Appendix 1: The Work of the Vicaria978-0-230-37893... · 2017. 8. 27. · Appendix 1: The Work of...

Appendix 1: The Work of the Vicaria The following is a quantification of the principal areas of the Vicaria work, from 1976 to 1988. The principal sources are the respective yearbooks. From that period, no systematic records were kept or yearbooks published. Some supplementary data from Alejandro Gonzalez (ILADES 1990) is included. This information should be recognised as partial: it does not attempt to cover all the work of all the departments, merely the major programmes for which there is consitent data throughout the period.

THE LEGAL DEPARTMENT

Habeas Corpus Presented to the Courts (Including the Peace Committee)

No. of writs No. of persons cited in writs

1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

Total

1450 892 636 117 153 331 467 368 305 723 936 555 895 475 418

8706

224 876 1122 599 588 5123 2661 2104 3792 1987 1445

Of these, 23 were accepted by the courts.

151

152 Appendix 1: The Work of the Vicaria

Habeas Corpus by Type

From 1979, the records for the writs are sub-divided according to the purpose and type. The second figure in each column corresponds to the number of individuals cited in the writs.

For arrest Preventive writs Writs for exiles

1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

249 311 256 257 583 683 357 534 231 275

769 892 426 491 1390 2224 1761 3043 910 1015

48 79 93 34 103 193 182 263 224 122

64 139 147 79 147 289 327 409 496 310

34 77 19 14 37 60 16 98 20 21

43 91 26 18

3586* 148 16 340 581 120

In November 1983 a mass writ for 3549 exiles was presented. The purpose of this type of writ was to contest the validity of the degree laws concerning exiles (Nos 81 and 604).

The writs for those arrested were submitted to prevent or curtail their subsequent disappearance. Preventive writs were seen to help those harassed or threatened by arrest.

Number of Cases in Progress over each Year, Attended by the Sub-Department for Disappearances to Trace those Arrested

Year

1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

Cases

180 149 219 283 249 159 182 140 139 137 107 70

Appendix 1: The Work of the Vicaria 153

Number of dissappeared in the Vicaria's records by the times of the end of the Pinochet regime came to 682.

Cases Attended by the Penal Unit (Sub-Divided after 1981)

Year Cases

1978 3408 1979 4962 1980 4242 1981 3420

Number of Cases in Progress, Attended by the Sub-Department for Those Tried for Political Crimes

Year

1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

Santiago

359 1088 878 1156 1487 1691 1797

The provinces

541 705 664 649

Number of Cases in Progress, Attended by Sub-Department for Arbitrary Arrest and Other Fundamental Rights Violations

Year Cases

1982 240 1983 1012 1984 1165 1985 1175 1986 1216 1987 937 1988 918

Detailed records of numbers arrested, the majority for brief periods, for political 'crimes' were kept over the years. Total numbers registered came to 38 496 between 1976 and 1988.


Denunciations of Torture and other Serious Rights Violations, Registered in the Department and Taken to the Courts

Year Denunciations

1976-78 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

Total

377 143 100 68 57 77 100 84 132 105 57

1300

A further 1946 cases of harassment were denounced over the same period. Covering the period of the protestas 2933 cases of unnecessary viplence were presented to the courts, 95 of which had resulted in death. Total deaths at the hands of the security forces (that is, excluding the disappeared) denounced by the Vicaria and Peace Committed between 1973 and 1988 came to 1134.

Total Numbers Attended by the Legal Department

(This includes material assistance and medical help as well as all forms of legal aid.) This figure was not kept after 1985.

Year

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985

Numbers

9 320 11968 12 486 20 525 16 859 13 960 22 614 46 311 56 638 51 566


Total Numbers attended at 444 Plaza de Armas

The porters took preliminary notes of all those seeking help or advice at the Vicaria's doors until 1986, when the practice was dropped. Those requiring further assistance were passed to reception. Numbers passed to reception essentially means those given legal advice or some form of material assistance, including, for example, meals when they were waiting to be seen.

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

At the porter's desk

50 376 67 575 86 453 84 995 66 706 75 944 43 321 89 465 105 151 100 107

At reception

20 163 13412 10 238 10 261 8 559 6 182 9 645 12581 13 607 11 394 11406 7 876 8 773

Total number of files of cases in the legal department, June 1990 came to 43 404. In addition, the documentation department kept many thousands of press cut

tings and other publications which were also lent out in their thousands over the years. For example, in 1988, 47 839 press cuttings were lent out, along with 2048 periodic publications (the Vicaria own monthly human rights reports and others), 1588 other documents and 260 books.

