜ ÙˆÓ È‰ÈˆÙÒÓ TÚ·Â˙ÈÙÒÓ.

K·È Ú¿ÁÌ·ÙÈ ÂÓ ÙË Ú¿ÍÂÈ ÂÓÂÊ·Ó›ÛıË, ÌÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ ·Ú¤Ï¢ÛÈÓ ÙÚÈÒÓ‰ÂηÂÙÈÒÓ, Ë ·oÚÚfiÊËÛȘ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ ˆ˜ Ë Ù˘ London Westmister Bank, Ë ÔÔ›· ‹Ú¯ÈÛ ٷ˜ ÂÚÁ·Û›·˜ Ù˘, ·fi ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜ 1834 Î·È ‹ÙÔ ÙÔ-Û·‡ÙË Ë ·ÓÙ›‰Ú·ÛȘ ηْ ·˘Ù‹˜ Ù˘ TÚ·¤˙˘ ÒÛÙ ӷ ·ÔÎÏÂÈÛı‹ ·fiÙÔ ÂÓ §ÔÓ‰›Óˆ Clearing House ÙˆÓ TÚ·Â˙ÈÙÒÓ. TÂÏÈÎÒ˜ ‰È· Ù˘ Peel’sBank Act (1844) ÂÂÙÚ¿ÂÈ ÂȘ ÙËÓ Joint-Stock Bank Ó· ÂΉ›‰Ë ÙÚ·Â˙Ô-

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ÁÚ·ÌÌ¿ÙÈ· ‰È· Ó· ÂÓı·ÚÚ˘Óı‹ Ë ›‰Ú˘ı›۷ Manchester Liverpool DistrictBanking Company Ì ¤‰Ú·, ÙÔ Manchester (1829) Ë Bank of Liverpool(1831) Ì ¤‰Ú· ÙÔ Liverpool (1831), Ë National Provincial Bank of Engla-nd, Ë ÛËÌÂÚÈÓ‹ National Westminster Bank of England Ì ¤‰Ú·Ó ÙÔ Birm-ingham (1833), ˆ˜ ›Û˘ Î·È Ë ÂȘ ÙËÓ ·˘Ù‹Ó fiÏÈÓ Â‰ÚÂ‡Ô˘Û· Birming-ham and Midland Bank (1836) Î.¿.

3. EÓ °·ÏÏ›·, ·fi ÙÔ 1852, ı· ÂÌÊ·ÓÈÛı‹ Ë Crédit Mobilier ˘fi‰ÂÈÁ-Ì· ‰È’ ·Ó·ÏfiÁÔ˘˜ ÂÚÁ·Û›·˜ Ù˘ ‰È’ fiÛÔÓ ·ÊÔÚ¿ ÂȘ Ù·˜ ‹‰Ë ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁÔ‡-Û·˜ TÚ·¤˙·˜ ÂÓ E˘ÚÒË ¯ÔÚËÁÔ‡Û· ‰¿ÓÂÈ· ȉ›· › ÛȉËÚÔ‰ÚfïÓ.TÂÏÈÎÒ˜ ·fi ۯ‰ȷÛÌfiÓ ÂȘ ۯ‰ȷÛÌfiÓ ÚԤ΢„Â Ë Banque des Trava-ux Public, ÌÂÙˆÓÔÌ·Ûı›۷ ÂȘ Société Générale du Crédit Mobilier ηÈÙÂÏÔ‡Û· ˘fi ÙËÓ ÂÔÙ›·Ó ÙÔ˘ YÔ˘ÚÁ›Ԣ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ. H TÚ¿Â˙··‡ÙË ¤¯Ô˘Û· ÌÂÁ¿Ï· ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÂÂͤÙÂÈÓ ٷ˜ ÂÚÁ·Û›·˜ Ù˘ › ¯Úˆ-ÁÚ¿ÊˆÓ Î·È ÛȉËÚÔ‰ÚfiÌˆÓ ‰È·Û¯È˙fiÓÙˆÓ ÙËÓ °·ÏÏ›·Ó, ÙËÓ IÛ·Ó›·Ó,ÙËÓ BfiÚÂÈÔÓ IÙ·Ï›·Ó, ÙËÓ A˘ÛÙÚ›·Ó, ÙËÓ EÏ‚ÂÙ›·Ó Î·È ÙËÓ PˆÛÛ›·ÓÒÛÙ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1868 Ë Crédit Mobilier Ó· ¤¯Ë ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙ‹ÛË 10.000 ¯ÈÏ.ÛȉËÚÔÙÚÔ¯ÈÒÓ. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1863 ‹Ú¯ÈÛÂÓ Ù·˜ ÂÚÁ·Û›·˜ Ù˘ ÂȘ §˘ÒÓ ˘fiÙËÓ ÂˆÓ˘Ì›·Ó Crédit Lyonnais. ∏ ∆Ú¿Â˙· ·‡ÙË Û˘ÓÂΤÓÙÚˆÓ ηٷı¤-ÛÂȘ, ˉ‡Ó·ÙÔ Ó· ÚÔ‚‹ ÂȘ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙ‹ÛÂȘ Î·È Ó· ηχ„Ë ÌÂÁ¿ÏËÓÛÊ·›Ú·Ó ÈÛÙˆÙÈ΋˜ ÂÂÎÙ¿Ûˆ˜ ̤¯ÚȘ fiÙÔ˘ ˘ÂÚÎÂÚ¿ÛıË ˘fi Ù˘ So-cieté Générale ÙÔ˘ BÂÏÁ›Ô˘.

¶ÚÔ˜ ÙÔÓ ÛÎÔfiÓ fiˆ˜ ÂÓı·ÚÚ˘Óı‹ Ë ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍȘ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ηÈÙ˘ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·˜ ÂÓ °·ÏÏ›·, ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1864, ÂÓ ¤ÙÔ˜ ÌÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ ›‰Ú˘ÛÈÓ Ù˘Grédit Lyonnais,(48) o James Rothschild Î·È Ë ÂÚ›ÊËÌÔ˜ Houte Banque,ÔÌÔ‡ Ì ÙËÓ Reunion Financière ›‰Ú˘Û·Ó ÙËÓ Société Générale ˆ˜ ·ÓÙ›-‚·ÚÔÓ Ù˘ Grédit Mobilier ‰È· Ó· ·ÁÔÚ¿ÛÔ˘Ó ÌÂÙÔ¯¿˜ Ù˘ ·È TÚ¿Â˙·ÈFould Î·È Oppenheimer Bank. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1870 ˆÚÈṲ̂ÓÔÈ Ì¤ÙÔ¯ÔÈ Ù˘ Hou-te Banque ›‰Ú˘Û·Ó Î·È ÙËÓ TÚ¿Â˙·Ó Banque de Paris, ¯ˆÚ›˜ fï˜ Ó·ÚÔÊı¿ÛË Ë TÚ¿Â˙· ·‡ÙË Ó· ·Ú¯›ÛË ÙËÓ ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ›·Ó Ù˘ Û˘Ó›· ÙÔ˘°·ÏÏÔ-¶ÚˆÛÛÈÎÔ‡ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘. MÂÙ¿ ÙÔ ¤Ú·˜ fï˜ ÙÔ˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘ (1871)

136 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

48. «Le développement du Crédit Lyonnais et l’ évolution économique de la France» Ren-ue Internationale d’ Histoire de la Banque, Genève 1969 Vol. 2 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 189 Î. Â.

∫·Ù¿ ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ 1493-1515 ÂȘ §˘ÒÓ ËÚÈıÌÔ‡ÓÙÔ 87 ∆Ú¿Â˙·È. ∆Ô‡ÙÔ ˆÊ›ÏÂÙÔ

ÂȘ ÙÔ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ fiÙÈ Ë §˘ÒÓ ‹ÙÔ Ì¤Á· ΤÓÙÚÔÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ‹‰Ë ·fi ÙÔ˘ 14Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜.

∂Ș ÙËÓ ·Ó¿‰ÂÈÍÈÓ Ù˘ ÂÌÔÚÈ΋˜ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙÔ˜ Ù˘ §˘ÒÓ Û˘ÓÙ¤ÏÂÛ·Ó Î·È ·È ÂȘ

·˘Ù‹Ó ·fi ÙÔ˘ 1380 ‰ÈÂÓÂÚÁÔ‡ÌÂÓ·È ÂÌÔÚÔ·Ó‹Á˘ÚÂȘ (∞˘ÙfiıÈ).

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ÚԤ΢„ÂÓ Ë Banque de Paris et des Pays Bas ÌÂ Û˘ÌÌÂÙÔ¯‹Ó Ù˘ ÔÏÏ·Ó-‰È΋˜ TÚ·¤˙˘ ÙÔ˘ Amsterdam Î·È Ù˘ Û˘Ìڿ͈˜ Ù˘ Brusels BischoBischoffiscein Bank.(49)

ŒÙÂÚ·È TÚ¿Â˙·È ‰ÈÂıÓÔ‡˜ ÂÌ‚ÂÏ›·˜ ȉڇıËÛ·Ó ÂÓ E˘ÚÒË, ·fi ÙÔ˘¤ÙÔ˘˜ 1853, ÌÂٷ͇ ÙˆÓ ÔÔ›ˆÓ Î·È Ë Damstädter Bank η٤¯Ô˘Û· ÎÂ-Ê¿Ï·ÈÔÓ 25 ÂηÙÔÌ. guldens. H TÚ¿Â˙· ·‡ÙË ·Ó¤Ù˘Í ٷ˜ ÂÚÁ·Û›·˜Ù˘ ÂȘ °ÂÚÌ·Ó›·Ó, A˘ÛÙÚ›·Ó Î·È °·ÏÏ›·Ó, Î·È Ì¤¯ÚÈ N¤·˜ YfiÚ΢, ¯ÚË-Ì·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÔ‡Û· ÛȉËÚÔ‰ÚfiÌÔ˘˜, ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·˜, ¤ÙÈ Î·È ·˘Ùfi ÙÔ KÚ¿ÙÔ˜.E›Û˘ ¤ÙÂÚ·È TÚ¿Â˙·È ÂÓ °ÂÚÌ·Ó›·, ȉڇıËÛ·Ó Ë Norddeutsche BankÙÔ˘ Hambourg Î·È Ë Algemeine Deutsche Kredit-Anstalt (ADCA) Î.¿.

3. EȘ H¶A ·È ȉȈÙÈη› ∆Ú¿Â˙·È ȉڇıËÛ·Ó ÂÓˆÚ›ÙÂÚÔÓ ·fi ÂΛ-Ó·˜ Ù˘ E˘ÚÒ˘ Î·È ÙÔ‡ÙÔ Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ ¤ÓÂη Ù˘ ·Ó¿Á΢ ÂÍ¢ڤÛˆ˜ ÎÂ-Ê·Ï·›ˆÓ. H ·Ï·ÈÔÙ¤Ú· ÙˆÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ‹ÙÔ Ë TÚ¿Â˙· Ù˘ N¤·˜YfiÚ΢ (Ë ÛËÌÂÚÈÓ‹ First National Bank of Boston, 1864). A‡ÙË È‰Ú‡ıË,ÌÂÙ¿ ÙÔÓ fiÏÂÌÔÓ Ù˘ ∞ÓÂÍ·ÚÙËÛ›·˜, ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1784, ÂȘ ÙˆÓ È‰Ú˘ÙÒÓ Ù˘ÔÔ›·˜ ˘‹ÚÍÂÓ Ô Alexander Hamilton Û˘ÓÂÚÁ¿Ù˘ ÙÔ˘ George Washin-gton. H ÂÓ ÏfiÁˆ TÚ¿Â˙· ›¯Â Û˘ÓÂÙ‹Ó ‰ÈÔ›ÎËÛÈÓ Î·È ÛÔ˘‰·›·Ó ÔÚÁ¿-ÓˆÛÈÓ ÒÛÙ ӷ ·ÓÙÂÂͤÏıË ÂȘ ·ÓÙÈÍfiÔ˘˜ ηٷÛÙ¿ÛÂȘ, ηٿ ÙËÓ ‰È¤-Ï¢ÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ¯ÚfiÓÔ˘. K·È ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ˆÊ›ÏÂÙÔ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÂÍ·ÈÚÂÙÈÎ‹Ó Ù˘ ÔÚÁ¿-ÓˆÛÈÓ Î·È ‰ÈÔ›ÎËÛÈÓ. ∂Ù¤Ú· ›Û˘ ÌÂÁ¿ÏË Î·È ÈÛ¯˘Ú¿ TÚ¿Â˙· ‹ÙÔ ËManhattan Company (1799), Î·È Ë ÔÔ›· ˘‹ÚÍÂÓ Ë ‚·ÛÈ΋ ‰‡Ó·ÌȘ ‰È·ÙËÓ ‡‰Ú¢ÛÈÓ Ù˘ N¤·˜ YfiÚ΢ ÚÔÛʤÚÔ˘Û· fiÛÈÌÔÓ Î·È ˘ÁȤ˜ ÂȘ ÙËÓfiÏÈÓ ‡‰ˆÚ.

K·Ù¿ ÙÔ ÚÒÙÔÓ ‹ÌÈÛ˘ ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜ ȉڇıËÛ·Ó 1000 TÚ¿Â˙·ÈÙ˘ ÌÔÚÊ‹˜ ∞.∂. (Joint-Stock Bank), ÙÔ ‰Â ¤ÙÔ˜ 1860 Ë ÓÔÌÔıÂÛ›· ‚ԋ-ıËÛ ‰È· ÙËÓ ÁÈÁ¿ÓÙˆÛ›Ó ÙˆÓ. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1863 ‰È· Ù˘ ıÂÛ›Ûˆ˜ Ù˘ Nati-onal Banking Act ·È ÂÓ ÏfiÁˆ TÚ¿Â˙·È ÂÎ¿Ï˘„·Ó Ù·˜ H¶A ÚÔ‚·›ÓÔ˘-Û·È Î·È ÂȘ ¤Î‰ÔÛÈÓ È‰›ˆÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›ˆÓ. ¢È· Ù˘ ·˘Ù‹˜ Act ·ÈAÌÂÚÈηÓÈη› TÚ¿Â˙·È ‰ÈËÚ‹ıËÛ·Ó ÂȘ ȉȈÙÈο˜ (National Banks) ηÈÂȘ KÚ·ÙÈο˜ TÚ·¤˙·˜ (State Banks) ˘Â›ÎÔ˘Û·È ÂȘ ÙËÓ OÌÔÛÔӉȷ-Î‹Ó K˘‚¤ÚÓËÛÈÓ. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1864 ‰È· Ù˘ National Currency Act ‰ÈÂηÓÔÓ›-ÛıË Î·È ÙÔ Úfi‚ÏËÌ· Ù˘ ‰ÈÂÙËÚ‹Ûˆ˜ Ú¢ÛÙÒÓ ·ÔıÂÌ¿ÙˆÓ, Ù· ÔÔ›·ÒÊÂÈÏÔÓ Ó· ‰È·ÙËÚÔ‡Ó ·È National Banks Ì ˘Ô¯Ú¤ˆÛÈÓ fiˆ˜, Û˘ÌÊÒ-Óˆ˜ ÚÔ˜ ÙÔ ÈÛ¯‡ÔÓ ‰ÈÌÂÙ·ÏÈÎfiÓ ÓÔÌÈÛÌ·ÙÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· ¯Ú˘ÛÔ‡ Î·È ·Ú-

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 137

49. E.K. Born: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 73.

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Á‡ÚÔ˘, Ó· ‰È·ı¤ÙÔ˘Ó ·fiıÂÌ· ÂÎ ÙÔ˘ ÔÏ˘Ù›ÌÔ˘ ÌÂÙ¿ÏÏÔ˘ 25% ÙˆÓ Î·-Ù·ı¤ÛÂÒÓ ÙˆÓ Î·È ÙˆÓ Î˘ÎÏÔÊÔÚÔ‡ÓÙˆÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›ˆÓ ÙˆÓ. HN¤· YfiÚÎË Î·Ù¤ÛÙË Â›Û˘ ÙÔ Î¤ÓÙÚÔÓ Ù˘ TÚ·¤˙˘ Ù‡Ô˘ City ˆ˜ Ce-ntral Reserve City Î·È ‚Ú·‰‡ÙÂÚÔÓ 18 fiÏÂȘ, ÌÂٷ͇ ÙˆÓ ÔÔ›ˆÓ ÙÔ ™È-οÁÔÓ, Ë BÔÛÙÒÓË Î·È ÙÔ St. Louis, ˆÓÔÌ¿ÛıËÛ·Ó Reserve Cities Nation-al Bank. ∞È ∆Ú¿Â˙·È ·‡Ù·È ˘Â¯ÚÂÔ‡ÓÙÔ ·Ê’ ÂÓfi˜ ÌÂÓ Ó· ÙËÚÔ‡Ó ÙÔÌÓËÌÔÓ¢ı¤Ó 25% ÂȘ Ú¢ÛÙ¿ ·Ôı¤Ì·Ù· (ηٷı¤ÛÂˆÓ Î·È Î˘ÎÏÔÊÔÚÔ‡-ÓÙˆÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›ˆÓ), ·Ú›¯ÂÙÔ fï˜ Ë Â˘¯¤ÚÂÈ· ÂȘ ·˘Ù¿˜ Ó· ÙË-ÚÔ‡Ó ÌfiÓÔÓ ÙÔ ‹ÌÈÛ˘ ÙˆÓ Ú¢ÛÙÒÓ ·ÔıÂÌ¿ÙˆÓ ÙˆÓ ÂȘ ÓfiÌÈÌÔÓ ¯Ú‹Ì·Î·È Ó· ηٷı¤ÙÔ˘Ó ÙÔ ˘fiÏÔÈÔÓ ‹ÌÈÛ˘ ÂȘ ÙËÓ Central Reserve City(N¤·Ó YfiÚÎËÓ). EÎÙfi˜ fï˜ ÙÔ˘ ·ÎÏÔ˘ ·˘ÙÒÓ ÙˆÓ 18 fiÏÂˆÓ ·ËÙ›-ÙÔ, ·fi Ù·˜ ¿ÏÏ·˜ TÚ·Â˙·˜, Ó· ÙËÚÔ‡Ó Ú¢ÛÙ¿ ·Ôı¤Ì·Ù· ·ÓÂÚ¯fiÌÂÓ·ÂȘ 15% ÙˆÓ Î·Ù·ı¤ÛÂˆÓ Î·È ÙˆÓ Î˘ÎÏÔÊÔÚÔ‡ÓÙˆÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›-ˆÓ ÙˆÓ. TÔ 40% ·˘ÙÒÓ ÙˆÓ ·ÔıÂÌ¿ÙˆÓ ÂȘ ÎÔÌ̤ÓÔÓ ÓfiÌÈÛÌ· (¯Ú˘ÛÔ‡Î·È ·ÚÁ‡ÚÔ˘) ˘Â¯ÚÂÔ‡ÓÙÔ Ó· ÙÔ ‰È·ÙËÚÔ‡Ó, ÂÓÒ ÙÔ ˘fiÏÔÈÔÓ 60%ˉ‡Ó·ÓÙÔ Ó· ÙÔ Î·Ù·ı¤ÛÔ˘Ó ÂȘ ÙËÓ National Bank ‹ ÂȘ Ì›·Ó ÙˆÓ Reser-ve Cities ÙËÓ N¤·˜ YfiÚ΢ Ì ·ÌÔÈ‚‹Ó ÂȘ ÙfiÎÔÓ. M ٷ˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈο˜fï˜ ÎÚ›ÛÂȘ Î·È ¯ÚˆÎÔ›·˜ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜ 1873 Î·È ÙÔ˘ 1890ÂÓÂÙ¿ıË Ë ˘Ô¯Ú¤ˆÛȘ ‰È·ÙËÚ‹Ûˆ˜ ˘„ËÏÔÙ¤ÚˆÓ ·ÔıÂÌ¿ÙˆÓ Ú¢ÛÙÒÓ.

E›Û˘ ȉڇıËÛ·Ó Ó¤·È ÌÂÁ¿Ï·È TÚ¿Â˙·È fiˆ˜ Ë Hanover Bank(1871) Î·È Ë Chase National Bank Ù˘ fiψ˜ Ù˘ N. YfiÚ΢ (1877). ™˘ÓÙË ·ÚÔ‰ˆ ÙÔ˘ ¯ÚfiÓÔ˘ ·È TÚ¿Â˙·È ·‡Ù·È ÁÈ·Á·ÓÙˆıÂ›Û·È ·¤ÎÙËÛ·ÓÙËÓ ÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó Î·È ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ÌÔÚÊ‹Ó ÙÔ˘ Trust ‰È¿ Ó· È‰Ú˘ıÔ‡Ó ·È Gara-ntee Trust Company of New York (1864). The Bankers Trust Company(1903), Î·È Ë Bank Factures Trust Company (1905) Ì ÎÂÓÙÚÈο °Ú·Ê›·ÙˆÓ ÂȘ N¤· YfiÚÎËÓ. ¶·Ú¿ Ù·‡Ù·, ·È TÚ¿Â˙·È ÂÓ AÌÂÚÈ΋ ‰ÂÓ Â›¯ÔÓ ÙËÓÈÛ¯‡Ó ÙˆÓ E˘Úˆ·˚ÎÒÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ. K·È ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ‰ÈfiÙÈ Î·È Ù· ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÂȘH¶A ‹Û·Ó Û·ÓÈÒÙÂÚ· Ù˘ E˘ÚÒ˘, Î·È Ë ÂÌÂÈÚ›·, ηٿ ·Ú¿‰ÔÛÈÓÙˆÓ E˘Úˆ·›ˆÓ, ‹ÙÔ ÌÂÁ·Ï˘Ù¤Ú·. ¢‡Ô fï˜ ÌÂÁ¿Ï· TÚ¿Â˙·È ȉڇıËÛ·ÓÂȘ H¶A, ·È ÙˆÓ Kuhn Lorb. H ÚÒÙË È‰Ú‡ıË ˘fi ‰‡Ô E‚Ú·›ˆÓ ÌÂÙ·Ó·-ÛÙÒÓ ÂÎ °ÂÚÌ·Ó›·˜ ‰È·ıÂÙfiÓÙˆÓ ÔÏ›Á· ¯Ú‹Ì·Ù· ·ÏÏ¿ ÌÂÁ¿ÏÔÓ ÓÔ˘Ó. H∆Ú¿Â˙· ·‡ÙË ‰ÈˢڇÓıË Î·È ‰ÈÔÈÎËÙÈÎÒ˜ Ì ÙËÓ ÚÔÛ¯ÒÚËÛÈÓ ÂȘ ·˘Ù‹ÓÙÔ˘ Solomon Lorb and CÔ Abraham Wolff Î·È Ë ÙÔ˘ J. Morgan Co.

H TÚ¿Â˙· ÙÔ˘ Morgan, Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ‹ÙÔ ÌÂÙ·Ó·ÛÙ˘ ÂÍ A˘ÛÙÚ›·˜,ȉڇıË ÂȘ ºÈÏ·‰¤ÏÊÂÈ·Ó (1838) ˆ˜ ›‰Ô˜ bÔrrowkerage firms, Î·È ËÔÔ›· ÌÂÙˆÓÔÌ¿ÛıË ÂȘ Drexel Co. K·È Ë TÚ¿Â˙· ·˘Ù‹ Û˘Ó ÙË ·Úfi‰ˆÙÔ˘ ¯ÚfiÓÔ˘ ÈÛ¯˘ÚÔÔÈ‹ıË Ì ÙËÓ ÚÔÛ¯ÒÚËÛÈÓ Ó¤ˆÓ Û˘ÓÂÙ·›ÚˆÓ ‰È· Ó·

138 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

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ÌÂٷʤÚË ÙËÓ ¤‰Ú·Ó Ù˘ ÂȘ N¤·Ó YfiÚÎËÓ ˘fi ÙËÓ ÂˆÓ˘Ì›·Ó DrexelMorgan and Co, ‹ÙÔ ‰Â ÙÔÛ·‡Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ÈÛ¯‡Ô˜, ÒÛÙ ӷ Êı¿ÛËÂȘ Ê‹ÌËÓ Î·È Â¤ÎÙ·ÛÈÓ ÂΛÓËÓ ÙˆÓ Rothschild. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1890 ÔÈ Morg-an Û˘ÓÂÈÚÁ¿ÛıËÛ·Ó Ì ÙËÓ First National Bank of New York, ÙÔ ‰Â 1892‹ÙÔ Ë Î˘Ú›· ̤ÙÔ¯Ô˜ Î·È È‰Ú˘Ù‹˜ Ù˘ General Electric Trust, ηıÒ˜ ηÈÙ˘ United States Steel Corporation (·fi ÙÔ˘ 1901 Carnegie Steel Corpo-ration of New Jersey).

H TÚ¿Â˙· Morgan ÙÂÏÈÎÒ˜ ‰ËÌÈÔ‡ÚÁËÛ ÔÎÙ¿Ô‰· ÂÙ·ÈÚÈÒÓ Ì ÙÔ˘’ ·˘Ù‹˜ ÂÏÂÁ¯fiÌÂÓÔÓ Consortium ÂÚÈÏ·Ì‚¿ÓÔÓ ÙËÓ TÚ¿Â˙·Ó HidderPewbody Co, ÙËÓ Joint Stock Company ÙËÓ ÌÂÙˆÓÔÌ·ÛıÂ›Û·Ó ÂȘ FirstNational Bank of New York, ¤Ó· Trust ÙÔ New York Security and TrustCompany, ηıÒ˜ ›Û˘ Î·È 22 ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·˜, ÛȉËÚÔ‰ÚÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ÂÙ·ÈÚ›·Ó,Î·È ÙÔÓ ÂÚ›ÊËÌÔÓ È‰ÈÔÎÙ‹ÙËÓ ÔÚ˘¯Â›ˆÓ William K, Varderbilt. EÓÙ·‡ı·‰ÂfiÓ Ó· ·Ó·ÊÂÚı‹ fiÙÈ ·Ú¿ ÙÔÓ Anti-Trust NfiÌÔÓ, ϤÔÓ ÙˆÓ 320 trusts·Ó‰›¯ıËÛ·Ó ÂȘ ∏¶∞ ·Ú¯Ô̤ÓÔ˘ ÙÔ˘ 20Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜.

4. ∂Ș π·ˆÓ›·Ó ¤¯ÔÌÂÓ Ì ÙËÓ ÂͤÏÈÍÈÓ Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ Ù˘ ÙËÓ ÂÌÊ¿-ÓÈÛÈÓ ÌÂÁ¿ÏˆÓ ÚÔÛˆÈÎÔÙ‹ÙˆÓ ÂÍ ÔÈÎÔÁÂÓÂÈÒÓ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈÒÓ, ÔÈÔÔ›ÔÈ ‰È‰¤¯ıËÛ·Ó ÙÔ˘˜ ¿ÏÏÔÙ ÌÂÁ¿ÏÔ˘˜ Á·ÈÔÎÙËÌfiÓ·˜ Î·È ShogunÙÔ˘ √›ÎÔ˘ ÙˆÓ Togugawa Î·È ÙˆÓ Dainiyo. ªÂ ÙËÓ ÊÈÏÂÏ¢ıÂÚÔÔ›ËÛÈÓÙ˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ ˘fi ÙÔ˘ Meiji (1868) ‹ÏıÂÓ Û˘ÁΤÓÙÚˆÛȘ Ù˘ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜‰˘Ó¿Ìˆ˜ ÂȘ ÙËÓ KÂÓÙÚÈÎ‹Ó ∂ÍÔ˘Û›·Ó ÙÔ˘ ∞˘ÙÔÎÚ¿ÙÔÚÔ˜ Î·È Ë ¿ÏÏÔÙÂıÚ˘ÌÌ·ÙÈṲ̂ÓË ÂÍÔ˘Û›· ÙˆÓ Î·Ù¿ Ú›ÁÎÈ·˜-ÊÂÔ˘‰¿Ú¯·˜ ÂÚÈ‹ÏıÂÓ ÂȘÙÔÓ A˘ÙÔÎÚ¿ÙÔÚ·. H ÊÈÏÂÏ¢ıÂÚÔÔ›ËÛȘ ÙÔ˘ Meiji ¤ÙÚ„ÂÓ Î·È ÙËÓ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍÈÓ Ù˘ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈ΋˜ ÚˆÙÔ‚Ô˘Ï›·˜, Ì ÙËÓ ·Ó¿ÏË„ÈÓ ÂȯÂÈ-ÚËÌ·ÙÈÎÒÓ ¤ÚÁˆÓ ÚÔ˜ ı‹Ú·Ó ÏÔ‡ÙÔ˘.

H I·ˆÓ›· ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1871 ‰È· Ù˘ New Currency Act (Shin KaJôrei) ˘È-Ôı¤ÙËÛ ÙÔÓ ¯Ú˘ÛÔ‡Ó Î·ÓfiÓ·, ÌÔÏÔÓfiÙÈ ÂÓÈÛ¯‡ıËÛ·Ó Ë ÎÔ‹ ·ÚÁ˘ÚÒÓÓÔÌÈÛÌ¿ÙˆÓ, ÂÊ fiÛÔÓ Ù·‡Ù· ¯ÚËÛÈÌÔÔÈÔ‡ÓÙÔ ‰È· ÙÔ Â͈ÙÂÚÈÎfiÓ Ù˘ÂÌfiÚÈÔÓ(50). ¶·Ú¿ Ù·‡Ù· Ë Î˘ÎÏÔÊÔÚ›· ÙˆÓ ·ÚÁ˘ÚÒÓ ÓÔÌÈÛÌ¿ÙˆÓ ‹ÙÔÂÚȈÚÈṲ̂ÓË ÂȘ ÌfiÓÔÓ ÏËڈ̿˜ ·ÊÔÚÒÛ·˜ Ù·˜ Ù·Ú›ÊÊ·˜ › ÂÈÛ·-ÁÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ Î·È ÂÍ·ÁÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ ÂÌÔÚÂ˘Ì¿ÙˆÓ Î·È ÂȘ ¿ÏÏÔ˘˜ ÊfiÚÔ˘˜ ÏËÚˆ-ÓÔ̤ÓÔ˘˜ ˘fi ÙˆÓ Í¤ÓˆÓ, ηıÒ˜ Î·È ÙˆÓ ÏËÚˆÌÒÓ ‰È· Ù·˜ ÌÂٷ͇ I·-ÒÓˆÓ Î·È Í¤ÓˆÓ Û˘Ó·ÏÏ·ÁÒÓ, ¯ˆÚ›˜ fï˜ Î·È Ó· ··ÁÔÚ‡ÂÙ·È Ë

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 139

50. Sahei Watanabe: «Controversy about the adoption of the Gold Standard in Japan» Re-vue Internationale d’ Histoire de la Banque 1969, Vol. 2 No 2 sel. 147.

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·Ô‰Ô¯‹ ÙˆÓ ÓÔÌÈÛÌ¿ÙˆÓ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ‰È· ¿Û·Ó Û˘Ó·ÏÏ·Á‹Ó Î·È ÙfiÔÓ(51).T· ·ÚÁ˘Ú¿ ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·Ù· Ù· ·ÊÔÚÒÓÙ· ÂȘ ÙÔ ÂÌfiÚÈÔÓ ÂÎfiËÛ·Ó ÌfiÓÔÓÚÔ˜ fiÊÂÏÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ ͤÓÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È Ô ·ÚÈıÌfi˜ ÙˆÓ ‹ÙÔ ÂÚÈÔÚÈṲ̂-ÓÔ˜, Û˘ÌÊÒÓˆ˜ ÚÔ˜ ÙÔÓ ÓfiÌÔÓ, ÒÛÙ ٷ‡Ù· Ó· ÌËÓ Â›Ó·È ÙÔ ‚·ÛÈÎfiÓÓÔÌÈÛÌ·ÙÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ·. ∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ 1876 Ë ÈÛÔÙÈÌ›· ÌÂٷ͇ ÙÔ˘ ·ÚÁ˘ÚÔ‡ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ Î·È ÙÔ˘ ¯Ú˘ÛÔ‡ ‹ÙÔ 1:16,17. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1878 fï˜ ÔÂÚÈÔÚÈÛÌfi˜ Ù˘ ΢ÎÏÔÊÔÚ›·˜ ÙÔ˘ ·ÚÁ˘ÚÔ‡ ÁÈÂÓ ‹ÚıË(52) Î·È ·fi ÙÔ˘¤ÙÔ˘˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ Ë I·ˆÓ›· ÂÈÛ‹ÏıÂÓ ÂȘ ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ Â›‰Ô˘˜ ‰ÈÌÂÙ·ÏÏÈÛÌÔ‡.Afi ÙÔ˘ 1881 Ë Î˘ÎÏÔÊÔÚ›· ¯·ÚÙÔÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜ › ÙÔ˘ MÔtsukata,YÔ˘ÚÁÔ‡ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ, ˢÓfiËÛ ÙËÓ ˘ÔÙ›ÌËÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ÁÈÂÓ, Ë ÔÔ›·fï˜, ·fi ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜ 1885, ÂÍËÊ·Ó›ÛıË. TÔÓ OÎÙÒ‚ÚÈÔÓ ÙÔ˘ 1887, 1¯Ú˘ÛÔ‡Ó ÁÈ¤Ó ÈÛÔ‡ÙÔ ÚÔ˜ 1897 ¯¿ÚÙÈÓ· ÁÈÂÓ Î·È ÙÔÓ M¿˚ÔÓ ÙÔ˘ ȉ›Ô˘¤ÙÔ˘˜ ËÏ·ÙÙÒıË ÂȘ 1 ¯Ú˘ÛÔ‡Ó ÁÈÂÓ ›ÛÔÓ ÚÔ˜ 1,151 ‰È· Ó· ·Ó¤ÏıË Î·È¿ÏÈÓ ÂȘ 1,734 Î·È Ó· η٤ÏıË ÂȘ 1,016. TÔÓ M¿˚ÔÓ ÙÔ˘ 1885 Ô Motsu-kata ÂÈÛËÁ‹ıË ÙËÓ ÌÂÙ·ÙÚ„ÈÌÒÙËÙ· ÙÔ˘ ¯¿ÚÙÈÓÔ˘ ÁȤÓ, Î·È ÙÂÏÈÎÒ˜ Ù·ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ¿ÙÈ· ·ÂÊ·Û›ÛıË Ó· ÌÂÙ·ÙÚ¤ˆÓÙ·È ÂȘ ·ÚÁ˘ÚÔ‡Ó ÓfiÌÈ-ÛÌ·, fiÂÚ Î·È ›Û¯˘ÛÂÓ ·fi I·ÓÔ˘·Ú›Ô˘ 1886(53), ÒÛÙÂ Ë I·ˆÓ›· Ó· η-Ù·ÛÙ‹ de facto ¯ÒÚ· ÌÔÓÔÌÂÙ·ÏÏÈÛÌÔ‡ ·ÚÁ‡ÚÔ˘(54). TÔÓ ºÂ‚ÚÔ˘¿ÚÈÔÓfï˜ ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜ 1897 Ô Motsukata, YÔ˘ÚÁfi˜ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ – ˆ˜ ‹‰ËÂϤ¯ıË – ÂÈÛËÁ‹ıË ÙËÓ ·Ô‰Ô¯‹Ó ÙÔ˘ ¯Ú˘ÛÔ‡ ηÓfiÓÔ˜ Î·È ÙËÓ Ù˘ ÌÂÙ·-ÙÚ„ÈÌfiÙËÙÔ˜ ÙˆÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›ˆÓ(55). H ÙÔÈ·‡ÙË ‰Â Ú¿ÍȘ (Act)‚ԋıËÛ ٷ ̤ÁÈÛÙ· ÙËÓ ‰ËÌÔÛÈÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ÔÏÈÙÈÎ‹Ó Ù˘ I·ˆÓ›·˜.

MÂÙ¿ ÙÔÓ A’ ¶·ÁÎfiÛÌÈÔÓ ¶fiÏÂÌÔÓ, ·È I·ˆÓÈη› TÚ¿Â˙·È ÚÔÒ‰Â˘-Û·Ó ‰È·ı¤ÙÔ˘Û·È ÙÂÚ¿ÛÙÈ· ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ¤ÓÂη Ù˘ Û˘ÛÛˆÚ‡Ûˆ˜ ÏÔ‡ÙÔ˘ÂȘ ÙËÓ ¯ÒÚ·Ó, ÚÔÂÚ¯Ô̤ÓÔ˘ ÂÎ ˆÏ‹Ûˆ˜ fiÏˆÓ Î·È Î·Ù·Ó·ÏˆÙÈÎÒÓ·Á·ıÒÓ ÂȘ Ù·˜ ÂÌÔϤÌÔ˘˜. Yfi Ù·˜ Û˘Óı‹Î·˜ ·˘Ù¿˜ Ë I·ˆÓ›· ˇÍËÛÂÙ· ÂȘ ¯Ú˘ÛÔ‡ ·Ôı¤Ì·Ù¿ Ù˘ ·ÓÂÏıfiÓÙ· (1920) ÂȘ 2.178 ÂηÙÔÌ. ÁȤÓ. AÈÂÍ·ÁˆÁ·› Ù˘ ˢ͋ıËÛ·Ó ÂÎÙÈÌÒÌÂÓ·È ‰È· ÙÔ 1913 ÂȘ 632,4 ÂηÙÔÌ. ÁȤӉȷ ÙÔ 1919 ÂȘ 2098,8 Î·È ‰È· ÙÔ 1920 ÂȘ 1948,3. E›Û˘ ˢ͋ıËÛ·Ó ·Èηٷı¤ÛÂȘ Î·È ·ÚÔ¯·› ‰·Ó›ˆÓ ··ÛÒÓ ÙˆÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1935·‡Ù·È ·Ó‹ÏıÔÓ ÂȘ 21,143 ÂηÙÔÌ. ÁÈ¤Ó Î·È ·È ‰·ÓÂÈÔ‰ÔÙ‹ÛÂȘ ÂȘ14075(56). Afi ÙÔ˘ ∞’ ¶·ÁÎÔÛÌ›Ô˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘ Ë ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÈ΋ ΢ÎÏÔÊÔÚ›·

140 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

51,52. Sahei Watanabe: «Controversy about the adoption of the Gold Standard in Japan»

Renue Internationale d’ Histoire de la Banque 1969, Vol. 2 No 2 sel. 147.

53,54. Sahei Watanabe: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 250-252.

55. S. Watanabe: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 257.

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·Ó‹ÏıÂÓ ·fi 426,3 ÂηÙÔÌ. ÁÈ¤Ó ÂȘ 1.555,1 ÁÈ¤Ó ‰È· ÙÔ 1919 Î·È ÂȘ1.439,2 ÂηÙÔÌ. ÁÈ¤Ó ‰È· ÙÔ 1920. O ·ÚÈıÌfi˜ ÙˆÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ fï˜ ËÏ·ÙÙÒ-ıË, ·fi 2.156 (1913) ÂȘ 2.040 (1920) ÂÓÒ ·È ·ÔÙ·ÌȇÛÂȘ ˢ͋ıËÛ·Ó·fi 2.191,4 ‰È· ÙÔ 1913 ÂȘ 9.668,7 ‰È· ÙÔ 1920(57). ∞˜ ·ӤÏıˆÌÂÓ fï˜ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ¯ÚÔÓÈÎfiÓ Ì·˜ ÔÚ›˙ÔÓÙ·.