THE ZONES DEPARTMENT

From 1983, after the decentralisation of the department, the records were kept in a different form. The statistics below follow those different styles of record keeping. The figures are global, for all the different zones, but they are partial figures, depending on the consistent figures available.


Subsistence Organisations (1977-81)

Unemployment cooperatives

Year

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980

No. of cooperatives

56 57 59 61 14

Members

1403 1361 907

Workshops (handicraft and productive)

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981

No. of workshops

136 130 111 71 161 72

Members

2978 1061

Children's lunch services (Comedores Infantiles)

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981

No. of Comedores

294 263 226 201 160 123

No. served

15 761 15 824 13 155 8 268


Other Activities, Numbers Participating

Year

Youth groups 1978 1979 1980 1981

Children's summer camps 1979 1980 1981

Cultural organisations 1978 1979

Recreational and sports clubs 1978 1979 1980

Solidarity groups (for fund raising, 1978 1979 1980

Numbers

731 1876 1018 3 344

7511 9 651 6 433

5 115 1676

3 247 22 659 19 482

etc.) 4 396 4813 7 578

Organisations (1983-88)

Organisations supporting subsistence activities (food cooperatives and workshops)

Year

1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

No. of organisations

407 567 617 956

1007 753

No. participating

27 762 13 762 16 722 22 171 21701 22 250


Organisations of nutritional support (lunch services and ollas comunes)

Year

1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988


172 223 418 305 375 301

No. participating

15 570 19 143 35 927 34 115 39 540 29 308

Training classes (women's groups, leadership training)

Year

1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988


277 454 534 870

1 009 882

No. participating

3 803 7 570 9 164

13 554 9 592

13 171

Recreation groups (colonias urbanas,* summer camps, etc.)

Year

1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988


26 65 65

115 107 89

No. participating

5982 2463 2986 2202 2020 3513

*Colonias urbanas; youth clubs in Santiago


Human rights groups (solidarity groups and support groups for medical teams)

Year

1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988


10 30 37 46 4

103

No. participating

143 596 498 660 59

449

Committees for the homeless (from the 1985 earthquake) and subsequent housing committees

Year

1985 1986 1987 1988


168 134 48 46

No. participating

3323 7006 1243 1059

Coordinating committees for all the above

No. of No. Year organisations participating

1986 32 107 1987 67 2633* 1988 52 282

In 1987 there was considerable participation in coordinating committees in the South Zone. The large figure, however, suggests a different means of measuring membership in that zone, corrected for the following year. The encouragement of these coordinating committees also reflected the Vicaria's growing wish to have the organisations become more independent. From that time, too, the proportion of each organisations donations from the Vicaria also began to diminish as they looked to other non-governmental organisation and became better able to broaden their own resource base.


Total Solidarity Organisations

Year

1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988


965 1448 1975 2 524 2 660 1373

No. participating

54 916 44 994 71077 81245 77 263 58 361

Appendix 2: Prizes Awarded to the Vicaria 1978 United Nations Prize for Human Rights. 1980 Herzog Prize of the Union of Journalists of the State of Sao Paulo (for the

Solidaridad bulletin). Peace Prize of the Young Catholics of the Federal Republic of Germany.

1984 Bruno Kreisky Foundation, Austria: prize for extraordinary humanitarian work.

1986 Principe de Asturias Foundation, Spain: 'Premio a la Libertad'. 1986 Letelier-Moffit Memorial Award for Human Rights. 1987 Human Rights Prize of the Carter-Menil Foundation. 1988 'Simon Bolivar' Prize, Unesco.

161

Appendix 3: Principal Funding Agencies of the Vicaria Advieskommissie Missionaire Aktiviteiten (AMA), The Netherlands.

Amnesty International, Great Britain and Norway.

Australian Catholic Relief (ACR), Australia.

Bischofliche Aktion ADVENIAT, Germany.

Bischofliche Hilfswerk MISEREOR e.v. Germany.

Bread for the World, Germany.

Broederlijk Delen, Belgium.

Caritas Holand, The Netherlands and Austria.

Catholic Agency for World Development (TROCAIRE), Ireland.

Catholic Committee against Hunger and for Development (CCFD), France.

Catholic Foundation for Overseas Development (CAFOD), Great Britain.