™Ô˘‰·›ÔÈ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·Ù›·È ˘‹ÚÍ·Ó Î·È Mitui, Mitsubishi, SumitamoÎ·È Yiosuda. √‡ÙÔÈ ›‰Ú˘Û·Ó ∆Ú·¤˙·˜ Î·È ·fi ÙÔ 1872 ̤¯ÚÈ ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜1879 ·Ó‰‡ıËÛ·Ó 133 ÂıÓÈη› ∆Ú¿Â˙·È. A‡Ù·È, ηٿ ÙÔ ˘fi‰ÂÈÁÌ· ÙˆÓJoint-Stock Banks. ›¯ÔÓ ÙÔ ‰Èη›ˆÌ· ÂΉfiÛˆ˜ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›ˆÓÎ·È Ó· ·ÓÙÈηıÈÛÙÔ‡Ó Ù· ¯·ÚÙÔÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·Ù·, Ù· ÔÔ›· Â΢ÎÏÔÊfiÚÔ˘Ó Â-Ú› ÙÔ Ù¤ÏÔ˜ Ù˘ ÂÔ¯‹˜ ÙˆÓ Shogun. ∆· ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ¿ÙÈ· ‹Û·Ó ÌÂÙ·-ÙÚ¤„ÈÌ· Î·È ·È ÂÚÁ·Û›·È ÙˆÓ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ ‰ÈÂΛÓÔ˘Ó ÙÔ ÈÛÙˆÙÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙË-Ì·, ÙÔ ÔÔ›ÔÓ ÙÂÏÈÎÒ˜ ˆ‰ËÁ‹ıË ÂȘ ¯ÚˆÎÔ›·Ó, ¤ÓÂη ÙÔ˘ ÁÂÁÔÓfiÙÔ˜fiÙÈ ÙÔ ÎÔÈÓfiÓ ‰ÂÓ Â›¯ÂÓ ÌÂÁ¿ÏËÓ ÂÌÈÛÙÔÛ‡ÓËÓ ÂȘ ÙÔ ÓfiÌÈÛÌ· ÙˆÓ ∆Ú·-Â˙ÒÓ ·˘ÙÒÓ. Yfi Ù·˜ Û˘Óı‹Î·˜ ·˘Ù¿˜ ·È ∂ıÓÈη› ∆Ú¿Â˙·È ËÌÔ‰È-ÛıËÛ·Ó fiˆ˜ ÂÈÙÂϤÛÔ˘Ó ÙÔ ÈÛÙˆÙÈÎfiÓ ÙˆÓ ¤ÚÁÔÓ Î·È Ó· ‚ÔËı‹ÛÔ˘ÓÙËÓ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·Ó Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜. ∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ fï˜ 1882 ȉڇıË Ë ∫ÂÓÙÚÈ΋ ∆Ú¿-Â˙· π·ˆÓ›·˜ ˘fi ÙËÓ ÚˆÙÔ‚Ô˘Ï›·Ó ÙÔ˘ ÀÔ˘ÚÁÔ‡ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓMÔtsukata, Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ÂÂÛΤÊıË Î·È ÙËÓ °·ÏÏ›·Ó. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1884, Ë ÂÓ Ïfi-Áˆ ∆Ú¿Â˙·, ·¤ÎÙËÛ ÙÔ ÂΉÔÙÈÎfiÓ ÚÔÓfiÌÈÔÓ, ÂÓÒ ·È EıÓÈη› TÚ¿Â-˙·È, ·fi ÙÔ 1899 ‰ÈÂÌÔÚÊÒıËÛ·Ó ÂȘ ∂ÌÔÚÈο˜ ∆Ú·¤˙·˜, ÂÎ ÙˆÓÔÔ›ˆÓ ÚÒÙË ˘‹ÚÍÂÓ Ë ÙÔ˘ ªitsui. O Sumitamo ›Û˘ ›‰Ú˘ÛÂÓ ∆Ú¿-Â˙·Ó ÂȘ Osaka, Ë ÔÔ›· ˘ÈÔı¤ÙËÛ ÛÂÈÚ¿Ó ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂˆÓ ÌÂÙ¿ÏψÓ, ¯Ë-ÌÈÎÒÓ Î·È ËÏÂÎÙÚÈÛÌÔ‡, ÂÓÒ Ë ÙÔ˘ Mitsui ΢ڛˆ˜ ËÛ¯ÔÏ‹ıË Ì ÙËÓ ˘Ê·-ÓÙÔ˘ÚÁ›·Ó, ÙËÓ Ó·˘ÙÈÏ›·Ó, ÙËÓ ¯ËÌÈÎ‹Ó ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·Ó Î·È ÙËÓ Î·ÙÔ¯‹Ó·ÔıËÎÒÓ Î·È ÂÁηٷÛÙ¿ÛÂˆÓ ÏÈ̤ӈÓ. ∞È TÚ¿Â˙·È ·‡Ù·È Û˘Ó¤¯ÈÛ·ÓÙËÓ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ¿ ÙˆÓ ˆ˜ ÔÈÎÔÁ¤ÓÈ·È, ÌÂٷ͇ ÙˆÓ ÔÔ›ˆÓ Î·È ÌÂ È‰Ú˘-Ù‹Ó ∆Ú·¤˙˘ ÙÔÓ Zanjiro Yasuda. TÔ‡ÙÔ˘ Ë ∆Ú¿Â˙· ·ÂÚÚfiÊËÛÂÓ 17∆Ú·¤˙·˜, ·fi ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜ 1912, η٤¯Ô˘Û· Î·È ·ÚÈıÌfiÓ ·ÛÊ·ÏÈÛÙÈÎÒÓÂÙ·ÈÚÈÒÓ.

¶¿Û·È ·È ·Ó·ÊÂÚıÂ›Û·È ∆Ú¿Â˙·È ‹Ú¯ÈÛ·Ó ÙËÓ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙ¿ ÙˆÓÚÔ Ù˘ ΢‚ÂÚÓ‹Ûˆ˜ Meiji, Ì ÂÍ·›ÚÂÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘˜ Mistubishi, ÔÈ ÔÔ›ÔÈ Ì·گËÁfiÓ Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÁÂÓ›·˜ ÙˆÓ ÙÔÓ Yataro Mitsubishi ›‰Ú˘Û·Ó ÙËÓ ∆Ú¿Â-

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 141

56. ∫aichi Shimura: «Japanese Banks in the Capital Market after World War I Revue Internationale d’ Histoire de la Banque Vol. 2 ¡Ô 2 ÛÂÏ. 3.

57. Kaishi Shimura: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 6.

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˙¿Ó ÙˆÓ, ÌÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ ÌÂÙ·ÚÚ‡ıÌÈÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ Meiji. ∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ 1870 Ô Yataro Mit-subishi ÂÍÂΛÓËÛ ·fi Ì›·Ó Ó·˘ÙÈÏÈ·Î‹Ó ÂÙ·ÈÚ›·Ó ‰È· Ó· ηٷÎÙ‹ÛË ÙÔÌÔÓÔÒÏÈÔÓ ÂÎÌÂÙ·Ïχۈ˜ ÙÔ˘ È·ˆÓÈÎÔ‡ ·Ú·ÎÙ›Ô˘ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘.¶·Ú’ fiÏËÓ ‰Â ÙËÓ ·Ó›‰Ú·ÛÈÓ Ù˘ ÊÈÏÂÏ¢ıÂÚ·˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ Ù˘ ΢‚ÂÚÓ‹-Ûˆ˜, Î·È Ù˘ ¯ıÚÈ΋˜ ÛÙ¿ÛÂÒ˜ Ù˘ ηٿ ÙˆÓ ÌÔÓԈϛˆÓ ÔÈ Mitsubis-hi ‰ÈÂÙËÚ‹ıËÛ·Ó, Î·È ÙÂÏÈÎÒ˜ ÂÎÏ‹ıËÛ·Ó Ó· Û˘ÌÌÂÙ¿Û¯Ô˘Ó ÂȘ ÙËÓ ›‰Ú˘-ÛÈÓ Ù˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ Ù˘ π·ˆÓ›·˜ (1882). ¶¤Ú· ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ÔÈ Mitsubishi Û˘ÓÂ-¯Ò˜ ÚÔԉ‡ÔÓÙ˜ ‹Ú¯ÈÛ·Ó Ó· ··Û¯ÔÏÔ‡ÓÙ·È Ì ÙËÓ ∆Ú·Â˙È΋Ó, ÙËÓÓ·˘ÙÈÏ›·Ó, ÙËÓ Ó·˘ËÁÈ΋Ó, Î·È Ù· ÔÚ˘¯Â›·, ̤¯ÚȘ fiÙ·Ó ›‰Ú˘Û·Ó ÌÂÁ¿-ÏËÓ È‰›·Ó ∆Ú¿Â˙·Ó (1895), Ë ÔÔ›· ·ÂÙ¤ÏÂÛ ̤ÏÔ˜ Ù˘ ˘’ ·˘ÙÒÓ Ho-lding Company.

5. To TÚ·Â˙ÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· ÁÂÓÈÎÒ˜ ÂÍÂÈÏ›¯ıË ÂÓ ¯ÚfiÓˆ, ·fi ÙÔ˘19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜, Ì ∞ÁÚÔÙÈο˜ Î·È ∫ÙËÌ·ÙÈο˜ ∆Ú·¤˙·˜, ·È ÔÔ›·È Âıˆ-Ú‹ıËÛ·Ó ·Ó·Á·›·È ‰È· ÙËÓ ÈÛÙÔ‰fiÙËÛÈÓ ÙˆÓ ÁˆÚÁÒÓ, ÙËÓ ‚Ô‹ıÂÈ·Ó ÂÓÁ¤ÓÂÈ ÚÔ˜ ·fiÎÙËÛÈÓ Î·ÙÔÈΛ·˜ Î.Ï. ∂›Û˘ ·ÓÂÙ‡¯ıËÛ·Ó Î·È Ù· ∆·-ÌÈÂ˘Ù‹ÚÈ· Î·È ¤ÙÂÚÔÈ ¶ÈÛÙˆÙÈÎÔ› √ÚÁ·ÓÈÛÌÔ›. ªÂ ÙËÓ ¿ÚÔ‰ÔÓ ‰Â ÙÔ˘¯ÚfiÓÔ˘ ÂÓ ª. µÚÂÙ·Ó›· ·È ̤ÁÈÛÙ·È EÌÔÚÈη› TÚ¿Â˙·È, Ù· T·ÌÈÂ˘Ù‹-ÚÈ·, Î·È ·È ˘ÂÚfiÓÙÈ·È ∆Ú¿Â˙·È, ·È Û˘Ó‰ÂfiÌÂÓ·È Ì ٷ˜ ÎÙ‹ÛÂȘ, Û˘ÓÙË ·Úfi‰ˆ ÙÔ˘ ¯ÚfiÓÔ˘ η٤ÛÙËÛ·Ó ÎÔÏÔÛÛÔ›. TÔ ›‰ÈÔÓ ‰Â Î·È ·È °·ÏÏÈ-η› Î·È °ÂÚÌ·ÓÈη› TÚ¿Â˙·È ‰È· Ó· ÚÔÛÙÂıÔ‡Ó Î·È ·È IÙ·ÏÈη› TÚ¿Â-˙·È. M›· ‰Â Á¤Ê˘Ú· ÙÚ·Â˙ÈÎÔ‡ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘ ‹ÓˆÓ ∏¶∞ Î·È ∂˘ÚÒËÓ.∫·Ù¿ ÙËÓ ÂÔ¯‹Ó Ù·‡ÙËÓ È‰Ú‡ıËÛ·Ó ÂÓ ∞ÁÁÏ›· Î·È Ó¤·È ∆Ú¿Â˙·È ˆ˜ Ë ÙÔ˘C.J.Hambro Son, Ë Lazard Brothers Co, Ë London Rothchild Bank Î.¿. ∂Ó°·ÏÏ›· ›Û˘ ȉڇıËÛ·Ó ·È ∆Ú¿Â˙·È Société Générale, Comptoir Nation-ale d’ Escompte de Paris, Ë Gredit Industriel et Commerce ÂȘ ¶·ÚÈÛ›Ô˘˜Î·È Ë Credit du Nord Ù˘ §›ÏÏ˘. E›Û˘ ȉڇıËÛ·Ó Î·È Ó¤·È TÚ¿Â˙·È ÂÓ°ÂÚÌ·Ó›·, fiÔ˘ Ë TÚ·Â˙È΋ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙ˘ ‰ÂÓ ˘‹ÚÍÂÓ ÌÈÎÚÔÙ¤Ú·.

EÓÙ·‡ı· ‰¤ÔÓ Ó· ·Ó·Ê¤Úˆ fiÙÈ Î·È ÂÓ IÙ·Ï›·, ÌÂÙ¿ Ù·˜ Banca Comm-erciale, Banca Meridionale, Banca di Lavoro ȉڇıËÛ·Ó Î·È Ë Banca Po-polare Italiana (1864), Ë Banca Artigiane del Popolo (1864), Banca Popo-lare di Asolo (1864), Ë Banca Popolare di Bologna (1865), Î·È Banca Po-polare di Siena (1865). K·È ηٿ ÙËÓ ·˘Ù‹Ó ¯ÚÔÓÔÏÔÁ›·Ó (1865) ·È §·˚-η› TÚ¿Â˙·È (Banche Popolari) Ù˘Cremona, Ù˘ Faenza, ÙÔ˘ Milano,Ù˘ Monza, Ù˘ Roma, Ù˘ Padova, Ù˘ Venezia ÙÔ˘ Codogno Î.¿. AÈTÚ¿Â˙·È ÙÔ˘ ›‰Ô˘˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ È‰Ú˘ıÂ›Û·È ÙÔ ÚÒÙÔÓ ‰È· ÙÔ˘ ¢È·Ù¿ÁÌ·-ÙÔ˜ Ù˘ 21 OÎÙˆ‚Ú›Ô˘ 1923 ‹Û·Ó TÚ¿Â˙·È Ù·ÌÈ¢ÙÈη›. ∆Ô ‰Â 1947ȉڇıË Î·È Ë Banca Centrale di Credito Popolare ÚÔ˜ ·ÚÔ¯‹Ó ÌÂÛÔ-

142 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

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ÚÔı¤ÛÌˆÓ ‰·Ó›ˆÓ ˘¤Ú ÙˆÓ ÌÈÎÚÔ-ÌÂÛ·›ˆÓ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛˆÓ(58), Û˘ÓÂ-›· ‰Â Ù˘ ÂÓ Á¤ÓÂÈ ÚÈ˙ÔÛ·ÛÙÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÙÔ˘ KÚ¿ÙÔ˘˜ ÚÔÛ¤‰ˆ-Û·Ó Ó¤·Ó ÒıËÛÈÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÈÛÙˆÙÈÎ‹Ó ÔÏÈÙÈÎ‹Ó ÙÔ˘. ¢È· ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ ¢È·-Ù·ÁÌ¿ÙˆÓ: (10-2-1948) ÁÂÓÈÎÒ˜, ÂÏÂÈÙÔ‡ÚÁËÛ·Ó 165 TÚ¿Â˙·È ·ÓÂÏıÔ‡-Û·È ÙÂÏÈÎÒ˜ ÂȘ 469, Ì ÙÔ ¢È¿Ù·ÁÌ· Ù˘ 11˘ ¢ÂÎÂÌ‚Ú›Ô˘ 1962 ÂȘ3.093, Î·È ‰È· ÙÔ˘ Ù˘ 25˘ ºÂ‚ÚÔ˘·Ú›Ô˘ 1960 ÂȘ 164, ÙÔ ‰Â ¤ÙÔ˜ 1966·È Banche Popolari ËÚÈıÌÔ‡ÓÙÔ ÂȘ 206(59).

EÓ IÙ·Ï›· ÙÔ TÚ·Â˙ÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ¿ Ù˘ ÂÍÂÏ›ÛÛÂÙÔ ·fi Ù˘ °·ÏÏÈ΋˜K·ÙÔ¯‹˜. ™˘Á¯ÚfiÓˆ˜ ‰Â ÂÓÂÊ·Ó›ÛıË Î·È Ô ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌfi˜ Û˘Ó›· ÙԢ΢ÎÏÔÊÔÚÔ‡ÓÙÔ˜ ¯·ÚÙÔÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜(60). TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1806 Ô IˆÛ‹Ê BÔÓ·¿Ú-Ù˘ ‹ÓˆÛ ٷ˜ TÚ·¤˙·˜, ÙËÓ Pietà dei Poveri, San Eligio Î·È Spirito Sa-nto ˘fi ÙËÓ Banca dei Privati, ÂÓÒ ·È San Giacomo del Popolo Î·È Ë SanSalvator ËÓÒıËÛ·Ó Ì ÙËÓ Banca di Corte. To ¤ÙÔ˜ 1808 ı· È‰Ú˘ı‹ Ë Ba-nca delle Due Sicilie Î·È ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1809 ı· ÂÓˆı‹ ÌÂÙ’ ·˘Ù‹˜ Ë Banca diCorte ÂȘ ¶·Ï¤ÚÌÔÓ, ηıÒ˜ Î·È Ì›· ¿ÏÏË ∆Ú¿Â˙· ˘fi ÙËÓ ·˘Ù‹Ó ÔÓÔ-Ì·Û›·Ó ÂȘ ªÂÛÛ‹ÓËÓ, ηıÒ˜ Î·È Ë Cassa dei Privati. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1818 ı·È‰Ú˘ı‹ ˘fi Ù˘ Banco delle Due Sicilie Î·È Ë Cassa di Sconto, ÙÔ ‰Â ¤ÙÔ˜1858 ÂÙ¤Ú· ∆Ú¿Â˙· ÂȘ M¿ÚÈ. EÎ Ù˘ Banco delle Due Sicilie, ÌÂÙ¿ ÙÔÓ·Ô¯ˆÚÈÛÌfiÓ ÙˆÓ ‰‡Ô ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ, ı· È‰Ú˘ı‹ Ë Banco Regio dei RealiDomini del Faro ˘fi ÙËÓ ÙÂÏÈÎ‹Ó ÔÓÔÌ·Û›·Ó Banca di Sicilia (1860), ËÔÔ›· Ì ÙËÓ ŒÓˆÛÈÓ Ù˘ IÙ·Ï›·˜ ÂÎÏ‹ıË Banca di Napoli ¤¯Ô˘Û· ·fiÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜ 1866 ÙÔ ‰Èη›ˆÌ· ÂΉfiÛˆ˜ ¯Ú‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ‰È· Ó· ÙÔ ·ˆÏ¤ÛË ÙÔ1926(61). TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1844 ȉڇıË Ë Banca di Genova Ë ÔÔ›· Û˘Ó¯ˆÓ‡ıËÌ ÙËÓ Banco di Torino (1847) Î·È ÙÔ 1849 ÂÁÂÓ‹ıË Ë Banca Nazionaledegli Stati Sardi. TÔ 1936 Ë Banca d’ ltalia ·Ó¤Ï·‚ ÙÔ ÂΉÔÙÈÎfiÓ ‰Èη›ˆ-Ì·. EȘ ÙÔÓ BÔÚÚ¿Ó È‰Ú‡ıË Î·È Ë Banca Popolare di Lodi (1864) ‰È· Ó·È‰Ú˘ı‹ Î·È Ë Banca Popolare di Cremona. M ÙËÓ Ï‹ÍÈÓ ÙÔ˘ A’ ¶·ÁÎÔ-ÛÌ›Ô˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘ Ë IÙ·Ï›· ¢ڤıË ÂÓ Ì¤Ûˆ ÌÂÁ¿Ï˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ·Ó·Ù·Ú·-¯‹˜. K·Ù¿ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1921 Ë Banca di Sconto ˘ÂηÙÂÛÙ¿ıË ˘fi Ù˘ Banca

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 143

58,59. F. Parrillo: «Le Banche Popolari nell’ Economia Italia», Revue Internationale d’Histoire de la Banque Génève. Vol. I No 1 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 227-238, 231.

60. C. Vanzetti: Due Secoli di Storia dell’ Agricoltura Veronese, Verona 1965 ÛÂÏ. 37.

61. E. De Simon. «L’ Archivio Storico del BancÔ di Napoli (PrefaziÔne D. Demarco), Na-

poli, 1972 Î·È Recenti, Contributi di Storia Bancaria Italiana 1963-1968 Revue Intern-ationale d’ Histoire de la Banque Vol. I No 1 pp 412-413.

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Nazionale di Credito Û˘Á¯ˆÓ¢ı›۷ Ì ÙËÓ Credito Italiano (1930), ÂÓÒ‹‰Ë ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1926 ÂıÂÛ›ÛıË Ë ÂȉÈ΋ ÂÚ› TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ NÔÌÔıÂÛ›·. ∏ KÂ-ÓÙÚÈ΋ TÚ¿Â˙· Banco Nazionale d’ Italia ›¯Â ÙÔ ÂΉÔÙÈÎfiÓ ÌÔÓÔÒ-ÏÈÔÓ, ηıÒ˜ Î·È ÙËÓ ÂÔÙ›·Ó › ÙˆÓ ÏÔÈÒÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ Î·Ù·ÁÚ·ÊÔ-Ì¤ÓˆÓ ˆ˜ ÓƠ̂̈˜ ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁÔ˘ÛÒÓ Ì ÂȉÈο ‚È‚Ï›·. N¤·È TÚ¿Â˙·È ›-Û˘ ȉڇıËÛ·Ó ÙfiÛÔÓ ÌÂÙ¿ ÙÔÓ A’ ¶·ÁÎfiÛÌÈÔÓ ¶fiÏÂÌÔÓ, fiÛÔÓ Î·È ÌÂÙ¿ÙÔÓ B’ ¶·ÁÎfiÛÌÈÔÓ ¶fiÏÂÌÔÓ. EÓÙ·‡ı· ·Ó·Ê¤ÚÔÌÂÓ ÙËÓ Banca di Spiri-to Santo, ÙËÓ Banca di Siena, Banca d’ America e d’ Italia Î.¿.

6. ∏ °ÂÚÌ·Ó›· Â΂ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÛı›۷, ÂÚ› ÙÔ Ù¤ÏÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜,‹ÙÔ Ê˘ÛÈÎfiÓ Ó· ¤¯Ë ηْ ·Ú¯¿˜ ·ÓÂÙ˘Á̤ÓËÓ Ù˘ ·ÁÚÔÙÈÎ‹Ó ›ÛÙÈÓ Î·ÈÂÓ Û˘Ó¯›· Ó· ÂÚÈÏ¿‚Ë ÂȘ ·˘Ù‹Ó Î·È ÙÔ˘˜ ¿ÏÏÔ˘˜ ÙÔÌ›˜ Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔ-Ì›·˜. ∏ KÂÓÙÚÈ΋ ∆Ú¿Â˙· (Reichbank) ‰Â ‹ÙÔ ÂΛÓË Ë ÔÔ›· ‹ÙÔ ˘Ô-¯Úˆ̤ÓË, fiˆ˜ ‹Û·Ó ·È ȉȈÙÈη› ∆Ú¿Â˙·È, ·È ¤¯Ô˘Û·È ‰Èη›ˆÌ· ÂÎ-‰fiÛˆ˜ ȉ›ˆÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›ˆÓ Ó· ηχوÓÙ·È ‰Â Ù· ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·Ì-Ì¿ÙÈ¿ ÙˆÓ ˘fi ¯Ú˘ÛÔ‡ ηχÌÌ·ÙÔ˜ 1/3 ÙÔ˘ ΢ÎÏÔÊÔÚÔ‡ÓÙˆÓ. ¶ÚÔÛ¤ÙÈË Reichbank ¤‚·ÏÏÂÓ ÙfiÎÔÓ 5% › ·ÓÙfi˜ ÌË ÎÂÎ·Ï˘Ì¤ÓÔ˘ ÁÚ·ÌÌ·-Ù›Ô˘. ŸÛÔÓ ·ÊÔÚ¿ ‰Â ÂȘ Ù·˜ ˘Ô¯ÚÂÒÛÂȘ Ù˘ Reichsbank ·‡Ù·È ·ÊÂÒ-ÚÔ˘Ó ÂȘ 250 ÂηÙ. Ì¿Úη ‰ËÏ. ‰ÈÏ¿ÛÈ· ÙˆÓ ˘fi ÙˆÓ ÏÔÈÒÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ΢ÎÏÔÊÔÚÔ‡ÓÙˆÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›ˆÓ.

∂Ș ÂÚ›ÙˆÛÈÓ Î·Ù¿ ÙËÓ ÔÔ›·Ó ·È ȉȈÙÈη› TÚ¿Â˙·È ı· ‹Û·ÓËÓ·ÁηÛÌ¤Ó·È Ó· ·˘Í‹ÛÔ˘Ó ÙËÓ Î˘ÎÏÔÊÔÚ›·Ó ÙˆÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›-ˆÓ ÙˆÓ, ·Ê’ ÂÓfi˜ ÌÂÓ ËÌÔ‰›˙ÔÓÙÔ ˘fi ÙÔ˘ ÓfiÌÔ˘, ·Ê’ ÂÙ¤ÚÔ˘ ‰Â ·fiÙËÓ ∫ÂÓÙÈÎ‹Ó ∆Ú¿Â˙·Ó fiˆ˜ ·‡ÙË ÚÔÂÍÔÊÏ‹ÛË Ì¤ÚÔ˜ ÙˆÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ·˘-Ù‹Ó ÏÔÁ·ÚÈ·ÛÌÔ‡ ÙˆÓ. ∂Ș ÂÚ›ÙˆÛÈÓ ‰Â ηٿ ÙËÓ ÔÔ›·Ó Ë Reichbank‹ıÂÏÂÓ Ó· ·ÔʇÁË ÙËÓ ÏËÚˆÌ‹Ó ÊfiÚÔ˘ › ÙˆÓ Â› ϤÔÓ Î˘ÎÏÔÊÔ-ÚÔ‡ÓÙˆÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ·Ù›ˆÓ Ù˘ ‹ Ó· ·˘Í‹ÛË ÙÔ ÂÈÙfiÎÈÔÓ ‹ Ó· ·˘Í‹-ÛË ÙÔ ÎfiÛÙÔ˜ Ù˘ ÂÓÙfiÓˆ˜ ·ÈÙÔ˘Ì¤Ó˘ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙ‹Ûˆ˜ ‹ Ó· ·˘Í‹ÛË Ù··ÔıÂÌ·ÙÈο Ù˘ ÂȘ Ú¢ÛÙfiÓ ËÁfiÚ·˙ÂÓ ¯Ú˘ÛfiÓ, Ô‰fiÓ Ë ÔÔ›· Î·È Û˘Ó‹-ıˆ˜ ËÎÔÏÔ˘ı›ÙÔ. ∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ 1913 ηÙ›¯ÂÓ ·fiıÂÌ· ÂȘ ¯Ú˘ÛfiÓ ·Í›·˜ 117‰ÈÛ. Ì¿ÚÎˆÓ ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ 2.6 ‰ÈÛ. Ì¿ÚΈÓ, Ù· ÔÔ›· Â΢ÎÏÔÊfiÚÂÈ, Û˘ÁÎÚ›ÓÔ-ÓÙ˜ ‰Â ÙËÓ Û¯¤ÛËÓ Ù·‡ÙËÓ ÚÔ˜ ÂΛÓËÓ Ù˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ Ù˘ °·ÏÏ›·˜, ·-Ú·ÙËÚÔ‡ÌÂÓ ÌÂÁ¿ÏËÓ ‰È·ÊÔÚ¿Ó ÂÊ’ fiÛÔÓ Ë ‰Â˘Ù¤Ú· ›¯ÂÓ ·Ôı¤Ì·Ù· ÂȘ¯Ú˘ÛfiÓ 4 ‰ÈÛ. ÊÚ¿ÁÎˆÓ Ì ΢ÎÏÔÊÔÚ›·Ó 5,7 ‰ÈÛ. ÊÚ¿ÁΈÓ. K·È ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˜Â›Ó·È Ô ÏfiÁÔ˜ ‰È· ÙÔÓ ÔÔ›ÔÓ Ë °·ÏÏ›· ˉ‡Ó·ÙÔ Ó· ÚÔ‚‹ ÂȘ ÌÂÁ·Ï˘Ù¤-Ú·Ó ÂÍ·ÁˆÁ‹Ó ÎÂÊ·Ï·›ˆÓ, ·Ú¿ ÙÔ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ fiÙÈ Ë °ÂÚÌ·Ó›· ·ÓÂÙ‡ÛÛÂ-ÙÔ Ù·¯¤ˆ˜ ·fi ÏÂ˘Ú¿˜ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈ΋˜ Î·È ÂÌÔÚÈ΋˜(62). °ÂÁÔÓfi˜ ¿-ÓÙˆ˜ Â›Ó·È fiÙÈ Ë Reichbank ‰ÈÂÙ‹ÚÂÈ ¯·ÌËÏfiÓ ÙÔ ÂÈÙfiÎÈÔÓ, ÈÓ· ·ÓÙÈÌÂ-

144 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

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Ùˆ›ÛË Ù·˜ ·Ó¿Áη˜ Ù˘ ÂÁ¯ˆÚ›·˜ ˙ËÙ‹Ûˆ˜ ¯Ú‹Ì·ÙÔ˜. ¢È· ÙÔ‡ÙÔ Î·È‰ÂÓ Â‰›ÛÙ·Û ӷ ·Ó·Ù‡ÍË ÙÔÓ Î‡ÎÏÔÓ ÂÚÁ·ÛÈÒÓ Ù˘ ÂÊ’ fiÛÔÓ ‰È· ÙÔ˘ÙÚfiÔ˘ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ ‰ÂÓ ı· ›¯ÂÓ ·Ó¿ÁÎËÓ Â·˘Í‹Ûˆ˜ ÙˆÓ ÂȘ ¯Ú˘ÛfiÓ ·Ô-ıÂÌ¿ÙˆÓ Ù˘ ‹ Ó· ÚÔ‚‹ ÂȘ ‡„ˆÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ÊfiÚÔ˘ › ÙˆÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÔÁÚ·Ì-Ì·Ù›ˆÓ. √ ÙÔÈÔ‡ÙÔ˜ fï˜ ÙÚfiÔ˜ ¯ÂÈÚÈÛÌÔ‡ ÚÔͤÓÂÈ ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌfiÓ Î·ÈÙ·˜ ÂÎ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ Û˘Ó›·˜ › Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙÔ˜. ¢ÂÓ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ ¿ÓÙˆ˜ ·ÌÊÈ‚ÔÏ›· fiÙÈ ÔÈ °ÂÚÌ·ÓÔ› ‰ÂÓ Ë‰˘Ó‹ıËÛ·Ó Ó· Êı¿-ÛÔ˘Ó ÙÔ˘˜ ÕÁÁÏÔ˘˜ Î·È ÙÔ˘˜ °¿ÏÏÔ˘˜ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÈηÓfiÙËÙ· ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ Ó·ÚÔ‚·›ÓÔ˘Ó ·Ó¿ ÙÔÓ ÎfiÛÌÔÓ ÂȘ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙ‹ÛÂȘ, ·Ú’ fiÏÔÓ fiÙÈ Ù· ÎÂ-Ê¿Ï·È·, Ù· ÔÔ›· ηÙ›¯ÔÓÙÔ ˘fi ÙˆÓ °ÂÚÌ·ÓÈÎÒÓ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ, ‹Û·Ó Ô-χ ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚ· ÂÎÂ›ÓˆÓ Ù˘ ∞ÁÁÏ›·˜ Î·È °·ÏÏ›·˜. ∞È °ÂÚÌ·ÓÈη› ∆Ú¿Â-˙·È (Deutsche Bank, Disconto Gesellschaft, Dresdner Bank, Berliner Ha-ndels Gesellschaft, Bank für Handel und Industrie, National Bank für Deu-tschland, Commerz und Disconto Bank Î·È Schwaffausenscher Bankvere-in) ÂÓ ¤ÙÔ˜ ÚÔ Ù˘ ÎËڇ͈˜ ÙÔ˘ ∞’ ¶·ÁÎÔÛÌ›Ô˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘ ηÙ›¯ÔÓ1.635 ‰ÈÛ. Ì¿Úη(63), ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· Ù· ÔÔ›· ÚÔ‹Ú¯ÔÓÙÔ Î·È ÂÎ ‰·Ó›ˆÓÙÔ˘ Â͈ÙÂÚÈÎÔ‡, Ù· ÔÔ›· ‹Û·Ó Ù˘ ٿ͈˜ ÙˆÓ 5,15 ‰ÈÛ. Ì¿ÚÎˆÓ ‰ËÏ.1:3,5 ‰È· ÙËÓ °ÂÚÌ·Ó›· Î·È 1:13 ‰È· Ù·˜ ÌÂÁ¿Ï·˜ ∞ÁÁÏÈο˜ ∆Ú·¤˙·˜(64).√Ê›ÏÔÌÂÓ ÂÓÙ·‡ı· Ó· ·Ú·ÙËÚ‹ÛˆÌÂÓ fiÙÈ Î·È Û‹ÌÂÚÔÓ, ÔÈ °ÂÚÌ·ÓÔ›Â›Ó·È ‰ÈÛÙ·ÎÙÈÎÔ› ÂȘ ÙËÓ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰fiÙËÛÈÓ ¤¯ÔÓÙ˜ ÌÈÎÚÔÙ¤Ú·Ó Â›Ú·ÓÂÓ Û¯¤ÛÂÈ ÚÔ˜ ÙÔ˘˜ ÕÁÁÏÔ˘˜ Î·È ÙÔ˘˜ °¿ÏÏÔ˘˜.

∞È °ÂÚÌ·ÓÈη› ∆Ú¿Â˙·È ¤Ӊ˘Û·Ó ÂȘ ‰È·ÊfiÚÔ˘˜ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂȘ ηÈÔ˘ÛÈ·ÛÙÈÎÒ˜ ÂȘ Ï›ÛÙ·˜ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ÚÔ¤‚ËÛ·Ó ÂȘ ˘ÈÔı¤ÙËÛÈÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ-ÎÒ˜ ı¤Û·Û·È ˘’ ·˘Ù¿˜ ÙÔÓ ¤ÏÂÁ¯fiÓ ÙˆÓ, ÂÓÒ ·ÂÚÚfiÊËÛ·Ó Î·È ÌÈÎÚÔ-Ù¤Ú·˜ ȉȷȈÙÈο˜ ∆Ú·¤˙·˜ Ë È‰Ú˘Û·Ó ÂÙ¤Ú·˜ TÚ·¤˙·˜ ÂÍËÚÙË̤ӷ˜ÂÍ ·˘ÙÒÓ.(65) ∂ÓÙ·‡ı· ˆ˜ ·Ú¿‰ÂÈÁÌ· ·Ó·Ê¤ÚÔÌÂÓ ÙËÓ ∆Ú¿Â˙·Ó A &L. Lasherhusen Ù˘ ∫Ôψӛ·˜ Ë ÔÔ›· ÂÚÈ‹ÏıÂÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ SchaaffhausenBankerein (1903), Ë Söhne Ù˘ ºÚ·ÓÎÊÔ‡ÚÙ˘, Ë ÔÔ›· Î·È ·ÂÚÚÔÊ‹ıˢfi Ù˘ Dresdner Bank (1904). ªÂ ÙËÓ ÚfiÔ‰ÔÓ ÙˆÓ ÂÍÔÏÈÛÌÒÓ Ù˘°ÂÚÌ·Ó›·˜, ÚÔ ÙÔ˘ ∞㶷ÁÎÔÛÌ›Ô˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘, ·È ∆Ú¿Â˙·È ·Ú›¯ÔÓ‰¿ÓÂÈ· ÂȘ ÙÔ ∫Ú¿ÙÔ˜, Ê˘ÛÈο ·ÔÎÂÚ‰·›ÓÔ˘Û·È ÂÎ ÙˆÓ ÙÔÈÔ‡ÙˆÓ ‰·-ÓÂÈÔ‰ÔÙ‹ÛˆÓ, ‰È· Ó· Û˘ÁÎÂÓÙÚˆı‹ ÙÔ ÙÚ·Â˙ÈÎfiÓ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ ÂȘ ‰‡ÔÌÂÁ¿Ï· consortium: ∆Ô ¶ÚˆÛÛÈÎfiÓ Î·È ÙÔ ÎÚ·ÙÈÎfiÓ ‰·ÓÂÈÔ‰ÔÙÈÎfiÓÙÔÈÔ‡ÙÔÓ. ∆Ô‡ÙˆÓ Î·Ù·ÁˆÁ‹Ó ÙÔ ÚÒÙÔÓ ¤¯ÔÓ, ·fi ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜ 1859, ÂÓÒ

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 145

62,63,64. E.K. Born op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 169.

65. E. K. Born: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 170.

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‰‡Ô ∫Ú·ÙÈη› ∆Ú¿Â˙·È ¤ÁÈÓ·Ó Ì¤ÏË Î·È ÙˆÓ ‰‡Ô ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ∆Ú·Â˙ÈÎÒÓÎÔÏÔÛÛÒÓ, ˆ˜ Ë Preussische Seehandlung Î·È Ë Bajerische Hauptbank Staats Bank), Ë ‰Â KÚ·ÙÈ΋ TÚ¿Â˙· ÙÔ˘ ¢Ô˘Î¿ÙÔ˘ ÙÔ˘ Brunswick, Ë Â-Ú›ÊËÌÔ˜ Herzochliiches Leinhaus ÂÈÚÁ¿˙ÂÙÔ ˆ˜ TÚ¿Â˙· ∫·Ù·ı¤ÛˆÓÎ·È ˆ˜ ™ÙÂÁ·ÛÙÈ΋.

ªÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ Ï‹ÍÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ∞’ ¶·ÁÎÔÛÌ›Ô˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘ Ë °ÂÚÌ·Ó›· ˘¤ÛÙËÙÚ·Â˙ÈÎ‹Ó ÎÚ›ÛÈÓ (1931), ¤ÓÂη ÙÔ˘ ÁÂÁÔÓfiÙÔ˜ fiÙÈ ·È ∆Ú¿Â˙·› Ù˘, η-Ù¿ ÙËÓ ‰È¿ÚÎÂÈ·Ó ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ -ˆ˜ ‹‰Ë ÂϤ¯ıË- ‰·ÓÂÈÔ‰fiÙÔ˘Ó ÙÔ ∫Ú¿ÙÔ˜, ÙÔÔÔ›ÔÓ, ÌÂÙ¿ ÙÔ ¤Ú·˜ ÙÔ˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘, ‰ÂÓ Ë‰‡Ó·ÙÔ Ó· ·ÓÙ·ÔÎÚÈı‹ ÚÔ˜Ù·˜ ÚÔ˜ ·˘Ù¿˜ ˘Ô¯ÚÂÒÛÂȘ. ∆Ô ›‰ÈÔÓ Û˘Ó¤‚Ë Î·È ÂȘ ÙËÓ ∞˘ÛÙÚ›·Ó,fiÔ˘ Ë ÂÚ›ÊËÌÔ˜ Österreichische Greditanstaat ·ÒÏÂÛ ÙÔ Û˘ÓÔÏÈÎfiÓÙ˘ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ, ηıfiÙÈ Ë ∆Ú¿Â˙· ·‡ÙË ÂÓ›Û¯˘Û ‰È· ‰·Ó›ˆÓ Ù·˜ ‚ÈÔÌË-¯·ÓÈο˜ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂȘ Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜. K·È Ë Î·Ù¿ÛÙ·ÛȘ ·‡ÙË Ù˘ ∞˘ÛÙÚÈ·-΋˜ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ ¤‰Ú·ÛÂÓ Â› ÙÔ˘ °ÂÚÌ·ÓÈÎÔ‡ ÙÚ·Â˙ÈÎÔ‡ Û˘ÛÙ‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ÂÊ’ fiÛÔÓ Ù˘ A˘ÛÙÚȷ΋˜ TÚ·¤˙˘ ·ÚÈÔ˜ ̤ÙÔ¯Ô˜ ‹ÙÔ Ô BÈÂÓ¤˙Ô˜ Rot-hchild. O‡Ùˆ˜ Ë TÚ·Â˙È΋ ÎÚ›ÛȘ ¤ÏËÍÂÓ ·ÌÊÔÙ¤Ú·˜ Ù·˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜ ·˘Ù¿˜.∂›Ó·È ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ fiÙÈ Ô Hoover ¤˙‹ÙËÛ ۯÂÙÈÎÒ˜ Ì ٷ˜ ·ÓÔÚıÒÛÂȘ ÂÓ›‰Ô˜ muratorium, ÂÓÒ Ô Keynes, ·fi ÙȘ ÏÂ˘Ú¿˜ ÙÔ˘, η٤ÎÚÈÓÂÓ ÙËÓfiÏËÓ ÔÏÈÙÈÎ‹Ó ÙˆÓ Â·ÓÔÚıÒÛˆÓ, ·È ÔÔ›·È ÚÔÂοÏÔ˘Ó ÌÂÁ¿ÏËÓ·Ó·Ù·Ú·¯‹Ó ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÁÂÚÌ·ÓÈÎ‹Ó ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·Ó. √È °ÂÚÌ·ÓÔ› ¤‰Ú·Í·Ó ÙËÓ¢ηÈÚ›·Ó ‰È· Ó· ·Ó·˙ËÙ‹ÛÔ˘Ó ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ˘ÔÛÙ‹ÚÈÍÈÓ ÂÎ ÙˆÓ ÚÒËÓÔÏÂÌ›ˆÓ ÙˆÓ, ·È ··ÈÙ‹ÛÂȘ fï˜ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ Ù˘ °ÂÚÌ·Ó›·˜, Î·È‰Ë Î·È ·fi ÏÂ˘Ú¿˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜, ‰ÂÓ ¤ÁÈÓ·Ó ·Ô‰ÂÎÙ·› ·fi ̤ÏÔ˘˜ ÙˆÓ°ÂÚÌ·ÓÒÓ. Àfi Ù·˜ Û˘Óı‹Î·˜ Ù·‡Ù·˜ ·È ∆Ú¿Â˙·È Darmstädter Î·È Nat-ional Bank ¯ÚˆÎfiËÛ·Ó ‰È· Ó· ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ÛÔ˘Ó Î·È ¤ÙÂÚ·È TÚ¿Â˙·È.∂›Ó·È ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜, ¿ÓÙˆ˜, fiÙÈ Ë ÂÚÁ·ÙÈ΋ ΢‚¤ÚÓËÛȘ ÙÔ˘ Ramnsey MacD-onald ÚÔ¤ÙÂÈÓ ӷ ··ÏÂÈÊıÔ‡Ó ·È ÁÂÚÌ·ÓÈη› ·ÓÔÚıÒÛÂȘ, ÂÓÒ ÔËÁÔ‡ÌÂÓÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ ÚÈ˙ÔÛ·ÛÙÈÎÔ‡ ÎfiÌÌ·ÙÔ˜, Úˆı˘Ô˘ÚÁfi˜ ›Û˘ Ù˘°·ÏÏ›·˜, Edouard Herriot, ÔÏÈÁÒÙÂÚÔÓ ÚÈ˙ÔÛ·ÛÙÈÎfi˜ ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ ÙˆÓ ÔÏÂ-ÌÈÎÒÓ Â·ÓÔÚıÒÛÂˆÓ Î·È ˘fi ÙËÓ ›ÂÛÈÓ Ù˘ Á·ÏÏÈ΋˜ ÎÔÈÓ‹˜ ÁÓÒÌ˘,·‹ÙËÛÂÓ fiÙÈ, ÂÊ’ fiÛÔÓ Ë °ÂÚÌ·Ó›· ı· ‹Ú¯È˙ÂÓ Ó· ·Ó·Ó‹ÙË, ÙÔ˘Ï¿¯È-ÛÙÔÓ ÒÊÂÈÏ ӷ ÏËÚÒÛË Ì›·Ó ‰fiÛÈÓ, ÙËÓ ÙÂÏÂ˘Ù·›·Ó, ÙˆÓ Â·ÓÔÚıÒÛÂ-ˆÓ. √ °ÂÚÌ·Ófi˜ Úˆı˘Ô˘ÚÁfi˜ Franz von Papen Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ‰È‰¤¯ıË ÙËÓ΢‚¤ÚÓËÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ Brüning ·ÓÙÈÚÔ¤ÙÂÈÓÂÓ ÙËÓ ÏËÚˆÌ‹Ó 2 ‰ÈÛ. R.ª. ·ÈÙ‹-Û·˜ fï˜ Î·È ÙËÓ ·¿ÏÂÈ„ÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ¿ÚıÚÔ˘ 231 Ù˘ ™˘Óı‹Î˘ ÙˆÓ µÂÚÛ·-ÏÈÒÓ ‰È· Ù˘ ÔÔ›·˜ ÂıˆڋıË Ë °ÂÚÌ·Ó›· ¤ÓÔ¯Ô˜ ‰È· ÙËÓ ¤ÎÚËÍÈÓ ÙÔ˘∞’ ¶·ÁÎÔÛÌ›Ô˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘. ∆ÂÏÈÎÒ˜, Î·È Ì ÙËÓ Û˘Ó·›ÓÂÛÈÓ Ù˘ ª. µÚÂ-

146 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

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Ù·ÓÓ›·˜, ·ÂÊ·Û›ÛıË Ë Î·Ù·‚ÔÏ‹ Ù˘ ÙÂÏÂ˘Ù·›·˜ ‰fiÛˆ˜ ÙˆÓ Â·ÓÔÚ-ıÒÛÂˆÓ ·ÓÂÚ¯Ô̤Ó˘ ÂȘ 3 ‰ÈÛ. RM ÏËÚˆıËÛfiÌÂÓ· ÂÓÙfi˜ ÙÚÈÒÓ ÂÙÒÓ,ÒÛÙÂ Ë ÁÂÚÌ·ÓÈ΋ ∫˘‚¤ÚÓËÛȘ Ó· ÚÔÛʇÁË ÂȘ ¤Î‰ÔÛÈÓ ÔÌÔÏfiÁˆÓ ÌÂÂÈÙfiÎÈÔÓ 5%. ∂ÓÓÔÂ›Ù·È fiÙÈ Ë ∫˘‚¤ÚÓËÛȘ Ù˘ °ÂÚÌ·Ó›·˜, ÌÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ Î·-Ù¿ÏË„ÈÓ Ù˘ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ÂÍÔ˘Û›·˜ ˘fi ÙˆÓ Ó·˙ÈÛÙÒÓ, ‰ÂÓ ·ÓÙÂÂÎÚ›ıËÚÔ˜ fi,ÙÈ ·È ·ÓÔÚıÒÛÂȘ ˘ËÁfiÚ¢ÔÓ. K·È Ë ˘fiıÂÛȘ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ¤ÏËÍÂÓ.∂ÓÓÔÂ›Ù·È fiÙÈ Î·È Ù· ˘fi ÙˆÓ Û˘ÌÌ¿¯ˆÓ ¯Ú¤Ë ÚÔ˜ Ù·˜ ∏¶∞ -ÔÏ›ÁÔÓ-Ôχ ›¯ÔÓ ÙËÓ È‰›·Ó ηٿÏËÍÈÓ. ∫·È ÌfiÓÔÓ Ë µÚÂÙ·ÓÓ›· Î·È Ë √ÏÏ·Ó-‰›· ·ÓÙÂÂÎÚ›ıËÛ·Ó ‰È· ÌÈÎÚ¿˜ Û˘Ì‚ÔÏÈ΋˜ ¯ÂÈÚÔÓÔÌ›·˜ ÏËڈ̋˜ ÙˆÓ¯Ú¤ˆÓ ÙˆÓ. TÔ˘Ó·ÓÙ›ÔÓ ÔÈ ºÈÓÏ·Ó‰Ô› ÂÍÒÊÏËÛ·Ó Ï‹Úˆ˜ Ù· ¯Ú¤Ë ÙˆÓ.

7. MÂٷ͇ 1974-1975 Ë ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈ΋ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹ ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ¢˘ÙÈÎfiÓ Kfi-ÛÌÔÓ ˘Â¯ÒÚËÛ ηٿ 12% ÂÚ›Ô˘ ÂÓ Û¯¤ÛÂÈ ÚÔ˜ ÂΛÓËÓ ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜1973, ÂÓÒ ÔÈ ¿ÓÂÚÁÔÈ ·Ó‹ÏıÔÓ ÂȘ 13,5 ÂηÌ. Î·È Â›Ù· ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔÓ ÂȘ18,5 ÂηÙÔÌ. ¶·Ú¿ ÙËÓ ·ÓËÛ˘¯ËÙÈÎ‹Ó ·˘Ù‹Ó ÂͤÏÈÍÈÓ Ô Î·ÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfi˜·ÓÙ¤‰Ú·Û Ì ÙËÓ ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛÈÓ ÙˆÓ ÌÂıfi‰ˆÓ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜, ÙËÓ Â·‡ÍËÛÈÓÙˆÓ ÂÍÔÏÈÛÌÒÓ, ÙÔ˘˜ ÙÔÈÎÔ‡˜ ÔϤÌÔ˘˜, ÙÔ˘˜ ÔÔ›Ô˘˜ ËÏÈı›ˆ˜ ÚÔÂ-οÏÂÛ Ì ÙËÓ ÂÂÎÙ·ÙÈÎ‹Ó ÔÏÈÙÈÎ‹Ó ÙÔ˘ Ô ™Ù¿ÏÈÓ, ·Ó·˙ËÙÒÓ ÔÏÔ¤Ó Î·ÈÌÂÁ·Ï˘Ù¤Ú·Ó ·˘ÙÔÎÚ·ÙÔÚ›·Ó ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ·fiÎÙËÛÈÓ ÛÙÚ·ÙËÁÈÎÒÓ ÛËÌ›ˆÓ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ Ù˘ ı·Ï·ÛÛ›·˜ ·ÓÙÔ‰˘Ó·Ì›·˜ ÙÔ˘ ¢˘ÙÈÎÔ‡ KfiÛÌÔ˘. AÈ TÚ¿Â-˙·È, ÂÓÒ Î·Ù’ ·Ú¯¿˜ ‹Û·Ó ÊÂȉˆÏ·› ÂȘ ÙËÓ ·ÚÔ¯‹Ó ÈÛÙÒÛˆÓ, ¤Û¢-Û·Ó Ó· ·Ó·ÎÚÔ‡ÛÔ˘Ó Ú‡ÌÓ·Ó ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÔÏÈÙÈÎ‹Ó ·˘Ù‹Ó ÂÊԉȿ˙Ô˘Û·ÈÌ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÙËÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·Ó, Î·È ‰Ë ÙËÓ ÔÏÂÌÈ΋Ó, ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ÙËÓ ÁÂ-ˆÚÁ›·Ó Î·È ÙÔ ÂÌfiÚÈÔÓ. ¶¤Ú· fï˜ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ, ÙÔ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ ‰È¯‡ıË ·Ó¿ÙËÓ ˘Ê‹ÏÈÔÓ Ì ‰·ÓÂÈÔ‰ÔÙ‹ÛÂȘ ΢ڛˆ˜ ÂÍ H¶A. ¶ÚÔÛ¤ÙÈ, ·fi ÙÔ Ù¤ÏÔ˜ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜, ‹Ú¯ÈÛÂ Î·È Ë Û˘ÁΤÓÙÚˆÛȘ ÙÔ˘ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘ ˘fi ˆÚÈ-ÛÌ¤ÓˆÓ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ ·È ÔÔ›·È ÂÙ¤ıËÛ·Ó ÂÈ ÎÂÊ·Ï‹˜ Ù˘ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÙÈ΋˜ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ ̤ۈ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ Û˘ÌʈÓÈÒÓ Î·È Ì ÙÚ·ÛÙ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ.(66)

H ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· ÂÛÙËÚ›¯ıË Â› Ù˘ ÌÈÎÙ‹˜ ÔÚÁ·ÓÒÛÂÒ˜ Ù˘, ·Ê’ ÂÓfi˜ ÌÂӉȷ Ó· ÈηÓÔÔÈ‹ÛË -¿Ó¢ ÏfiÁÔ˘- ÙÔ˘˜ ÛÔÛÈ·ÏÈÛÙ¿˜, ·Ê’ ÂÙ¤ÚÔ˘ ‰Â ‰È·Ó· ÂÓÈÛ¯‡ÛË ÂΛÓÔ˘˜ ÙÔ˘˜ ÙÔÌ›˜ Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜, ÔÈ ÔÔ›ÔÈ ‹Û·Ó ··-Ú·›ÙËÙÔÈ ‰È· ÙËÓ ÂÊ·ÚÌÔÁ‹Ó ÙÔ˘ ۯ‰›Ô˘ ÙÔ˘ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡ ÂÓ ÙËÓ ÚÔ-Û·ı›· ·ÓÙÈÌÂÙˆ›Ûˆ˜ ÙÔ˘ ·ÂÈÏËÙÈÎÔ‡ ‰È’ ¤ÎÙ·ÛÈÓ ÎÔÌÌÔ˘ÓÈÛÌÔ‡.

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 147

66. Économie Politique. Le Capitalisme (˘fi ÙËÓ ‰È‡ı˘ÓÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ G. Kozlov), Moscou

1977 ÛÂÏ. 157.

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¢ÂÓ Â›Ó·È Û˘ÓÂÒ˜ Ù˘¯·›ÔÓ ÙÔ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ ‰ÈfiÙÈ Ì·ÚÍÈÛÙ·› Û˘ÁÁÚ·Ê›˜(67)

ÂÈÛ‹Ì·ÈÓ·Ó fiÙÈ, ηٿ ÙËÓ ÂÔ¯‹Ó ·˘Ù‹Ó, ÂȘ Ù·˜ ‰˘ÙÈο˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜ 15%-25% ÙÔ˘ ÂıÓÈÎÔ‡ ÏÔ‡ÙÔ˘ ¢ڛÛÎÂÙÔ ÂȘ ¯Â›Ú·˜ ÙÔ˘ KÚ¿ÙÔ˘˜. H AÁÁÏ›·ÂıÓÈÎÔÔ›ËÛÂÓ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂȘ ÂÍÔڇ͈˜ ¿ÓıÚ·ÎÔ˜, ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜ Ê˘ÛÈÎÔ‡·ÂÚ›Ô˘, ËÏÂÎÙÚÈÛÌÔ‡ Î·È ÛȉËÚÔ‰ÚfiÌÔ˘˜. H °·ÏÏ›· ÂÚȤϷ‚ÂÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓȉÈÔÎÙËÛ›·Ó ÙÔ˘ KÚ¿ÙÔ˘˜ ÙÔ 80% Ù˘ ·ÂÚÔÓ·˘ÙÈ΋˜ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·˜, ÔÏfi-ÎÏËÚÔÓ ÙËÓ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹Ó ¿ÓıÚ·ÎÔ˜ Î·È ËÏÂÎÙÚÈÛÌÔ‡, ÂȘ ‰Â ÙËÓ ¢. °ÂÚÌ·-Ó›·Ó ÙÔ KÚ¿ÙÔ˜ ›¯ÂÓ ÂȘ ¯Â›Ú·˜ ÙÔ˘ ÙÔ 25% ÙˆÓ ÌÂÙÔ¯ÒÓ ÂÍÔڇ͈˜·ÏÔ˘ÌÈÓ›Ô˘, ÛȉËÚÔÚ˘¯Â›ˆÓ, ¿ÓıÚ·ÎÔ˜, ÌÂÙ·ÊÔÚÒÓ Î·È ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜ËÏÂÎÙÚÈÎÔ‡ Ú‡̷ÙÔ˜. E›Û˘ ˢ͋ıË Î·È Ë ÊÔÚÔÏÔÁ›· ÒÛÙ ÙÔ 25%-55% ÙÔ˘ ÂıÓÈÎÔ‡ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ Ó· ÂÚȤگÂÙ·È ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ÎÚ·ÙÈÎfiÓ ÚÔ¸Ô-ÏÔÁÈÛÌfiÓ Ì¤Ûˆ Ù˘ Ô‰Ô‡ Ù˘ ÊÔÚÔÏÔÁ›·˜ (·Ì¤ÛÔ˘ Î·È ÂÌ̤ÛÔ˘ ΢ڛˆ˜fï˜ Ù˘ ‰Â˘Ù¤Ú·˜).

H ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ‡ÊÂÛȘ ÌÂٷ͇ 1973-1976 ÚÔοÏÂÛ Êfi‚ÔÓ ÂȘ ÙÔÓ¢˘ÙÈÎfiÓ KfiÛÌÔÓ Î·È ÂÓÂı¿ÚÚ˘Ó ÙÔÓ AÓ·ÙÔÏÈÎfiÓ ÎfiÛÌÔÓ Ì ÙËÓ È‰¤·ÓfiÙÈ Â›ÎÂÈÙ·È Ë Î·Ù¿ÚÚ¢ÛȘ ÙÔ˘ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÙÈÎÔ‡ Û˘ÛÙ‹Ì·ÙÔ˜. H ÙÔÈ·‡-ÙË fï˜ ÚÔÔÙÈ΋ ·Â‰Â›¯ıË ÂÛÊ·Ï̤ÓË, ‰ÈfiÙÈ ·ÓÙÈÌÂÙˆ›ÛıË ·Ì¤Ûˆ˜Ì¤Ûˆ ÙˆÓ ¢ÈÂıÓÒÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ OÚÁ·ÓÈÛÌÒÓ, ÙˆÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÂÙÚÈÎÒÓ ÌÂ-ıfi‰ˆÓ, Î·È Ù˘ ‚ÔËı›·˜ ÙËÓ ÔÔ›·Ó ·Ú¤Û¯ÔÓ ·È TÚ¿Â˙·È, ·È ÔÔ›·È‰ÂÓ ÂÛÙ·Ì¿ÙËÛ·Ó ÙËÓ ‰·ÓÂÈÔ‰fiÙËÛÈÓ. ¶ÚÔÛ¤ÙÈ, ÂÂȉ‹ Î·È Ô AÓ·ÙÔÏÈÎfi˜KfiÛÌÔ˜ ‰È‹Ú¯ÂÙÔ ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ ·ÁˆÓ›·˜ η٤ÏËÍÂÓ ÂȘ Û˘Ìʈ-Ó›·Ó ÂÚÈÔÚÈÛÌÔ‡ ÙˆÓ ÂÍÔÏÈÛÌÒÓ ¯¿ÚÈÓ Ù˘ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜ Ì¤ÛˆÓ Î·Ù·-Ó·ÏÒÛˆ˜, fiÂÚ Â‚Ô‹ıËÛ ÙÔÓ Î·ÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfiÓ. K·È Ë ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ·‡ÙË ‰ÂÓ‹ÙÔ Í¤ÓË Î·È ·fi ÙÔÓ Êfi‚ÔÓ Ì‹ˆ˜ Ì›· ÌÂÁ¿ÏË ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÎÚ›ÛȘ ı·ÂÍÒıË ÙÔÓ Î·ÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfiÓ ÂȘ ›ıÂÛÈÓ Î·Ù¿ Ù˘ ÙfiÙ E™™¢.

MÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ ·Ó¿Î·Ì„ÈÓ ·fi ÙËÓ ‡ÊÂÛÈÓ ÂΛÓËÓ Ô ¢˘ÙÈÎfi˜ KfiÛÌÔ˜·ÓÂı¿ÚÚËÛÂÓ Î·È ÂˇÍËÛ ٷ˜ ÔÏÂÌÈο˜ ‰·¿Ó·˜ ·ÓÂÏıÔ‡Û·˜ ÂȘ142,7 ‰ÈÛ. ‰ÔÏÏ¿ÚÈ·. √ O.T.A.N. ‰·¿ÓËÛ ÂÓ Û˘Ófiψ, ηٿ ÙÔÓ ·˘ÙfiÓ¯ÚfiÓÔÓ (1976), ÙÔ Ì˘ı҉˜ ÔÛfiÓ ÙˆÓ 700 ‰ÈÛ. ‰ÔÏÏ·Ú›ˆÓ. H ÙÔÈ·‡ÙËÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ·ÛÊ·ÏÒ˜ ÂÓ›Û¯˘Û ÙÔÓ ÏËıˆÚÈÛÌfiÓ ÂÊ’ fiÛÔÓ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·Ù·ÚÔÂÚ¯fiÌÂÓ· ÂÎ Ù˘ ÔÏÂÌÈ΋˜ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·˜ Â˙‹ÙÔ˘Ó ·Á·ı¿ Ù˘ ‚ÈÔÌË-¯·Ó›·˜ ηٷӷψÙÈÎÒÓ ÂȉÒÓ. ¶·Ú¿ Ù·‡Ù· Ë ·ÓÂÚÁ›· ·ÓÙÈÌÂÙˆ›ÛıËÎ·È Ë E™™¢ ÚÔ ÙÔ˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÔ‡ ·ÓÙ·ÁˆÓÈÛÌÔ‡ ‹Ú¯ÈÛ ӷ ·ÁˆÓÈ¿ ηÈÓ· ÁÔÓ·Ù›˙Ë. ¢ÈÂıÓ›˜ OÚÁ·ÓÈÛÌÔ›, ÂÚ› ÙˆÓ ÔÔ›ˆÓ ·Ó·Ê¤ÚıËÌÂÓ ·Óˆ-

148 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

67. G. Kozlov: op. cit. ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ. 572 Î. Â.

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Ù¤Úˆ, Ô˘¯ ‹ÙÙÔÓ Û˘Ó¤‚·ÏÔÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÂÓ›Û¯˘ÛÈÓ ÙˆÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒÓ ‰˘Ó·ÙÔ-Ù‹ÙˆÓ ÙÔ˘ ¢˘ÙÈÎÔ‡ KfiÛÌÔ˘. ∂›Û˘ Û˘Ó¤‚·ÏÔÓ Î·È ¤ÙÂÚÔÈ ‰ÈÂıÓ›˜ ÔÚ-Á·ÓÈÛÌÔ› ˆ˜: Ë E˘Úˆ·˚΋ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ KÔÈÓfiÙËÙ˘ (C.E.E.), Ë E˘Úˆ-·˚΋ Û˘ÓÂÚÁ·Û›· ÂχıÂÚˆÓ Û˘Ó·ÏÏ·ÁÒÓ (A.E.L.E.), Ë ¢ÈÂıÓ‹˜ TÚ¿Â-˙· ‰È· ÙËÓ ·Ó·Û˘ÁÎÚfiÙËÛÈÓ Î·È ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍÈÓ (B.I.R.D) ÙÔ ¢ÈÂıÓ¤˜ NÔÌÈ-ÛÌ·ÙÈÎÒÓ T·Ì›ÔÓ (F.M.I.) Î·È Ë ¢ÈÂıÓ‹˜ ™‡ÌÚ·ÍȘ Aӷه͈˜(A.I.D.). ™˘Ó·Ê›˜ ‰Â ÔÚÁ·ÓÈÛÌÔ› ˘‹ÚÍ·Ó Ë ŒÓˆÛȘ BÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÒÓ Ù˘E˘Úˆ·˚΋˜ KÔÈÓfiÙËÙÔ˜ (U.N.I.C.E., C.E.C.A., EURATUM Î.¿.).

™˘ÌÊÒÓˆ˜ ÚÔ˜ ÙËÓ ÂÚ› ÈÌÂÚÈ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡ ıˆڛ·Ó ÙÔ˘ §¤ÓÈÓ Â¿Ó ÔηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfi˜ ¤¯·Ó ٷ˜ Âʉڛ·˜ ÙÔ˘ ‰ËÏ·‰‹ ÙÔ ·ÔÈÎÈ·ÎfiÓ ÙÔ˘ Û‡-ÛËÌ·, ÙfiÙÂ Ë Î·Ù¿ÚÚÂ˘Û›˜ ÙÔ˘ ı· ˘Â‚ÔËı‹ÙÔ Ù· ̤ÁÈÛÙ·. ¶·Ú¿ Ù·‡Ù··È ÚÒËÓ ·ÔÈÎÈÔÎÚ·ÙÈη› ¯ÒÚ·È Â¤Ù˘¯ÔÓ Ó· ÚÔÛ·ÚÌÔÛıÔ‡Ó ˘fi Ó¤-ÔÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ·, ÙÔ Ù˘ KÔÈÓÔÔÏÈÙ›·˜, ÒÛÙÂ Ô ÎfiÛÌÔ˜ ÙˆÓ ·ÔÈÎÈÒÓ ÌÂÂΛÓÔ ÙˆÓ ªËÙÚÔfiÏÂˆÓ Ó· ηٷÛÙ‹ ¤ÙÈ ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔÓ ÛÙÂÓfi˜. K·È ÙÔ‡-ÙÔ ‹ÙÔ Ï›·Ó ‡ÏÔÁÔÓ, ÂÓ ÙÔ‡ÙÔȘ ‰È¤Ï·ıÂÓ Ù˘ ·ÓÙÈÏ‹„ˆ˜ ÙˆÓ ËÁÂÙÒÓÙÔ˘ ÎÔÌÌÔ˘ÓÈÛÌÔ‡.

∞È ªËÙÚÔfiÏÂȘ ·Ó¤Î·ıÂÓ ÂÍ·›‰Â˘·Ó Î·È ÚÔÂÙԛ̷˙·Ó ηٷÏÏ‹-ψ˜ ÛÔ˘‰·ÛÙ¿˜ ÂÎ ÙˆÓ ·ÔÈÎÈÒÓ ÙˆÓ. ¶ÚÔÛ¤ÙÈ ‰ÈÂÙ‹ÚËÛ·Ó Ì ·˘Ù¿˜ÙÔ˘˜ ‰ÂÛÌÔ‡˜ Ù˘ ÁÏÒÛÛ˘ Î·È Ù˘ ‰ÔÌ‹˜ Ù˘ ‰ÈÔÈ΋Ûˆ˜, Ù˘ ÓÔÔÙÚÔ›-·˜, ÙÔ˘ ÎÔÈÓÔ‡ Û˘ÌʤÚÔÓÙÔ˜, ÙˆÓ ÎÔÈÓÔÚ·ÍÈÒÓ ÌÂٷ͇ ÙˆÓ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹-ÛÂÒÓ ÙˆÓ ÎÏ.

H ‰È·Î‹Ú˘ÍȘ ÙˆÓ ‰ÈÎ·ÈˆÌ¿ÙˆÓ ÙÔ˘ ·ÓıÚÒÔ˘ Î·È ÙÔ˘ ÔÏ›ÙÔ˘ ÂÍÂ-ΛÓËÛÂÓ ÂÍ E˘ÚÒ˘ Ì ÙËÓ °·ÏÏÈÎ‹Ó E·Ó¿ÛÙ·ÛÈÓ (1789) Î·È ÂÍËÏÒ-ıË Â˘ÂÚÁÂÙÈÎÒ˜ fi¯È ÌfiÓÔÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ◊ÂÈÚÔÓ Ù·‡ÙËÓ ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ÂȘ Ù·˜·ÔÈÎÈÔÎÚ·ÙÔ˘Ì¤Ó·˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜. ¶ÚÔÛ¤ÙÈ Ë ıÚËÛΛ· Ù˘ E˘ÚÒ˘, Ô ¯ÚÈ-ÛÙÈ·ÓÈÛÌfi˜, ÂÈÛ¤‰˘Û ÂȘ ·ÔÌÂÌ·ÎÚ˘Ṳ̂ӷ˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Î·È Ì¤¯ÚÈ ÚˆÙÔÁfi-ÓˆÓ Ï·ÒÓ. ŒÙÈ Î·È ·È Â˘Úˆ·˚η› ȉ¤·È Î·È ÁÂÓÈÎÒ˜ Ë ÎÔ˘ÏÙÔ‡Ú· ÙÔ˘ÏÂÈÎÔ‡ ·ÓıÚÒÔ˘ ÂÈÛ¯ÒÚËÛÂÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ¯ÒÚ·Ó ÙÔ˘ KÔÌÊԢΛԢ, ÙËÓ K›-Ó·Ó, ˘fi ÕÁÁψÓ, °¿ÏψÓ, B¤ÏÁˆÓ, ™Ô˘Ë‰ÒÓ, NÔÚ‚ËÁÒÓ Î·È PÒÛˆÓ,¤ÙÈ Î·È AÌÂÚÈηÓÔ›, ÂÈÛ¤‰˘Û·Ó ÂȘ K›Ó·Ó ηٿ ÙÔ ‰È¿ÛÙËÌ· ÌÂٷ͇ ÙÔ˘¶ÔϤÌÔ˘ ÙÔ˘ Ô›Ô˘ (1839-1842) ̤¯ÚÈ Ù˘ ÂÍÂÁ¤ÚÛˆ˜ ÙˆÓ MfiÍÂÚ˜(1900). ÕÁÁÏÔÈ Î·È AÌÂÚÈηÓÔ› ÌÂÛÔ‡ÓÙÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜ ÂÈÛ‹ÏıÔÓÎ·È ÂÓÙfi˜ Ù˘ I·ˆÓ›·˜ ÂÓÒ Ë IÓ‰›· η٤ÛÙË ·ÁÁÏÈ΋ ·ÔÈΛ· ·Ô¯ˆÚË-Û¿ÓÙˆÓ ÙˆÓ ÂÓ ·˘Ù‹ ¶ÔÚÙÔÁ¿ÏˆÓ.

H I·ˆÓ›· Â¤Ù˘¯ÂÓ ÌÂÁ¿Ï· ¿ÏÌ·Ù· ÂȘ ÙËÓ ¶·È‰Â›·Ó, ÙËÓ Ù¯ÓÔÏÔ-Á›·Ó, ÙËÓ Ê˘ÛÈÎ‹Ó Î·È ¯ËÌ›·Ó, ÙËÓ ‚ÈÔÏÔÁ›·Ó, ÙËÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·Ó Î·È Ó·˘-ÙÈÏ›·Ó Î·È Ë ¿ÓÔ‰fi˜ Ù˘ ·‡ÙË ¿Ú¯ÂÙ·È Î˘Ú›ˆ˜, ·fi Ù˘ ÚÒÙ˘ ÂÈÛΤ-

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„ˆ˜ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ¯ÒÚ·Ó ·˘Ù‹Ó ÙÔ˘ ·ÌÂÚÈηÓÔ‡ Perry (1854) Î·È Ù˘ ·Ó·‰Â›-͈˜ Ù˘ ‰˘Ó·ÛÙ›·˜ ÙÔ˘ Meiji.

EÓ IÓ‰›· ȉڇıËÛ·Ó ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·È ÈÔ‡Ù˘, ‚¿Ì‚·ÎÔ˜, ÔÚ˘¯Â›ˆÓ, Ù½Ԣ,ÎÈÓ›Ó˘ Î·È È‰Ú‡ıËÛ·Ó TÚ¿Â˙·È Î·È ·ÛÊ·ÏÈÛÙÈη› ÂÙ·ÈÚ›·È. Afi ‰Â Ù˘AÓÂÍ·ÚÙËÛ›·˜ ÙˆÓ IÓ‰ÈÒÓ (1947) Ï›ÛÙ·È ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·È ÂÚÈ‹ÏıÔÓ ÂȘ¯Â›Ú·˜ IÓ‰ÒÓ. EÓÙfi˜ Ù˘ ÂÍÂϛ͈˜ Ù·‡Ù˘ ·ÓÂÙ‡¯ıË ÙÔ ·ÁÎfiÛÌÈÔÓ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔÈÛÙˆÙÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ·, ÙÔ ÔÔ›ÔÓ ÚÔÂοÏÂÛ ÎÒÓÔÓ Â› ÙÔ˘ ΢-ÏÈÓ‰ÚÈÎÔ‡ Û˘ÛÙ‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ Ù˘ ÂÏ¢ı¤Ú·˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ Î·È ÚÔÂοÏÂÛ ڋÁ-Ì· ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÔÚ›·Ó ÙÔ˘ ÎfiÛÌÔ˘ ÚÔ˜ ÙËÓ ¶·ÁÎÔÛÌÈfiÙËÙ·, ‰ËÏ·‰‹ ÂÓfi˜·ÁÎÔÛÌ›Ô˘ ¯ÒÚÔ˘ Û˘Ó·‰ÂÏÊÒÛˆ˜ ÙˆÓ Ï·ÒÓ ‰È·¯ÂfiÓÙˆÓ Ù·˜ ÂıÓÈο˜·Í›·˜ ÙˆÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ¯Ô¿ÓËÓ ÂÓfi˜ ÂÓÈ·›Ô˘ ÎfiÛÌÔ˘ ÂÓ ÙË ÂÈÚ‹ÓË, ÙË Ù·ÍÂÈÎ·È ÙË ‰ÈηÈÔÛ‡ÓË, ηıÒ˜ Î·È ÙËÓ ‰È’ ÂÈÚËÓÈÎÒÓ ¯ÂÈÚÈÛÌÒÓ ·ÓÙÈÌÂÙÒÈ-ÛÈÓ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ ÚÔ‚ÏËÌ¿ÙˆÓ.

TÔ Â˘Úˆ·˚ÎfiÓ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÔÙÈÎfiÓ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ ‰È¯‡ıË -ˆ˜ ÂϤ¯ıË-Î·È ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ÂÎÙfi˜ Ù˘ E˘ÚÒ˘ ¯ÒÚÔÓ. ¶ÏËÓ ÙˆÓ ‹‰Ë ·Ó·ÊÂÚıÂÈÛÒÓ ÂȘٷ˜ Á·ÏÏÈο˜ ·ÔÈΛ·˜ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ, ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1917 ȉڇıË Ë Banque d’ Etatde Maroc, ÂÓÒ ÂȘ T˘ÓËÛ›·Ó ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1913 ›¯ÂÓ È‰Ú˘ı‹ Ë Banque d’ Esc-ompte et du Crédit ‰È· Ó· ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹ÛË Ôχ ‚Ú·‰‡ÙÂÚÔÓ Ë Malgace d’Escompte et du Crédit (1964).

H Comptoir Nationale d’ Escompte ›‰Ú˘ÛÂÓ ˘ÔηٿÛÙËÌ· Î·È ÂȘ°ÈÔÎÔ¯¿Ì· (1880). TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1938 ÂÓ °·ÏÏ›· Ë Banque Nationale pour leCommerce et l’ Industrie ›‰Ú˘ÛÂÓ ˘ÔηٿÛÙËÌ· ÂÓ §ÔÓ‰›Óˆ, ÙËÓ Briti-sh and French Bank, ηıÒ˜ Î·È Ì›·Ó ¤‰Ú·Ó ÂȘ NÙ·Î¿Ú (1939), Ë ÔÔ›·˘‹Ú¯ÂÓ Ë ÎÔÈÙ›˜ ÂÍ·ÏÒÛˆ˜ ÙˆÓ °·ÏÏÈÎÒÓ TÚ·Â˙ÒÓ ·Ó¿ ÙËÓ AÊÚÈ-΋Ó. Afi Ù˘ ȉ›·˜ ·˘Ù‹˜ ÏÂ˘Ú¿˜ ·È Crédit Lyonnais Î·È Société Génér-ale ·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı‹Û·Û·È Ù· ›¯ÓË Ù˘ Banque Nationale pour le Commerce etl’ Industrie ÂÍËÏÒıËÛ·Ó ÂȘ AÏÁÂÚ›·Ó (1940), AÓÙ›ÏÏ·˜, ™˘Ú›·Ó Î·È §›-‚·ÓÔÓ. K·È Ù˘ ÙÂÏÂ˘Ù·›·˜ TÚ·¤˙˘ Ù·‡Ù˘ ÙËÓ ÔÏÈÙÈÎ‹Ó ËÎÔÏÔ‡ıË-ÛÂÓ Î·È Ë Crédit Foncier de Madagascar (1943), Ë ÔÔ›· ·fi ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜1945 ‰È¤ıÂÙÂÓ 20 ¤‰Ú·˜ ÂȘ AÊÚÈÎ‹Ó Î·È AÓÙ›ÏÏ·˜, 74 ÂȘ B. AÊÚÈ΋ÓÎ·È EÁÁ‡˜ AÓ·ÙÔÏ‹Ó Î·È 10 ¤‰Ú·˜ ÂÓ M·‰·Á·ÛοÚË, ÙÔ ›‰ÈÔÓ Î·È Ë Reu-nion. TÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ fï˜ 1945 (2 ¢ÂÎÂÌ‚Ú›Ô˘) ÂıÓÈÎÔÔÈ‹ıËÛ·Ó Ù¤ÛÛ·Ú˜ ÌÂ-Á¿Ï·È ÈÛÙˆÙÈη› TÚ¿Â˙·È, ·fi ‰Â ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜ 1947 ÙÔ ·˘Ùfi Û˘Ó¤‚Ë Î·ÈÂÓ AÏÁÂÚ›· Î·È ÙËÓ ˙ÒÓËÓ ÙÔ˘ Á·ÏÏÈÎÔ‡ ÊÚ¿ÁÎÔ˘.

TÔ ÙÚ·Â˙ÈÎfiÓ Î·ıÂÛÙÒ˜ ÂÏÂÈÙÔ‡ÚÁËÛÂÓ ÂÏ¢ı¤Úˆ˜, ÂȘ ‰Â ÙÔ IÚ¿Ó̤¯ÚÈ ÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜ 1951, ›Û˘, ȉڇıË (1958) Ì ÙËÓ Û˘ÌÌÂÙÔ¯‹Ó Ù˘ Cré-dit Lyonnais Î·È Ù˘ Banque Nationale pour le Commerce et l’ Industrie,

150 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

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Ë Banque Etebarate ÂȘ ‰Â ÙÔ K¿˚ÚÔÓ È‰Ú‡ıË ˘fi Ù˘ B.N.C.I Ù˘ AÊÚÈ-΋˜ Ë Crédit D’ Orient (1949) ȉڇ۷۷ Î·È ˘ÔηٿÛÙËÌ· ÂȘ IÚ¿Î(1954), ÙÔ ÔÔ›ÔÓ fï˜ ¤ÎÏÂÈÛ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1959. ∏ B.N.C.I. ÂÁηÙÂÛÙ¿ıËÎ·È ÂȘ NÈÁËÚ›·Ó (1949), ̤ۈ ÙÔ˘ ‚ÚÂÙ·ÓÓÈÎÔ‡ ηٷÛÙ‹Ì·Ùfi˜ Ù˘, ÂȘBÂÏÁÈÎfiÓ KÔÁÎfi (1950) Î·È T˙ÈÌÔ˘Ù› (1959).(68)

8. MÂٷ͇ 1851-1960 ÂÚ›Ô˘ 60 ÂηÙÔÌ. E˘Úˆ·›ˆÓ ÌÂÙËÓ¿ÛÙ¢-Û·Ó ÂȘ ‰È¿ÊÔÚ· ̤ÚË ÎfiÛÌÔ˘ Î·È ÌÂٷ͇ 1909-1914 Ô ·ÚÈıÌfi˜ Ù˘ ÌÂ-Ù·Ó·ÛÙ‡Ûˆ˜ ÂÏ·ÙÙÔ‡Ù·È Î·È Û˘Ó¯›˙ÂÙ·È ÂÏ·ÙÙÔ˘Ì¤ÓË. K·Ù¿ ÙËÓ ÌÂÙ·-͇ 1909-1914 ÂÚ›Ô‰ÔÓ ¯ÚfiÓÔ˘ Ë ¤ÍÔ‰Ô˜ ÙˆÓ E˘Úˆ·›ˆÓ ·Ó‹Ú¯ÂÙÔ ÂȘ1,5 ÂηÙÔÌ. ·ÎfiÌË ‰È· Ó· ÂΤÛË ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1920 ÂȘ 700.000 Î·È ÙÔ 1930ÂȘ 130.000.(69) EÓÙ·‡ı· ‰¤ÔÓ Ó· ·Ó·ÊÂÚı‹ fiÙÈ ÂÓÒ Ë ÚÔ‹ ÙÔ˘ ÌÂÙ·Ó·-ÛÙ¢ÙÈÎÔ‡ Ú‡̷ÙÔ˜ ÂȘ H¶A Û˘Ó¯Ҙ ËÏ·ÙÙÔ‡ÙÔ ÂȘ K·Ó·‰¿Ó, §·ÙÈÓÈ-Î‹Ó AÌÂÚÈÎ‹Ó Î·È A˘ÛÙÚ·Ï›·Ó Ë˘Í¿ÓÂÙÔ, ¤ÙÈ Î·È ÌÂÙ¿ ÙÔ Ù¤ÏÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ µ’¶·ÁÎÔÛÌ›Ô˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘. AÈ E˘Úˆ·˚η› Î·È ∞ÌÂÚÈηÓÈη› TÚ¿Â˙·È‰Èˆ¯¤ÙÂ˘Û·Ó Ù· ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÙˆÓ ·Ó¿ ÙÔÓ ÎfiÛÌÔÓ, Î·È Ó·È ÌÂÓ ÂÍËÎÔÓÙ›˙Ô-ÓÙÔ Î·Ù¿Ú·È Î·Ù¿ ÙÔ˘ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÈÎÔ‡ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘, ÔÚıfiÓ Â›Ó·È Ó· ÂÍÂ-Ù¿ÛˆÌÂÓ Î·È ÙËÓ ¿ÏÏËÓ ÏÂ˘Ú¿Ó ÙËÓ Ù˘ Û˘Ì‚ÔÏ‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ‰È· ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔ-ÌÈÎ‹Ó ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍÈÓ Î·ı˘ÛÙÂÚËÌ¤ÓˆÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ Î·È ÙÔÈÔ‡ÙˆÓ ˘fi ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍÈÓ.

H M. BÚÂÙ·ÓÓ›· ·fi ÙÔ˘ 1815 –Ù¤ÏÔ˘˜ ÙˆÓ N·ÔÏÂÔÓÙ›ˆÓ ¶ÔϤ-̈Ó- η٤ÛÙË Ë ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰fiÙ˘ ÙÔ˘ ÎfiÛÌÔ˘, ÒÛÙ ηٿ ÙËÓ ¤ÎÚËÍÈÓ ÙÔ˘A’ ¶·ÁÎÔÛÌ›Ô˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘ (1914) ÙÔ 65% ÙˆÓ Â͈ÙÂÚÈÎÒÓ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂÒÓÙ˘ Ó· ·ÔÚÚÔÊ¿ Ë AÌÂÚÈ΋, Ë A˘ÛÙÚ·Ï›· Î·È Ë AÛ›·, ÂÓÒ Ë °·ÏÏ›· ηÈË °ÂÚÌ·Ó›· ¯ÔÚ‹ÁÔ˘Ó ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÂȘ KÂÓÙÚÈÎ‹Ó E˘ÚÒËÓ Î·È MÂÛfi-ÁÂÈÔÓ ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ÂȘ PˆÛ›·Ó. K·È Ù·˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Ù·‡Ù·˜ ËÎÔÏÔ‡ıËÛ·Ó Ë OÏ-Ï·Ó‰›·, Ë EÏ‚ÂÙ›· Î·È ÙÔ B¤ÏÁÈÔÓ.(70) AÈ H¶A ¯ÚÂÒÛÙÔ˘Ó ÂȘ ÙËÓ E˘-ÚÒËÓ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1789 ÂÚ› Ù· 60 ÂηÙÔÌ. ‰ÔÏÏ¿ÚÈ· Î·È ÙÔ 1830 ÔÛfiÓ320 ÂηÙÔÌ. ‰ÔÏ. ‰È· Ó· ·˘ÍËı‹ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ Î·Ù¿ 25 ÊÔÚ¿˜ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1900 ηÈÙÔ 1914 ÂȘ 100 ÊÔÚ¿˜.(71) MfiÓÔÓ Ë M. BÚÂÙ·ÓÓ›· ¯ÔÚ‹ÁËÛÂÓ ÂȘ H¶A

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 151

68. ¶ÂÚ› fiÏˆÓ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ÂȘ G. Guenser: «La Création de la Banque Nationale de Paris» Re-vue Internationale d’ Histoire de la Banque (ed. Domenico Demarco) Vol. 2 No 2

1969 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 120 Î. Â.

69. W. Woodruff: The impact of the Western Man. A Study of European role in the World

Economy (1750-1960), London 1966 ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ.61 Î. Â. L. Houmanidis: Europe’s cons-

tribution to World Economy, Piraeus 1976.

70. W. Woodruff: op. cit. ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ. 120 Î. Â.

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‰È· Ù· ¤ÚÁ· Ù˘ Ï›ÌÓ˘ ◊ÚÈ Î·È ÙÔ˘˜ ÛȉËÚÔ‰ÚfiÌÔ˘˜ ÙÔ ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚÔÓÔÛÔÛÙfiÓ ÂÎ ÙˆÓ 400 ÂηÙÔÌ. ‰ÔÏÏ·Ú›ˆÓ, Ù· ÔÔ›· ¯ÔÚËÁ‹ıËÛ·Ó Â›‰·Ó›ˆ. ∂Ș πÓ‰›·Ó, Ë ª. µÚÂÙ·ÓÓ›· ÚÔ¤‚Ë ÂȘ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ 500 ÂηÙÔÌ.‰ÔÏÏ·Ú›ˆÓ › ÛȉËÚÔ‰ÚfïÓ, Ó·˘ËÁ›ˆÓ, Ê˘ÙÂÈÒÓ, ÂÌÔÚÈÎÒÓ Ô›ÎˆÓÎ·È ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ.(72) ∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ 1958 Ë ª. µÚÂÙ·ÓÓ›· ÚÔ¤‚Ë ÂȘ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘÂÓ πÓ‰›· Ù˘ ٿ͈˜ ÙˆÓ 800 ÂηÙÔÌ. ‰ÔÏÏ·Ú›ˆÓ ‰È· Ó· Ù˘ ¯ÔÚËÁ‹ÛË ÙÔ·˘Ùfi ÔÛfi Ì ÙËÓ ÛÂÈÚ¿Ó Ù˘ Ë ∂™™¢, ÂÓÒ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1962 ·È ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂÈ˜ÙˆÓ ∏¶∞ ÂȘ πÓ‰È·Ó ·Ó‹ÏıÔÓ ÂȘ 4 ‰ÈÛ. ‰ÔÏÏ¿ÚÈ·.