Cuaresma Campaign of the Episcopacy (VASTENAKTIE), The Netherlands.

Dreikonigsaktion de Katholischen Jungschar osterreichs (DKJO), Austria.

Ecumenical Service Committee (CIMADE), France.

Entraide et Fraternite a.s.b.l., Belgium.

Ford Foundation, USA.

High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), The United Nations.

Instituto de Cooperacion Iberoamericana, Comunidad Abierta de Madrid, Spain.

Interamerican Foundation (IAF), USA.

Interkerkelijke Coordinate Commissie Ontwikkelingsprojecten (ICCO), The Netherlands.

International Christian Initiative, Chile-Solidarity (IICCS), Germany.

Katholieke Organisatie voor Medefinanciering van Onwikkelingsprogramms (CEBEMO), The Netherlands.

Katholisches Frauenwerk in osterreiches (KFO), Austria.

163

164 Appendix 3: Principal Funding Agencies of the Vicaria

Kinderhilfe Chile, Germany.

Komi tee Twee, The Netherlands.

Munster University Parish, Germany.

National Conference of Catholic Bishops, USA.

Nederlandse Organisatie voor Internationale Ontwikkelingssamenwerking (NOVIB), The Netherlands.

OXFAM, Great Britain.

Peace and Development, Canada.

Radda Barnen, Sweden.

Secours Populaire Fran(aise, France.

Stichting Kinderpostzegels Nederland (SKN), The Netherlands.

Terre des Hommes, Switzerland.

The Commission of the European Community.

The Episcopal Conference, Germany, Canada and Austria.

The World Council of Churches and member Churches.

Union of Young German Catholics (BDKJ), Germany.

Notes and References

Introduction

1. Although the Spanish word will be used throughout, the convention to italicise it is not observed. The reason, in both cases, is purely aesthetic.

2. The military's contempt for politicians was a common refrain in many of the declarations of the junta, and is amply demonstrated in Pinochet's writings; for example, Pinochet (1983). For their part, the newly dominant groups in the political right at the time shared the military's authoritarianism and accepted military rule for that reason, a position evidenced by the fact that the National Party willingly accepted the political recess.

3. The left's position, of course, was to evolve considerably during the period of authoritarian rule, ending in a majority position of social democratic principles. By the same token, their ideology retained an important moral component.

4. Smith (1982) provides detailed view of the political preferences of the Chilean Catholic faithful and clergy at that time, and further consideration of the issue follows in the next chapter. Essentially, though, and notwithstanding the full range of preferences, Christian Democratic principles may be considered as being most akin to those of the majority of the clergy and particularly the hierarchy; more right-wing views retained an important following in the laity. Smith also offers a more elaborate and sophisticated analysis of some of the issues involved in considering the priorities and complexities of the Church. See, especially, pp. 16-64. Indeed, it should be noted that this study owes much to Smith's previous work, and, while it also has its own agenda and perspective, is partially intended to be carried forward and related to much of his analysis.

5. The organisation of the Catholic Church dictates that the principal prelate of any diocese has pastoral jurisdiction over that diocese and no other, regardless of whether he is also the primate in the country. The Vicaria, therefore, was an organisation unique to Santiago, and not a national ecclesial agent. There were 'sister Vicarias' in many other dioceses, as will be further discussed, but this basic organisational framework should be understood, since it is also the reason why this study is more or less solely concerned with Santiago. Such a centralised perspective may, however, be at least partially justified by the fact that Chile itself is a highly centralised country, in which events and directions from Santiago have immediate, national significance.

6. The Vicaria's finances became a sensitive issue due to its political prominence, and so its staff were unwilling to provide exact figures.

7. Rouquie, 'Demilitarization and military-dominated politics in Latin America', in O'Donnell et al (1986), Vol. 3, pp. 108-36, esp. p. 110. For a more detailed view of the question of legitimacy, see Beetham (1991), esp. pp. 234-5.

8. For a comparative study of the economic policies of these regimes to that point, see Foxley (1983).

165

166 Notes and References

9. I am thinking of Rouquie's assertion that: 'In the Latin American normative and cultural context, those who hold military power know that, whatever they say, there still exists above them a superior legitimacy, that of constitutional order. Not only can they not claim its support, but they must also ultimately pay lip service to it': 'Demilitarization', p. 110.

10. An argument developed particularly, although by no means exclusively, in the writings of Garreton (1987, 1989). See, too, Valenzuela (1978).