∆fiÛÔÓ Ë °·ÏÏ›· fiÛÔÓ Î·È Ë °ÂÚÌ·Ó›· ÚÔ¤‚ËÛ·Ó Î·È ·‡Ù·È ÂȘ ÂÂÓ-‰‡ÛÂȘ ÂÓ ∞Û›·, Î·È ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ Ë ÚÒÙË È‰È·ÈÙ¤Úˆ˜ ÂȘ µ. ∞ÊÚÈ΋Ó. ªfiÓÔÓÂȘ ∞ÏÁÂÚ›·Ó ÔÈ °¿ÏÏÔÈ Î·ÙÂÛ··Û·Ó ÛȉËÚÔ‰ÚÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ÁÚ·ÌÌ‹Ó, ·fiÙÔ˘ ¤ÙÔ˘˜ 1857 ÂÎÙ¿Ûˆ˜ 3000 ¯ÏÌ., Î·È ÌÂٷ͇ 1945-1960 Ë ‰ËÌÔÛ›·Â¤Ó‰˘ÛȘ Ù˘ °·ÏÏ›·˜ ÂȘ ∞ÏÁÂÚ›·Ó ·Ó‹ÏıÂÓ ÂȘ 1 ‰ÈÛ. ‰ÔÏÏ.(73) ∂›ÛË˜Î·È Ë ∆‡ÓȘ Î·È ÙÔ ª·ÚfiÎÔÓ Â¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙ‹ıËÛ·Ó ˘fi Ù˘ °·ÏÏ›·˜. ∆Â-Ú¿ÛÙÈ· ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ‰Èˆ¯ÂÙ‡ıËÛ·Ó ˘fi ÙˆÓ ÕÁÁÏˆÓ ÂȘ ¡. ∑ËÏ·Ó‰›·Ó‡„Ô˘˜ 380 ÂηÙ. ‰ÔÏÏ. (1962) Î·È ÂÁ¤ÓÔÓÙÔ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ Ù˘ ٿ͈˜ ÙˆÓ210 ÂηÙ. ‰ÔÏÏ. ∂›Û˘ ÙÂÚ¿ÛÙÈ· ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ·ÂÚÚfiÊËÛÂÓ Ë ∞˘ÛÙÚ·Ï›·ÂÎ ª. µÚÂÙ·ÓÓ›·˜ Î·È ∏¶∞ ‰È· Ó· È‰Ú˘ıÔ‡Ó ÂȘ ÙËÓ ¯ÒÚ·Ó ·˘Ù‹Ó ÌÂÁ¿-Ï·È ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂȘ Î·È ∆Ú¿Â˙·È.

∞fi ÙˆÓ Ì¤ÛˆÓ ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·ÈÒÓÔ˜ ÂÈÛ¤Ú¯ÔÓÙ·È ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÂȘ ∞˘ÛÙÚ·-Ï›·Ó ÙˆÓ ÔÔ›ˆÓ Ù· 2/3 Â›Ó·È ‚ÚÂÙ·ÓÓÈο Î·È Ù· ˘fiÏÔÈ· Â˘Úˆ·˚ο.ªÂÙ¿ ÙÔ Ù¤ÏÔ˜ fï˜ ÙÔ˘ µ’ ¶·ÁÎÔÛÌ›Ô˘ ¶ÔϤÌÔ˘ ·È ∏¶∞ ¯ÔÚËÁÔ‡Ó̤ۈ ÙˆÓ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ ÙˆÓ ÙÂÚ¿ÛÙÈ· ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÂȘ ∞˘ÛÙÚ·Ï›·Ó, ÒÛÙ Ë∞˘ÛÙÚ·Ï›· Ó· ÈÛ¯˘ÚÔÔÈËı‹ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎÒ˜. ∂›Û˘ ÂȘ fiÏËÓ ·˘Ù‹Ó ÙËÓ‰·ÓÂÈÔ‰fiÙËÛÈÓ, Ë ÔÔ›· ¯ÔÚËÁ‹ıË fi¯È ÌfiÓÔÓ ˘fi ÙÔ˘ ∫Ú¿ÙÔ˘˜ ·ÏÏ¿Î·È ÙˆÓ È‰ÈˆÙÈÎÒÓ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ ‰¤ÔÓ fiˆ˜ Ï¿‚ˆÌÂÓ ˘’ fi„ÈÓ Î·È Ù· ÙÂÚ¿-ÛÙÈ· ÔÛ¿, Ù· ÔÔ›· ‰Èˆ¯ÂÙ‡ıËÛ·Ó Î·È ÂȘ ƒˆÛ›·Ó. °ÂÓÈÎÒ˜ ·È ∏¶∞ÚÔÛ¤ÊÂÚ·Ó ‰È’ ·Ó·Û˘ÁÎÚfiÙËÛÈÓ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ Ï¤ÔÓ ÙˆÓ 150 ‰ÈÛ.‰ÔÏÏ·Ú›ˆÓ.

ªË¯·Ó·›, ÂÊ¢ڤÛÂȘ, ÔÚıÔÏÔÁÈÛÌfi˜ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜, ̤ıÔ‰ÔÈ ·ÓÙÈÌÂÙˆ-›Ûˆ˜ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ ·ÛıÂÓÈÒÓ Â› ·ÓıÚÒˆÓ, ˙ÒˆÓ Î·È Ê˘ÙÒÓ Î·È ÌÂÙ·-Ó·ÛÙ‡ÛÂȘ ·ÊÔÚÔ‡Ó ÂȘ ÙËÓ fiÏËÓ ·Ó· ÙÔÓ ÎfiÛÌÔÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó ‰Ú·ÛÙË-ÚÈfiÙËÙ· Û˘ÓÂÚÁÔ˘ÛÒÓ Î·È ÙˆÓ ¯ÔÚËÁÔ˘ÛÒÓ ‰¿ÓÂÈ· ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ.

152 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

71, 72. W. Woodruff: op. cit. ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ. 120 Î. Â.

73. W. Woodruff: op. cit. ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ. 135.

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∫·Ù¿ Û˘Ó¤ÂÈ·Ó Ô «ÂÈηٿڷÙÔ˜» ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÈÎfi˜ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfi˜¤¯ÂÈ Î·È ÙËÓ ÂÔÈÎÔ‰ÔÌËÙÈÎ‹Ó ÙÔ˘ ÏÂ˘Ú¿Ó. ∂Ș Ù·˜ ÂıÓÈο˜ ΢‚ÂÚÓ‹-ÛÂȘ ÙˆÓ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ ÂÓ·fiÎÂÈÙ·È Ó· ÂÈϤÍÔ˘Ó ÙËÓ ÔÚı‹Ó Ô‰fiÓÙ˘ ÂÎ Í¤ÓˆÓ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›ˆÓ ˆÊÂÏÈÌfiÙËÙÔ˜ Î·È ÙˆÓ Û˘ÓÂÂÈÒÓ Ù˘.

∂›Û˘ Ï›ÛÙ· fiÛ· Î¤Ú‰Ë ‰ÈÂÓÂÌ‹ıËÛ·Ó ·fi ÌÂÚÔ˘˜ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ ∆Ú·-Â˙ÒÓ Ì ÙÔ˘˜ ¯ÂÈÚÈÛÌÔ‡˜ ÙˆÓ Â› ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ ÌÂÙÔ¯ÒÓ ÙˆÓ ‹ › ÌÂÙÔ-¯ÒÓ ÙÔ˘ ¯·ÚÙÔÊ˘Ï·Î›Ô˘ ÙˆÓ.

∂Ó›ÔÙÂ Î·È ¢ËÌfiÛÈ·È ∆Ú¿Â˙·È Û˘Ó‰¤ıËÛ·Ó Ì ÙÔ fiÓÔÌ· ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚ›-Ô˘ ·ÙfiÌÔ˘ ÂÚ› Ù· ∆Ú·Â˙Èο, ˆ˜ Ï.¯. Ô Graham Towers (18-8-1975),ÙÔÓ ÔÔ›ÔÓ Ë Bank of Canada ›¯Â ÙÈÌ‹Ó Ó· ÂÎÎÔÏ¿„Ë ÂȘ ÙÔ˘˜ ÎfiÏÔ˘˜Ù˘. √ Torrens ‹ÙÔ Ù·Ï·ÓÙÔ‡¯Ô˜, ¤ÌÂÈÚÔ˜ Î·È È‰›ˆ˜ ÌÔÚʈ̤ÓÔ˜,Ú¿ÁÌ· Û¿ÓÈÔÓ ‰È· ÙÚ·Â˙ÈÎfiÓ ˘¿ÏÏËÏÔÓ ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ∫·Ó·‰¿Ó, ηٿ ÙËÓÂÔ¯‹Ó ÙÔ˘.

ŸÙ·Ó Âͤ۷ÛÂÓ Ë ªÂÁ¿ÏË ⁄ÊÂÛȘ (1929-1933), o Torrens, ÂȘ Ì›·ÓÛ˘Ó¿ÓÙËÛÈÓ ÙËÓ ÔÔ›·Ó ›¯Â Ì ÙÔÓ Sir Josiah Stamp, ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎfiÓ Û‡Ì-‚Ô˘ÏÔÓ Ù˘ Bank of England › Ù˘ ÓÔÌÈÛÌ·ÙÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜. √ StampÂÍÂÙ›ÌËÛ ٷ˜ ·fi„ÂȘ ÙÔ˘ Torrens, ·È ÔÔ›·È ›¯ÔÓ ÂÚÈÏËÊı‹ ÂȘ Ì›·Ó¤ÎıÂÛ›Ó ÙÔ˘ (memo) ÚÔ˜ ÙÔÓ ÂÈıˆÚËÙ‹Ó ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ C.B. Tompkins, ÔÔÔ›Ô˜ Ì ÙËÓ ÛÂÈÚ¿Ó ÙÔ˘ ÙË ‰È‚›‚·Û ÂȘ ÙÔÓ R.B. Bennet Úˆı˘Ô˘Ú-ÁfiÓ ÙÔ˘ ∫·Ó·‰¿. ∏ ÚÔÍÂÓËı›۷ ÂÓÙ‡ˆÛȘ ÂÎ Ù˘ ÂÎı¤Ûˆ˜ ÂΛӢ·Ó‡„ˆÛ ÙÔ ¿ÛÙÚÔÓ ÙÔ˘ Torrens ‰È· Ó· ηٷÛÙ‹ ‚Ú·‰‡ÙÂÚÔÓ ¢ÈÔÈÎËÙ‹˜Ù˘ Bank of Canada.(74)

H ªÂÁ¿ÏË ⁄ÊÂÛȘ ÂÚÈÏ·‚Ô‡Û· Î·È ÙÔÓ ∫·Ó·‰¿Ó ÚÔÂοÏÂÛ ÌÂÁ¿-ÏËÓ ÓÔÌÈÛÌ·ÙÈÎ‹Ó ·Ó·ÛٿوÛÈÓ Î·È ÂȘ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ Û˘Ó¤‚·ÏÂÓ Î·È ÙÔ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜fiÙÈ Ô ∫·Ó·‰¿˜ ˘¤ÛÙË Ù·˜ Û˘Ó›·˜ Ù˘ ˘ÔÙÈÌ‹Ûˆ˜ Ù˘ ϛڷ˜ ÛÙÂÚ-ϛӷ˜ Ù˘ ∞ÁÁÏ›·˜. Àfi Ù·˜ Û˘Óı‹Î·˜ ·˘Ù¿˜ ÙÔ ∫·Ó·‰ÈÎfiÓ ‰ÔÏÏ¿ÚÈÔÓ˘ÂÙÈÌ‹ıË ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ ÙÔ˘ ‰ÔÏÏ·Ú›Ô˘ ÙˆÓ ∏¶∞ ηٿ 20% ‰È· Ó· ‚ÂÏÙȈı‹ÙÂÏÈÎÒ˜ Ë ÈÛÔÙÈÌ›· ÙˆÓ ‰‡Ô ‰ÔÏÏ·Ú›ˆÓ (∫·Ó·‰¿ Î·È ∏¶∞) ηٿ 10%¯¿ÚȘ ÂȘ Ù·˜ ÚÔÛ·ı›·˜ ÙÔ˘ Torrens, Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ¯¿Ú·Í ÙËÓ ÔÚı‹ÓÓÔÌÈÛÌ·ÙÈÎ‹Ó ÔÏÈÙÈ΋Ó.(75) √ Torrens ·Ó¤ÌÂÓÂÓ ÂÚ·ÈÙ¤Úˆ ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛÈÓÙ˘ Ó¤·˜ Ù·‡Ù˘ ÈÛÔÙÈÌ›·˜, ÚÔÂÙ›ÌËÛ ‰Â Ó· ÂÈÛ¤ÏıË ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÂÚÈÔ¯‹ÓÙ˘ ÛÙÂÚϛӷ˜ Ì ΛӉ˘ÓÔÓ ·˘Í‹Ûˆ˜ Ù˘ ÔÛfiÙËÙÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ ¯Ú‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ̤-Ûˆ ÙˆÓ ·ÔıÂÌ¿ÙˆÓ ÙˆÓ ∂ÌÔÚÈÎÒÓ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ ‰È· ÙÔ˘ ÂϤÁ¯Ô˘ ÙÔ˘.∫·È ÚÔ˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ·ËÙ›ÙÔ, ηْ ¿ÏÏÔ˘˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÔÏfiÁÔ˘˜, Ë ›‰Ú˘ÛȘ ¢Ë-

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 153

74. D. H. Fullerton: Graham Towers and his Times, Toronto-Ontario, 1987 ÛÂÏ. 31.

75. D. H. Fullerton: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 55 Î. Â.

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ÌÔÛ›·˜ ∫ÂÓÙÚÈ΋˜ ∆Ú·¤˙˘. √ Torrens ·ÓÙÂÙ¿¯ıË ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÂÈÛËÁËÛ›ÓÙˆÓ, ÙÂÏÈÎÒ˜ fï˜ ·ÂÊ·Û›ÛıË fiˆ˜ ÙÔ 51% ÙˆÓ ÌÂÙÔ¯ÒÓ Ù˘ Bank ofCanada ÂÚȤÏıË ÂȘ ÙÔ ∫Ú¿ÙÔ˜ (1936-1938). ∆˘ Ó¤·˜ Ù·‡Ù˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘¢ÈÔÈÎËÙ‹˜ ÂÍÂϤÁË Ô Torrens ‰È· Ó· Û˘Ó¯›ÛË Ù·˜ ÂÈÙ˘¯›·˜ ÙÔ˘.(76)

9. ∂Ș ÙÔ ¢ÈÂıÓ¤˜ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔÈÛÙˆÙÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· ÙÔ˘ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÈÎÔ‡ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘ ÂÈÛ‹ÏıÂÓ Î·È Ô ·Ú·‚ÈÎfi˜ ÎfiÛÌÔ˜, Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ‰È¤ÂÙ·È ·fiÙÚÂȘ ıÂÌÂÏÂÈÒ‰ÂȘ ÓÔÔÙÚÔ›·˜ ¤ÓÂη ÙÔ˘ πÛÏ·ÌÈÎÔ‡ ¡fiÌÔ˘ Î·È §fiÁÔ˘.∏ ÚÒÙË ·ÊÔÚ¿ ÂȘ ÙËÓ Â¯ıÚfiÙËÙ· ÙÔ˘ πÛÏ¿Ì ÂÓ·ÓÙ›ÔÓ ·ÓÙfi˜ ›‰Ô˘˜ÓˆÙÂÚÈÛÌÔ‡ (bida), Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ ·ÓÙÈÙ›ıÂÙ·È ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÈÂÚ¿Ó ÙÔ˘ ·Ú¿‰ÔÛÈÓ.∏ ‰Â˘Ù¤Ú· Â›Ó·È fiÙÈ ÙÔ ∫ÔÚ¿ÓÈ ··ÁÔÚ‡ÂÈ ÙËÓ ÙÔÎÔÏË„›·Ó, fiÂÚ ·ÓÙÈ-Ù›ıÂÙ·È ÂȘ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔÈÛÙˆÙÈο˜ Û˘Ó·ÏÏ·Á¿˜ Ì ٷ˜ Û˘Ó·Ê›˜ Ì ·˘Ù¿˜ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ›·˜. ∆Ú›ÙË Â›Ó·È Ë ÌÔÈÚÔÏ·ÙÚ›·, Ë ÔÔ›· Û˘Óԉ‡ÂÈ ÙËÓ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈ-Î‹Ó ÓÔÔÙÚÔ›·Ó. ∫·È ÔÈ ÙÚÂȘ Ô‡ÙÔÈ ·Ú¿ÁÔÓÙ˜ ı· ¤Ú ӷ ÂÌÔ‰›-ÛÔ˘Ó ÙËÓ ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ÙÚ·Â˙ÈÎÔ‡ Û˘ÛÙ‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ÂȘ Ù·˜ ·Ú·‚Èο˜ ¯Ò-Ú·˜ Î·È Ôχ ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔÓ Â› ·ÁÎÔÛÌ›Ô˘ ÂȤ‰Ô˘. ∏ ÌÔÈÚÔÏ·ÙÚ›·ÙÔ˘ ÎÈÛÌ¤Ù Î·È Ë Î·ıÔÚÈÛÙÈ΋ ÙÔ˘ ÈÛ¯‡˜ ÂȘ Ù· ·ÓıÚÒÈÓ· Ú¿ÁÌ·Ù·,·Ú¿ Ù·‡Ù·, ‰ÂÓ ËÌfi‰ÈÛ·Ó ÙÔÓ ÂÎÛ˘Á¯ÚÔÓÈÛÌfiÓ ÙˆÓ ·Ú·‚ÈÎÒÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ,ÙÔ˘Ï¿¯ÈÛÙÔÓ ‰È’ fiÛÔÓ ·ÊÔÚ¿ ÂȘ ÙËÓ Û˘ÁΤÙÚˆÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘ ηÈÙËÓ Â’ ·˘ÙÔ‡ ÎÂÚ‰ÔÛÎÔ›·Ó.

∆Ô bida, ΢ڛˆ˜, ·ÊÔÚ¿ ÂȘ ‰È¿ÎÚÈÛÈÓ ÌÂٷ͇ ηÏÔ‡ Î·È Î·ÎÔ‡, ÙÔÚÒÙÔÓ Â›Ó·È ··ÁÔÚ¢ÙÈÎfiÓ ‰È· ÙËÓ Î·Ù·Ó¿ÏˆÛÈÓ ÔÈÓÔÓ‡̷ÙÔ˜, η-ÓÔ‡ Î·È Î·Ê¤. ∆Ô ›‰ÈÔÓ ·ÊÔÚ¿ Î·È ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ÙfiÎÔÓ (riba) ÂÎÙfi˜ ·fi ÙÔÎÂÚ‰ÔÊfiÚÔÓ ÂÌfiÚÈÔÓ. ¢ÂÓ Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· Ì·˜ ‰È·Ê‡ÁË ÙÔ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ fiÙÈ ÔÈÕÚ·‚˜ Â›Ó·È ¤ÌÔÚÔÈ Î·È Ô ÚÔÊ‹Ù˘ ÙˆÓ ªˆ¿ÌÂı ‹ÙÔ Î·È ·˘Ùfi˜¤ÌÔÚÔ˜. ∆ÂÏÈÎÒ˜ Ô ¶Úfi‰ÚÔ˜ Ù˘ ∞.π.µ.∆ (Association Internationaledes Banques Islamiques) ÚÈÁÎË„ ªˆ¯¿ÌÂÙ ·Ï ºÂ¸˙·Ï ·Ï ™·Ô‡ÓÙ, ηٿÙËÓ ‰È¿ÚÎÂÈ·Ó Ù˘ ‰È·ÛΤ„ˆ˜ Ù˘ UNESCO ÂÓ ¶·ÚÈÛ›ÔȘ ÙÔÓ ¡Ô¤Ì-‚ÚÈÔÓ ÙÔ˘ 1985 ˘ÂÛÙ‹ÚÈÍÂÓ ÂÚ› ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ fiÙÈ, ÚfiÎÂÈÙ·È ÂÚ› ÂÈ-ÛÙ‹Ì˘ «Ë ÔÔ›· ˘Ô‰ÂÈÎÓ‡ÂÈ ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ¿ÓıÚˆÔÓ ÙÔÓ ÙÚfiÔÓ ¯Ú‹Ûˆ˜ÙˆÓ ÏÔ˘ÙÔ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈÎÒÓ ËÁÒÓ (fiÈÛıÂÓ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ˘ÔÎÚ˘ÙÂÙ·È ÙÔ Â-ÙڤϷÈÔÓ) Î·È Ù·˜ ÂÈÁ›Ԣ˜ ·Ó¿Áη˜ ÙÔ˘ Û˘ÌÊÒÓˆ˜ ÚÔ˜ ÙÔÓ ıÂ˚ÎfiÓÎÒ‰Èη, ÙÔ˘ ÔÔ›Ô˘ ÛÙfi¯Ô˜ Â›Ó·È Ë ‰˘Ó·Ù‹ ηٷÓÔÌ‹». ∫·È ·˘ÙfiÓ ÙÔÓÙÚfiÔÓ ÙÔ˘ ÛΤÙÂÛı·È ȉڇıËÛ·Ó ·È ÈÛÏ·ÌÈη› ∆Ú¿Â˙·È, ·È ÔÔ›·È‰È·ÎÚ›ÓÔÓÙ·È ÂȘ: ·) πÛÏ·ÌÈο˜ ∂ÌÔÚÈο˜ ∆Ú·¤˙·˜: ·È ÔÔ›·È Û˘ÁÎÂ-

154 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

76. D. H. Fullerton: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 67 Î. Â.

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ÓÙÚÒÓÔ˘Ó Î·Ù·ı¤ÛÂȘ Î·È ¿ÏÏ˘ ÌÔÚÊ‹˜ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘ ÚÔ˜ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰fiÙË-ÛÈÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎÒÓ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂˆÓ Î·È Û˘ÌÌÂÙÔ¯ÈÎÒÓ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈÎÒÓ ‰Ú·-ÛÙËÚÈÔًوÓ. ‚) ∆· πÛÏ·ÌÈο ∆·ÌÈÂ˘Ù‹ÚÈ·, Ù· ÔÔ›· Û˘ÁÎÂÓÙÚÒÓÔ˘Óηٷı¤ÛÂȘ ÚÔ˜ ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁ›·Ó “Ï·˚ÎÔ‡ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈÎÔ‡ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘” Î·È Û˘Ì-‚¿ÏÏÔ˘Ó ‰È· ÙËÓ ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍÈÓ ÌÈÎÚÒÓ Î·È ÌÂÁ¿ÏˆÓ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛˆÓ, ·È ÔÔ›-·È ÂȯÔÚËÁÔ‡ÓÙ·È ˘fi ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÈÎÒÓ ÔÚÁ·ÓÈÛÌÒÓ ÂÚÈÊÂÚÂȷ΋˜ ‹ÂıÓÈ΋˜ ‹ ˘ÂÚÂıÓÈ΋˜ ÎÏÈÌ·ÎÔ˜. Á) ∞È ¢È·Î˘‚ÂÚÓËÙÈη› πÛÏ·ÌÈη›

∆Ú¿Â˙·È ∞ӷه͈˜, ·È ÔÔ›·È ¯ÚËÛÈÌÂ‡Ô˘Ó ˆ˜ Û˘Ó‰ÂÙÈÎÔ› ÎÚ›ÎÔÈÌÂٷ͇ fiÏˆÓ ÙˆÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ, ·È ÔÔ›·È ¯ÚËÛÈÌÔÔÈÔ‡Ó ÙÔ πÛÏ·ÌÈÎfiÓ ∆Ú·-Â˙ÈÎfiÓ ™‡ÛÙËÌ·. ∆Ô‡ÙÔ ·ÊÔÚ¿ -ηٿ π. ª¿˙ËÓ(77)- ÂȘ ÙÚÂȘ ÂÚÈÙÒ-ÛÂȘ:

·) ∆ËÓ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ¶·ÎÈÛÙ¿Ó, ÙÔ ÔÔ›ÔÓ ˘ÈÔı¤ÙËÛ ÙÔ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ-ÈÛÙˆÙÈÎfiÓ ÙÔ˘ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1946 Î·È ÙÔ 1966 Ë Î˘‚¤ÚÓËÛȘ ÙÔ˘¶·ÎÈÛÙ¿Ó ÙÔ ‰ÈÂÌfiÚʈÛ ÂȘ I.C.P. (Islamic Corporation of Pakistan). OoÚÁ·ÓÈÛÌfi˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˜ ¯ÔÚËÁ› ÂӉȿÌÂÛ· ‰¿ÓÂÈ· ÂȘ ÙÔÈÎfiÓ ÓfiÌÈÛÌ·ÚÔ˜ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰fiÙËÛÈÓ ·ÙfiΈ˜, ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎÒÓ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂˆÓ Î·È ÙËÓ ¯ÔÚ‹-ÁËÛÈÓ ‰·Ó›ˆÓ › ÛÎÔÒ ·ÁÔÚ¿˜ «ÈÛÏ·ÌÈÎÒÓ ÌÂÙÔ¯ÒÓ». ∂Ó Û˘Ó¯›·,ȉڇıË ÙÔ ¡.π.∆. (National Investment Trust) Ì ÙÔ̤·Ó, Ù·˜ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂȘηٷÛ΢ÒÓ Î·È Ì ‰ÔÌ‹Ó ¯·ÚÙÔÊ˘Ï·Î›Ô˘ ÌÂÙ·‚ÏËÙÒÓ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›ˆÓÂÓÙfi˜ ÙÔ˘ Ï·ÈÛ›Ô˘ fï˜ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂˆÓ ÂȘ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈο˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜. ∆Ô 1979 Ë¡.π.∆. η٤ÛÙË ∆Ú¿Â˙· ·ÏÏ¿ Ì ··ÁfiÚ¢ÛÈÓ ÙfiÎÔ˘. ∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ 1981 ÙÔ¯·ÚÙÔÊ˘Ï¿ÎÈÔÓ Ù˘ ¡.π.∆. ‰È¤ıÂÙÂÓ ÌÂÙÔ¯¿˜ 1.066 ÂηÙÔÌ. ÚÔ˘›ˆÓ(10ÚÔ˘È·È = 1 ‰ÔÏÏ¿ÚÈÔÓ). ‚) ∏ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛȘ ÙÔ˘ ™Ô˘‰¿Ó. ∞fi ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜1977 ȉڇıË Ë Faisal Islamic Bank ÂȘ ÷ÚÙÔ‡Ì. ∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ 1984 Ë Î˘‚¤ÚÓË-ÛȘ ÙÔ˘ ™Ô˘‰¿Ó ÂÈ‚¿ÏÏÂÈ ‰È’ ÂÁ΢ÎÏ›Ô˘ Ù˘ fiˆ˜ fiÏ·È ·È ∆Ú¿Â˙·È ÙÔ˘™Ô˘‰¿Ó ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁÔ‡Ó Â› ÈÛÏ·ÌÈ΋˜ ‚¿Ûˆ˜. Á) ∏ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛȘ Ù˘ ∆Ô˘Ú-

Λ·˜ ıÂÌÂÏȈı›۷ › ·Ú¯‹˜, ¤¯Ô˘Û·Ó ÙËÓ ‰‹ÏˆÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ Úˆı˘Ô˘ÚÁÔ‡Ù˘ ∆Ô˘ÚΛ·˜ √˙¿Ï, ÂȘ ™˘ÌfiÛÈÔÓ πÛÏ·Ì Î·È ¢‡Ûˆ˜, fiÙÈ «‰ÂÓ ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· Ó· ¯·Ú·ÎÙËÚÈÛı‹ ˆ˜ πÛÏ·ÌÈÎfiÓ». √ √˙¿Ï ÚÔÛ¤-ÙÈ Â› ÙË ‚¿ÛÂÈ Ù˘ ÂÓÓÔÈ·˜ Ù˘ «ı›·˜ ÂÓfiÙËÙÔ˜» ˘ÔÛÙËÚ›˙ÂÈ fiÙÈ Ë∆Ô˘ÚΛ· ‰‡Ó·Ù·È Ó· ·ÔÙÂϤÛË Á¤Ê˘Ú·Ó ÌÂٷ͇ πÛÏ·ÌÈÎÔ‡ ÎfiÛÌÔ˘ ηȢ˘Ûˆ˜. ∂› ÙË ‚¿ÛÂÈ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ Ô ÙfiÙ ∆Ô‡ÚÎÔ˜ ¶Úˆı˘Ô˘ÚÁfi˜ ‰¤¯ıË ÌÂ΢‚ÂÚÓËÙÈÎfiÓ Û¯¤‰ÈÔÓ fiÙÈ Ë ∆Ô˘ÚΛ· ÂÈÙÚ¤ÂÈ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÂÈÎÚ¿ÙÂÈ¿Ó Ù˘

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 155

77. I. M¿˙˘: «πÛÏ·ÌÈÛÌfi˜ Î·È ÂÎÛ˘Á¯ÚÔÓÈÛÌfi˜: ∏ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô˜ ÙÔ˘ πÛÏ·ÌÈÎÔ‡ ∆Ú·Â˙ÈÎÔ‡

™˘ÛÙ‹Ì·ÙÔ˜» ∞گ›ÔÓ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ πÛÙÔÚ›·˜ ∆fiÌ. 1 ¡Ô 2, 1991 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 70 Î. Â.

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ÙËÓ ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ›·Ó ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔÈÛÙˆÙÈÎÒÓ È‰Ú˘Ì¿ÙˆÓ ¿Ó¢ ÙÔÎÔÏË„›·˜. ÀÈ-ÔıÂÙ‹ıË fï˜ Î·È Ó¤Ô˜ ÙfiÔ˜ Ù›ÙÏÔ˘ (ÈÛÙÔÔÈËÙÈÎÔ‡ ‰È·ÓÔÌ‹˜ ÎÂÚ‰ÒÓÎ·È ˙ËÌÈÒÓ) ÂΉȉfiÌÂÓÔ˜ ·fi ÂÙ·ÈÚ›·˜ ÂÈÛËÁ̤ӷ˜ ÂȘ ÙÔ ÃÚËÌ·ÙÈÛÙ‹-ÚÈÔÓ ÙˆÓ Î·Ùfi¯ˆÓ ÙÔ˘ ‰˘Ó·Ì¤ÓˆÓ Ó· Û˘ÌÌÂÙ¿Û¯Ô˘Ó ÂȘ Ù· Î¤Ú‰Ë ·ÏÏ¿Î·È ÂȘ Ù·˜ ˙ËÌ›·˜.

∆· Î¤Ú‰Ë ÁÚ¿ÊÔÓÙ·È ˆ˜ “‰·¿Ó·È” ÂȘ Ù· ‚È‚Ï›· Ù˘ ÂÙ·ÈÚ›·˜ ÔÌԇ̠ÙÔ ÎfiÛÙÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ ÂÈÙÔΛԢ.(78) ∆· ÂÎ ÙˆÓ Ù›ÙÏˆÓ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·Ù·˘fiÎÂÈÓÙ·È ÂȘ ÊÔÚÔÏÔÁ›·Ó 10%, ˆ˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ Û˘Ì‚·›ÓÂÈ Î·È Ì ÙÔ˘˜ Ùfi-ÎÔ˘˜ ÙˆÓ Î·Ù·ı¤ÛˆÓ. ∏ ΢‚¤ÚÓËÛȘ ÂÓ ÙË ÚÔÛ·ı›· Ù˘ ÚÔ˜ ÂÓ›-Û¯˘ÛÈÓ ÙˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂˆÓ ÂÈÛËÁ·ÁÂÓ Î·È ÙÔÓ Ù›ÙÏÔÓ «ÔÌÔÏfiÁÔ˘ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ‰È·ÓÔÌ‹˜», ÔfiÙÂ Ô Î¿ÙÔ¯fi˜ ÙÔ˘ ı· ˉ‡Ó·ÙÔ Ó· Û˘ÌÌÂÙ¤¯ËÂȘ Î¤Ú‰Ë ÚÔÂÚ¯fiÌÂÓ· ÂÎ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂˆÓ Î·È ËÁÒÓ(ÁÂÊ˘ÚÒÓ, Ô‰ÒÓ, ÏÈ̤ӈÓ, ·ÂÚÔ‰ÚÔÌ›ˆÓ, ÙËÏÂÈÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÒÓ Î.Ï.). ∆·Î¤Ú‰Ë ‰Â ‰ÈÂÓ¤ÌÔÓÙÔ ÚÔ Ù˘ ·Ú¯‹˜ Ù˘ ‰È·ÓÔÌ‹˜,(79) › ÙË ‚¿ÛÂÈ ÙˆÓÎÂÚ‰ÒÓ ÙˆÓ ˘Ô‰ÔÌÒÓ, ÒÛÙÂ Î·È ÙÔ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· Ó· ηٷÛÙ‹ ·Ô‰ÔÙÈÎfiÓÎ·È Ù· ‰È·ÓÂÌËı¤ÓÙ· Î¤Ú‰Ë Ó· ·Ó¤ÏıÔ˘Ó ÂȘ 400 ÂηÙ. ‰ÔÏÏ.(80) ¢‡Ô ›-Û˘ ∆Ú·Â˙Èο ȉڇ̷ٷ, ·fi Ù· ÈÛ¯˘ÚfiÙÂÚ· ÙÔ˘ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈÎÔ‡ ÙÚ·Â˙È-ÎÔ‡ Û˘ÛÙ‹Ì·ÙÔ˜, ‰È· ηٷÏÏ‹ÏÔ˘ ÓÔÌÈÎÔ‡ Ï·ÈÛ›Ô˘, ˘ÈÔıÂÙËı¤ÓÙÔ˜ ÙÔ¤ÙÔ˜ 1987, ÂÏÂÈÙÔ‡ÚÁËÛ·Ó ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÕÁ΢ڷÓ, ˆ˜ Ë Faisal Islamic Bank, ÂȘÙËÓ ∫ˆÓÛÙ·ÓÙÈÓÔ‡ÔÏÈÓ Î·È Ë Al -Baraka ÙÔ˘ÚÎÈ΋ ı˘Á·ÙÚÈ΋ Ù˘ÚÒÙ˘. ∂›Û˘ ÙfiÛÔÓ Ô fiÌÈÏÔ˜ ∫oweit Finance House, ηıÒ˜ Î·È Ë AlHoda Ì ηٿÏÏËÏÔÓ ÓÔÌÈÎfiÓ Ï·›ÛÈÔÓ (·ÈÁ˘ÙÈ·ÎfiÓ - ÙÔ˘ÚÎÈÎfiÓ) ÂÍÂ-‰‹ÏˆÛ·Ó ÙËÓ ÂÈı˘Ì›·Ó Ù˘ ÂÁηٷÛÙ¿Ûˆ˜ ı˘Á·ÙÚÈÎÒÓ ÙÔ˘˜ ÂȘ ∫ˆÓ-ÛÙ·ÓÙÈÓÔ‡ÔÏÈÓ. ∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ 1986 Ë Faisal Islamic Institution Û˘ÓÂΤÓÙÚˆ-ÛÂÓ Î·Ù·ı¤ÛÂȘ 38,6 ÂηÙÔÌ. ÙÔ˘ÚÎÈÎÒÓ ÏÈÚÒÓ.

∆Ô ‰ÈÂıÓ¤˜ ÙÚ·Â˙ÈÎfiÓ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· ÂͷψıË ÂȘ 45 ÌÔ˘-ÛÔ˘ÏÌ·ÓÈο˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Î·È ÙÔ ÔÔ›ÔÓ, ·fi ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1971, ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÂ›Ù·È˘fi Ù˘ Nasser Social Bank ΢ڛˆ˜ ‰Â ·fi ÙËÓ µ.I.D. (Banque Islamiquede Développement) Ì ΢ڛˆ˜ ÌÂÙfi¯Ô˘˜ ÙËÓ ™. ∞Ú·‚›·Ó (26%), §È‚‡ËÓ(16%), ∂ÌÈÚ¿Ù· (14%), ∫Ô˘‚¤ÈÙ (13%), ηıÒ˜ Î·È ¤ÙÂÚ·È ·Ú·‚Èη› ¯Ò-Ú·È Ì 31% ÙˆÓ ÌÂÙÔ¯ÒÓ. ∫ÈÓËÙ‹ÚÈÔ˜ ÌÔ¯Ïfi˜ Ù˘ B.I.D. η٤ÛÙË Ô ∞Ì-ÓÙÔ‡Ï ƒ·¯Ì¿Ó ∆Ô˘ÓÎÔ‡, °ÂÓ. °Ú·ÌÌ·Ù‡˜ Ù˘ ‰È·ÛΤ„ˆ˜ ÙˆÓ ÀÔ˘Ú-ÁÒÓ ∂͈ÙÂÚÈÎÒÓ ÙˆÓ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈÎÒÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ ˘ÔÛÙËÚÈ˙fiÌÂÓÔ˜ ˘fi ÙÔ˘ ‚·-ÛÈϤˆ˜ ºÂ¸˙·Ï Î·È ÙˆÓ ÂÙÚÂÏ·ÈÔÂÍ·ÁˆÁÈÎÒÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ, ·È ÔÔ›·È ÚÔ¤-

156 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

78,79,80. I. M¿˙˘: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 85.

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‚ËÛ·Ó ÂȘ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛÂȘ 9 ‰ÈÛ. ÈÛÏ·ÌÈÎÒÓ ‰ËÓ·Ú›ˆÓ (1974). ™‹ÌÂÚÔÓ ÂȘÙËÓ B.I.D. Û˘ÌÌÂÙ¤¯Ô˘Ó 44 ÈÛÏ·ÌÈη› ¯ÒÚ·È.(81)

ªÂٷ͇ ÙˆÓ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÈÎÒÓ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈÎÒÓ ÔÌ›ÏˆÓ ·Ó·Ê¤-ÚÔÓÙ·È(82) Ë Association Internationale de Banques Islamiques (A.I.B.I.)(1977), Ë ÔÔ›· ›‰Ú˘ÛÂÓ ÙÔ ¢ÈÂıÓ¤˜ πÛÏ·ÌÈÎfiÓ ∆Ú·Â˙ÈÎfiÓ πÓÛÙÈÙÔ‡ÙÔÓ.ŒÙÂÚÔ˜ fiÌÈÏÔ˜ Â›Ó·È Ô Dar - el - Maal el-Islami (D.M.I) Ì › ÎÂÊ·Ï‹˜12 ™·Ô˘‰¿Ú·‚·˜ Ú›ÁÎË·˜ Î·È ËÁ¤Ù·˜ ΢‚ÂÚÓ‹ÛÂˆÓ ÙÔ˘ ª·¯Ú¤ÈÓ,Ù˘ ∞ÈÁ‡ÙÔ˘, Ù˘ °Ô˘˚Ó¤·˜, ÙÔ˘ ∫Ô˘‚¤ÈÙ, ÙÔ˘ ¶·ÎÈÛÙ¿Ó, Ù˘ ª·Ï·ÈÛ›-·˜ Î·È ÙˆÓ ∫·Ù¿Ú, ™Ô˘‰¿Ó, ∏ӈ̤ӷ ∞Ú·‚Èο ∂ÌËÚ¿Ù·.

√ ‰Â‡ÙÂÚÔ˜ fiÌÈÏÔ˜ ÙˆÓ ÔÏ˘ÂıÓÈÎÒÓ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈÎÒÓ ÙÚ·Â˙ÈÎÒÓ ÙÚ¿ÛÙ˜ÂÎÎÈÓ› ÂÎ ∆˙¤ÓÙ· Ù˘ ™·Ô˘‰È΋˜ ∞Ú·‚›·˜ (1982) Ì ÙËÓ ›‰Ú˘ÛÈÓ Ù˘∆Ú·¤˙˘ Al-Bakara Ì ÌÂÙÔ¯ÈÎfiÓ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ ¿Óˆ ÙˆÓ 500 ÂηÙ. ‰ÔÏÏ·-Ú›ˆÓ(83) Î·È ÙÚ›ÙÔ˜, Ô ÙÔ˘ ∞Ï-ƒ·˙¯›, Ô ÔÔ›Ô˜ Â›Ó·È Ë ‚¿ÛȘ Ù˘ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈ-΋˜ ÙÚ·Â˙È΋˜ ‰Ú·ÛÙËÚÈfiÙËÙÔ˜. ∆Ô ¤ÙÔ˜ 1987 Ô Ô›ÎÔ˜ ∞Ï-ƒ·˙¯› (Al-Ra-jhi)(84) ÌÂÙ·‚¿ÏÏÂÙ·È ÂȘ ∂ÌÔÚÈÎ‹Ó ∆Ú¿Â˙·Ó, ηÙfiÈÓ ·‰Â›·˜ ÙÔ˘ °Ú·-Ê›Ԣ ¡ÔÌÈÛÌ·ÙÈÎÒÓ ˘Ôı¤ÛÂˆÓ Ù˘ ™. ∞Ú·‚›·˜ (Sandi Arabian Monet-ary Agency), ÙÔ ‰Â ¤ÙÔ˜ 1988 Ì ÙËÓ Î˘ÚÈ·Ú¯ÈÎ‹Ó Û˘ÌÌÂÙÔ¯‹Ó ÂÓfi˜ ‚·ÛÈ-Ϥˆ˜ Î·È ÙÚÈÒÓ ÚÈÁ΋ˆÓ Ù˘ ™. ∞Ú·‚›·˜ Ë ∆Ú¿Â˙· ∞Ï-ƒ·˙¯› ÌÂÙ·-ÙÚ¤ÂÙ·È ÂȘ Arabic Bank Ì ÂÙ·ÈÚÈÎfiÓ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ 200 ÂηÙ. ‰ÔÏÏ·Ú›-ˆÓ.(85) √È Ù¤ÛÛ·Ú˜ ‰Â ·‰ÂÏÊÔ› ∞ÌÓÙÔ‡Ï ∞˙È˙ η٤¯Ô˘Ó ÙÔ 52% ÙˆÓÌÂÙÔ¯ÒÓ. ∂›Û˘ 5% ·Ó‹ÎÂÈ ÂȘ ÙÔ ÚÔÛˆÈÎfiÓ Ù˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ Î·È ÙÔ˘fiÏÔÈÔÓ 43% ÂȘ ‰È·ÊfiÚÔ˘˜ ¿ÏÏÔ˘˜ ÌÂÙfi¯Ô˘˜. ∏ ÂÓ ÏfiÁˆ ∆Ú¿Â˙·Â›Ó·È Ë ÙÚ›ÙË Î·Ù¿ ̤ÁÂıÔ˜ Ù˘ ™. ∞Ú·‚›·˜ Ì 288 ÙÔÈο ηٷÛÙ‹Ì·Ù·Î·È ·Ú·ÚÙ‹Ì·Ù· ÂȘ ∫¿ÈÚÔÓ, ∞ÌÛÙÂÚÓÙ·Ì Î·È §ÔÓ‰›ÓÔÓ ÌÂ Û˘ÓÔÏÈÎfiÓÔÛfiÓ Î·Ù·ı¤ÛÂˆÓ Ù˘ ٿ͈˜ ÙˆÓ 3 ‰ÈÛÂηÙÔÌ. ‰ÔÏÏ·Ú›ˆÓ. √È ‚·ÛÈÎÔ›‰›·˘ÏÔÈ ÙÚÔÊÔ‰ÔÙ‹Ûˆ˜ ÙˆÓ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈÎÒÓ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ Â›Ó·È:(86) ·) ∆Ô È‰ÈÔÓÎÂÊ·Ï·ÈÔÓ ‚) ·È ηٷı¤ÛÂȘ Á) Ô ÊfiÚÔ˜ › ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘, ÙÔÓ ÔÔ›ÔÓ ‰È·-¯ÂÈÚ›˙ÂÙ·È Ë ∆Ú¿Â˙·, Û˘ÌÊÒÓˆ˜ ÚÔ˜ ÙÔ˘˜ ηÓfiÓ·˜ ÙÔ˘˜ ÔÔ›Ô˘˜·ÎÔÏÔ˘ı›, ÂȂ‚·ÈÒÓÂÈ ‰Â Î·È ÈÛÙÔÔÈ› ÙÔ ∞ÓÒÙ·ÙÔÓ £ÚËÛ΢ÙÈÎfiÓ™˘Ì‚Ô‡ÏÈÔÓ. ∫·È Ó·È ÌÂÓ ·È ηٷı¤ÛÂȘ ‰ÂÓ ·Ì›‚ÔÓÙ·È Ì ÙfiÎÔÓ, ÔÈ Î·-Ù·ı¤Ù·È fï˜, ·ÔÏ·Ì‚¿ÓÔ˘Ó ‰È¿ÊÔÚ· ÚÈÌ ·Ê·ÈÚÔ˘Ì¤ÓˆÓ ‰È·ÊfiÚˆÓ‰··ÓÒÓ, Ù˘ ·ÌÔÈ‚‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ηٷı¤ÙÔ˘ ÂÈÛÚ·ÙÙÔ˘Ì¤Ó˘ ˘fi ÌÔÚÊ‹Ó

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 157

81. π. ª¿˙˘: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 85.

82. π. ª¿˙˘: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 86.

83. π. ª¿˙˘: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 88.

84,85,86. π. ª¿˙˘: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 91.

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·ÌÔÈ‚‹˜ ÎÂÚ‰ÒÓ ÂÎ ÎÂÚ‰ÔÊfiÚˆÓ ÂÂÓ‰‡ÛˆÓ. ¢È· ÙÔ ÂÙÔ˜ 1988 ˘ÂÏÔÁ›-ÛıË ÙÔ Û˘ÓÔÏÈÎfiÓ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ ÙˆÓ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈÎÒÓ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ ÂȘ ÙÔ ‡„Ô˜ ÙˆÓ40 ‰ÈÛ. ‰ÔÏÏ·Ú›ˆÓ. π‰È·ÈÙ¤Úˆ˜ ÂÓÙ·‡ı· ˘ÔÁÚ·ÌÌ›˙ÂÙ·È Ë Û˘Ì‚ÔÏ‹ Ù˘B.I.D., Ë ÔÔ›· ¯ÔÚËÁ› ‰¿ÓÂÈ· ¿ÙÔη ÂȘ Ùˆ¯ÔÙ¤Ú·˜ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈο˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜ÙÔ˘ ÙÚ›ÙÔ˘ ÎfiÛÌÔ˘. ¶ÚÔ˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ¿ÏψÛÙÂ Î·È È‰Ú‡ıË ÙÔ F.A.D.E.S (Fon-ds Arabes de Développement Économique et Social), ÂÓÒ ‰È· ÙËÓ ∞ÊÚÈ-ηÓÈÎ‹Ó ◊ÂÈÚÔÓ È‰Ú‡ıË ·fi ÙÔ Ko˘‚¤ÈÙ Ë B.A.D.E.A. (Banque Arabepour le Développement Économique en Afrique).

AÈ ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ›·È ÙˆÓ ÈÛÏ·ÌÈÎÒÓ ∆Ú·Â˙ÒÓ ·ÊÔÚÔ‡Ó ÂȘ ÙÚÈÒÓ ÂȉÒÓ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔÈÛÙˆÙÈο˜ ÙÔÈ·‡Ù·˜.

·) ∆Ô moudharabaha, ÙÔ ÔÔ›ÔÓ Â›Ó·È «Û˘Ì‚fiÏ·ÈÔÓ ÂÌÔÚÈ΋˜ Û˘-Ìڿ͈˜ Ì ÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ Ù˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ Î·È ÂÚÁ·Û›·Ó ·ÛÊ·ÏÈ˙Ô̤ÓËÓ˘fi ÙÔ˘ Û˘ÓÂÙ·›ÚÔ˘(87)». ∫·È ¤¯ÔÌÂÓ ÁÂÓÈÎÔ‡ ¯·Ú·ÎÙ‹ÚÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ ›‰Ô˘˜ÙÔ˘ Û˘Ì‚ÔÏ·›Ô˘ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘, ¯ԇÛ˘ Ù˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ ÙËÓ ·fiÏ˘ÙÔÓ ÚˆÙÔ-‚Ô˘Ï›·Ó ÂȘ ÙÔ˘˜ ¯ÂÈÚÈÛÌÔ‡˜ Ù˘, Î·È ÂȉÈÎÔ‡ ¯·Ú·ÎÙ‹ÚÔ˜ mouharabahaa,ÔfiÙÂ Ë ∆Ú¿Â˙· ‰ÂÛ̇ÂÈ Ù· ›‰È· ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ‹ Â›Ó·È ÂÍÔ˘ÛÈÔ‰ÔÙË̤Óˢfi ÌÂÙfi¯Ô˘. ∆· Î¤Ú‰Ë ‰È·Ó¤ÌÔÓÙ·È ÌÂٷ͇ ÙˆÓ Û˘Ì‚·ÏÏÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ Â› ÙË‚¿ÛÂÈ ÚÔÛ˘ÌʈÓÂÈı›Û˘ ·Ó·ÏÔÁ›·˜. ∂Ó ·ÓÙÈı¤Ùˆ ÂÚÈÙÒÛÂÈ ‰ËÏ·‰‹˘·Ú¯Ô‡Û˘ ÚÔÛ˘Ìʈӛ·˜ ÔÈ Û˘Ì‚·ÏÏfiÌÂÓÔÈ ·Ú·ÓoÌÔ‡Ó ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ ÙˆÓ··ÈÙ‹ÛÂˆÓ ÙÔ˘ riba, ÔfiÙ ÁÈÓÔ̤ÓÔ˘ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ ·ÓÙÈÏËÙÔ‡ ·Î˘ÚÔ‡Ù·È ËÂÌÔÚÈ΋ Ú¿ÍȘ.

‚) ŒÙÂÚ·È ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔÈÛÙˆÙÈη› ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ›·È Â›Ó·È Ë muchara ‹ÙÔÈ «Ë‰È’ ·Ï‹˜ ÌÔÚÊ‹˜ Û˘ÌÌÂÙÔ¯‹ ÂȘ Ù· ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È· ÌÈ·˜ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹Ûˆ˜» ËÔÔ›· ·ÊÔÚ¿ ÂȘ ·Ï‹Ó Û˘ÌÌÂÙÔ¯‹Ó ÂȘ ÙÔ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ ÌÈ¿˜ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÂ-ˆ˜.

∂Ș ÙËÓ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛÈÓ Ù˘ ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ›·˜ Ù˘ moudharabaha Î·È ‰Ë ÂȘ Â-Ú›ÙˆÛÈÓ ˙ËÌ›·˜, ¤ÛÙˆ Î·È Î·Ï˘ÙÔ̤Ó˘ ˘fi ηÓÔÓÈ΋˜ ‰È·¯ÂÈÚ›Ûˆ˜,Ë ∆Ú¿Â˙· ·Ó·Ï·Ì‚¿ÓÂÈ ÙËÓ ˙ËÌ›·Ó ¿Ó¢ ‰ÈηÈÒÌ·ÙÔ˜ ·Ô˙ËÌÈÒÛˆ˜ÙÔ˘ Û˘Ì‚·ÏÏÔ̤ÓÔ˘ (mudharib) Î·È ·Ó¢ ‰ÈηÈÒÌ·ÙÔ˜ ˘Â˘ı‡ÓÔ˘ ‰È·-¯ÂÈÚ›Ûˆ˜ ·fi ̤ÚÔ˘˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘. ∆Ô ·ÓÙ›ıÂÙÔÓ Û˘Ì‚·›ÓÂÈ Ì ÙËÓ ÏÂÈÙÔ˘Ú-Á›·Ó musharaka, ÔfiÙÂ Ô moudharib Û˘ÌÌÂÙ¤¯ÂÈ fi¯È ÌfiÓÔÓ ÂȘ Ù· Τډ˷ÏÏ¿ Î·È ÂȘ Ù·˜ ˙ËÌ›·˜. ∆Ô Û˘Ì‚fiÏ·ÈÔÓ musharaka ÂÈÙÚ¤ÂÈ ÒÛÙÂ Ô ÂÈ˜ÙˆÓ Û˘Ì‚·ÏÏÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ È‰›· ·˘ÙÔ‡ ıÂÏ‹ÛÂÈ Ó· ‰‡Ó·Ù·È Ó· ·Ó·ı¤ÛË ÙËÓ ‰ÈÂ-‡ı˘ÓÛÈÓ Ù˘ ÂȯÂÈÚ‹Ûˆ˜ ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ¤ÙÂÚÔÓ, ÂÓÒ Ù· Î¤Ú‰Ë ‰È·Ó¤ÌÔÓÙ·È Î·-ÙfiÈÓ Û˘Ìʈӛ·˜. ÀÊ›ÛÙ·ÓÙ·È Â›Û˘ Î·È ‰‡Ô Ù‡ÔÈ Û˘Ì‚ÔÏ·›ˆÓ: ·)

158 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

87. π. ª¿˙˘: op. cit. ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ. 93 Î. Â.

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∫·Ù¿ ÙÔ ÚÒÙÔÓ «Ë Û˘ÌÌÂÙÔ¯‹ ÙÔ˘ ÂÎÌÈÛıˆÙÔ‡ ÙˆÓ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›ˆÓ ·Ú·-̤ÓË ÛÙ·ıÂÚ¿ ηı’ fiÏËÓ ÙËÓ ‰È¿ÚÎÂÈ·Ó ÙÔ˘ Û˘Ì‚ÔÏ·›Ô˘»(88) Î·È ‚) Ô Ù‡-Ô˜ ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ›·˜ Ù˘ musharaka o Ù˘ musharaka al matanakissa, ÔfiÙ ËÛ˘ÌÌÂÙÔ¯‹ ÙÔ˘ ÂÎÌÈÛıˆÙÔ‡ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›ˆÓ ‚·›ÓÂÈ Êı›ÓÔ˘Û· ̤¯ÚÈ ·ÔÛ‡Ú-ÛÂÒ˜ ÙÔ˘, ÌÂÙ¿ ÙËÓ ·fiÛ‚ÂÛÈÓ ÙÔ˘ ÂÂÓ‰˘ı¤ÓÙÔ˜ ÎÂÊ·Ï·›Ô˘ ÙÔ˘.(89)

ÀÊ›ÛÙ·Ù·È fï˜ Î·È Ë ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ›· taajir ‹ ijara, Ë ÔÔ›· Â›Ó·È ÌÔÚÊ‹Û˘Ó·Ê‹˜ Ì ÙÔ leasing, ‰È·ı¤ÙÔ˘Û· Ë ∆Ú¿Â˙· ÙÔÓ ÂÍÔÏÈÛÌfiÓ Ù˘ ÂȘÙËÓ ˘ËÚÂÛ›·Ó ÙÔ˘ ÂÏ¿ÙÔ˘ Ù˘ ˘fi ÌÔÚÊ‹Ó ÂÎÌÈÛıÒÛˆ˜ ‹ ÂÓÔÈΛ-Ô˘.(90)

∂Î ÙˆÓ fiÛˆÓ ·ÓˆÙ¤Úˆ ·ÓÂʤڷÌÂÓ ı· ‹ÙÔ Ì¤Á· Ï¿ıÔ˜ Ó· ·Ú›‰ˆÌÂÓÙËÓ ÈÛ¯‡Ó Î·È ÛËÌ·Û›·Ó ÙÔ˘ ·Ú·‚ÈÎÔ‡ ÌÔÓÔˆÏÈ·ÎÔ‡ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡,ÙÔ˘ ÔÔ›Ô˘ ·Ó¿ÁÏ˘ÊÔÓ ÂÈÎfiÓ· Ì·˜ ·ÚÔ˘Û›·ÛÂÓ Ô ∫·ıËÁËÙ‹˜ Î. π. ª¿-˙˘.

∫Ï›ÔÓÙ˜ ÙÔ ·ÚfiÓ ∫ÂÊ¿Ï·ÈÔÓ ‰ÂÓ ÚfiÎÂÈÙ·È Ó· ‚·Û·Ó›ÛˆÌÂÓ Â-ÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔÓ ÙÔÓ ·Ó·ÁÓÒÛÙËÓ Ì ÙËÓ Û˘ÓÔÙÈÎ‹Ó ÂÚÈÁÚ·Ê‹Ó Ù˘ ÈÛÙÔÚ›-·˜ Ù˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘, ·fi Ù˘ ÂÔ¯‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡ ̤¯ÚÈÙÔ˘ ¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔ‰ÔÙÈÎÔ‡ ÌÔÓÔˆÏÈ·ÎÔ‡ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡. ∂›Ó·È ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ fiÙÈÛ˘ÁÁÚ·Ê›˜ ·ÓÂÊÂÚıËÛ·Ó ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÌÔÚÊ‹Ó ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ ÙÔ˘ ·ÓˆÙ¿ÙÔ˘ ÛÙ·‰›Ô˘ÙÔ˘ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡ ÂÓ Û˘Û¯ÂÙÈÛÌÒ Ì ٷ˜ ·ÓÙÈÓÔÌ›·˜ Ù·˜ ÔÔ›·˜ ÙÔ Û‡-ÛÙËÌ· ÙÔ‡ÙÔ -ηْ ·˘ÙÔ‡˜- ÂÓ¤¯ÂÈ (Hilferding, Lenin, Zinoviev, Bukhar-in, Varga, Mendelson, Sweezy, Kozlov Î.¿.). µ¤‚·ÈÔÓ Â›Ó·È fiÙÈ ·Ú¿ Ù·˜ÚÔÊËÙ›·˜ ÙˆÓ ÏÂÓÈÓÈÛÙÒÓ Û˘ÁÁڷʤˆÓ, Î·È ÌÂٷ͇ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ Â› ÙˆÓËÌÂÚÒÓ Ì·˜, ΢ڛˆ˜ ÔÈ Varga Î·È Mendelson, ÂÚ› ηٷÚÚ‡Ûˆ˜ ÙÔ˘Û˘ÛÙ‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ ÙÔ Ù¤ÏÔ˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ˘ ‰ÂÓ Û˘ÓÂÙÂϤÛıË. ∞ÓÙÈı¤Ùˆ˜, ÊÂÚfiÌÂı· ÂȘ¤Ó·Ó ˘ÂÚ-ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfiÓ, Karl Kautsky. µÂ‚·›ˆ˜ Ô Kautsky ÚÔÂÊ‹Ù¢-ÛÂÓ fiÙÈ Ë ÙÒÛȘ ÙÔ˘ ÔÛÔÛÙÔ‡ ÙÔ˘ ΤډԢ˜ ÂÓ ¯ÚfiÓˆ ı· ÛËÌ¿ÓË ÙÔ Ù¤-ÏÔ˜ ÙÔ˘ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡. ∫·È ÙÔ‡ÙÔ fï˜ ‰ÂÓ Â·ÏËı‡ÂÙ·È ÂÎ ÙˆÓ Ú·Á-Ì¿ÙˆÓ, ‰ÈfiÙÈ Î¤Ú‰Ë Î·È ÌÈÛıÔ›, ·fi ÙÔ˘ ‰Â˘Ù¤ÚÔ˘ Ë̛ۈ˜ ÙÔ˘ 19Ô˘ ·È-ÒÓÔ˜ ̤¯ÚÈ Û‹ÌÂÚÔÓ ÁÂÓÈÎÒ˜ ·Ó¤Ú¯ÔÓÙ·È. √ Kautsky fï˜ ÂÛÙËÚ›¯ıË› Ù˘ Ï·Óı·Ṳ̂Ó˘ ıˆڛ·˜ ÙÔ˘ Marx ÂÚ› ÙÒÛˆ˜ ÙÔ˘ ̤ÛÔ˘ ÔÛÔ-ÛÙÔ‡ ÙÔ˘ ΤډԢ˜, ÙÔ ÔÔ›ÔÓ Û˘Ó¯Ҙ ÂΛÙÔÓ ı· ÂÈʤÚË Î·È ÙÔ Ù¤-ÏÔ˜ –ηٿ Kautsky– Ù˘ ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘ ÙÔ˘ ˘¤Ú-ÈÌÂÚÈ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡. ∂›Û˘ ‰ÂÓ‰˘Ó¿ÌÂı· Ó· ‰Â¯ıÒÌÂÓ Î·È ÙËÓ ¿Ô„ÈÓ ÙÔ˘ Schumpeter ÂÚ› «‰ËÌÈÔ˘Ú-

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 159

88,89,90. π. ª¿˙˘: op. cit. ÛÂÏ. 94.

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ÁÈ΋˜ ηٷÚÚ‡Ûˆ˜ ÙÔ˘ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡»(91). ¢ÈfiÙÈ ÂÊ’ fiÛÔÓ ˘Ê›ÛٷٷÈÂÏ¢ıÂÚ›·, Ô ¿ÓıÚˆÔ˜ ı· ·Ó·Ù‡ÛÛË Ù·˜ ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁÈο˜ ÙÔ˘ ‰˘Ó¿ÌÂÈ˜Î·È ÌÂÙ’ ·˘ÙÒÓ ÙËÓ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈÎ‹Ó ÙÔ˘ ÚˆÙÔ‚Ô˘Ï›·Ó. ¡¤·È ·Ú·Áˆ-Á·› ÂÌÊ·Ó›˙ÔÓÙ·È Î·È Ó¤ÔÈ ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈÎÔ› ÎÏ¿‰ÔÈ, Ó¤· ›‰Ë ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛˆÓ,Ó¤·È ηÈÓÔÙÔÌ›·È, ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È Ó¤·È ˘ËÚÂÛ›·È, ·È ÔÔ›·È ÁÂÓÓÔ‡Ó Ó¤Ô˘˜Î·ÈÙ·ÏÈÛÙ¿˜ ˆ˜ ÔÈ ÌÂÁ¿ÏÔÈ Î·ÏÏÈÙ¤¯Ó·È, ÔÈ ÌÂÁ¿ÏÔÈ ·ıÏËÙ·›, ÔÈ ÌÂÁ¿-ÏÔÈ ÂΉfiÙ·È, ÔÈ ÌÂÁ¿ÏÔÈ ÂÈÛÙ‹ÌÔÓ˜ Î.Ï. ¢ÈfiÙÈ ÂȘ Ì›·Ó ÂÏ¢ı¤Ú·Ó ÎÔÈ-ÓˆÓ›·Ó ¤Î·ÛÙÔ˜ ·Ì›‚ÂÙ·È ·Ó·ÏfiÁˆ˜ ÙˆÓ ÌÔÓÔˆÏÈ·ÎÒÓ ÙÔ˘ ÈηÓÔÙ‹-ÙˆÓ. µÂ‚·›ˆ˜ fiÛÔÓ ·ÓfiËÙÔ˜ Â›Ó·È Ë ÚÔÊËÙ›· «ÂÚ› ·Ó·ÔʇÎÙÔ˘ Ù¤-ÏÔ˘˜ ÙÔ˘ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡» ÂÍ ›ÛÔ˘ ·ÓfiËÙÔ˜ Â›Ó·È Î·È Ë ÂÔ›ıËÛȘ fiÙÈ ÙÔÛ‡ÛÙËÌ· ÙÔ‡ÙÔ Â›Ó·È ·›‰ÈÔÓ Î·È ·ÌÂÙ¿‚ÏËÙÔÓ. ¶ÚÔ˜ ÂÈÎÚ¿ÙËÛÈÓ Û˘ÓÂ-Ò˜ Ù˘ Â È Ú ‹ Ó Ë ˜ , Ù˘ Ù ¿ Í Â ˆ ˜ Î·È Ù˘ ‰ È Î · È Ô Û ‡ Ó Ë ˜ ÙÔ ·ÚfiÓ Û‡-ÛÙËÌ· ‰¤ÔÓ, ÚÔ˜ ‰È·Ù‹ÚËÛ›Ó ÙÔ˘, Ó· ‰Â¯ı‹ ÙÔÓ ¿ÓıÚˆÔÓ ˆ˜ ˘ Â Ú -Ù ¿ Ù Ë Ó · Í › · Ó Ù Ë ˜ ˙ ˆ ‹ ˜ Î·È ÙÔ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· Ó· ·ÔÎÙ‹ÛË · Ó ı Ú Ò È -Ó Ô Ó Ú fi Û ˆ Ô Ó . ∂Ó ¿ÏÏÔȘ ÏfiÁÔȘ ÂÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· Û˘Ó‰˘¿˙ÔÓ ÙÔ ·ÙÔÌÈ-ÎfiÓ ÂχıÂÚÔÓ Ó‡̷ Ì ÙËÓ ‰ËÌÔÎÚ·ÙÈÎ‹Ó ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÎ‹Ó ÂÍÔ˘Û›·Ó ·ÏÏ¿Î·È Ì ÂÚÈÛÙ‹ÏÈÔÓ ÙËÓ £ÚËÛΛ·Ó, ÙËÓ ¡ÔÌÔıÂÛ›·Ó Î·È ÙËÓ ∂η›‰Â˘-ÛÈÓ, ¿Ïψ˜ ÙÔ ÔÈÎÔ‰fiÌËÌ· Ù˘ ٿ͈˜, ÂÈÚ‹Ó˘ Î·È ‰ÈηÈÔÛ‡Ó˘ ηı›-ÛÙ·Ù·È ·Ó¤ÊÈÎÙÔÓ. ¶ÚÔÛ¤ÙÈ, Ô Û‡Á¯ÚÔÓÔ˜ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfi˜ ÂÓÙfi˜ Ù˘ ¶·-ÁÎÔÛÌÈfiÙËÙÔ˜ Ù›ÓÂÈ Ó· ÁÂÊ˘ÚÒÛË ÙËÓ „·ÏÏ›‰· Ë ÔÔ›· ˘Ê›ÛÙ·Ù·È ÌÂÙ·-͇ ·ÓÂÙ˘ÁÌ¤ÓˆÓ Î·È Î·ı˘ÛÙÂÚËÌ¤ÓˆÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ. ¶ÏËÓ fï˜ ÙÔ‡ÙˆÓ ÙÔÛ‡ÛÙËÌ· ÚÔÛ·ÚÌfi˙ÂÙ·È Û˘Ó¯Ҙ Î·È ÌÂÙ·ÊÔÚÊÔ‡Ù·È Î·Ù¿ ÙÔÈÔ‡ÙÔÓÙÚfiÔÓ ÒÛÙ ·È ÚÔÊËÙ›·È, ÙˆÓ ··ÈÛÈÔ‰fiÍˆÓ Â› ÙÔ˘ ̤ÏÏÔÓÙÔ˜ ÙÔ˘Û˘ÛÙ‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ Ó· ÌË Â·ÏËı¢ıÔ‡Ó. ∂›Ó·È fï˜ ÂÍ›ÛÔ˘ ̤Á· ÛÊ¿ÏÌ· Ó·ÔÌÈψÌÂÓ ÂÚ› Ù¤ÏÔ˘˜ Ù˘ πÛÙÔÚ›·˜, ηٿ ÙËÓ –ηْ Â̤– ·ÓfiËÙÔÓ Ú‹ÛÈÓÙÔ˘ Fukiyama. ¢ÈfiÙÈ Ë πÛÙÔÚ›· ‰ÂÓ ¤¯ÂÈ Ù¤ÏÔ˜ Î·È ÂÊ’ fiÛÔÓ ˘Ê›ÛٷٷȷÓıÚˆ›ÓË ÎÔÈÓˆÓ›· Ë πÛÙÔÚ›· ı· Û˘Ó¯›˙ÂÙ·È ÂÓ ‰È·Ú΋ ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹. ∂ȘËÌ¿˜ fï˜ ÂÓ·fiÎÂÈÙ·È Ó· ηıÔÚ›ÛˆÌÂÓ ÙÔ Â›‰Ô˜ Ù˘ ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹˜ ·˘Ù‹˜,ηıÒ˜ Î·È ÙÔÓ Ï¤ÔÓ ·˘Ù‹˜ ÂӉ‰ÂÈÁ̤ÓÔÓ ÙÚfiÔÓ.

∂Î Ù˘ fiÏ˘ ̤¯ÚÈ ÙÔ‡‰Â ÈÛÙÔÚÈ΋˜ ·Ó·Ù‡Íˆ˜ ·ÓÙÈÏ·Ì‚·ÓfiÌÂı·fiÙÈ Ë ÂͤÏÈÍȘ Ù˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘ Û˘Ó‚¿‰ÈÛÂ Î·È Ì ÙËÓ ÂͤÏÈÍÈÓ Ù˘ fiÏ˘ ÔÈ-ÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ Î·È ÙÔ˘ fiÏÔ˘ ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÎÔ‡ ÂÚÈ‚¿ÏÏÔÓÙÔ˜. À‹ÚÍ ‰Â Ë ∆Ú·Â-˙È΋ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋ ÂÓ ÛÙÂÓ‹ ·ÏÏËÏÂȉڿÛÂÈ Î·È ·ÏÏËÏÂÍ·ÚÙ‹ÛÂÈÌ ÙÔ ¯Ú‹Ì·. ¢È· ÙÔÓ ÏfiÁÔÓ ÙÔ‡ÙÔÓ Ì ÂÏ·¯›ÛÙ·˜ ·ÚÂ΂¿ÛÂȘ ÚÔÛ·-

160 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

91. J. Schumpeter: Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy 1942 ÂÏÏ. ÌÂÙ. ˘fi ∫. ¶·˘Ïfi-

Ô˘ÏÔ˘, ∞ı‹Ó·È 1972 ÛÂÏ. 490.

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ı‹Û·ÌÂÓ fiˆ˜ ‚ÔËı‹ÛˆÌÂÓ ÙÔÓ ·Ó·ÁÓÒÛÙËÓ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ·Ú·ÎÔÏÔ‡ıËÛÈÓÙ˘ ÂÍÂϛ͈˜ Ù˘ ∆Ú·¤˙˘, Ë ÔÔ›· η٤¯ÂÈ ÙËÓ ÚˆÙÂ‡Ô˘Û·Ó ı¤ÛÈÓÂȘ ÙÔ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎfiÓ Û‡ÛÙËÌ· ÙÔ˘ Û˘Á¯ÚfiÓÔ˘ ηÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌÔ‡. ∂Ș ÙËÓ ÔÈ-ÎÔÓÔÌÂÙÚ›·Ó ÂÓ·Ô̤ÓÂÈ Â›Û˘ Î·È ÙÔ Î·ı‹ÎÔÓ Ù˘ ÌÂÙÚ‹Ûˆ˜ ÙÔ˘ Âο-ÛÙÔÙ ÂȤ‰Ô˘ Î fi Û Ù Ô ˘ ˜ Â Í · Ú Ù ‹ Û Â ˆ ˜ (92) ÌÂٷ͇ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·Ù›Ô˘Î·È ∆Ú·Â˙›ÙÔ˘ ηٿ Ù· ‰È¿ÊÔÚ· ¯ÚÔÓÈο ÛÙ¿‰È· Ù˘ ÂͤÏÈ͈˜ ÙÔ˘¯ÚËÌ·ÙÔÈÛÙˆÙÈÎÔ‡ Û˘ÛÙ‹Ì·ÙÔ˜.

∫·È fiÛÔÓ Ë ∆Ú¿Â˙· ı· Û˘ÌÌÔÚÊÔ‡Ù·È ÂȘ ÙÔÓ ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÎfiÓ Ù˘ Úfi-ÏÔÓ ‰ËÏ·‰‹ ÙÔ˘ ÂÊԉȷÛÌÔ‡ Ù˘ ÂȯÂÈÚËÌ·ÙÈ΋˜ ÚˆÙÔ‚Ô˘Ï›·˜ Ì ¢-ıËÓ¿ ÎÂÊ¿Ï·È·, ÙfiÛÔÓ Ë ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· ı· ·Ó·Ù‡ÛÛÂÙ·È Î·È ı· ‚ÂÏÙÈÒÓËÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎ‹Ó Ì·˜ ˙ˆ‹Ó.

Abstract

∏OYMANIDIS LAZAROS: ∆he Bank from the era of merchant capitalism

until today.

The writer presents the historical evolution of the Bank from the era of merchat capit-

alism until today. He considers as faulty the theory of the collapse of capitalism during its

financial monopolistic period as this aspect was formulated by marxists and neo-marxists,

as well as with the idea of Schumpeter for a creative destruction of captalism.

The writer concludes with the basic role of the Bank concerning the economic develo-

pment and proposes a regime of capitalism with human face e.g. the combining of the free

individual spirit with the democratic social authority.

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 161

92. ¶ÂÚ› Ù˘ ıˆڛ·˜ ÌÔ˘ Ù·‡Ù˘ ÂȘ ÙËÓ ÌÂϤÙËÓ ÌÔ˘ “√ ∂ÚÁ·ÙÈÎfi˜ ªÈÛıfi˜, ·fi Ù˘

ÂÔ¯‹˜ ÙˆÓ ∫Ï·ÛÛÈÎÒÓ Ì¤¯ÚÈ Û‹ÌÂÚÔÓ” ÂΉ. 1Ë 1957 ÂΉ. ÙÂÏÂ˘Ù·›· ÂȘ ÙËÓ °·ÏÏÈ-

Î‹Ó ˘fi Ù›ÙÏÔÓ: “Le Salaire ouvrier depuis les Classiques jusqu’ à nos jours”, (Préface

A. Fanfani) Athènes 1994.

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Sahey, Watanabe [1969]: «Controversy about the adoption of the GoldStandard in Japan» Revue Internationale d’ Histoire de la Ba-nque Vol. 2, No 2 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 247-263.

Sayers, R. S [1962]: Banking in Western Europe», Oxford.Sayers, R.S [1952]: Banking in The British Commonwealth, Oxford.Schumpeter, J [1972]: K·ÈÙ·ÏÈÛÌfi˜, ™ÔÛÈ·ÏÈÛÌfi˜ Î·È ¢ËÌÔÎÚ·Ù›· (ÂÏ.

ªÂÙ. K. ¶·˘ÏfiÔ˘ÏÔ˘), Aı‹Ó·È.Shimura, Kaichi [1969]: «Japanese Banks in the Capital Market after World

War I», Revue Internationale d’ Histoire de la Banque Vol.2, No 2 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 1-25.

Simon, E, De [1972]: L’ Archivio Storico del Banco di Napoli (PrefazioneD. Demarco), Napoli.

∆hemel, F. [1972]: Die Fugger und Welser in Salzburg und der Fugger Str-asse über die Tauern Scripta Mercaturue Vol. I, 1-2 ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ.69 Î.Â.

Villar, P [1976]: A History of Gold and Money 1450-1920, London.Werner, G [1972]: «Bartholomäus Welser, Werden und Wirken eines Kö-

niglichen Kauffmanss der Rennaissance» Scripta MercaturaeVol. I. p. 71-89.

Wilson, J.S.G [1952]: The Rise of Central Bank, Oxford.Woodruff, W [1966]: The Impact of the Western man. A Study of Euro-

peans Role in the World Economy (1750-1960).XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜, § [1992]: OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ IÛÙÔÚ›· Ù˘ E˘ÚÒ˘, Aı‹Ó·È.

164 §. XÔ˘Ì·Ó›‰Ë˜

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GOVERNMENT SPENDING AND ECONOMIC GROWTH:

TIME SERIES EVIDENCE FOR GREECE*

GEORGE VAMVOUKAS

Athens University of Economics and Business

1. Introduction

The effects of government expenditure on economic growth representan important issue in the economic literature as far back as the 19th centu-ry. Adolph Wagner (1883) was the first scholar who proposed a law con-cerning a positive correlation between economic growth and scale of gov-ernment activity. According to Wagner’s Law, during the industrializationprocess as the national income of a country grows, the relative size of thepublic sector also rises.1 In this way, economic growth is the fundamentalfactor of public sector growth. Considering that real output expansionaffects government expenditures positively, it arises that governmentspending is income elastic. Under this interpretation, a growing economygenerates additional public revenues and creates the opportunity for poli-cy makers to increase total government expenditures.2

A number of empirical studies using time series and cross section anal-ysis have tested Wagner’s Law reporting diverse and conflicting results,e.g. Bird (1971), Wagner and Weber (1977), Ram (1986, 1987), Geor-

* The author wishes to thank Prof. Emeritus L. Houmanidis for his helpful comments onan earlier draft of this paper and the participants at the 49th International Atlantic Eco-nomic Conference, Munich, March 14-21, 2000, for valuable suggestions. Any remainingerrors are solely the author’s responsibility.

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gakopoulos et al. (1992), Henrekson (1993), Murthy (1993), Oxley (1994),Lin (1995), Chletsos and Kollias (1997), Ghali (1998), Kolluri et al. (2000).Some of these empirical studies argue that there exists a positive linkagebetween government spending and output growth. Other studies presentevidence for a negative relationship between public expenditure and eco-nomic development, while other empirical studies generate results whichprovide support for the causal flow implied by the Keynesian model.

This empirical work tests Wagner’s Law employing time series datadrawn from Greece. The paper extends the data into the 1990s, coveringthe time period 1950-1998. The econometric methodology makes use ofmodern developments in time series analysis, employing cointegrationprocedure, error correction modelling (ECM) and multivariate Grangercausality. The paper is organized as follows. Section II describes the dataand presents the econometric methodology. Section III reports unit rootand cointegration tests and presents the empirical results of Granger mul-tivariate tests. The concluding remarks are presented in Section IV.

2. Data and Methodology

The data used in this paper are annual and cover the period 1950-1998.The data are obtained from the National Statistical Service of Greece andthe Ministry of Labour. The real per capita GNP (Gross National Product),Y, is used as proxy for economic growth. Government spending on goodsand services, G, is measured at constant prices. The price level, P, is cal-culated by the Consumption Price Index (CPI). U is the rate of unemploy-ment.3 All the variables except U and P are expressed in logarithms.

If the variables Yt and Gt are considered as stochastic trends and if theyfollow a common long-run equilibrium relationship, then these variablesshould be cointegrated. Cointegration is a test for equilibrium betweennon-stationary variables integrated of the same order. According to Engleand Granger [1987], cointegrated variables must have an ECM represen-tation. The main reason for the popularity of cointegration analysis is thatit provides a formal background for testing and estimating short-run and

168 George Vamvoukas

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long-run relationships among economic variables. Furthermore, the ECMstrategy provides an answer to the problem of spurious correlations.4

If Yt and Gt are cointegrated, an ECM representation could have thefollowing form:

(1)

(2)

where L is the lag operator and Et-1, Ct-1 are error-correction terms. Theerror correction term Et-1 in (1) is the lagged value of the residuals fromthe OLS regression of Yt on Gt and the term Ct-1 in (2) corresponds to thelagged value of the residuals from the OLS regression of Gt on Yt. In (1)and (2) ¢Yt, ¢Gt, ut and et are stationary, implying that their right-handside must also be stationary. It is obvious that (1) and (2) compose a bi-variate VAR in first differences augmented by the error-correction termsEt-1 and Ct-1, indicating that ECM model and cointegration are equivalentrepresentations.

According to the Granger Representation Theorem in a cointegratedsystem of two series expressed by an ECM representation causality mustrun in at least one way. Within the ECM formulation of (1) and (2), Gtdoes not Granger cause Yt if all a3i = 0 and Ï = 0 and equivalently Yt doesnot Granger cause Gt if all b2i = 0 and ‰ = 0. However, it is possible thatthe causal link between Yt and Gt estimated from the ECM formulation (1)and (2) could have been caused by a third variable. Such a possibility maybe explored within a multivariate framework including other importantvariables, such as the unemployment rates (Ut) and the rate of inflation(Pt), which represent considerable determinants of real GNP and govern-ment expenditures. Thus, the causal relationship between Yt and Gt can beexamined within the following ECM representation:

¢Gt = b

0 + ‰C

t-1 + b

2i [1-L]¢]

t-i™i=1

n

+ b3i

[1-L]¢]t-i

+ et™

i=1

n

¢Yt = a

0 + ÏE

t-1 + a

2i [1-L]¢]

t-i™i=1

n

+ a3i

[1-L]¢]t-i

+ ut™

i=1

n

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(3)

(4)

where ¢Pt and ¢Ut are control variables. The introduction of Pt and Ut cre-ates an additional channel of causality between Gt and Yt. Thus, Yt doesGranger cause Gt, not only if the parameters b2i and ‰ are significant, butalso if the parameters b4i and b5i are also statistically significant. Yet, Gtdoes Granger cause Yt not only if the parameters a2i and Ï are significant,but also if the parameters a4i and a5i are also statistically significant.

3. Integration, Cointegration, Causality

Dickey-Fuller (DF), Augmented Dickey-Fuller (ADF) and Phillips-Per-ron (PP) tests are applied to examine the stationarity of each variable. Thecumulative distribution of the ADF and PP test statistics is provided byMackinnon's tables [1991]. Results from Table 1 show that the t-statisticsfail to reject the null of a unit root for level series. Unit root tests indicatethat the null is rejected for differenced series, pointing out that all the vari-ables are integrated of order one, I(1).

Having established that each series is I(1), the next step is to performthe Johansen (1991, 1995) cointegration test. In determining the number of

¢Gt = b

0 + ‰C

t-1 + b

2i [1-L]¢Y

t-i™i=1

n

+ b3i

[1-L]¢Gt-i™

i=1

n

+

+ b4i

[1-L]¢Pt-i™

i=1

n

+ b5i

[1-L]¢Ut-i

+ et™

i=1

n

¢Yt = a

0 + ÏE

t-1 + a

2i [1-L]¢Y

t-i™i=1

n

+ a3i

[1-L]¢Gt-i™

i=1

n

+

+ a4i

[1-L]¢Pt-i™

i=1

n

+ a5i

[1-L]¢Ut-i™

i=1

n

+ ut

170 George Vamvoukas

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cointegrating vectors r, the trace test is used. In order to check the robust-ness of the results to the order of the VAR, we carry out the Johansen coin-tegration tests using one and two year lag lengths. Cointegration testresults are reported in Table 2. Using deterministic or nondeterministictrend in data, the trace tests indicate that each group of the series is coin-tegrated across the time period 1950-1998.

Having determined that each group of the series Yt and Gt, Yt, Gt andPt, Yt, Gt, Pt and Ut is cointegrated, the causal chain between Yt and Gt isexamined within the ECM methodology. Granger causality tests areapplied using alternative lags to check the robustness of the empirical pro-cedure. Multivariate Granger tests suggest that Wagner’s Law is valid inthe long-run. In all cases, the error-correction term Ct-1 carries a signifi-cant coefficient. As Ram (1986) and Henrekson (1993) underline, Wagn-er’s Law is essentially a statement which refers to the long-run relationshipbetween economic development and the relative size of the public sector.In this sense, it is not a postulate about short-run covariation, so that anyempirical procedure should investigate the validity of Wagner’s Law in thelong-run. Note that the t-tests on Ct-1 do not vary considerably, indicatingthat Granger multivariate tests produce robust results.