11. As Angell notes: 'One of the most striking features of current political discussion in Chile is how little real debate there is about economic alternatives': Angell (1993), p. 3.

12. I am thinking, that is, of the classic, Gramscian notion of hegemony, one partial definition of which is: 'a combination of force and consent which form variable equilibria, without force ever prevailing too much over consent': Lettere del Carcere (Turin, Einardi, 1965), pp. 169-70, cited by Anderson (1976-77). See also Williams (1960) for more on Gramscian hegemony. That is in contrast with Dahl's narrower definition of hegemonies as 'regimes that impose the most severe limits on the opportunities available to opponents of the government': Dahl (1973), p. 11. See also Dahl(1971, 1982).

13. For the legal opposition under military rule in Brazil see Kinzo (1988). For the overall process in Brazil, Stepan (1973, 1988); Skidmore (1988).

14. One good, succinct discussion of the question of exclusionary versus inclu-sionary authoritarian rule, is Remmer (1989), particularly Ch. 1. See also Linz(1975).

15. Garreton (1987), p. 155. 16. The reasons of the different countries of the region for adopting the Chilean

model do not, of course, have solely to do with any intrinsic, nationally perceived benefits in so doing. They also have much to do with the increased leverage of the international financial institutions in the wake of the debt crisis, as well as the ever growing globalisation of the international economy. These matters, however, are clearly beyond the scope of this study.

1 The Catholic Church and Human Rights

1. See, for example, Finnis (1980). He notes (p. 214): 'What the reference to rights contributes in [the Universal Declaration] is simply a pointed expression of what is implicit in the term 'common good', namely that each and everyone's well-being ... must be considered and favoured at all times by those responsible for coordinating the common life. Thus, ... there is no room left for an appeal against the 'exercise' of these to the 'general welfare'.

2. For a comparative perspective on different religions' views of human rights, see Rouner (1988).

3. Kting and Moltmann (1990), p. vii. 4. Mgr Roncalli, later John XXIII, was nuncio in Paris at the time of the draft

ing of the Universal Declaration, and took an active part in collaborating with the French delegation.

5. 'Human Rights and Reconciliation', No. 4 Synod, Rome, 1974.

Notes and References 167

6. Puebla, Final Document No. 146. On the other hand, one observer at Puebla (and later a determined critic of the new Vatican line) describes the pope's inaugural speech as 'a thorough-going onslaught on the main tenets of liberation theology, which were caricatured in the process': Peter Hebblethwaite, 'The Vatican's Latin American Policy', p. 59, in Keogh (1990), pp. 49-64.

7. Implicit, but not elaborated upon here, is the understanding that, as a complex and international institution, the Catholic Church in its national dimensions is affected by a whole amalgam of factors beyond already complicated international ones. The doctrinal positions emanating from the Holy See are extremely important, although not necessarily always determinant; of at least as much importance is the particular concern of the pope for any national case (and the effectiveness of his nuncio); influential, too, are the 'demonstration effects' of other national Churches. This is my own observation on the basis of this study. For general reviews of the functioning of the Church see Smith (1982), Chapter 2, and Hanson (1987).

8. One case in point being Huntington (1991). He observes, for example (p. 85): 'Catholicism was second only to economic development as a pervasive force force making for democratization in the 1970s and 1980s. The logo of the third wave could well be a crucifix superimposed on a dollar sign.'

9. Hermet (1973). Although the article is dated in terms of the cases it studies, the theoretical framework remains useful. He noted three conditions necessary for the Church to play a tribunicial role: its own legitimacy in society; a degree of calculated toleration of its activities by the regime and, as a corollary, the regime's own confidence that it will not be seriously challenged by such limited opposition.

10. For analysis of these changes in the Spanish Church, see Lannon (1987). 11. The joint assembly also made a majority declaration (albeit not formally

accepted by the requisite two-thirds) saying 'we humbly recognise and ask pardon that we did not know how, when it was necessary, to be true 'ministers of reconciliation' in the midst of our people torn by fratricidal war': cited in Lannon (1987), p. 114.

12. Although many priests, such as those involved in the Catholic labour movement, had for many years been outspoken critics of the regime, often incurring persecution as a result. The much later majority rejection of authoritarianism by the hierarchy, then, is far from the whole story. That same proviso applies to the story of all national Churches, but cannot be further reviewed in detail here since the focus is essentially on the position of the institution of the Church as led by the hierarchy.