4. Conclusions

Adolph Wagner (1883) was the first scholar who proposed a law con-cerning a positive correlation between economic growth and scale of gov-ernment activity. Wagner’s Law has been empirically tested by a numberof researchers generating mixed results. The purpose of this paper was notto make a reappraisal of the empirical evidence related to Wagner’s Law.Our objective was rather to investigate the causal links between econom-ic growth and government expenditures within the empirical framework ofintegration analysis, cointegration procedure and multivariate Grangercausality. In the bivariate and multivariate systems, the empirical resultsappear to be consistent with the rationale of Wagner’s Law. Selecting var-ious lag lengths to examine the sensitivity of Granger tests, the results

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strongly support the existence of causal effects from economic growth togovernment spending in the long-run.

Table 1: Testing for Stationarity, 1950-1998

* significant at the 1% level,

** significant at the 5% level.

Notes: The Dickey-Fuller (DF), the Augmented Dickey-Fuller (ADF) and the Phillips-Perron

(PP) tests are applied. The ADF test is conducted computing the regression of the form:

(5)

where ¢Y are the first differences of the series Y; k is the lag order; t stands for time; and

ut is a white noise disturbance term. Equation (5) is with-constant, and with-time trend.

The DF test deletes the summation from equation (5). ADF tests are estimated with one

year lag length on the dependent variable. All numbers given are t-values. The source of

critical values is Mackinnon's tables [1991]. Breusch-Godfrey statistics suggest that the

residuals for all regression equations are white noise. PP unit root tests make a nonpara-

metric correction to the t-statistic of the Ú coefficient in order to control for the serial cor-

relation. The Newey-West (1987) procedure is used for adjusting the standard errors. The

truncation lag for the Newey-West correction is specified to three lags. Mackinnon’s tables

(1991) are used for the PP t-statistics.

¢Yt = a0 + a1t + ÚYt-1 + Ìi¢Yt-i + ut™i=1

k

172 George Vamvoukas

Variables DF test ADF test PP test

I. Levels

Yt -0.30 -0.28 -0.40

Gt 0.89 1.11 1.17

Ut -0.61- -1.34 -1.07

Pt -2.32 -2.07 -2.29

II. Differences

¢Yt -6.94* -3.60** -7.01*

¢Gt -7.15* -4.81* -7.14*

¢Ut -4.03* -4.07** -4.01**

¢Pt -7.87* -5.49* -8.01*

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Table 2: The Johansen Cointegration Tests, 1950-1998

*, **, ***, denote rejection of the null hypothesis at the 1%, 5% and 10% significance level,

respectively.

Notes: The reported trace tests are taken from the tables of M. Osterwald-Lenum (1992).

The lag length of the underlying VAR models is set as one and two years respec-

tively. r is the number of cointegrating vectors. The Johansen procedure can be

defined by the following Error-Correction representation

¢Xt=°1¢Xt-1 + °2Xt-2 +…+ °k-1¢Xt-k+1 + ¶kXt-k + Ìt + ut , t = 1,2,….,T (6)

where ¢ is the difference operator; Xt is a p*1 vector of non-stationary variables (in lev-

els); Ì is the deterministic element of the VAR model; and ut is the vector of random errors

which is distributed with mean zero and variance matrix §[ut-N(√,§)]. The Johansen tech-

nique determines whether the coefficient matrix ¶ contains information about the long-run

properties of the VAR model (6). The null hypothesis of cointegration to be tested is

H0(r): ¶=ab’ (7)

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 173

Variables H0: r=0 H

0: r=1 H

0: r=2 H

0: r=3

A. Linear deterministic trend in data and a constant

1. Two-variable system (Yt,Gt)

- One year lag 24.7* 1.7 - -

- Two year lag 19.7 ** 2.3 - -

2. Three-variable system (Yt,Gt,Pt)

- One year lag 53.4* 22.4* 3.7 -

- Two year lag 46.9* 20.4* 3.1 -

3. Four-variable system (Yt,Gt,Pt,Ut)

- One year lag 67.6* 33.8** 13.1 0.8

- Two year lag 58.8* 32.1** 13.5 1.0

B. No deterministic trend in data and a constant

1. Two-variable system (Yt,Gt)

- One year lag 36.2* 2.7 - -

- Two year lag 23.3** 3.1 - -

2. Three-variable system (Yt,Gt,Pt)

- One year lag 65.6* 24.7* 5.4 -

- Two year lag 53.4* 26.7* 4.8 -

3. Four-variable system (Yt,Gt,Pt,Ut)

- One year lag 95.5* 39.8** 18.9 3.8

- Two year lag 71.3* 38.2** 18.3 4.9

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with apxr, bpxr full rank matrices. The null hypothesis (7) implies that in a VAR model of

type (6) there can be r cointegrating relations among the variables Xt. In this way, model

(6) is denoted by H1. a is named the matrix of error-correction parameters. b is called the

matrix of cointegrating vectors and has the property that b’Xt is stationary [b’Xt-I(0)] even

though Xt is non-stationary [Xt-I(1)].

Table 3: Testing for Multivariate Causality, 1950-1998

*, ** denote significance at the 1%, 5% significance level, respectively.

Notes: Wald F-tests for Granger causality are performed for alternative lags. The error

correction terms Ct-1 and Et-1 are the residuals from the cointegrating regressions.

‰ and Ï are coefficicients (asymptotic t-statistics in parentheses). Breusch-Godfrey

(BG) F-statistics and ARCH tests indicate that there is no sign of higher order seri-

al correlation and heteroskedasticity in the residuals (BG and ARCH F-tests are

available from the author on request).

174 George Vamvoukas

Variables ¢À Granger causes ¢G ¢G Granger causes ¢À

Wald ‰Ct-1

Wald Ï∂t-1

F-Statistics F-Statistics

1. Two-variable system

(¢Y, ¢G)

- Two year lag 0.017 -0.223 (-2.515)* 1.553 -0.020 (*0.290)

- Three year lag 1.093 -0.232 (-2.568)* 0.750 -0.036 (*0.460)

- Four year lag 0.931 -0.224 (-2.159)** 0.544 -0.115 (*1.372)

2. Three-variable system

(¢À, ¢G, ¢ƒ)

- Two year lag 0.097 -0.384 (-3.337)* 1.095 -0.044 (*0.535)

- Three year lag 0.853 -0.407 (-3.094)* 0.716 0.007 (0.074)

- Four year lag 0.944 -0.337 (-2.058)** 0.696 -0.004 (*0.035)

3. Four-variable system

(¢À, ¢G, ¢ƒ, ¢U)

- Two year lag 0.248 -0.439 (-2.820)* 1.393 0.053 (0.486)

- Three year lag 0.477 -0.436 (-2.311)** 0.570 0.105 (0.828)

- Four year lag 0.907 -0.500 (-2.274)** 0.353 0.070 (0.466)

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Abstract

GEORGE VAMVOUKAS: Government Spending and Economic Growth:

Time series evidence for Greece

This paper explores Wagner’s Law which emphasizes economic growth as the main

determinant of public sector growth. Using annual data from the Greek economy over the

time period 1950-1998, the paper provides evidence on both the short- and long-run

dynamics of growth in real per capita income on public spending by resorting to recent

developments in time series analysis. The empirical procedure produces results which are

consistent with the validity of Wagner’s Law, indicating a long-run pattern of Granger

causality running from economic growth to government spending.

NOTES

1. J.1. Bird (1971) and Beck (1979) provide a lucid analysis of all possible explanations

why public expenditures increase in the process of economic activity.

2. Note that several theoretical approaches of Wagner’s Law have been suggested. For

example, the "displacement hypothesis", proposed by Peacock and Wiseman (1961),

essentially indicates that the functional relation between level of economic develop-

ment and government spending shifts after major events like war, unstable political

conditions, etc. According to Ram (1986) the Peacock-Wiseman hypothesis has impli-

cations for a specification that seeks to assess the Wagnerian view that the public sec-

tor expands with economic development.

3. From 1950-1959 the data for Ut are calculated by considering the results of the popu-

lation censuses for the years 1951 and 1961.

4. Enders (1998) provides a useful discussion of spurious correlations and ECM formu-

lation.

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REFERENCES

Beck, M. (1979), Public sector growth: a real perspective, Public FinanceVol. 34, No 3, pp. 313-354.

Bird, R.M. (1971), "Wagner’s Law of expanding state activity", PublicFinance, Vol. 26, No 1, pp. 1-26.

Chletsos, M., and Kollias, C. (1997), "Testing Wagner’s Law using disag-gregated public expenditure data in the case of Greece: 1958-1993", Applied Economics, Vol. 29, No 3, pp. 371-377.

Enders, W. (1998), Applied econometric time series, John Wiley and Sons,New York.

Engle, R.F., and Granger, C.W.J. (1987), "Cointegration and error-correc-tion: representation, estimation, and testing", Econometrica,Vol. 55, No 2, pp. 251-276.

Georgakopoulos, T., Kintis, A., and Loizides, J. (1992), "Public Sectorgrowth: modelling intertemporal government behaviour",Cyprus Journal of Economics, Vol. 7, No 2, pp. 96-109.

Ghali, K.H. (1998), "Government size and economic growth: evidencefrom a multivariate cointegration analysis", Applied Eco-nomics, Vol. 31, No 9, pp. 975-987.

Henrekson, M. (1993), "Wagner’s Law – a spurious relationship?", PublicFinance, Vol. 48, No 2, pp. 406-415.

Johansen, S. (1995), Likelihood-based inference in cointegrated vectorautoregressive models, Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Johansen, S. (1991), "Estimation and hypothesis testing of cointegrationvectors in Gaussian vector autoregression models", Econo-metrica, Vol. 59, No 6, pp. 1551-1580.

Kolluri, B.R., Panik, M.J., and Wahab, M.S. (2000), "Government expen-diture and economic growth: evidence from G7 countries",Applied Economics, Vol. 32, No 7, pp. 1059-1068.

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Lin, C. (1995), "More evidence on Wagner’s Law for Mexico", PublicFinance, Vol. 50, No 2, pp. 267-277

Mackinnon, J.G. (1991), "Critical values for cointegration tests in long-runeconomic relationships", in Readings in Cointegration, R.F.Engle and C.W.J. Granger (Eds), Oxford University Press,Oxford.

Murthy, N.R. (1993), "Further evidence on Wagner’s Law for Mexico: anapplication of cointegration analysis", Public Finance, Vol. 48,No 1, pp. 92-96.

Newey, W.K., and West, K.D. (1987), "A simple positive definite het-eroscedasticity and autocorrelation consistent covariancematrix", Econometrica, Vol. 55, No 3, pp. 703-708.

Osterwald-Lenum, M. (1992), "A note with quantiles of the asymptotic dis-tribution of the maximum likelihood cointegration rank teststatistics", Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics, Vol.54, No 3, pp. 461-472.

Oxley, L. (1994), "Cointegration, causality and Wagner’s Law: a test forBritain 1870-1913", Scottish Journal of Political Economy,Vol. 41, No 3, pp. 286-298.

Peacock, A.T., and Wiseman, J. (1961), The growth of public expendituresin the United Kingdom, Princeton University Press, Prince-ton.

Ram, R. (1987), "Wagner’s hypothesis in time-series and cross-section per-spectives: evidence from real data for 115 countries", TheReview of Economics and Statistics, Vol. 69, No 2, pp. 194-204.

Ram, R. (1986), "Causality between income and government expenditure:a broad international perspective", Public Finance, Vol. 36,No 3, pp. 393-414.

Wagner, A. (1883), Finanzwissenschaft, 3rd ed., Leipzig. Wagner, R.E., and Weber, W.E. (1977), "Wagner’s Law, fiscal institutions,

and the growth of government", National Tax Journal, Vol.30, No 1, pp. 59-68.

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HOW FALLING INTEREST RATES BUT INCREASING

BANKING OUTPUT GIVE HIGHER BANKING PROFITS.

A TRADE OFF.

A SIMULATION ANALYSIS WITH LINEAR PROGRAMMING.

THE EXPECTED CASE OF FALLING INTEREST RATES AS A

CONDITION FOR GREECE TO ENTER THE EURO AREA

GEORGE THANOS*

Hellenic Airforce Academy

1. Introduction

A single bank has a profitability function of the form: S*Ps + PROFIT= U*Pu where S stands for all sources of capital input, Ps stands for theaverage cost of buying capital, U stands for the final uses of capital (thebanking services), Pu stands for the average interest rate and PROFITstands for net profit before tax. According to this oversimplified model,the condition for higher profits in case of falling interest rates is thatU(t+1)/U(t) ≥ Ps(t)/Ps(t+1). In other words, the rate of increase in the volumeof turnover tends to exceed in absolute terms the rate of decrease in theaverage interest rate. This conclusion seems reasonable, but still remainsthe question: what happens in the case of many banking services, each ofwhich with a different rate of interest, or even when some services areprofitable while others are not? Hence, a problem of price discrimination

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arises (see appendix with price discrimination),1 but not only as a discrim-ination per section but as a certain way to increase total profits or even tokeep them at least to a minimum level2, and/or (sales maximization undera minimum profit constraint, due to spread policy3). On the other hand,the labour cost is inelastic, there are various wage rigidities (see appendixwith wage rigidities in Greek banks), contracts etc to be met, and the cur-rent labour law does not allow, for the moment, the decrease in the labourcost, especially in our times with the rapid change in the state of art(ATMs, Internet, Phone Banking, the technology increases the productioncapacity by introducing new electronic delivery channels4, Mastercardexamines the consumer profile using advanced technology, and so increas-es profits5), which cuts down even further the unit labour cost. Banksshould substitute capital for labour and invest in new technology to keeppace with manufacturing in automation6, and to be competitive in terms oflabour cost against the banks in EEC7.

The above simple model, although it tells a truth, however, does notconsider the details of the problem. First, the demand for each individualservice does not follow the same (trend) pattern.8 Second, the interest ratepolicy differs among products, and marketing techniques interfere (for aprice discrimination9 or for matching consumer demand)10.

Third, the final interest rate, including the spread, depends on theoligopolistic11 position of the bank, as well as on the bargaining amongcompetitors. Fourth, the overall interest rate mentioned in the simplemodel is, in the general model, the weighted average interest rate. Fifth, thebank should decide among various alternatives (sales maximization, profitmaximization12) to find the best solution.

Sixth, even if the best solution is found, this is not the end of the game,because the competitor banks will soon adjust their prices, and so, in adynamic situation (of many in between equilibrium situations)13 the bankmust reconsider its plans for maximization according to the competitors’reactions.

180 George Thanos

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2. The Problem

In Greece, in our times, the convergence of the economy to the euroconditions and the fulfilment of the concerning targets is the main preoc-cupation of the Greek government. The level of interest rates must godown, together with the consumer price index. The labour cost, however,by law is fixed downwards. Hence, the Greek banks are facing the threat ofzero profits, or even their eradication from the market. Their profit mar-gin is diminishing, because they cannot decrease the level of wages (seeappendix (wage rigidities in Greek banks)) .

The irony is that, on the other hand, the rapid progress in the state ofart (ATMs, internet, phone banking,14) gives the possibility to the bank tocut down unit costs by employing less labour per unit of product, invest-ing, therefore, in technology, increasing the capital / labour ratio, reducingunit cost15, and having economies of scale.

Apart from that, the revenue of the banks is able to increase by sellingnot only the traditional credits towards the manufacturing sector, but alsothe retail banking, swaps, derivatives, etc.16 and by increasing the varietyof services, especially to the rich customers. In Greece the market in retailbanking is not yet saturated.17 That means that banks, provided they aremodernized, have much room to increase turnover18 to overcome the lossfrom the decrease in prices (interest rates), and consequently to increaseprofits.

Thus, to reach a solution, I will try to reflect the assumption of the wagerigidities19 by assuming that the cost of labour is proportional to the levelof output, which sounds reasonable. The labour force must understand theneed for changes in working practices.20

3. Generalization of the Problem: The Assumptions of the Mathe-

matical Model

We assume consumer behavioural equations in the form of ex ante

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regressions for any type of service: Qi = ai + bi Ri21, where Qi is the quan-

tity of the service demanded as a function of the autonomous quantitydemanded ai, plus the product of the coefficient bi times the final interestrate Ri (including the spread). This behavioural equation shows only a pref-erence on the part of consumers for various services, and not the finalquantity bought.

The rate of interest R is the sum of the fixed (exogenously by the mar-ket predetermined statistical variables, examined in many econometrictheories22) cost of capital P plus the spread S. In our analysis, we shall varyS to affect R, in order to be competitive to the market. Hence, Ri = Pi + Si.The cost of labour L is assumed to be proportional to the expected outputby the fixed factor I. Thus, Li = I * Qi. This is a radical assumption thathelps banks, in the euro conditions of falling interest rates and fallingprices, to cut down the unit cost of the service (banking product) bydecreasing proportionally the labour cost (need to persuade labour force)and to relax somehow wage rigidities24.

The net profit before tax i is equal to [Qi * Ri] - Li. Thus the objec-tive function to be maximised is: ™i = ™ [Qi * Ri] - Li. In the followinganalysis, it is assumed that P is fixed for each of the ten services, and thatthe market R = 20%. Hence, the bank, in order to be more competitive,offers a final R which is less than 20%. This can be done by applying lowvalues of S.

Four "scenarios" are used. The first is the initial situation, and the oth-ers show higher profits provided that the rate of increase in turnover is high-er than the rate of decrease in the weighted rate of interest. The weightedrate of interest is equal to: ™ Ri [Qi / ™ Qi ]. ( i = 1, 2, 3,...10). The follow-ing table (Table 1) summarises the assumptions for each "scenario".

Table 1. The assumptions of the Scenarios

182 George Thanos

scenario Ri Si ™Qi Qi

1 0% <= Ri <= 20% 5% <= Si <= 10% <= 20000 >= 0,5 >= 1000

2 0% <= Ri <=20% 5% <= Si <= 9,5% <= 25000 >= 0,5 >= 1000

3 0% <= Ri <=20% 5% <= Si <= 9,1% <= 30000 >= 0,5 >= 1000

4 0%<= Ri <=20% 5% <= Si <= 9% <= 35000 >= 0,5 >= 1000

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The constraint of ™Qi refers to the full capacity utilization. The con-straint of a minimun level of profits refers to the need to cover somefixed costs (say electricity, water, and the like). A similar assumption holdsfor the constraint in Qi with the meaning of a technically minimum pro-duction of output (services).

Mathematical methods of constrained optimization were used as shownin the following complicated example:25

Assume the function u = f (q1, q2, q3)

which is to be maximized subject to the following constraint:

p1 * q1 + p2 * q2 + p3 * q3 = M

By virtue of Lagrange multiplier we get:

z = f + Ï * Ê

where :

Ê = Ê (q1 , q2, q3) = p1 * q1 + p2 * q2 + p3 * q3 - M = 0

For the maximization the necessary and sufficient condition is:

dz = 0

d2z < 0

dÊ = 0

The first order condition becomes therefore:

dz = d (f + Ï * Ê) = 0

hence :f1 + Ï * Ê1 = 0f2 + Ï * Ê2 = 0f3 + Ï * Ê3 = 0

and because Êi = pi

the first order condition becomes :

[f1 / p1] = [f2 / p2] = [f3 / p3] = - Ï

After that, the second order condition is:

d2z < 0

dÊ = 0

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which is equivalent to the fulfilment of the following two conditions:

0 Ê1 Ê2

Ê1 f11 + Ï * Ê11 f12 + Ï * Ê12 > 0 ,

Ê2 f21 + Ï * Ê21 f22 + Ï * Ê22

0 Ê1 Ê2 Ê3

Ê1 f11 + Ï * Ê11 f12 + Ï * Ê12 f13 + Ï * Ê13

Ê2 f21 + Ï * Ê21 f22 + Ï * Ê22 f23 + Ï * Ê23 < 0

Ê3 f31 + Ï * Ê31 f32 + Ï * Ê32 f33 + Ï * Ê33

However, the working of the above type owards optimization(expressed by many economists26) is not only tedious but also faces seri-ous shortcomings27, a list of them is: a) the extreme point estimated by cal-culus is local and not absolute, b) the functions and mathematical equationswhich are useful to measure economic arguments are not always continu-ous28, c) the mathematical method uses equalities, while in many cases theoptimum solution can be found in inequalities29 d) in economics there isnot smooth continuity like in the mathematical equations. Hence, the lin-ear programming comes to fill this gap. In this paper the simplex methodwill be used30, as well as the built-in software of microsoft windows31.

4. Solution With Simulation Analysis and Linear Programming

Four simulations (scenarios), with linear programming have been used.The first is to accept an imaginary situation (see appendix imaginary situ-ation of scenario 1), and the rest three are to investigate how to achievethe solution, compared to the first scenario’s conditions. All scenarios arein sum presented in the following tables (Table 2 and 3).

184 George Thanos

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Table 2. Simulations scenarios

Table 3. The results

From the results final table, we can see that the net profit increasesbecause the turnover grows faster than the rate of decline in the weightedrate of interest. The same conclusion is better presented in the followinggraph (Figure 1), where the trend is well shown. According to this trend, themanagers can decide about the price policy of the bank.

Figure 1. The change % in net profit versus the relative change

between turnover and weighted interest rate

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 185

scenario weighted interest rate turnover net profit

1 14,000% 20.000,00 836,00

2 13,744% 25.000,00 936,00

3 13,387% 30.000,00 1.016,00

4 13,317% 35.000,00 1.161,00

scenario absolute [change % in turnover/ change % in net profitchange % in weighted interest rate]

2 / 1 13,672 11,962%

3 / 1 11,419 21,531%

4 / 1 15,373 38,876%

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The above graph serves as a guide for prediction and strategic pur-poses. The policy maker realizes the trend at once. In the above case, itseems worth increasing the sales faster than the fall in the interest rate.

5. Comments, what has to be done

This work refers only to the short run, because the competitors willreact accordingly to interest rate changes (price of services changes) tomaximize their own profits in the long run , by offering near homogenousproducts (services)32.

Therefore, the bank should regularly reconsider its price (interest) pol-icy to be the best in the market, or to improve its position in the market33,by applying again linear programming subject to new constraints .

Another point to be mentioned is that the output (turnover) cannotincrease endlessly. Perhaps the customers (the demand side34) do not needmore services (supply) than a maximum level.35 It is also possible that themarket is saturated, or the particular service does not cover the customerneeds any more.

But in such a case as the above, this constraint in the increase in turnover(supply) can be overcome if the banks decide to be merged into larger cor-porations reaching this way the economies of scale (the unit cost falls37),and increasing considerably their production capacity (by investing in newtechnology, provided that the new capacity will not exceed the demand).

No need to mention the necessity of the advantage of technologicalprogress which further reduces the production cost , and improves thecompetitive position of the bank. Finally, the innovation of new products(new products that meet the new demand requirements38) will push up thedemand side yielding higher profits in the banks, together with the use ofbehavioural analysis (between firms and consumers)39.

The legal system regarding labour relations should change towards therelaxation of wage rigidities. This change is expected to be radical, but itmust be done with mutual understanding and social consent. The labourforce will be used in other production units, and it will not be neglected.

186 George Thanos

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So, there will not be social unrest, and the whole economy will gain thebenefits of new technology.

The new era of entering the euro zone will create certainty for the futureexpectations. The social change regarding will be forgotten when the labourmarket reaches new equilibrium in the long run. Besides, it must be men-tioned that the education system should adjust accordingly to "produce"modern training in order to fit the new demand for labour conditions.

Appendix

A. Wage Rigidities in Greek Banks

To measure spread as a percentage of deposit rate, I used the followingmodel:

[ ( r - r (deposits) ) / r (deposits) ] = a + b CPI(t)

period examined: Jan 1996 - Nov 1998 , monthly data taken from the Com-mercial Bank of Greece

where:

r short run loan interest rate per annumcpi consumer price inflation per monthr(deposits) annual deposit interest rate

Source: The rate of interest from the Commercial Bank of Greece (var-ious daily bulletins), and for the cpi the National Statistical Service ofGreece (monthly bulletins).

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It is ex ante expected that b is positive. However, b is found to be neg-ative (-5,60), and statistically significant (t = -8,8). The fit is good (0,70).This means that the banks are reluctant to reduce this spread (due to wagerigidities). If the banks reduce this spread, the profit will shrink.

B. Price Discrimination40

It is generally accepted that the interest rates, (the prices of the bank-ing products and services), are higher, ceteris paribus, if the demand for thebanking service is more inelastic.

proof:Suppose a bank that produces only three products (services) in quanti-

ties Q1, Q

2, Q

3, which are sold by customers of the category 1, 2 Î·È 3

respectively .Then the sales will be:

R = R1(Q

1) + R

2(Q

2) + R

3(Q

3)

The total cost will be:

C = C1(Q

1) + C

2(Q

2) + C

3(Q

3)

188 George Thanos

Regression Statistics

Multiple R 0,8382611R Square 0,7026817Adjusted R Square 0,6936721Standard Error 0,0637052Observations 35

Coefficients Standard Error t Statistic

Intercept 0,9699852 0,041705697 23,25786X Variable 1 -5,6023279 0,634370463 -8,831318

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The profits will be:

= R1(Q

1) + R

2(Q

2) + R

3(Q

3) - C

1(Q

1) - C

2(Q

2) - C

3(Q

3)

By virtue of the first partial derivatives we get:

i= R`

i(Q

i) - C`

i(Q) * ıQ / ıQ

i= 0, i = 1 , 2 , 3

After some mathematical work, and solving the i equations we get :

MC = MR1

= MR2

= MR3

Where:

MC = marginal cost

MR = marginal revenue

And since:

MRi= d R

i/ d Q

i= P

i* (d Q

i/ d Q

i) + Q

i* (d P

i/ d Q

i)

= Pi* (1 + ( (d P

i/ d Q

i) * (Q

i/ P

i) ) )

= Pi* (1 + ( 1 / Â

i) ) , i = 1 , 2 , 3

= MC

= fixed

where :

Pi

= the price (interest rate) of product i

Âi

= the demand elasticity of product i

It follows that :

Pi/ P

j= ( 1 + ( 1 / Â

j) ) / ( 1 + ( 1 / Â

i) )41

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C. Appendix of Imaginary Scenario of Situation 1

scenario 1

190 George Thanos

services the a's the b's

1 1,00 0,30000

2 3,00 0,12000

3 4,00 0,03000

4 55,00 0,00090

5 6,00 0,03000

6 2,00 0,12000

7 7,00 0,03000

8 12,00 0,00045

9 9,00 0,02370

10 100,00 0,05000

predetermined factors

functions or variables to be subject to constraints

services the P the S the Q the R

1 4,000% 10,000% 1.000,00 14,000%

2 3,500% 10,000% 1.000,00 13,500%

3 2,850% 10,000% 1.000,00 12,850%

4 4,500% 10,000% 11.000,00 14,500%

5 3,750% 10,000% 1.000,00 13,750%

6 4,200% 10,000% 1.000,00 14,200%

7 3,750% 10,000% 1.000,00 13,750%

8 4,100% 10,000% 1.000,00 14,100%

9 3,700% 10,000% 1.000,00 13,700%

10 4,250% 10,000% 1.000,00 14,250%

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This table describes the situation of the first scenario, and the solutionfound. The rest scenarios, are not presented, since they are similar.

Abstract

GEORGE THANO™: How falling interest rates but increasing banking output

give higher banking profits. A trade off. (A simulation analysis with linear pro-

gramming. The expected case of falling interest rates as a condition for Greece to

enter the euro Area).

In this article I will try to point out that, by means of simulation analysis and linear pro-

gramming, bank profits will be higher in case of falling interest rates and increasing bank-

ing output, provided that the rate of increase in output is higher than the rate of decrease

in the weighted average interest rate of all bank services. In this article, it is assumed that

the bank offers ten banking products (services). Each service will have its own interest rate.

The bank buys an amount of capital in a fixed interest rate , and produces ten various ser-

vices at a different interest rate each. In each service a different spread in the interest rate

is used. The resulting revenue must cover at least the labour cost. Then, the resulting dif-

ference will be the net banking profits before tax. A rigorous assumption throughout this

model is that of the perfect malleability of labour. It is to this end assumed that the labour

law permits labour contracts by the hour, or according to the volume of expected turnover,

instead of the usual contract of fixed eight hours per day. Hence, within this framework,

and with the help of simulation analysis and linear programming, I will point out that if the

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 191

services the Q the l the L the QR the = QR - L weighted average R

1 1.000,00 0,1 100,00 140,00 40,00 0,700%

2 1.000,00 0,1 100,00 135,00 35,00 0,675%

3 1.000,00 0,1 100,00 128,50 28,50 0,642%

4 11.000,00 0,1 1.100,00 1.595,00 495,00 7,975%

5 1.000,00 0,1 100,00 137,50 37,50 0,687%

6 1.000,00 0,1 100,00 142,00 42,00 0,710%

7 1.000,00 0,1 100,00 137,50 37,50 0,687%

8 1.000,00 0,1 100,00 141,00 41,00 0,705%

9 1.000,00 0,1 100,00 137,00 37,00 0,685%

10 1.000,00 0,1 100,00 142,50 42,50 0,712%

™ 20.000,00 1 2.000,00 2.836,00 836,00 14,180%

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rate of decrease in the weighted interest rate (of bank services) is less than the rate of

increase in the volume of total banking services, then, the banking profits will increase.

Especially, in the Greek case, where the labour cost is by strict legal system rigid down-

wards, this article is to break the traditional frontiers towards a feasible optimum solution

and will help Greek banks to be more competitive costwise in order to enter the euro area.

NOTES

1. Chiang A., 1967, Fundamental Methods of Mathematical Economics, MacGraw

Hill, Tokyo, p. 334-5.

2. Elliot J., 1975, Economic Analysis for Management Decisions, Richard D Irwin Inc.,

Illinois, p. 236-7.

3. Georgiou M., 1997, «The Determinant Factors for the Spread in The Rate of Inter-

est», Hellenic Bank Association Bulletin, 4rth quarter , p.100.

4. Thanos G., 1998, «Historical critical reference to the organizational development of

the Greek monetary - credit system, 1828-1982», The Greek Review of SocialResearch, issue 96 - 97, B’-°’ Athens, EKKE, pp. 274-275.

5. Bank Marketing International,1997, «Segmentation , An Integrated and Flexible

Approach», Lafferty Publications, Dublin, April.

6. As an indication of the automation in manufacturing industry 1997, I present the ratio

of robots per 10000 persons employed in 1997: Japan (413), Germany (67), Italy (28).

See: ECONOMIST, London, 17/10/98, p.132.

7. Vliamos S., Kyriazis, 1993, N.,The European and Monetary Integration. The Dere-gionalization of the National Banking Sectors, Hellenic Banking Association,

(11/1993), p. 61.

8. Maddala G., 1983, Econometrics, MacGrawHill, London, p.334.

9. Chiang A., op.cit. p.334-5.

10. Stapleton J., 1975, Business and Management Studies, Teach Yourself Books, Hod-

der and Stoughton Paperbacks, London, p.70, "People like to choose something to suittheir individual ideas and usually it will not be too dear and certainly not the cheap-est".

11. Wildsmith J., 1973, Managerial Theories of the Firm, Martin Robertson and Compa-

ny, London, p.42.

12. Sandmeyer R., 1964, «Baumol’s Sales Maximization Model», American EconomicReview, Dec (in the book: Wildsmith J., Managerial Theories of The Firm, Martin

Robertson, London, 1973, p.42) (Sandmeyer criticized Baumol’s theory, by claiming

that Baumol does not consider the case where the firm changes price along with the

advertising budget in order to achieve the highest sales subject to a minimum accept-

192 George Thanos

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able profit restriction. Hence, Sandmeyer, in this way, was more general than Baumol

was.). Peston M., 1959, «On the Sales Maximization Hypothesis», Economica, May,

he asserts that "short run sales maximisers at the expense of short run profit, may besimply explained in terms of long run profit maximization".

13. Chiang A., op.cit. p. 185, 194.

14. Pantazopoulos A , 1997, «Phone Banking: A new Network for the Supply of Bank-

ing Services», Hellenic Banking Association Bulletin, 4th Quarter, p.78.

15. Ferguson C., 1972, Microeconomic Theory, Irwin, Illinois, p. 236.

16. Vliamos S., Kyriazis, N., op. cit., p. 81.

17. Georgiou M., 1998, «Spread in the Rate of Interest and the Profitability of the Banks

in the Euro Conditions», Economic Review, Commercial Bank of Greece, page 42 -

3, (no.15), July - September.

18. Wildsmith J., op.cit. p. 42.

19. Hicks J., 1968, Value and Capital, Oxford University Press, p. 265.

20. Robinson D., 1971, «Local Labour Markets and Wage Structures», Gower Press, Lon-

don, p. 277, "...the changes in working practices and methods to take place, workgroups need to undestand why management desires to extend their area of control andwhat the economic consequences of making changes, or not making changes, mightbe".

21. Maddala G.,1983, Econometrics, MacGrawHill, London, p. 334.

22. Jonston J.,1972, Econometric Methods, MacGrawHill, New York, p. 3. Wonnacott

R., Wonnacott T., 1970, Econometrics, Wiley, London, p.155. Koutsoyiannis A.,

1973, Theory of Econometrics, Macmillan, London, p.12. Elliot J., op. cit., p. 28.

23. Derek Robinson op.cit. p. 277.

24. Hicks J., op.cit. p. 265.

25. Apostol T., 1967, Calculus Vol.II, Xerox College Publishing, Massachussets, USA,

p.314. Yamane T., 1968, Mathematics for Economists, Prentice Hall, New Jersey,

USA, p. 480.

26. Dixit A., 1976 , Optimization in Economic Theory , Oxford University Press, p. 110.

Chiang A., op. cit. , p.385. Liebhafsky H., 1968, The Nature of Price Theory, Dorsey

Press, Illinois, p.539. Ferguson C., 1972 , op.cit., p.370.

27. Chiang A., op.cit. pp. 385, 386.

28. Allen R., 1968, Statistics for Economists, Hutchinson University Library, London, p.

9.

29. Winch M., 1973, Analytical Welfare Economics, Penguin Modern Economic Texts,

England, p.86.

30. Liebhafsky H., op.cit., p. 554.

31. The software used was: windows microsoft office 4,3, and excel 5.

32. Elliot J., op.cit. p. 245.

33. Elliot J., op.cit. p. 239.

34. The income of the consumers has always a maximum level. Therefore, the consumer

demand has also a maximum.

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35. This is realized only ex post. Also, see Elliot J., op.cit. p. 134.

36. As to the response of Commercial banks under the new formed conditions and the

international trend: see Thanos G., 1999, «Structural development and function of the

Greek Banking System, 1982 - 1995», Athens, The Greek Review of Social Research(under publication).

37. Elliot J., op.cit. p. 158

38. Georgiou M., 1998, op.cit. p. 43.

39. Elliot J., op.cit. p. 256.

40. Chiang A., op.cit. p. 334-5.

41. This method can be generalized to any number of banking customers. Besides, since

the interest rate of a banking service is equal to the sum of the fixed exogenously

determined cost of capital plus the banking spread, the above conclusion is the same

as: the more inelastic the demand of the banking service the higher the spread.

194 George Thanos

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REFERENCES

1. ALLEN R., 1968, Statistics for Economists, Hutchinson UniversityLibrary, London .

2. APOSTOL T., 1967, Calculus Vol.II, Xerox College Publishing, Mas-sachusetts, USA.

3. YAMANE T., 1968, Mathematics for Economists, Prentice Hall, N.J., USA.4. Bank Marketing International, 1997, «Segmentation, An Intergrated

And Flexible Approach», Lafferty Publications, Dublin, April.5. CHIANG A., Fundamental Methods of Mathematical Economics, Mac-

graw-Hill, Tokyo, 1967.6. DIXIT A., 1976, Optimization in Economic Theory, Oxford University

Press.7. ELLIOT J., 1975, Economic Analysis for Management Decisions,

Richard D Irwin Inc., Illinois.8. Economist, London, 17/10/98, p.132.9. FERGUSON C., 1972, Microeconomic Theory, Irwin, Iliinois.10. GEORGIOU M., 1997, «The Determinant Factors for The Spread In

The Rate of Interest», Hellenic Bank Association Bulletin, 4thquarter, p.100.

11. GEORGIOU M., 1998, «Spread in the Rate of Interest and the Prof-itability of the Banks in the Euro Conditions», EconomicReview, Commercial Bank of Greece, page 39, (no.15), July -September.

12. HICKS, J., 1968, Value and Capital, Oxford University Press. 13. JONSTON J., 1972, Econometric Methods, MacGraw-Hill, New York.14. KOUTSOYIANNIS A., 1973, Theory of Econometrics, Macmillan,

London.15. LIEBHAFSKY H., 1968, The Nature of Price Theory, Dorsey Press,

Illinois.

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16. MADDALA G., 1983, Econometrics, MacGraw-Hill, London.17. PANTAZOPOULOS A., 1997, «Phone Banking: A new Network for

the Supply of Banking Services», Hellenic Banking Associa-tion Bulletin, 4th Quarter, p.78.

18. PESTON M., 1959, «On the Sales Maximization Hypothesis», Eco-nomica, May.

19. ROBINSON D., 1971, Local Labour Markets and Wage Structures,Gower Press, London.

20. SANDMEYER R., 1964, «Baumol’s Sales Maximization Model»,American Economic Review, December

21. STAPLETON J., 1975, Business and Management Studies, TeachYourself Books, Hodder and Stoughton Paperbacks, London.

22. THANOS G., 1998, «Historical Critical reference to the organization-al development of the Greek monetary - credit system, 1828 -1982», The Greek Review of Social Research, issue 96-97, B’-°’, Athens, EKKE.

23. THANOS G., 1999, «Structural development and function of the GreekBanking System 1982 - 1995», The Greek Review of SocialResearch Athens, EKKE (under publication).

24. VLIAMOS S., KYRIAZIS, 1993, N., The European and MonetaryIntegration. The Deregionalization of the National BankingSectors, Hellenic Banking Association, (11/1993).

25. WILDSMITH J., 1973, Managerial Theories of the Firm, MartinRobertson, London.

26. WINCH M., 1973, Analytical Welfare Economics, Penguin ModernEconomic Texts, England.

27. WONNACOTT R., Wonnacott T., 1970 , Econometrics, Wiley, Lon-don.

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OPTIMAL INVESTMENT POLICIES AND OSCILATORS

OF STOCKMARKET TECHNICAL ANALYSIS.

APPLICATION IN THE IMPACT OF THE WAR IN

YUGOSLAVIA TO THE GREEK STOCKMARKET

COSTAS KYRITSIS

National Technical University of Athens

1. Introduction

The problem of profitable and optimal trading in Stockmarkets is themajor choice which investors are facing daily. On the other hand, such deci-sions are also models of investment decision in other areas of Finance andEconomics. The solutions that are discovered for Stockmarkets are oftenformally the same with solutions in the Microeconomics of firms or evenof policies in Macroeconomics of the Government. Academic research hasconsidered the subject of much worth for investigation and since 1967 tilltoday, many papers, from famous economists, have been published aboutit. It was soon understood that even relatively simple and common prob-lems that are decided empirically are far from simple in their full theoreti-cal formulation. Any one that has attempted to apply any of the theoreti-cal solutions in real situations of Stockmarkets has realized that academicpublications have very general and not easily applicable abstractions. Anexample is the utility function. At the same time they put very restrictiveassumptions about the movement of prices, that are rarely met with suchsimple symmetry, in reality. A question is early put: "Is academic research

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supporting the empirical trading rules of technical analysis?" There arestrong opponents of the concepts of the academic research, among thetechnical analysts and investors, that would reverse the question to: «Doesreality of Stockmarkets supports the results of academic publishedresearch?» It is to admit nevertheless that some of the results of academicresearch make use of very sophisticated formulations, like the stochasticdifferential equations, stochastic optimal control, Bellman’s maximumprinciple etc., with which is familiar only a small minority of the investors.The question of course remains if the above results are enlightening andapplicable even for the few that have familiarity with all the involved for-mulations. The author’s experience is that the academic publications areoften much too complicated for direct applications. They are neverthelessencouraging. Any serious application must involve computer experimentsand numerical specification of parameters for particular Stockmarkets,that bridge the gap of theoretical concepts and practical results. Academicresearch seems to be interested to describe the behavior of investors andfor this they introduce the utility functions of the profits, which is notdetermined and is assumed to summarize the subjective or irrationalbehavior of the investors. If this function is eliminated many of the pub-lished results became trivial for trading applications. On the other handthere are some important exceptions to this and furthermore the theoreti-cal formulation, even only with an abstract existence of solution, offersmuch in the confidence of the investor for an appropriate trading systemthat can bring to him profits with a consistent, best possible and rationallyexplained method.

In this paper we analysze explain popular price oscillators like thePrOsc (5-70/50) and RSI, by abandoning the «null-oscillations» assump-tion, and by considering oscillators as discrete filters that extract oscilla-tions of the regression path . We give also a stochastic differential equationformulation, in ITO’s calculus, of the concept of oscillations. We give aformulation of the Eliot’s wave theory. We show that the hyperbolicD’Alambert PDE wave equation, and Shroendinger’s parabolic complexPDE wave equation, hold. Finally we apply a discrete time version to studythe impact of the war in Yugoslavia to the Greek Stockmarket. An almostclear oscillation appears and a lowering of the momentum of the growthtrend.