13. For studies of the Church in East-Central Europe as a whole, see Ramet (1990) and Broun (1988), and, for Poland, Szajkowski (1983).

14. The most detailed - and often critical - study of the Ostpolitik is Stehle (1981). Then again, the Vatican line was not necessarily decisive: 'The main determinant of whether or not Catholic Churches can obtain concessions from their respective governments remains the internal strength of the churches ... The major factors which contribute to that strength include the percentage of the population that is Catholic, the fervour of that faith, the strength of the ecclesiastical organisation, the quality of the hierarchical leadership, and the identity of Catholicism with nationalism. (Hanson 1987, p. 232.)


15. See Weigel (1992), pp. 64-5. 16. See also Garton Ash (1989). 17. Youngblood (1990), p. 198. 18. See Youngblood (1990), pp. 175-89 and Hanson (1987), pp. 330-1. 19. See Sohn (1989). 20. Jorge Caceres Prendes, 'Popular Radicalization and Popular Pastoral

Practices in El Salvador, 1969-1985', p. 125 in Mainwaring and Wilde (1989), pp. 103-48.

21. Although the focus here is moral opposition to authoritarian regimes, the case for discounting the periods of elected government rule in El Salvador is self-evident, as is also the case in Guatemala. However, for this reason, and for the simple question of space, Church responses to mass violations in Colombia and Peru are not addressed, and neither are the different issues in Cuba. For the former see works already cited; for Cuba, see Kirk (1989).

22. See also Rodolfo Cardenal, 'The Martyrdom of the Salvadorean Church', Keogh (1990), pp. 225-46.

23. Rodolfo Cardenal, 'Radical Conservatism and the Challenge of the Gospel in Guatemala', in Keogh (1990), pp. 205-24. There appears to be a lack of academic studies on the Church in Guatemala, presumably because attention there has focused on Pentecostalism, and the Catholic leadership has offered few appealing grounds for research. A brief review may be found in Calvert (1985).

24. See, for example, Edward Cleary, 'Evangelicals and Competition in Guatemala', pp. 167-95 in Cleary and Stewart-Gambino, (1992).

25. See Mignone (1988). The sub-title of the English version of his book is 'The Complicity of Church and Dictatorship in Argentina, 1976-1983'.

26. Mignone (1988) pp. 36 and 130-2. 27. See Brian Smith, 'Churches and Human Rights in Latin America',

pp. 155-93 in Levine (1980), for a brief synopsis to that date of the situation in Paraguay, Bolivia, Argentina, Brazil and Chile.

28. Andrea O'Brien The Catholic Church and State Tension in Paraguay', pp. 344-51 in Keogh (1990).

29. Levine, 'Basic Trends and Likely Futures', pp. 25-48 in Keogh (ed.) 1990.

30. The most detailed analysis of this process is Bruneau (1974). 31. Smith, 'Churches and Human Rights', p. 164, and Bruneau (1982), p. 49. 32. These, at least, are the most famous. However, a great many more bishops

have also been heavily involved in human rights work. For example, in the North East alone the military authorities at one time listed seventeen bishops as subversives (Mainwaring 1986, p. 96).

33. Ibid, pp. 87-94. 34. The Church has some 80 000 base communities and 350 bishops with, natu

rally, different shades of opinion among them. Moreover, although there has been resistance to the Vatican, that does not mean the latter does not make itself felt. See, for example, Ralph Delia Cava, 'The People's Church, the Vatican and the Abertura\ in Stepan (1989), pp. 143-67.

35. A good general historical background is Bethell (1993). 36. Smith (1982), p. 87.


37. In fact, many of the Christian Democrats-to-be received formative training on social issues from the leading progressive priests at the Catholic University, as described in Araneda Bravo (1981). The semi-official history of the PDC is Grayson (1968). A recent study, also with an extensive bibliography, is Scully (1992).

38. Cardinal Caro was not a political reactionary, however, and was instrumental in facilitating the assumption of power of the first progressive. Popular Front government in 1938. The point is rather that his leadership of the Church was essentially traditional, notwithstanding his concern for social works.

39. Smith (1982), p. 112. With the separation of Church from State, the naming of bishops became the sole prerogative of the pope, who would therefore tend to consult with his nuncio and the national episcopacy rather than the secular authorities.