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2. A short review of some of the published academic research findings

The first papers to formulate and solve the problem of optimal portfo-lio selection and trading, were two papers by Samuelson and Merton in thesame volume of Rev. of Econ. Stat. in 1968 (see SAMUELSON P.A.(1968), MERTON R.C (1968)) Samuelson solved it in discrete time andMerton in continuous time. The later became known in the bibliographyfrom then on as the «Merton problem». In discrete time the solution wasobtained using dynamic programming of Bellman and in continuous timeby using stochastic differential equations and ITO’s calculus. Both authors,nevertheless, assumed the possibility of costless transactions, thus portfo-lio adjustments could be as often as one would like . Both authors solved itunder the generality of a utility function of profit and assuming that therewas consumption at every time step of a part of the investment, by theinvestor. The criterion of optimality was the maximization of the totalconsumption in infinite horizon. Although the costless transaction assump-tion was not realistic the reader got the idea of the general form of an opti-mal trading tactic. The solution was among two alternative assets, a riskystock and a riskless bank deposit or bond. The optimal trading strategy thatswitches between these two alternatives was synonymous with the problemof optimal portfolio selection, as the portfolio was only these two alterna-tives. There was not given any solution for more than two assets and thestock was assumed to have constant (exponential) trend. The latter was anoversimplifying assumption, as we mentioned in the introduction, fromwhich nevertheless almost all-later advancements did not deviate. Thisassumption that apart from the (exponential) trend the residual of the pro-cess is white noise (or random walk for discrete time) is called in the bibli-ography «the null» assumption. Almost all-later solutions, focused on infi-nite horizon, were the existence of a stationary optimal policy was easyand possible to obtain.

Many years passed till the first publication of the solution of the sameproblem in continuous time but with transaction costs (see ConstantinidesG.M. (1979), Magill M.J.P.- Constantinides G.M. (1976)).

The papers by Constantinides G.M. were pioneering and ahead of theirtime. They tried to solve problems that required techniques of stochastic

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differential equations that were known only to a very small minority ofexperts in the field and they were not economists. Later an elegant and rig-orous solution to the same problem was published by Davis M.H. and Nor-man A. R. (see Davis M.H.-Norman A.R. (1990)). The transaction costsare assumed to be a fixed percentage of the amount in the transaction. Thesame problem was solved again under more general forms of the transac-tion costs like convex and quadratic functions. The solution was still fortwo only assets. For the first time appeared in the publications the conceptof «optimal buffer-region» or «optimal brake-region». The optimal port-folio was not adjusted to changes of the stock prices, because of the trans-action costs until the first time deviation drives the previously determinedoptimal portfolio outside an «optimal buffer-region» or «optimal brake-region».

An other author (see Duffie D. - Sun T. (1990)) solved the same prob-lem but under the additional assumption that each time a withdrawal (con-sumption) or portfolio adjustment transaction is taking place there is,except of the percentage transaction costs also a fixed cost as transactioncost or management fees. This assumption, which is very realistic as eachtime a trading offer is put in the computers a small constant cost occurs,turns surprisingly the continuous time problem to a discrete one. It isproved that the optimal policy requires transactions at constant time inter-vals! The situation seems to be similar to the optimal time of ordering ininventory control.

Other authors (see Dumas B. - Luciano EL. (1991), Taskar M. -KlassM.J. - Aaaf D. (1988)) solved the same problem as Davis and Norman, butwithout assuming consumption. They required maximization is of theaverage value of the final (in the infinite) utility of the wealth.

A still later publication (see Broer D.P. - Jansen W.J. (1998)) solvedfinally the same problem but for more than two assets so that the term«optimal portfolio selection policy» took its really literal meaning.

The solution proved that the optimal portfolio was not at all in general«mean-and-variance efficient»! This was surprising for many authors asalmost all of the bibliography in the theory of Portfolio Selection adaptedthe approach of «mean-and-variance efficient» portfolios (see Elton E.J. -Gruber M.J. (1991).

An approach by far more risk averse and different from all the previous

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is to take the optimality criterion to be not the maximization of the aver-age value of a utility but of the probability to succeed profits above a level,or of the speed to succeed profits above some level. (See Roy S. (1995),Heath D. - Orey S. - Pestien V. - Sudderth W. (1987), Pestien V.C. - Sud-derth W.D. (1985) Sudderth W.D.-Weerasinghe AN (1989), Breiman L.(1961)) There have been published results both in discrete and continuoustime and finite and infinite horizon. In continuous time and infinite hori-zon the results are easier to obtain.

This approach is related to the slogan «safety first». It is certainly by farmore valuable for applications as it avoids the abstract utility function forall time steps. It may be relevant nevertheless to sequentially utilityapproaches that have a separate utility function for each step (see PhelpsE. (1962), Svensson L.E.O. (1989)).

At a first glance it seems that the continuous time assumption compli-cates the process of solution .We know much more about time series thanstochastic differential equations. We know how to handle only a few smallclasses of stochastic differential equations that are Gaussian processes. Inaddition the formulation for infinite horizon may seem that complicatesthe solutions. But both assumptions have as net result a crucial simplifica-tion of the optimal solution! It is like the law of large numbers in statisti-cal kinetic theory of gasses that has in the average much simpler equations(the equations of fluid dynamics) than the exact statistical equations. Inparticular for finite horizon and discrete time, in many cases of utilities itwould be not possible to find any optimal solution, which is stationary. Buteven for infinite horizon the discrete time counterpart of many of thesolved cases in Davis M.H.- Norman A.R. (1990) have not yet been solvedin spite the attempts (see Roy S. (1995). In this paper only some qualita-tive results are obtained. e.g. the existence of a stationary solution, whilein continuous time the same problem has been solved!).

No doubt, the problem of optimal portfolio selection and optimal trad-ing is separate from the problem of (optimal) forecasting. Any model ofprice movements could be used and in the above publications was takenthe simplest possible. In other words of constant exponential trend as inthe Black-Scholes model.

There are also papers that try to avoid any stochastic assumption forthe prices and they simply define optimality of the trading tactic according

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to profits maximization when there is a suggested trading position for thenext day according to neural networks techniques. (See Gencay R. (1998)).Such papers concentrate on the forecasting problem and try to approach itin a way as realistic as possible.

Neural network techniques give new algorithms of time series forecast-ing by letting the neural network to learn from past successes or failures.Extended research on data for 10 years in Stockmarkets as published in thelatter paper, proves that the universal limit of forecasting the next day(even with the best time series forecasting algorithms as are considered theneural network techniques) is 60%. That is 60% of the next day forecast-ing (for the prices going up or down) are successful!

There are also other approaches to the forecasting problem based onwavelets and non-linear models of time series (see Zuohong PanxiaodiWang (1998)).

3. The price oscillators of technical analysis as digital linear filters

and their frequency response

A moving average oscillator, denoted usually by PrOsc (n-m/k) isdefined as follows:

a) First we take the average value of the last m stock’s price values q (m)

b) Then again the average value of the last n stock’s price values q (n)

c) Then we take the average value q (k) of the last k values of q (m)-q (n)

The oscillator is defined by the «crossing the lines rule» of the curves q(k) and q (m)-q (n). The "crossing of lines rule" sais that a buying signal isgiven each time the curve q (m)-q (n) crosses the curve q (k) from lowerto higher and a selling signal each time the crossing is from higher to lower.

The q (k) is a linear function (in fact a convex combination or weight-ed average) of the stock’s last (n+m+k) prices.

q (k) = p(n)*c(1)+...+p(n-(n+m+k))*c(n+m+k) (1)

with c (1)+...+c(n+m+k) = 1 (2)

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Therefore it is identified as linear (digital) convolution filter of the timeseries (see Koopmans Lambert H. (1995) Chapter 4, 6). It has a finite num-ber of weights. Its frequency response is defined as the action of the filteron a base of functions, which is the harmonic (trigonometric) oscillations.As by Fourier analysis any finite sequence can be written as a linear com-bination of the sine and cosine oscillations, and the filter is linear, knowingthe filter is equivalent to knowing how it filters the sine and cosine oscilla-tions at all frequencies .Let a linear filter denoted by L .It can be provedthat the filtering of any harmonic oscillation exp(iat) (written in complexexponential form) is simply multiplication by a complex constant:

L(exp(iat))=B(a) exp(iat) (3)

The complex function B(a) is called the transfer function of the linearfilter L.

For detailed definitions and proofs of the properties of the transferfunction see Koopmans Lambert H. (1995) Chapter 4 PP 82-83. In partic-ular the simple moving average filter of backward horizon of k steps hasfrequency response:

B(a) = exp(-ia(k-1)/2)sin(ak/2)/k*sin(a/2), -<a< (4)

(see again Koopmans Lambert H. (1995) Chapter 6 Example 6.2 P 171.)From this it is not difficult to derive the frequency response of the

PrOsc filter. Subtracting two linear filters has as transfer function the sub-traction of their transfer functions while composition of them has as fre-quency response the multiplication of their frequency response.

As it is reported in Dimopoulos D. (1998) , research on data of theGreek Stockmarket proved that the most profitable results by trading withsuch price oscillators and the «crossing of lines rule" are obtained with thePrOsc(5-70/50).

The frequency response of this price oscillator is :

B(a)=(exp(-ia2)(sin2.5a)/5sin(a/2)-exp(-i35a)sin(35a)/70sin(a/2))(1-exp(-25a)sin(25a)/50sin(a/2)) (5)

Its absolute value multiplies determines the effect of the filter on theamplitude of the oscillations and its argument the shift on the phase .

The next is a program in visual basic at excel that computes the norm

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(gain) of the transfer function of PrOsc(5-70/50) with steps of 0.05 in thefrequency domain. The unit of time is one day.

Sub ConvolutionFilterfrequencyresponse()Dim x As SingleDim y As SingleDim h As Integerx = 0For h = 1 To 90x = x + h * (0.05)

y = Sqr((((Cos(2 * x) / 5 * Sin(x / 2)) - (Cos(35 * x) / 70 * Sin(x / 2))) ^2 + (((Sin(35 * x)) ^ 2 / 70 * Sin(x / 2) - (Sin(2 * x) * Sin(2.5 * x) / 5 * Sin(x/ 2))) ^ 2) * ((1 - Cos(25 * x) / 50 * Sin(x / 2)) ^ 2 + ((Sin(25 * x)) ^ 2 / 50* Sin(x / 2)) ^ 2)))

Workbooks ("prosctf.xls"). Worksheets("sheet2"). Cells(h, 1).Value = yNext hEnd Sub

The results of the previous computations are shown in the next dia-gram.

Figure 1 Frequency response of the PrOsc(5-70/50).

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4. The simple moving average oscillators and their frequency response

Except of the two-moving averages oscillator it is also used in techni-cal analysis the simple moving average oscillator. We take again a mov-ing average of k last prices and then the difference of it from the actualprice of that the present day, in other words the residual of the filter. Fromthe definition of the frequency response (or transfer function) (see KOOP-Mans Lambert H. (1995) Chapter 6) we obtain that the frequency responseis :

B(a)=1-exp(-ia((k-1)/2)sin(ak/2)/(ksin(a/2)) (6)

In –<a<

For a moving average of 10 days we get the next diagram of the abso-lute value of the frequency response:

We use again the previous script in visual basic.

Figure 2 10-days moving average oscillaror: Frequency response.

The x-axis counts steps of length 0.05 in the frequency domain. The unitof time is taken to be one day.

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5. The momentum oscillators of technical analysis as linear filters

and their frequency response

In technical analysis momentum is defined as the :

D(k)=price-(price before k days) (7)

In terms of the lag operator of time series L(x(n))=x(n-1) we mayrewrite the k-order momentum D(k) as

D(k)=1-Lk (8)

We estimate the frequency response of this operator to be:

B(a)= 1-exp(-iak) -<a< (9)

The frequency response of the Lag operator L is exp(-ia) (10)

In the next figure we see the frequency response for the momentum of10 days.

Figure 3

The x-axis is the frequency with time unit one day .

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6. The RSI oscillator and the coefficient of variation (relative stan-

dard deviation)

There is in technical analysis an other price oscillator called relativestrength index (RSI) that was introduced by J.W.Wilder and presented in1978.(see Murphy J.J. chapter 10 p 295).

It is defined by the equation:

RSI in%=1-(100/(1+(sum of daily price units gained only in theupward days during the last k days )/( sum of daily price units lostonly in the downward days during the last k days)))

(11)

Let us denote by D(x(n))=x(n)-x(n-1) then as the "sum of daily priceunits gained only in the upward days during the last k days"=sum ofD(x(n)) for n=n-k to n, we rewrite it by simplifying the formula and weget an equivalent form. We put (x(n)-abs(x(n)))/2 and (x(n)+abs(x(n)))/2for the price points gained in the nth down or up days respectively .Thenwith simplification on the quotients we get the next

(12)

We denote by x with bar the average of the signed price points gainedin k-days (as are the smoothing days of the RSI) and by absolute value ofx with a bar the average price points in absolute value gained in k days.

For normal random variables it holds that

(13)

thus the RSI becomes a simple formula of the coefficient of variation.

(14)

From this we deduce that this oscillator and its success is not acciden-tal but is related to a well known and very useful coefficient in statistics.

RSI = 12

1 + Ì 2

Û

x Û / 2

RSI = 12

1 + x

x

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7. Elliot’s wave theory

There is a very attractive old and classical theory of the movement ofprices in stockmarkets, known as «Elliot’s wave theory». A concisedescription of the theory can be found in Murphy J.J. chapter 13 pp. 371-413 (see also Elliot, R.N. (1980) and Frost, A.J. - Prechter R.R.(1978)). Thistheory has come out from long experience and is mainly an informal andempirical theory. We assess that this theory supports our approach thatthere are 1st moment oscillations in the time series. We shall give a for-mulation to some of the ideas of the theory with well-known wave equa-tions that are partial differential equations. For example we shall use theD’Alambert (real, hyperbolic) wave equation that is used also in acousticsand the Shroendinger wave equation (complex, parabolic) that is used inquantum or wave mechanics (microphysics of light and particles).

The basic tenets of the Elliot Wave theory are three and in the nextorder of importance : a) pattern b) ratio c)time. The main pattern accord-ing to Elliot’s theory is the wave pattern. The basic ratio of importance isthe retracement ratio. In other words after an upward movement and areversal of the trend, what percentage of it is the downward movement.Finally timing according to Elliot is described very often with numericalrelations that come from the Fibonacci numbers (x(n+1)=x(n)+x(n-1),x(1)=1=x(2)).

A summary of the Elliot’s approach is contained in the next statements:

0) A wave is a monotonic movements after and before two other move-ments in the opposite direction.(we notice that a more correct term wouldbe monotonic growth impulse rather that wave. Then we could define aswave or oscillation two successive monotonic growth impulses that alter-nate.)

1) A trend is divided into three waves three longer in the direction of thetrend and two shorter in the reverse direction, in total five waves.Opposite direction waves alternate making a zigzag .

2) A trend correction or retracement is divided into three waves. Twolonger in the reverse direction of the trend and no shorter in the direc-

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tion of the trend. Opposite direction waves alternate. (Elliot classifiesmany variations of the main correction pattern calling them zigzags,flats, triangles, and double and triple threes.)

3) An upward market cycle is composed from eight waves, five up wavesmaking an upward trend then three down waves. Thus it is composedfrom an upward trend followed by a downward trend correction.Similarly is defined a downward market cycle .The next figure shows the basic pattern:

Figure 4 The market cycle wave pattern of Elliot.

Wave5 wave8

Wave2

Wave1

4) Waves can be expanded into waves nd subdivided into shorter waves.(This principle seems to be the forerunner of the later theory of fractalsof Mandelbrot)

5) The number of waves in trends and trend corrections follows theFibonacci sequence. (We should not fail to notice that the simplicity ofthe Elliot’s approach that combines waves and simple numbers, meteven in patterns of flower shapes, reminds of Pythagorean ideas of pat-terns for understanding the world)

6) Fibonacci numbers are used to estimate the retracement ratios. Themost common retracements are 62%, 50% and 38% .

7) The theory was originally applied to Stockmarket averages not on indi-vidual stocks and it works better in those markets that the largest pub-lic is involved and the laws of large numbers hold better.

If we would like to translate Elliot’s concepts of wave, trend and mar-ket cycle in to our approach with time series we would make the next cor-respondence:

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trend= the superposition of a trend in the form of monotonic non-period-ic regression path (1st moment )of a time series and an oscillation of theregression path during its period plus of course some random innovation.market cycle=the superposition of an non-periodic trend part of theregression path and two oscillations of the 1st moment at different peri-ods, plus again a random innovation.

The concept of Fibonacci numbers is very close also to the concept ofrecursive and autoregressive relations, except that it is not applied only inthe time domain but also in the frequency domain. The latter is anapproach that only relatively recently has been implemented for forecast-ing in time series through the neural networks and multi-resolution train-ing of them. (see Schalkoff R.J .(1997) chapter 6 p146).

8. Wave equations and price oscillations

Strictly speaking a wave in physics is not only an oscillation in time butoscillations distributed in space also such that their phase difference makesat any instant a waveform as the inter-temporal waveform of an oscilla-tor. In Stockmarket prices it is not obvious what magnitude would play therole of space location. A better look at the basic wave pattern of Elliot sug-gests were to look for. If each wave is completed in equal time the upwardmotion and downward motion do not have equal duration. This may meanthat in the superposition in the time series of the rate trend (not Elliot’strend but the time series regression path trend) and the oscillation there isa dependence of the phase of the oscillation on the price rate trend. Thuswe may consider the price trend level as the counterpart of space. Then wecan describe this dependence with a convenient way in order to have amore complete concept of wave. The best choice seems to be to write theD’Alambert wave equation

We denote by x the trend of the price percentage rate and by p the pricepercentage rate. The equation is :

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(15)

the wave velocity c can be expressed as Ï/∆, where Ï is the wavelength and∆ is the period in time units. The wavelength becomes thus a function ofthe retracement ratio.

This equation guarantees that there are oscillations not only in time butalso their phase changes appropriately as price trend increases and thismakes the waves exactly as in acoustics.

For simpler least squares estimation of such models we may put astraight-line trend for the prices. We notice of course that the D’Alambertwave equation is a deterministic hyperbolic partial differential equation.This equation describes the regression path of the process. In this way weavoid the stochastic differential calculus.Stochastic differentiation andintegration requires an explicit definition about what we mean by con-vergence of random variables. There not yet many results on stochasticpartial differential equations.

We can have also discrete time counterparts of this wave equation. It is customary to represent an oscillation at one fixed frequency with

complex numbers. The absolute value of the complex number representsthe amplitude of the oscillation and the argument of the complex numberthe initial phase of the oscillation. Similarly it is standard to write theFourier transformation in complex numbers. We can write a famous com-plex wave equation that is satisfied by the price waves as formulated in theprevious paragraph with the D’Alambert equation. We write the priceoscillations in complex form as :

cos(ˆt)+isin(ˆt), where ˆ = 2Ó is the cyclic frequency. We denote by xthe trend of price daily rate. By this we mean for example a model like:

r(t) = x(t) + asin(ˆt + Ê(x)) + Â(t) (16)

With  we denote the random innovation. We may put Ê(x) = Îx wherek is a constant. As trend we may take for example

X(t) = bt+c, that is a straight line trend. The term with the sine is theoscilational or wave part of the model. The function v(t) = asin(ˆt+kx) isa wave, k = 2/Ï and is called the wave number. We may rewrite it in com-

∂2p

∂2x

- 1

c2

∂2

p

∂2t

= 0

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plex form as :

w(t) = acos(ˆt+kx) + iasin(ˆt+kx) (18)

Such waves like w(t) that the real part is solution also of the D’Alam-bert wave equation, are also solution of the Shroendinger wave equation.With direct differentiation and substitution we can verify it. TheShroendinger wave equation is as follows:

(19)

Where h= constant of action (in physics m is the particle mass, here weput it equal to 1)

The relation of constants is

Ï2=∆h (20)

The Shroendinger wave equation is used in microscale physics of lightand particles. We notice that the corresponding constant of action, is relat-ed to the retracement ratio as the wavelength and wave velocity wererelated to the retracement ration in the D’Alambert equation.

We must mention nevertheless that the present formulation of inter-scale relations of trend and oscillation frequency, amplitude and phase asimplicated by Elliot’s wave theory, is not the only one. We can think ofmany other formulations that may have nothing to do with familiar waveequations. In the previous two paragraphs we suggested two formulations,the D’Alambert and the Shroendinger wave equation that have been stud-ied exhaustively and we know how to solve them.

9. The ITO stochastic differential equation of linear harmonic oscillator

The previous two wave equations were deterministic, and were refer-ring therefore to the regression path of a continuous time process. It isworth formulating such oscillations and waves with real stochastic differ-ential equations.

i ∂p

∂t = - h

2m ∂2

p

∂x2

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dr = (x + ·sin (ˆt + kx + c)) rdt + ÛrdB (21)

With r we denote the price rate from the first day of the model till timet ,and B is a Browninan motion. An ITO process is a Gaussian process andtherefore the random innovation is a normal random variable or «whitenoise».

The discrete time formulation of this model is:

r(n) = (x + asin (ˆn + kx+c) + Â(n)) r(n -1) (22)

If the trend x is parabolic and the oscillation null we get the model inmy previous paper (see C. Kyritsis 1999)

In the next paragraph we apply and estimate this discrete time model in(22) on real data of the Greek Stockmarket.

10. An application to the impact of the war in Yugoslavia in the

Athens Stockmarket

Application to the data of the last 40 stockmarket days of the generalindex of the Athens Stockmarket till the end of April with straight-linetrend and no retracement phase shift, give for the model the estimatedparameters (we apply here the model not of the oscillating rate but of theoscillating prices). The computer solves such models with algorithms ofnon-linear optimization. As the relevant theorems are only necessary con-ditions and not sufficient and necessary, the computed optimal fit dependsmuch on the initial values put by the computer. After experimentation bygiving "best fit" initially from graphical observation we estimated theparameters as shown below. The amplitude and period was determinedmainly graphically. The average path has equation:

p(n)=( -0.598550)n+( 3577.854)+ 300*sin((6.28/14)*n+(198534.7)) (23)

The day parameter n takes value from 80 to 120 and is till the end ofApril.

The next figure and tables describe the results.

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Figure 5

Convergence achieved after 8 iterations

Coefficient Std. Error t-Statistic Prob.

C(1)-0.598550 1.833884 -0.326384 0.7460

C(2) 3577.854 185.3935 19.29871 0.0000

C(5) 198534.7 10.17225 19517.28 0.0000

R-squared 0.480133 Mean dependent var 3514.002

Adjusted R-squared 0.452032 S.D. dependent var

174.9727

S.E. of regression 129.5233 Akaike info criterion 9.799759

Sum squared resid 620722.1 Schwarz criterion 9.926425

Log likelihood -249.7527 F-statistic 17.08603

Durbin-Watson stat 0.640855 Prob(F-statistic) 0.000006

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Covariance matrix

C(1) C(2) C(5)

C(1) 3.363131 -337.9093 4.723391

C(2) -337.9093 34370.74 -472.8303

C(5) 4.723391 -472.8303 103.4747

Actual Fitted Residual

3334.86 3427.10 -92.2389

3444.09 3314.31 129.781

3467.28 3243.95 223.327

3471.98 3229.84 242.144

3537.90 3274.63 263.270

3625.20 3369.36 255.845

3598.09 3495.15 102.940

3630.82 3627.01 3.81423

3660.26 3738.71 -78.4539

3774.29 3808.05 -33.7632

3759.45 3821.19 -61.7353

3637.80 3775.39 -137.594

3471.48 3679.62 -208.140

3548.46 3552.70 -4.23638

3496.31 3419.62 76.6919

3511.02 3306.60 204.422

3376.37 3235.88 140.489

3121.39 3221.34 -99.9503

3303.49 3265.73 37.7551

3218.06 3360.16 -142.102

3300.20 3485.82 -185.620

3535.66 3617.73 -82.0667

3621.53 3729.66 -108.134

3720.16 3799.36 -79.2048

3732.64 3812.92 -80.2797

3640.94 3767.53 -126.588

3559.32 3672.05 -112.733

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3386.09 3545.27 -159.177

3373.62 3412.14 -38.5183

3350.56 3298.89 51.6701

3281.96 3227.81 54.1487

3312.88 3212.85 100.032

3252.09 3256.84 -4.75230

3431.31 3350.97 80.3392

3549.70 3476.49 73.2097

3523.54 3608.45 -84.9066

3617.42 3720.61 -103.192

3806.33 3790.67 15.6565

3776.18 3804.65 -28.4710

3799.36 3759.66 39.7000

From these results we see that the impact of the war of Yugoslavia is analmost perfect oscillation of period 14 days and amplitude 300 units of thegeneral index.

Also if we re-estimate the model in earlier days we find that the slopeof the trend becomes less as a result of the war. This analysis of the impactof the war is obviously only in short terms and only based on the behaviorof the investors in the Stockmarket. A more complete analysis of the eco-nomic impact of the war in Yugoslavia should include the effects on theGreek tourism, the chances of cooperation of the Greek industry withYugoslavia, the changes in the Labor wages in the Greek industry becauseof emigrant workers, in general changes in the cost of labor in the Greekindustry (see also Kiochs P. (1993)) and effects on changes of the costGreek military resources.

10. Conclusions

We summarize our conclusions:

1) The assumption that after subtracting a constant rate trend from thestock prices the residual is a stationary time series and any oscillationsare therefore of the variance (Box-Jenkins and spectral analysis approach

216 Costas Kyritsis

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or null oscillations assumption) is not seem to be supported from the sta-tistical data and traditional trading techniques of the investors.

2) It seems more probable that except of non-periodic part of the 1st moment(regression path) there is also a periodic or waving part. Upon this it basedthe trading techniques with oscillators. There can be performed of coursestatistical tests that they do not reject the stationarity hypothesis but alsoanalysis of variance that does not reject the non-stationarity hypothesis(see also Lima P.J.F. (1998). The choice of the size of the horizon is cru-cial. After subtracting also the 1st moment oscillational part of the timeseries ,there might remain in the residual a 2nd moment (variance) oscil-lational part. Its significance nevertheless for trading based on criteria ofaverage value of profit is by far less important.

3) Econometrics of stockmarkets seem to omit the analysis of price timeseries with digital filters that extract oscillations of the first moment. Areason is that digital filters were designed and computed initially for sig-nal theory. Nevertheless their mathematics are part of statistics andtime series and are very close relatives to the empirical oscillators oftechnical analysis of stocks and commodities. The effect of the empiri-cal filters of technical analysis depends completely on the frequencyresponse of them.

4) The impact of the war in Yugoslavia to the Athens Stockmarket duringMarch and April 1999 is best approximated with an oscillation of thegeneral index of amplitude about 300 units and period almost 14 days.

Abstract

COSTAS KYRITSIS: Optimal investment policies and oscilators of stockmar-

ket technical analysis. Application in the impact of the war in Yugoslavia to the

Greek stockmarket

ThiIn this paper we analyze some price oscillators of Stockmarket technical analysis as

linear digital convolution filters. We review some of the theoretical published research on

optimal trading policies in stockmarkets and we give an application of this approach in the

impact of the war in Yugoslavia to the Greek Stockmarket.

Key words: Portfolio Selection, technical analysis, stochastic optimal control, digital

linear filters, time series.

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°È· ÙËÓ ÌÂϤÙË Ù˘ ÂͤÏÈ͢ ÙˆÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ı· ¯ÚËÛÈÌÔÔÈ‹ÛÔ˘-Ì ÙÔ˘˜ ÂÍ‹˜ ‰Â›ÎÙ˜ :

- √ ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ ÙˆÓ "ηı·ÚÒÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘" (the net barter terms oftrade) Ô˘ Â›Ó·È Ë Û¯¤ÛË ÌÂٷ͇ Ì¤ÛˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Î·ÈÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Ù˘ οı ¯ÒÚ·˜.

fiÔ˘ ƒÃ = ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ ÙÈÌÒÓ ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Î·È ƒª = ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ ÙÈÌÒÓÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ. √ ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ ·˘Ùfi˜ ÌÂÙÚ¿ ÙËÓ ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹ ÛÙË ÙÈÌ‹ ηٿ ÔÛÔÙÈ΋ ÌÔÓ¿-‰· ÌÂٷ͇ ‰‡Ô ¯ÚÔÓÈÎÒÓ ÛËÌ›ˆÓ ÌÈ·˜ ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘. ¶ÚÔÊ·ÓÒ˜ ÁÈ· ÙÔ¤ÙÔ˜ ‚¿Û˘ ÙÔ ƒÃ = 100 ηÈ

TC

= P

x

PM

224 Iˆ¿ÓÓ˘ XÚËÛÙ›‰Ë˜

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ƒª = 100. ÕÚ·, ÔÈ fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ÁÈ· ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ ‚¿Û˘ ÈÛÔ‡ÓÙ·È Ì ÙËÓÌÔÓ¿‰·.∞‡ÍËÛË ÙÔ˘ (∆C) ÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ÙˆÓ Î·ı·ÚÒÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘,‰ËÏ·‰‹ Ì ‰Â‰Ô̤ÓÔ fiÁÎÔ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Ë ¯ÒÚ· Â›Ó·È Û ı¤ÛË Ó· ÂÍ·-ÛÊ·Ï›ÛÂÈ ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚÔ fiÁÎÔ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ. ÃÂÈÚÔÙ¤Ú¢ÛË ÙˆÓ fiÚˆÓÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ Û οı ÌÔÓ¿‰· ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ ·ÓÙÈÛÙÔȯ› fiÏÔÎ·È ÌÈÎÚfiÙÂÚË ÔÛfiÙËÙ· ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ.

- √ ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ ÙˆÓ "·Î·ı¿ÚÈÛÙˆÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘" (the gross barter terms

of trade), Ô˘ Â›Ó·È Ë Û¯¤ÛË ÌÂٷ͇ ÙÔ˘ ̤ÛÔ˘ fiÁÎÔ˘ ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ

(QX) ÚÔ˜ ÙÔÓ Ì¤ÛÔ fiÁÎÔ ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ (QM). ¢ËÏ·‰‹ . H

Û¯¤ÛË ·˘Ù‹ ‰Â›¯ÓÂÈ ÙË ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹ ÛÙË ÔÛfiÙËÙ· ηٿ ÓÔÌÈ-

ÛÌ·ÙÈ΋ ÌÔÓ¿‰· ÂÓÙfi˜ ÌÈ·˜ ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘. ŸÙ·Ó Ô ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ ·˘Ùfi˜ ·˘Í¿-

ÓÂÈ ÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ, Ì ‰Â‰Ô̤ÓÔ fiÁÎÔ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ, Ë ¯ÒÚ· ÌÔÚ› Ó·

ÂÍ·ÛÊ·Ï›ÛÂÈ ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚÔ fiÁÎÔ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ.- √ ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ Ù˘ "ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ ÈÛÔ˙˘Á›Ô˘" (the trade balan-

ce index), Ô˘ Â›Ó·È Ô ÏfiÁÔ˜ Ù˘ ·Í›·˜ ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ (VX) ÚÔ˜ÙËÓ ·Í›· ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ (VM).

- √ ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ ·˘Ùfi˜ Â›Ó·È ÙÔ ÁÈÓfiÌÂÓÔ ÙˆÓ Î·ı·ÚÒÓ Î·È ÙˆÓ ·Î·ı¿ÚÈ-ÛÙˆÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ :

∏ ·‡ÍËÛË (‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË) ÙÔ˘ ‰Â›ÎÙË ·˘ÙÔ‡ Û ۯ¤ÛË Ì ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ ‚¿Û˘ÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ ‰ËÌÈÔ˘ÚÁ›· ÏÂÔÓ¿ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜ ÁÈ· ¤Ó· ÈÛÔ˙‡ÁÈÔ Ô˘ ‹Ù·Ó ÛÂÈÛÔÚÚÔ›·, ÁÈ· ¤Ó· ÂÏÏÂÈÌÌ·ÙÈÎfi ÈÛÔ˙‡ÁÈÔ ÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ ÛÌ›ÎÚ˘ÓÛË ÙÔ˘ÂÏÏ›ÌÌ·ÙÔ˜, ¯ˆÚ›˜ ·˘Ùfi ·Ó·Áη›· Ó· ÂÍÔ˘‰ÂÙÂÚÒÓÂÙ·È, ÂÓÒ ÁÈ·¤Ó· ÏÂÔÓ·ÛÌ·ÙÈÎfi ÈÛÔ˙‡ÁÈÔ ÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ ÂÚ·ÈÙ¤Úˆ ‰È‡ڢÓÛË ÙÔ˘ÏÂÔÓ¿ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜.∂¿Ó ÔÈ Î·ı·ÚÔ› fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ¯ÂÈÚÔÙÂÚ‡ÛÔ˘Ó .¯. ηٿ 10% ÏfiÁˆ·ÓÙ›ÛÙÔȯ˘ ÙÒÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ, Ë ÙÒÛË ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ ÌÔÚ› Ó· ηٷϋÍÂÈ Û ¿ÓÔ‰Ô Ù˘ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·-ÁˆÁÒÓ, Ì ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· ÔÈ ·Î·ı¿ÚÈÛÙÔÈ fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Ó· ‚ÂÏÙȈıÔ‡Ó

VX

VM

= P

X

PM

⋅ Q

X

QM

QX

QM

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·Ó·ÏÔÁÈο ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔ .¯. ηٿ 15%. ™ÙËÓ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË ·˘Ù‹ ԉ›ÎÙ˘ Ù˘ ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ ÈÛÔ˙˘Á›Ô˘ ı· ‚ÂÏÙȈı› ηٿ3,5% :

A˘Ùfi fï˜ ÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ ÁÈ· Ó· ·ÔÎÙËı› Ë ›‰È· ÔÛfiÙËÙ· ÙˆÓ ÂÈ-Û·ÁˆÁÒÓ ı· Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ‰È·Ù›ıÂÙ·È ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚË ÔÛfiÙËÙ· ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ.¢ËÏ·‰‹, ÙÔ Ú·ÁÌ·ÙÈÎfi ÎfiÛÙÔ˜ ‹ ÙÔ ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÎfi ÎfiÛÙÔ˜ ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·Áˆ-ÁÒÓ ı· ·˘Í¿ÓÂÙ·È. ∞ÓÙ›ıÂÙ·, Â¿Ó Ë ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ ÈÛÔ˙˘-Á›Ô˘ ÚÔ¤ÏıÂÈ ·fi ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ÙˆÓ Î·ı·ÚÒÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ (Ì ÙËÓÚÔ¸fiıÂÛË fiÙÈ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ı· ÂÈʤÚÂÈ ·Ó·ÏÔÁÈο ÌÈÎÚfiÙÂÚË ¯ÂÈÚÔÙ¤-Ú¢ÛË ÙˆÓ ·Î·ı¿ÚÈÛÙˆÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘), ÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ Ë ›‰È· ÔÛfi-ÙËÙ· ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ ı· ÌÔÚ› Ó· ·ÓÙ·ÏÏ¿ÛÛÂÙ·È Ì ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚËÔÛfiÙËÙ· ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ. ™Â ·˘Ù‹ ÙËÓ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË, Ë Ú·ÁÌ·ÙÈ΋ ·Í›· ‹ÙÔ ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÎfi ÎfiÛÙÔ˜ ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ ı· ÌÂÈÒÓÂÙ·È.∂›Ó·È ÚÔÊ·Ó‹˜ Ë ÛËÌ·Û›· ÙËÓ ÔÔ›· ¤¯ÂÈ ÁÈ· ÙÔ ÂÌÔÚÈÎfi ÈÛÔ˙‡-ÁÈÔ Ë ÂÎÙ›ÌËÛË ÙˆÓ ÂÏ·ÛÙÈÎÔÙ‹ÙˆÓ ÚÔÛÊÔÚ¿˜ Î·È ˙‹ÙËÛ˘ ÁÈ· ÂÈ-Û·ÁˆÁ¤˜ Î·È ÂÍ·ÁˆÁ¤˜. ªÂ ·ÌÂÙ¿‚ÏËÙ˜ ÙȘ ÙÈ̤˜ ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ, ËÌ›ˆÛË ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Î·ıÈÛÙ¿ ÙÔ˘˜ ηı·ÚÔ‡˜ fiÚÔ˘˜ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ‰˘ÛÌÂÓ›˜. ∂¿Ó Ë ˙‹ÙËÛË ÁÈ· ÙȘ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁ¤˜ Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ ›-Ó·È ·ÓÂÏ·ÛÙÈ΋, Ë Âȉ›ӈÛË ÙˆÓ Î·ı·ÚÒÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ı· ÂÂ-ÎÙ·ı› Î·È ÛÙÔ ÂÌÔÚÈÎfi ÈÛÔ˙‡ÁÈÔ.∂¿Ó fï˜ Ë ˙‹ÙËÛË Â›Ó·È Ôχ ÂÏ·ÛÙÈ΋, ÌÈ· ÌÈÎÚ‹ ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹ ÛÙËÓÙÈÌ‹ ı· ‚ÂÏÙÈÒÛÂÈ Î·Ù¿ Ôχ ÙÔ ‰Â›ÎÙË ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Î·È ¤ÙÛÈ ı·‚ÂÏÙȈı› ÙÔ ÂÌÔÚÈÎfi ÈÛÔ˙‡ÁÈÔ.

- "√È ÂÈÛÔ‰ËÌ·ÙÈÎÔ› fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘"(1) (the income terms of trade),‰Â›¯ÓÔ˘Ó ÙË ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹ ÛÙËÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÈ΋ ÈηÓfiÙËÙ· ÌÈ·˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜ ̤۷Û ÌÈ· ¯ÚÔÓÈ΋ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô.

√ ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ ·˘Ùfi˜ ÈÛÔ‡Ù·È Ì . ªÈ· ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË (·‡ÍËÛË) ÙÔ˘

‰Â›ÎÙË ÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ Ì ٷ ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·Ù· Ô˘ ·ÔÎÙ‹ıËÎ·Ó ·fi ÙȘ

ÂÍ·ÁˆÁ¤˜ Ë ¯ÒÚ· ÌÔÚ› Ó· ÚÔÌËı¢Ù› ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚÔ fiÁÎÔ ÂÈÛ·Áˆ-

ÁÒÓ.

PX

PM

⋅ QX

VX

VM

= P

X

PM

⋅ Q

X

QM

= 90100

⋅ 115100

= 103,5

100 = 3,5%

226 Iˆ¿ÓÓ˘ XÚËÛÙ›‰Ë˜

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- √ ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ Ù˘ "ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÈ΋˜ ˆÊ¤ÏÂÈ·˜" ÌÈ·˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜. ∞˘Ùfi˜ ÚÔ·-ÙÂÈ ·fi ÙÔ˘˜ ÂÈÛÔ‰ËÌ·ÙÈÎÔ‡˜ fiÚÔ˘˜ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ÌÂÈÔ‡ÌÂÓÔ˜ ηٿÙÔÓ ‰Â›ÎÙË ÙÔ˘ fiÁÎÔ˘ ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ :

E¿Ó ‰ÂÓ ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹ ÛÙÔ˘˜ ηı·ÚÔ‡˜ fiÚÔ˘˜ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Û ۯ¤-ÛË Ì ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ ‚¿Û˘, ‰ÂÓ ˘¿Ú¯ÂÈ Ô‡Ù ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹ ÛÙ· ›‰· ˆÊ¤ÏÂÈ·˜(Î·È Û˘ÓÂÒ˜ ¢ËÌÂÚ›·˜). ∂¿Ó ÔÈ Î·ı·ÚÔ› fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ‚ÂÏÙȈıÔ‡Ó, ËÂÍ·ÁˆÁÈ΋ ˆÊ¤ÏÂÈ· ı· ¤¯ÂÈ ıÂÙÈ΋ ÙÈÌ‹, ÂÓÒ ÛÙËÓ ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË ¯ÂÈÚÔÙ¤-Ú¢Û˘ ÙˆÓ Î·ı·ÚÒÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Ô ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ ı· ¤¯ÂÈ ·ÚÓËÙÈ΋ ÙÈÌ‹.

™ÎfiÈÌÔ ÎÚ›ÓÔ˘Ì ӷ ·Ó·Ê¤ÚÔ˘ÌÂ Î·È ÙȘ ÂÈÙÒÛÂȘ Ù˘ ˘ÔÙ›ÌË-Û˘ ÛÙÔ˘˜ fiÚÔ˘˜ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘, ÂÊfiÛÔÓ fiˆ˜ ÚԷӷʤڷÌÂ Ë ˘ÔÙ›ÌËÛËÂ›Ó·È ¤Ó· ̤ÙÚÔ Û˘Ó·ÏÏ·ÁÌ·ÙÈ΋˜ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋˜ ¢ڤˆ˜ ¯ÚËÛÈÌÔÔÈÔ‡ÌÂÓÔ·fi ÙȘ ÓÔÌÈÛÌ·ÙÈΤ˜ ·Ú¯¤˜ Ù˘ ∂ÏÏ¿‰Ô˜.

ªÂ ÙËÓ ˘ÔÙ›ÌËÛË ÔÈ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁ¤˜ Á›ÓÔÓÙ·È ·ÎÚÈ‚¤˜ ÁÈ· ÙÔÓ Î·Ù·Ó·Ïˆ-Ù‹ Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜, Ë ÔÔ›· ˘ÔÙÈÌ¿ ÙÔ ÓfiÌÈÛÌ· Î·È ÔÈ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁ¤˜ Ù˘ ÊıËÓ¤˜ÁÈ· ÙÔÓ Î·Ù·Ó·ÏˆÙ‹ ÙÔ˘ ˘fiÏÔÈÔ˘ ÎfiÛÌÔ˘. √È ‰‡Ô ·˘Ù¤˜ ηÙËÁÔڛ˜ηٷӷψÙÒÓ ÏËÚÒÓÔ˘Ó Û ‰‡Ô ‰È·ÊÔÚÂÙÈο ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·Ù·. ™Â ÔÔÈÔ‰‹-ÔÙ ÓfiÌÈÛÌ· Î·È ·Ó ˘ÔÏÔÁÈÛıÔ‡Ó ÔÈ Î·ı·ÚÔ› fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘, Ë ˘ÔÙ›-ÌËÛË ı· ¤¯ÂÈ ˆ˜ ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· ÙËÓ Âȉ›ӈۋ ÙÔ˘˜. ∆Ô‡ÙÔ fï˜, ÛÂ Û˘-Ó¿ÚÙËÛË Ì ÙËÓ ÙÈÌ‹ Ù˘ ÂÏ·ÛÙÈÎfiÙËÙ·˜ ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Î·È ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·Áˆ-ÁÒÓ, ÌÔÚ› Ó· ÚÔηϤÛÂÈ ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚË ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ÙˆÓ ·Î·ı¿ÚÈÛÙˆÓfiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Ì ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· ÙËÓ ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ÙÔ˘ ‰Â›ÎÙË ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ÈÛÔ˙˘Á›Ô˘. µÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ı· ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿ÛÂÈ Î·È Ô ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛÔ‰ËÌ·ÙÈÎÒÓfiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘, ÂÓÒ ·ÓÙ›ıÂÙ· Ô ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ Ù˘ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÈ΋˜ ˆÊ¤ÏÂÈ·˜ Ù˘¯ÒÚ·˜ ı· Â›Ó·È ·ÚÓËÙÈÎfi˜.