40. Probably decisive was the fact that Silva had met John XXIII on a visit to Rome to obtain assistance in the wake of the 1960 earthquake, and immediately established a rapport with him: Pinochet de la Barra (1987), p. 51 Another invaluable source is Silva Henriquez's own detailed memoirs (Silva Henriquez 1991), compiled by Ascanio Cavallo and which cover the period up to the end of 1973.

41. A complimentary analysis of the evolution of the bishops' socio-political positions from 1962-73 is Pacheco Pastene (1985).

42. Stewart-Gambino (1992), pp. 131-3. Moreover, clerics and lay leaders interviewed by the author almost without fail referred to the reform as being in many respects a fore-runner to the Vicarfa as an example of decisive ecclesial action.

43. 'El Deber Social y Politico en la Hora Presente', Mensaje, 11 (November 1962), pp. 577-87.

44. Smith (1982), p. 111. 45. Ibid, p. 139. 46. A gretnio means, essentially, a guild. The gremialistas were so called

largely because they favoured a corporatist model of society, in the Hispanic tradition, as described in Cristi and Ruiz (1992). The key leader of the group was Jaime Guzman, who will feature prominently in succeeding chapters.

47. Declaration of the Permanent Committee of the Episcopal Conference, 12 December 1969. For the Tacna revolt see Florencia Varas (1972).

48. There are, for example, repeated references in his memoirs not only to the cardinal's reservations towards the UP, but also his chagrin that it was the Marxists rather than the Catholics who were most aware of the importance of the Church and who were, consequently, the most deferential in their dealings with him and other clerics.

49. The cardinal's concern was also to maintain a Church presence in national affairs to underline the fact it was not prepared to be marginalised by Marxism. Relations with the government had worsened by 1973 such that the primate did not attend the May 1973 event.

50. In so doing, as Smith notes (1982, p. 177): 'the Chilean bishops became the first national hierarchy in the world to admit publicly and as a body the compatibility of other forms of socialism [than classical Marxist-Leninism] with Catholic doctrine'.


51. For the economics of the UP period, see, for example, Bitar (1979: English version 1986) and de Vylder (1976).

52. For detailed analysis of the reform's elaboration and aims, as well as political reaction to the ENU, see Farrell (1986).

53. Silva Henriquez et al, 'Solo con amor se es capaz de construir un pais', Mensaje 22 (My 1973).

54. The events are recounted in detail in Prat's own memoirs (Prats 1985). His attitude of constitutional loyalty and close ties with the Allende government eventually led to his forced resignation shortly afterwards, when he was replaced by General Pinochet.

55. Comite Permanente del Episcopado Chileno, 'La paz en Chile tiene un precio', Santiago, 16 July 1973, Mensaje 22 (August 1973).

2 The Committee of Cooperation for Peace in Chile

1. Report of the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation, the Ministry of the General Secretary of the Government, Santiago, 1991 (henceforward National Commission 1991). This was the body established by President Aylwin as part of his government's human rights policy in the transition to democracy, further reviewed at the end of Chapter 6.

2. DL 1, Constitutional Act of the Governing Junta, Diario Oficial, 18 September 1973. (In future the full publication details to the new laws are omitted.) To this constitutional and legislative powers were added by DL 128.

3. DL 27, which dissolved the Congress, claimed that this measure was to expedite the urgent restoration of institutionality.

4. The orders were issued on September 11. The decrees regarding the parties, 77 and 78, followed in mid-October. DL 77, moreover, declared the junta's intention to 'extirpate Marxism from Chile'.

5. Although an increasingly high proportion of army officers was to accompany Pinochet's consolidation of personal authority. Military participation in government as a whole remained high in comparison with contemporary authoritarian neighbours: Huneeus and Olave (1986).

6. For analysis of the military perspective, see Varas (1987) and Arriagada (1981).

7. Edict 5, 11 September 1973. 8. Although the army had intervened dramatically to curtail the ineffectual and

somewhat corrupted parliamentary regime in 1924, and was key in the promulgation of the new Constitution of 1925, its disengagement from political involvement by the time of Arturo Alessandri's return to the presidency in 1932 appeared equally definitive. See Nunn (1976).

9. National Commission (1991), Vol. I, p. 40. 10. Full 'documented' details of the Plan Z are to be found in The White Book

of the Change of Government in Chile, published shortly after the coup. According to the US Senate Report, Covert Action in Chile, two CIA personnel aided in its preparation.

11. Notably that known as FACH Role 1-73, involving the summary trials of Air Force officers sympathetic to Allende and therefore deemed traitors.


The majority of the cases were held in closed sessions, however, often with no access allowed to defence lawyers. National Commission (1991), Chapter III, Vol. I, pp. 79-2.

12. Fifty-nine were formally executed by order of the Councils (ibid, Vol. II, p. 883). The courts were arbitrary, however: some cases were even transferred to civil courts and dismissed.

13. In a press conference of 14 March 1975, the Interior Ministry gave the following figures: 41 759 persons were detained between the coup and that time, of which 36 605 had by then been released. Of the remainder 1557 had received sentences, 1780 cases were in progress, 400 were deemed common criminals and 1116 were still awaiting trial under the laws of the State of Siege. As the Peace Committee pointed out at the time, by the government's own figures this left 301 persons unaccounted for. Comite pro Paz, 'Presentation a la Conferencia Episcopal', Punta de Tralca, April 1975, mimeo.

14. As well as the subsequent reports of human rights groups, there have since been published a number of personal testimonies of prisoners (for example Villegas 1990 and Gamboa 1984).

15. By March 1975 the Peace Committee had records of 55 000 arrests in a few days not admitted by the Interior Ministry. 'Presentaci6n', Comite pro Paz (1975).

16. See Moulian and Vergara (1979). Upeliente was the pejorative term used by those who opposed the up to refer to its supporters.

17. There were a panoply of decrees and edicts which reduced the existence of unions essentially to a formality. See Manuel Barrera and J. Samuel Valenzuela, 'The Development of the Labor Movement Opposition to the Military Regime', pp. 230-69 in Valenzuela and Valenzuela (1986). This collection is an authoritative, synthetic source on political and economic developments to the early 1980s.

18. The issue of the intervention of the Catholic universities, over which the primate had official jurisdiction, became an important bone of contention between Church and State, making Allende's ENU proposed reform pale in comparison. See Smith (1982), pp. 320-1.

19. The beginning of the issue of exile came with DL 81, 11 October 1973, which gave the government the right to expel Chileans from their country.

20. An analysis of Pinochet's use of language in some of his key speeches may be found in Munizaga (1988).

21. National Commission (1991), Vol. I, p. 442. 22. See, too, Garreton's discussion of these issues: Garreton (1989), pp. 47-9. 23. El Mercurio, 13 September 1973. 24. One overview of judicial behaviour is to be found in Constable and

Valenzuela (1991), Ch. 5. See too the National Commission (1991), Vol. I, Ch.4.

25. Declaracion del Sefior Cardenal y del Comite Permanente del Episcopado Chileno, Santiago, 13 September 1973. Indeed, Smith's interviews with the Chilean bishops in 1975 revealed that 24 out of 27 had believed that the coup was necessary at the time: Smith (1982), pp. 209-10. Considerable study of the episcopal declarations has been made. As well as Smith (1982), other works include Correa and Viera-Gallo (1986); Yanez (1989); Meneses


(1989); and articles by Jaime Rojas and Franz Vanderschueren, 'La Iglesia y la Junta Militar', in Chile-America, Nos 14-21, February-July 1976.

26. The cardinal's Te Deum homilies, and the circumstances surrounding them, are described in Cavallo (1988).

27. El Mercurio, 8 November 1973. In fact, there is more to the story. Pope Paul was prepared to have the Chilean bishops publish a papal letter of outright condemnation of the military's action. Silva Henriquez persuaded him, however, that the letter should be suppressed in the interests of the Church's need to adopt a neutral rather than confrontational position vis-a-vis the junta, also because this was the most effective means by which to help the persecuted. Cavallo, Salazar and Sepulveda (henceforward Cavallo et al. : 1988).

28. Statement by government spokesman, Federico Willoughby, El Mercurio, 8 November 1973.

29. Notably bishops Hourton, Ariztia and Camus. The different positions of the hierarchy at the time are discussed in Smith (1982), pp. 287-305 and Rojas and Vanderschueren, 'La Iglesia y la Junta'.

30. 10 000 was the figure given by General Bonilla when he assumed the post of Minister of the Interior: El Mercurio, 16 September. Other estimates range from 6000 to 15 000. The National Commission 1991 report cites 51 cases of foreigners killed.

31. Informe del Comite Nacional de Ayuda a Refugiados, mimeo, Santiago, 1974, cited in Orellana and Hutchinson (1991), p. 165.