∞fi ÙËÓ Ì¤¯ÚÈ ÙÒÚ· ·Ó¿Ï˘ÛË Î·ı›ÛÙ·Ù·È Û·Ê¤˜ fiÙÈ Ë ÂͤÏÈÍË ÙˆÓ

ηı·ÚÒÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ÌÈ·˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Â›Ó·È È‰È·›ÙÂÚ˘ ÛËÌ·Û›·˜

ÙfiÛÔ ÁÈ· ÙÔ ÂÌÔÚÈÎfi Ù˘ ÈÛÔ˙‡ÁÈÔ fiÛÔ Î·È ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ˆÊ¤ÏÂÈ· Ô˘ ·ÔÎÔ-

Ì›˙ÂÈ ·fi ÙÔ ‰ÈÂıÓ¤˜ ÂÌfiÚÈÔ Î·È ¿Ú· ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ Ù˘ ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍË.

PX

PM

PX

PM

⋅ QX

- QX

= QX

⋅ P

X

PM

- 1

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ªÂÁ¿ÏË fï˜ ÛËÌ·Û›· ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ÂͤÏÈÍË ÙÔ˘ ÏfiÁÔ˘ ¤¯ÂÈ Ë Û‡ÓıÂ-

ÛË ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Î·È ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ ÌÈ·˜ ¯ÒÚ·˜. ∂¿Ó ÌÈ· ¯ÒÚ· ÂÍ¿ÁÂÈ Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ ÙÚfiÊÈÌ· Î·È ÚÒÙ˜ ‡Ï˜ Î·È ÂÈÛ¿ÁÂÈ ‚ÈÔ-Ì˯·ÓÈο ÚÔ˚fiÓÙ·, ÔÈ fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ÂÌÊ·Ó›˙Ô˘Ó ÌÈ· Ù¿ÛË ¯ÂÈÚÔÙ¤Ú¢-Û˘ ηٿ ÙË ‰È¿ÚÎÂÈ· ÙÔ˘ ¯ÚfiÓÔ˘(2). ∆Ô‡ÙÔ ‰ÈηÈÔÏÔÁÂ›Ù·È ˆ˜ ÂÍ‹˜: ∏˙‹ÙËÛË ÁÈ· ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈο ÚÔ˚fiÓÙ· ·˘Í¿ÓÂÈ ‰È·¯ÚÔÓÈο ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚÔ ·'fi,ÙÈ Ë ˙‹ÙËÛË ÁÈ· ÚˆÙÔÁÂÓ‹ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙ·. ∞˘Ùfi ÛÙËÚ›˙ÂÙ·È ÂÓ Ì¤ÚÂÈ ÛÙÔ¡fiÌÔ ÙÔ˘ Engel(3): fiÙ·Ó Ù· ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·Ù· ·˘Í¿ÓÔÓÙ·È, ÙÔ ÌÂÚ›‰ÈÔ ÙÔ˘ ÂÈ-ÛÔ‰‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ Ô˘ ‰··Ó¿Ù·È Û ÙÚfiÊÈÌ· ÌÂÈÒÓÂÙ·È. ¶·ÚfiÏÔ Ô˘ Ô ¡fiÌÔ˜ÙÔ˘ Engel ÈÛ¯‡ÂÈ ÌfiÓÔ ÁÈ· Ù· ÙÚfiÊÈÌ·, Â‰Ò Ë Â›ÎÏËÛ‹ ÙÔ˘, ˘Ô‰ËÏÒÓÂÈÌÈ· ‰ÈÏ‹ Ù¿ÛË Ù˘ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘: ·) fiÙÈ Ë ÂÈÛÔ‰ËÌ·ÙÈ΋ ÂÏ·ÛÙÈÎfiÙËÙ· Ù˘ ˙‹-ÙËÛ˘ ÁÈ· ÚˆÙÔÁÂÓ‹ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙ· Â›Ó·È ÌÈÎÚfiÙÂÚË ·fi ÙË ÌÔÓ¿‰·, Ú¿ÁÌ·Ô˘ ÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ ˆ˜, fiÙ·Ó ·˘Í¿ÓÔÓÙ·È Ù· ÂÈÛÔ‰‹Ì·Ù·, Ë ˙‹ÙËÛË ÁÈ· Úˆ-ÙÔÁÂÓ‹ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙ· ·˘Í¿ÓÂÈ ·Ó·ÏÔÁÈο ÏÈÁfiÙÂÚÔ Î·È ‚) fiÙÈ Ë ÂÈÛÔ‰ËÌ·ÙÈ΋ÂÏ·ÛÙÈÎfiÙËÙ· Ù˘ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘ ÁÈ· ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈο ÚÔ˚fiÓÙ· Â›Ó·È ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚË·fi ÙË ÌÔÓ¿‰·, Ú¿ÁÌ· Ô˘ ÛËÌ·›ÓÂÈ ˆ˜, fiÙ·Ó ·˘Í¿ÓÔÓÙ·È Ù· ÂÈÛÔ‰‹-Ì·Ù·, Ë ˙‹ÙËÛË ÁÈ· ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈο ÚÔ˚fiÓÙ· ·˘Í¿ÓÂÈ ·Ó·ÏÔÁÈο ÂÚÈÛÛfi-ÙÂÚÔ. ∏ Û˘ÌÂÚÈÊÔÚ¿ ÏÔÈfiÓ ·˘Ù‹ Ù˘ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘ ¤¯ÂÈ ˆ˜ ·ÔÙ¤ÏÂÛÌ· ÔÈÙÈ̤˜ ÙˆÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎÒÓ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ ‰È·¯ÚÔÓÈο Ó· ·˘Í¿ÓÔ˘Ó ÂÚÈÛÛfi-ÙÂÚÔ ·fi ÙȘ ÙÈ̤˜ ÙˆÓ ÚˆÙÔÁÂÓÒÓ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ, ‰ËÏ·‰‹ Ó· ÂȉÂÈÓÒÓÔ-ÓÙ·È ÔÈ fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ÁÈ· ÙȘ ¯ÒÚ˜ Ì ÙËÓ Û˘ÁÎÂÎÚÈ̤ÓË ·˘Ù‹ Û‡ÓıÂÛËÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ - ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ. ∆¤ÙÔȘ ¯ÒÚ˜ Â›Ó·È Û˘Ó‹ıˆ˜ ÔÈ ·Ó·Ù˘ÛÛfiÌÂ-Ó˜ ¯ÒÚ˜ Ô˘ ÂÍ¿ÁÔ˘Ó Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ ÚˆÙÔÁÂÓ‹ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙ· ÛÙȘ ·Ó·Ù˘Á̤Ó˜¯ÒÚ˜ Î·È ÂÈÛ¿ÁÔ˘Ó ·' ·˘Ù¤˜ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈο ÚÔ˚fiÓÙ·. ∞ÚÎÂÙ¤˜ ÂÌÂÈÚÈ-Τ˜ ÌÂϤÙ˜ ¤¯Ô˘Ó ÛÙËÚ›ÍÂÈ ÙËÓ ¿Ô„Ë ·˘Ù‹.(4),(5)

∂ÈÚfiÛıÂÙ·, ÔÈ ÏÈÁfiÙÂÚÔ ·Ó·Ù˘Á̤Ó˜ ¯ÒÚ˜ ·ÓÙÈÌÂÙˆ›˙Ô˘Ó ·‰˘-Ó·Ì›· Ó· ·ÓÙÈÛÙ·ıÌ›ÛÔ˘Ó ÙË ˙ËÌÈ¿ Ô˘ ˘Ê›ÛÙ·ÓÙ·È ·fi ÙËÓ ¯ÂÈÚÔÙ¤Ú¢-ÛË ÙˆÓ Î·ı·ÚÒÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Ì ÙËÓ ·ÓÙ›ÛÙÔÈ¯Ë ·‡ÍËÛË ÙÔ˘ ‰Â›ÎÙËÙˆÓ ·Î·ı¿ÚÈÛÙˆÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘. ∆Ô‡ÙÔ ÔÊ›ÏÂÙ·È Û ‰‡Ô ÏfiÁÔ˘˜:¶ÚÒÙÔ, ÛÙÔ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ fiÙÈ, ÂÊfiÛÔÓ ÙÔ ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚÔ Ì¤ÚÔ˜ ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓÙÔ˘˜ ·ÔÙÂÏÂ›Ù·È ·fi ÙÚfiÊÈÌ· Î·È ÚÒÙ˜ ‡Ï˜, ·ÓÙÈÌÂÙˆ›˙Ô˘Ó ¯·ÌË-Ï‹ ÂÏ·ÛÙÈÎfiÙËÙ· ˙‹ÙËÛ˘ ˆ˜ ÚÔ˜ ÙËÓ ÙÈÌ‹ ÂΠ̤ÚÔ˘˜ ÙˆÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎÒÓ¯ˆÚÒÓ Î·È, ‰Â‡ÙÂÚÔ, ÛÙÔ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ fiÙÈ Ë Û˘Ó¯‹˜ ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍË Ù˘ Ù¯ÓÔÏÔ-Á›·˜ ÂΠ̤ÚÔ˘˜ ÙˆÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎÒÓ ¯ˆÚÒÓ ¤¯ÂÈ Ô‰ËÁ‹ÛÂÈ ÛÙË ÛÙ·‰È·Î‹˘ÔηٿÛÙ·ÛË ·˘ÙÒÓ ÙˆÓ Ê˘ÛÈÎÒÓ ÚÒÙˆÓ ˘ÏÒÓ Ì ·ÓÙ›ÛÙÔȯ˜ Ù¯ÓÈ-

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Τ˜ ÚÒÙ˜ ‡Ï˜. ∆Ô‡ÙÔ ‚¤‚·È· ηıÈÛÙ¿ Î·È ÙËÓ ˘ÔÙ›ÌËÛË ÙÔ˘ ÂıÓÈÎÔ‡ÙÔ˘˜ ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·ÙÔ˜ ÏÈÁfiÙÂÚÔ ·ÔÙÂÏÂÛÌ·ÙÈ΋. √È ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈο ÏÔÈfiÓ ·Ó·-Ù˘Á̤Ó˜ ¯ÒÚ˜ ‚Ú›ÛÎÔÓÙ·È Û ÏÂÔÓÂÎÙÈ΋ ı¤ÛË ¤Ó·ÓÙÈ ÙˆÓ ·Ó·Ù˘Û-ÛfiÌÂÓˆÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÒÓ, ÔÈ Ôԛ˜ ·‰˘Ó·ÙÔ‡Ó Ó· ÂÍ¿ÁÔ˘Ó Û fiÁÎÔ Î·È ·Í›··ÚÎÂÙ¿, ÒÛÙ ӷ ÌÔÚÔ‡Ó Ó· ÂÈÛ¿ÁÔ˘Ó ÙȘ ·Ó·Áη›Â˜ ÂΛӘ ÔÛfiÙËÙ˜ÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ, Ô˘ Â›Ó·È ··Ú·›ÙËÙ˜ ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ÙÔ˘˜ ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍË.

µÂ‚·›ˆ˜ ˘¿Ú¯Ô˘Ó Î·È ·ÚÎÂÙ¤˜ ·ÓÙÈÚÚ‹ÛÂȘ ÛÙËÓ ıˆڛ· ·˘Ù‹(6):

- ¶ÔÏϤ˜ ÛÙ·ÙÈÛÙÈΤ˜ ÛÂÈÚ¤˜ Ô˘ ¯ÚËÛÈÌÔÔÈ‹ıËÎ·Ó ·Ó·Ê¤ÚÔÓÙ·ÈÛÙȘ Ù¿ÛÂȘ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ ÙˆÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎÒÓ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ ·Ê' ÂÓfi˜ ηÈÙˆÓ ÚÒÙˆÓ ˘ÏÒÓ Î·È ÙÚÔÊ›ÌˆÓ ·Ê' ÂÙ¤ÚÔ˘, ¯ˆÚ›˜ fï˜ Ó· Á›ÓÂ-Ù·È ‰È¿ÎÚÈÛË ÙÔ˘ ÙfiÔ˘ ÚÔ¤Ï¢Û˘ ·˘ÙÒÓ. ¶ÔÏϤ˜ fï˜ ·Ó·-Ù˘Á̤Ó˜ ¯ÒÚ˜, fiˆ˜ ÔÈ ∏.¶.∞., ∫·Ó·‰¿˜, ∞˘ÛÙÚ·Ï›·, ÂÍ¿ÁÔ˘Ó‰ÈÂıÓÒ˜ ÔÚÈṲ̂ӷ ÙÚfiÊÈÌ· ‹ ÚÒÙ˜ ‡Ï˜, fiˆ˜ ÛÈÙ¿ÚÈ, ηÓfi,‚·Ì‚¿ÎÈ ÎÙÏ. ∂›Ó·È ÏÔÈfiÓ Èı·Ófi Î·È ·˘Ù¤˜ ÔÈ ¯ÒÚ˜ Ó· ˘¤ÛÙË-Û·Ó ÙȘ Û˘Ó¤ÂȘ Ù˘ Ì·ÎÚfi¯ÚÔÓ˘ ÙÒÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ ÙˆÓ ·Á·-ıÒÓ ·˘ÙÒÓ.

- ¶·Ú·ÙËÚ‹ıËΠfiÙÈ ÔÈ ÛÙ·ÙÈÛÙÈΤ˜ ÛÂÈÚ¤˜ ÙˆÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘, ‰ÂÓÏ·Ì‚¿ÓÔ˘Ó ˘fi„Ë ÙȘ ÔÈÔÙÈΤ˜ ‰È·ÊÔÚ¤˜, ÔÈ Ôԛ˜ ÂӉ¯fiÌÂÓ·,ÂËÚ¤·Û·Ó ÙËÓ ÂͤÏÈÍË ÙˆÓ ÙÈÌÒÓ. ∞ÏÏ¿ Ì·ÎÚÔ¯ÚfiÓÈ·, ÛÙÔ ‰ÈÂıÓ¤˜ÂÌfiÚÈÔ, ÔÈÔÙÈΤ˜ ‚ÂÏÙÈÒÛÂȘ ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙ÔÓÙ·È Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ ÛÙ· ‚ÈÔÌË-¯·ÓÈο ·Á·ı¿ Î·È Ôχ ÏÈÁfiÙÂÚÔ ÛÙȘ ÚÒÙ˜ ‡Ï˜ Î·È Ù· ÙÚfiÊÈÌ·.

¶¿ÓÙˆ˜, ·Ú¿ ÙȘ ·ÓÙÈÚÚ‹ÛÂȘ Î·È ·Ú¿ ÙÔ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜ fiÙÈ Ë ıˆڛ· ·˘-Ù‹ ‰ÂÓ ÌÔÚ› Ó· Á›ÓÂÈ ·Ô‰ÂÎÙ‹ ˆ˜ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈÎfi˜ ÓfiÌÔ˜, Û›ÁÔ˘Ú· Ë Û‡Ó-ıÂÛË ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ οı ¯ÒÚ·˜ ÂËÚ¿˙ÂÈ ÙÔ˘˜ fiÚÔ˘˜ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Ù˘(7).

2. OÈ fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Ù˘ EÏÏËÓÈ΋˜ OÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜

ªÂ ‚¿ÛË ÏÔÈfiÓ ÙËÓ ·Ú·¿Óˆ ıˆÚËÙÈ΋ ÚÔÛ¤ÁÁÈÛË ÙÔ˘ ÚÔ‚Ï‹-Ì·ÙÔ˜, ı· ÂȯÂÈÚ‹ÛÔ˘Ì ӷ ÂÚÌËÓ‡ÛÔ˘Ì ÙË Û˘ÌÂÚÈÊÔÚ¿ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈ-ÎÔ‡ ÈÛÔ˙˘Á›Ô˘ Ù˘ ∂ÏÏ¿‰Ô˜ ̤ۈ ÙˆÓ ÚÔ·Ó·ÊÂÚÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ ‰ÂÈÎÙÒÓ. ÃÚË-ÛÈÌÔÔÈ‹Û·Ì ‰‡Ô ¯ÚÔÓÔÏÔÁÈΤ˜ ÛÂÈÚ¤˜, Ë ÚÒÙË ·ÊÔÚ¿ ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô

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1978 - 1991 Ì ¤ÙÔ˜ ‚¿Û˘ ÙÔ 1982 Î·È Ë ‰Â‡ÙÂÚË ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô 1990 - 1996Ì ¤ÙÔ˜ ‚¿Û˘ ÙÔ 1991.

·. ¢È·ÈÛÙÒÛÂȘ ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô 1978 - 1991.

√ ›Ó·Î·˜ π ‰Â›¯ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ :

- √È Î·ı·ÚÔ› fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙Ô˘Ó ÌÈ· Û¯ÂÙÈο ‰˘ÛÌÂÓ‹

ÂÈÎfiÓ· ¯ˆÚ›˜ fï˜ Ó· ·Ú·ÙËÚÂ›Ù·È ÛÙ·‰È·Î‹ ¯ÂÈÚÔÙ¤Ú¢ÛË ·˘-ÙÒÓ, ÂÊfiÛÔÓ ·fi ¯ÚfiÓÔ Û ¯ÚfiÓÔ Ë ÙÈÌ‹ ÙÔ˘˜ ÂÓ·ÏÏ¿ÛÛÂÙ·È ÛËÌ·-ÓÙÈο. √È Î·Ï‡ÙÂÚ˜ ÙÈ̤˜ ‹Ù·Ó ÁÈ· Ù· ¤ÙË 1978, 1981, 1983, ÂÓÒ ÔȯÂÈÚfiÙÂÚ˜ ÙÈ̤˜ ÛËÌÂÈÒıËÎ·Ó Ù· ¤ÙË 1979, 1984, 1985, 1986. ∏ ¯·-ÌËÏ‹ ÙÈÌ‹ ÙÔ˘ ‰Â›ÎÙË Ù· ¤ÙË 1984 Î·È 1985 ÌÔÚ› Ó· ·Ô‰Ôı› ηÈÛÙËÓ ˘ÔÙ›ÌËÛË Ù˘ ‰Ú·¯Ì‹˜ ηٿ 15,5% ÙÔÓ π·ÓÔ˘¿ÚÈÔ ÙÔ˘ 1983.∏ ȉȷ›ÙÂÚ· ¯·ÌËÏ‹ ÙÈÌ‹ ÙÔ ¤ÙÔ˜ 1986 (90,8) ÌÔÚ› ›Û˘ Ó· ·Ô-‰Ôı› ÛÙËÓ Ó¤· ˘ÔÙ›ÌËÛË Ù˘ ‰Ú·¯Ì‹˜ ηٿ 15% ÙÔÓ √ÎÙÒ‚ÚÈÔÙÔ˘ 1985.

- √È ·Î·ı¿ÚÈÛÙÔÈ fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙Ô˘Ó ıÂÙÈ΋ ÂͤÏÈÍË

ȉȷ›ÙÂÚ· Ù· ¤ÙË 1980, 1984, 1986. ¢˘ÛÌÂÓ‹ ÂͤÏÈÍË ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙Ô˘ÓÌfiÓÔ Ù· ¤ÙË 1990 Î·È 1991.∏ ȉȷ›ÙÂÚ· ¢ÌÂÓ‹˜ ÂͤÏÈÍË ÁÈ· Ù· ¤ÙË 1984 Î·È 1986 ‹Ù·Ó ·ÔÙ¤-ÏÂÛÌ· ÙˆÓ ˘ÔÙÈÌ‹ÛˆÓ, Ô˘ fiˆ˜ Ê·›ÓÂÙ·È ¯ÂÈÚÔÙ¤ÚÂ˘Û·Ó ÙÔ˘˜Î·ı·ÚÔ‡˜ fiÚÔ˘˜ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘, ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛ·Ó fï˜ ÙÔ˘˜ ·Î·ı¿ÚÈÛÙÔ˘˜fiÚÔ˘˜.

- √ ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ Ù˘ ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ ÈÛÔ˙˘Á›Ô˘ ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿-

˙ÂÈ ÈηÓÔÔÈËÙÈ΋ ÂͤÏÈÍË Ì ÂÍ·›ÚÂÛË Ù· ¤ÙË 1990 Î·È 1991. ∆Ô‡ÙÔÔÊ›ÏÂÙ·È ÛÙËÓ ÂͤÏÈÍË ÙˆÓ ‰‡Ô ·Ú·¿Óˆ ÚÔ·Ó·ÊÂÚı¤ÓÙˆÓ ‰ÂÈ-ÎÙÒÓ. ¢ÂÓ Ú¤ÂÈ fï˜ Ó· ‰È·Ê‡ÁÂÈ Ù˘ ÚÔÛÔ¯‹˜ Ì·˜ ÙÔ ÁÂÁÔÓfi˜fiÙÈ Ë ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ·˘Ù‹ ÚÔ¤Ú¯ÂÙ·È ·fi ¯ÂÈÚÔÙ¤Ú¢ÛË ÙˆÓ Î·ı·ÚÒÓfiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È ÌÂÁ·Ï‡ÙÂÚË ·Ó·ÏÔÁÈο ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ÙˆÓ ·Î·ı¿ÚÈ-ÛÙˆÓ fiÚˆÓ. ∆Ô‡ÙÔ fï˜, fiˆ˜ ›·ÌÂ, ·˘Í¿ÓÂÈ ÙÔ ÎÔÈÓˆÓÈÎfi Îfi-ÛÙÔ˜.

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- √È ÂÈÛÔ‰ËÌ·ÙÈÎÔ› fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙Ô˘Ó ıÂÙÈÎfiÙ·ÙË ÂͤÏÈÍËÎ·È ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ÔÊ›ÏÂÙ·È ÛÙËÓ ÌÂÁ¿ÏË ¿ÓÔ‰Ô ÙÔ˘ ‰Â›ÎÙË fiÁÎÔ˘ ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·-ÁˆÁÒÓ.

- ∆¤ÏÔ˜ Ô ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ Ô˘ ÌÂÙÚ¿ ÙËÓ ˆÊ¤ÏÂÈ· Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ ÂÎ ÙÔ˘ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÈ-ÎÔ‡ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Â›Ó·È È‰È·›ÙÂÚ· ‰˘ÛÌÂÓ‹˜, ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙ÔÓÙ·˜ ·ÚÓËÙÈ΋ˆÊ¤ÏÂÈ· ÁÈ· Ù· ÂÚÈÛÛfiÙÂÚ· ¤ÙË Ù˘ ÂÍÂÙ·˙fiÌÂÓ˘ ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘. ∞Ô-ÎÔڇʈ̷ Ù˘ ·ÚÓËÙÈ΋˜ ˆÊ¤ÏÂÈ·˜ ¤¯Ô˘Ì ٷ ¤ÙË 1984, 1985, 1986,ÂΛ ‰ËÏ·‰‹ fiÔ˘ ¤¯Ô˘ÌÂ Î·È ÙË ‰˘ÛÌÂÓ¤ÛÙÂÚË ÂͤÏÈÍË ÙˆÓ Î·ı·-ÚÒÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘.

‚. ¢È·ÈÛÙÒÛÂȘ ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô 1990 - 1996

√ ›Ó·Î·˜ ππ ‰Â›¯ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ :

- √È Î·ı·ÚÔ› fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ·ÚÔ˘Û›·Û·Ó ıÂÙÈ΋ ÂͤÏÈÍË ÂÎÙfi˜ ·fiÙ· ¤ÙË 1992 Î·È 1993. ∆ËÓ ÙÚÈÂÙ›· 1994, 1995, 1996 Ë ÂͤÏÈÍË ‹Ù·Óȉȷ›ÙÂÚ· ¢ÓÔ˚΋.

- √È ·Î·ı¿ÚÈÛÙÔÈ fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙Ô˘Ó ÌÈÎÚ‹ Î¿Ì„Ë ÙËÓ ÙÂ-ÏÂ˘Ù·›· ÙÂÙÚ·ÂÙ›· Î·È ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ÚÔÊ·ÓÒ˜ ÔÊ›ÏÂÙ·È ÛÙËÓ ÛËÌ·ÓÙÈ΋‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ÙÔ˘ ÚÔËÁÔ‡ÌÂÓÔ˘ ‰Â›ÎÙË.

- √ ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ Ù˘ ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹˜ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ ÈÛÔ˙˘Á›Ô˘ ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙ÂÈ ıÂ-ÙÈ΋ ÂͤÏÈÍË Ì ÂÍ·›ÚÂÛË ÙÔ 1993. ∂‰Ò Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ÛËÌÂȈı› fiÙÈ Ë‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ·˘Ù‹ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ ÈÛÔ˙˘Á›Ô˘ ÔÊ›ÏÂÙ·È, Û ·ÓÙ›ıÂÛË ÌÂÙËÓ ÚÔËÁÔ‡ÌÂÓË ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô, ÛÙË Â˘ÓÔ˚΋ ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹ ÙˆÓ Î·ı·ÚÒÓfiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘. µÂ‚·›ˆ˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ Â›Ó·È ¤Ó· ȉȷ›ÙÂÚ· ÛËÌ·ÓÙÈÎfiÛÙÔȯ›Ô.

- √È ÂÈÛÔ‰ËÌ·ÙÈÎÔ› fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙Ô˘Ó ıÂÙÈÎfiÙ·ÙË ÂͤÏÈÍËÌ ·‡ÍÔ˘Û· ·ÓÔ‰È΋ ÔÚ›·. ∆Ô‡ÙÔ ÔÊ›ÏÂÙ·È ÁÈ· Ù· ¤ÙË 1992,1993 ÛÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË ÙÔ˘ ‰Â›ÎÙË fiÁÎÔ˘ ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Î·È ÁÈ· ÙËÓ Â-Ú›Ô‰Ô 1994-1996 ÛÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ Î·ı·ÚÒÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘.

- ∆¤ÏÔ˜ Ô ‰Â›ÎÙ˘ Ô˘ ÌÂÙÚ¿ ÙËÓ ˆÊ¤ÏÂÈ· (Î·È Û˘ÓÂÒ˜ ¢ËÌÂÚ›·)Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ ÂÎ ÙÔ˘ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÈÎÔ‡ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ·ÚÔ˘Û›·Û ¢ÓÔ˚ÎfiÙ·ÙËÂͤÏÈÍË Î˘Ú›ˆ˜ ÙËÓ ÙÚÈÂÙ›· 1994-1996, οÙÈ Ô˘ ‰ÂÓ Â›¯Â ·Ú·ÙËÚË-ı› Û ηӤӷ ¯ÚÔÓÈÎfi ÛËÌÂ›Ô Î·È ÁÈ· ÙȘ ‰‡Ô ÂÍÂÙ·˙fiÌÂÓ˜ ¯ÚÔÓÈ-

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 231

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Τ˜ ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘˜. ∞˘Ùfi ÔÊ›ÏÂÙ·È ÛÙËÓ ıÂÙÈ΋ ÂͤÏÈÍË ÙˆÓ Î·ı·ÚÒÓfiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘.

∏ ‰Â‡ÙÂÚË ÏÔÈfiÓ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô˜ 1990-1996 ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙ÂÈ Û·ÊÒ˜ ηχÙÂ-ÚË ÂÈÎfiÓ· ·fi ÂΛÓË Ù˘ ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘ 1978 - 1991.

3. ™˘ÌÂÚ¿ÛÌ·Ù· - ¶ÚÔÙ¿ÛÂȘ

∆Ô ÂÌÔÚÈÎfi ÈÛÔ˙‡ÁÈÔ Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙ÂÈ ÛÔ‚·Ú¿ ÚÔ‚Ï‹Ì·Ù·Î·È Â›Ó·È ·Ó·Áη›· Ë ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛ‹ ÙÔ˘, ÒÛÙ ӷ ÌËÓ ·ÔÙÂϤÛÂÈ ÙÚÔ¯Ô¤‰ËÁÈ· ÙËÓ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍË Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜.

¶ÚÔ˜ ÙÔ‡ÙÔ ··Ú·›ÙËÙÔ Â›Ó·È Ó· ÂÊ·ÚÌÔÛı› ÌÈ· ÈÔ ÂÈıÂÙÈ΋ ÂÍ·-ÁˆÁÈ΋ ÔÏÈÙÈ΋. °È· Ó· Á›ÓÂÈ fï˜ ·˘Ùfi Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ‰È¢ڢÓı› Ë ‚ÈÔÌË-¯·ÓÈ΋ ‚¿ÛË Ù˘ ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›·˜ Ì·˜, ‰ËÏ·‰‹ Ó· ·˘ÍËı› Ë ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹ ‚ÈÔÌË-¯·ÓÈÎÒÓ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ, ÌÂ Û˘Ó¤ÂÈ· Î·È ÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ. ∆Ô‡ÙÔı· Û˘ÓÙÂϤÛÂÈ Î·È ÛÙË ÌÂÙ·‚ÔÏ‹ Ù˘ Û‡ÓıÂÛ˘ ÙˆÓ ÂÏÏËÓÈÎÒÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ.√ ›Ó·Î·˜ πππ ‰Â›¯ÓÂÈ fiÙÈ ÁÈ· ÙËÓ ¯ÚÔÓÈ΋ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô 1980-1996 ÔÈ ÂÍ·Áˆ-Á¤˜ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎÒÓ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ Î·Ï‡ÙÔ˘Ó ÂÚ›Ô˘ ÙÔ 50% ÙÔ˘ Û˘ÓfiÏÔ˘ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Ì·˜. ∏ Û¯¤ÛË ·˘Ù‹ Ú¤ÂÈ Î·Ù¿ Ôχ Ó· ‚ÂÏÙȈı› ¿Óı¤ÏÔ˘Ì ӷ ·ÓÙ·ÁˆÓÈÛıԇ̠̠ÂÈÙ˘¯›· ÙȘ ·ÓÂÙ˘Á̤Ó˜ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈο¯ÒÚ˜ Ù˘ ∂˘Úˆ·˚΋˜ ŒÓˆÛ˘.

∏ ·ÏÏ·Á‹ Ù˘ Û‡ÓıÂÛ˘ ı· ¤¯ÂÈ ˆ˜ Û˘Ó¤ÂÈ· Î·È ÙËÓ ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ÙˆÓηı·ÚÒÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Ô˘ ·ÔÙÂÏÔ‡Ó ÙÔÓ ÎÚ›ÛÈÌÔ ‰Â›ÎÙË Ù˘ "˘Á›-·˜" ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚÈÎÔ‡ ÈÛÔ˙˘Á›Ô˘ οı ¯ÒÚ·˜. µÂ‚·›ˆ˜ Ë ·‡ÍËÛË Ù˘ ‚ÈÔÌË-¯·ÓÈ΋˜ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜ ·fi ÌfiÓË Ù˘ ‰ÂÓ ·ÚΛ ÁÈ· Ó· ·˘ÍËıÔ‡Ó Î·È ÔÈ ÂÏ-ÏËÓÈΤ˜ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁ¤˜. ¶Ú¤ÂÈ Ó· ÂÈÙ¢¯ı› Î·È ÔÈÔÙÈ΋ ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ÙˆÓ ÂÏ-ÏËÓÈÎÒÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎÒÓ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ, Ì ÙËÓ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ ˘„Ë-Ï‹˜ Ù¯ÓÔÏÔÁ›·˜ ·ÏÏ¿ Î·È ÙË ‚ÂÏÙ›ˆÛË ÙÔ˘ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÈÎÔ‡ Ì·˜ marketing.¶Ú¤ÂÈ Â›Û˘ Ó· ·Ú¿ÁÔÓÙ·È ÂΛӷ Ù· ÚÔ˚fiÓÙ· Ô˘ ·ÚÔ˘ÛÈ¿˙Ô˘ÓÁÚ‹ÁÔÚÔ˘˜ Ú˘ıÌÔ‡˜ ·‡ÍËÛ˘ Ù˘ ˙‹ÙËÛ˘ ÛÙȘ ‰ÈÂıÓ›˜ ·ÁÔÚ¤˜.

∞ÏÏ¿ Î·È Ë ‰È¿ÚıÚˆÛË ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Ì·˜ Â›Ó·È ÚÔ‚ÏËÌ·ÙÈ΋. ∆ÔÔÛÔÛÙfi ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎÒÓ ÂȉÒÓ Î·Ù·Ó¿ÏˆÛ˘ ηχÙÂÈ ÌÂÁ¿-ÏÔ ÔÛÔÛÙfi ÙÔ˘ Û˘ÓfiÏÔ˘ ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ, Î·È Ì¿ÏÈÛÙ· Ì ·ÓÔ‰È΋ Ù¿ÛË( 1979 : 25,6%, 1986 : 29,5%, 1994 : 39,8%, 1996 : 38,3% ). ∆Ô‡ÙÔ ˘Ô-

232 Iˆ¿ÓÓ˘ XÚËÛÙ›‰Ë˜

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‰ËÏÒÓÂÈ ÙË ¯·ÌËÏ‹ ÔÈÔÙÈ΋ ÛÙ¿ıÌË Ù˘ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·˜ Ì·˜ Î·È ÙËÓ Î·ı˘-ÛÙ¤ÚËÛË Ù˘ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜ ¤ÙÔÈÌˆÓ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·ÓÈÎÒÓ ÚÔ˚fiÓÙˆÓ Î·È ÁÂÓÈÎfi-ÙÂÚ·, ÙËÓ ·ÓÔÚıÔÏÔÁÈ΋ ‰È¿ÚıÚˆÛ˘ Ù˘ ÂÏÏËÓÈ΋˜ ‚ÈÔÌ˯·Ó›·˜. √È ÂÈ-Û·ÁˆÁ¤˜ ›Û˘ ÎÂÊ·Ï·ÈÔ˘¯ÈÎÔ‡ ÂÍÔÏÈÛÌÔ‡ ·ÔÙÂÏÔ‡Ó ÛËÌ·ÓÙÈÎfi Ô-ÛÔÛÙfi ÙˆÓ Û˘ÓÔÏÈÎÒÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Î·È Ì¿ÏÈÛÙ· Ì ÂÏ·ÊÚÒ˜ ·ÓÔ‰È΋ Ù¿-ÛË (1980 : 29,4%, 1986 : 20,5%, 1990 : 22,6%, 1994 : 23,6%, 1996 :25,5%)(8). ∆Ô‡ÙÔ ı· ÌÔÚÔ‡Û ӷ ıˆÚËı› ıÂÙÈÎfi ÛÙÔ ‚·ıÌfi, Ô˘ ÔÈ ÂÈ-Û·ÁˆÁ¤˜ ·˘ÙÒÓ ÙˆÓ ·Á·ıÒÓ Û˘Ì‚¿ÏÏÔ˘Ó ÛÙÔÓ ÂÎÛ˘Á¯ÚÔÓÈÛÌfi Î·È ÙËÓ·Ú·¤Ú· ·Ó¿Ù˘ÍË ÙˆÓ ·Ú·ÁˆÁÈÎÒÓ ‰˘Ó¿ÌÂˆÓ Ù˘ ¯ÒÚ·˜ Î·È Ô‰Ë-ÁÔ‡Ó, ÛÙ· ÂfiÌÂÓ· ¯ÚfiÓÈ·, ÛÙËÓ ·‡ÍËÛË ÙˆÓ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÒÓ Ì ٷ¯‡ÙÂÚÔ˘˜Ú˘ıÌÔ‡˜ ·fi fi,ÙÈ ÙˆÓ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁÒÓ. ™ÙËÓ ∂ÏÏ¿‰· fï˜ ·˘Ùfi ‰ÂÓ Ê·›ÓÂ-Ù·È Ó· Û˘Ì‚·›ÓÂÈ. ∞˘Ùfi ˘Ô‰ËÏÒÓÂÈ fiÙÈ ÔÈ ÂÈÛ·ÁˆÁ¤˜ ÎÂÊ·Ï·ÈÔ˘¯ÈÎÔ‡ÂÍÔÏÈÛÌÔ‡ ‰ÂÓ ·ÍÈÔÔÈÔ‡ÓÙ·È ÔÚıÔÏÔÁÈο.

Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 233

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234 Iˆ¿ÓÓ˘ XÚËÛÙ›‰Ë˜

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Aگ›ÔÓ OÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ IÛÙÔÚ›·˜ / Archives of Economic History, XI/1-2/2000 235

'∂ÙÔ

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1990

91,9

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Abstract

Iˆ¿ÓÓ˘ XÚËÛÙ›‰Ë˜: OÈ fiÚÔÈ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ Î·È Ë ÂÚ›ÙˆÛË Ù˘ EÏÏ¿‰·˜

Greece is now a full member of the European Union. This means that in the years to

come, efforts should become even stronger so that the Greek Economy achieves the real

convergence with the other countries of the Union. In the effort to achieve faster growth,

the main problem Greece will have to face is that of its trade balance.

The solution should be obtained through an increase in the industrial output of the cou-

ntry and consequently, an increase of its exports and a change in the breakdown to the be-

nefit of industrial products, a fact that will contribute to the improvement of the net bart-

er terms of trade which reflect the competitiveness of a specific economy.

Y¶O™HMEIø™EI™

1. ∞˘ÙÔ› ÔÓÔÌ¿˙ÔÓÙ·È Î·È "fiÚÔÈ ÂÍ·ÁˆÁÈÎÔ‡ ΤډԢ˜ ÂÎ ÙÔ˘ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘". µÏ¤Â Dorran-

ce, G.S. «The Income Terms of Trade», The Review of Economic Studies, ÃVI (1948-

49), ÛÂÏ. 50-56.

2. Prebish, R. Towards a Dynamic Development Policy for Latin America, ¡¤· ÀfiÚÎË

1963, ÎÂÊ. 1.

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Ù¿Û˘ ÙˆÓ fiÚˆÓ ÂÌÔÚ›Ô˘ ‚ϤÂ: Spraos, J.: «The Statistical Debate on the Net Barter

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Archives of Economic History (Collected Essays on the Greek Economyand other subjects in homour of Professor Lazaros Houmani-dis ed. Gr. Papanicos), ed. Sychroni Ekdotiki, Athens 2000146 pp.

∫π√Ã√™, ¶. - ¶∞¶∞¡π∫√§∞√À, °.¢. : ÃÚ‹Ì· - ¶›ÛÙË - ∆Ú¿Â˙˜,ÂΉ. µ’ ÂΉ. ∂ÏÏËÓÈο °Ú¿ÌÌ·Ù·, ∞ı‹Ó· 1999 ÛÂÏ. ÛÂÏ. 498.

B§∞Ã√™, °.¶. - ª. ¡π∫√§∞´¢∏™: BÛÈΤ˜ ∞Ú¯¤˜ Ù˘ ¡·˘ÙÈÏȷ΋˜∂ÈÛÙ‹Ì˘, ÂΉ. ∆˙Â˚ & ∆˙¤˚ ∂§§∞™, ÙÔÌ. ∞’ ∞ı‹Ó·È 1999ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ. 544.

£∞¡√À, °. : “¢È·ÚıÚˆÙÈ΋ ÂͤÏÈÍË Î·È ÏÂÈÙÔ˘ÚÁ›· ÙÔ˘ ÂÏÏËÓÈÎÔ‡ ÙÚ·-Â˙ÈÎÔ‡ Û˘ÛÙ‹Ì·ÙÔ˜ 1982-1995”, ∂ÈıÂÒÚËÛȘ ∫ÔÈÓˆÓÈÎÒÓ∂Ú¢ÓÒÓ, ÂΉ. ∂∫∫∂, ÙfiÌÔ˜ °’, Ù‡¯Ô˜ 1Ô 1999, ÛÂÏ.ÛÂÏ.33-63.

SPOUDAI The University of Piraeus Journal of Economics Busines, Statist-ics and Operations Research Vol. 49 No 1-4, December 1999.

The Journal of Economic Methodology, Vol. 7, No 2 June 2000.

The Maastricht ISINI - Papers edited by G. Meijer, W.J.M. Maastricht 2000.

Heijman, J.A.C. Van Ophem and B.H.J. Verstegen Vol, I-III, Maastricht2000, Shaker Publishing B.V.

E’ ™˘Ó¤‰ÚÈÔÓ ∂ÏÏËÓÈ΋˜ ∂Ù·ÈÚ›·˜ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋˜ πÛÙÔÚ›·˜ (30-31 ∞˘ÁÔ‡-ÛÙÔ˘ Î·È 1 ™ÂÙÂÌ‚Ú›Ô˘ 1996) ∏ √ÈÎÔÓÔÌÈ΋ πÛÙÔÚ›· Ù˘∂Ù·Ó‹ÛÔ˘ ηٿ ÙÔÓ 19ÔÓ Î·È 20ÔÓ ·ÈÒÓ· (ÂÈ̤ÏÂÈ· ∏Ï›·ª·ÚÛ¤ÏÔ˘). ∞ı‹Ó· 1999.

Storia del Pensiero Economico, No 37, Firenze 1999.

239