32. Interview with Mgr Ariztia, 19 March 1992. 33. By order signed by Silva on 9 October, mimeo, 1973. 34. For example, the bishops interviewed at greatest length during the course of

research, Mgrs Pinera and Valech (bishops, respectively, in Temuco and Santiago at the time of the coup), were at pains to explain their experiences of the chaos in the country by that time, and also their own consequent hostility towards the Allende government. Only Mgr Ariztia, due in part to the fact he lived in a working-class sector of Santiago in which he had lived, was sympathetic to the process taking place under the UP.

35. Moreover, minutes of the early meetings of the directors of the Committee show their particular care at the time with the wording of these pieces, even the ordering of the services being offered.

36. La Prensa, 5 November 1973. The second announcement, published in El Mercurio, 10 November, was more specific adding, for example, that workers should not sign resignations. It also quotes Isiah 11, 3-5 and signs off, in capitals: THE WORK OF JUSTICE WILL BE PEACE'. These advertisements were paid for. The Committee rapidly needed more space than that available in the offices of the archbishopric and moved to the Santa Monica address, also near the city centre, where it remained until its closure.

37. 'Desarrollo y crecimiento del Comite de Cooperaci6n para la Paz en Chile', mimeo, 1976.

38. 'El Comite Pro Paz: una tarea que debe continuar', mimeo, August 1974. 39. The report was compiled by a small team within the Committee and its

existence and exact contents were not known to other staff.


40. 'La Reconcilacion en Chile', 24 April 1974, pp. 11-17, Documentos del Episcopado 1974-1980.

41. To underline that point, the publication of the declaration was accompanied by that of the collected episcopal documents of 1970-73, which contain the bishops' criticisms of Marxism and the Christians for Socialism.

42. A point confirmed in interview by members of the hierarchy. See also Smith (1982), pp. 294-6.

43. El Mercurio, 19 May 1974. The bishops in question in the latter were Fresno and Tagle. El Mercurio was (and remains) the most important national paper.

44. It is now also known that this DL contained three secret articles (9,10 and 11) which gave to the DINA the authority to carry out arrests and house-to-house searches, and, retroactively, validated the actions of the DINA prior to its official creation, since it had in fact been functioning since the coup. Official recognition of the DINA's powers was also retrospective: in September 1977 Pinochet announced that the new central security agency replacing the DINA would not have these powers.

45. National Commission (1991), Vol. I, p. 43. 46. The MIR was never formally part of the UP alliance, but had very close

links with it; for instance, it was the MIR which was charged with Allende's personal security.

47. The Committee's analysis of the testimonies of survivors released from DINA's centres shows that the initially random forms of torture, when different security forces were involved, was replaced by a more uniform approach designed to kill only when desired.

48. Indeed, the full logic of those masterminding the repressive process was probably one which might be termed 'ideological cleansing'. The Vicaria holds a copy of a secret report made in October 1973 by a military doctor (a Dr Schuster, working at the time of the coup in the San Juan de Dios hospital) which recommends the separation of UP supporters into different categories for different 'treatments'. These were: extremists or highly dangerous activists, which he deemed 'irrecoverable'; ideologically motivated activists, to be analysed meticulously in order to determine what to do in each case; militants of UP parties, considered as having been acting under orders and thus 'recoverable' with a degree of political control; and UP sympathisers (the majority), to be won over by (unspecified) 'intelligent and successful' policies.

49. For more details of the process involved see Arturo Valenzuela, The Military in Power: The Consolidation of One-Man Rule', pp. 21-72 in Drake and Jaksic (1991).

50. Not even in Brazil, where the dominance of the army and its presidents was more assured, did the president have control over the intelligence service, a factor which checked Geisel's abertura: Stepan (1988).

51. Pinochet (1983), pp. 52 and 109. 52. This is the Quod Apostolici Muneris encyclical, also since famous for its

description of Marxism as being 'intrinsically perverse'. As well as Pinochet (1983), see also Correa and Subercaseaux (1989) for more on his views in these regards.


53. I am grateful to Hugo Montero, former sub-director of the province department of the Vicaria and Committee, for his long and detailed explanation of the different situations in the different places: interview 12 March 1992.

54. The percentage unemployed rose from 4.8 per cent in 1973 to 16.4 per cent by the end of 1975. The acquisitive power of wages by the same time dropped by 37.1 per cent in comparison with 1970. Figures from CIEPLAN (1988).

55. That this was the case is confirmed by minutes of the meetings of the directorship, which are full of references to such contacts.

56. For a detailed account of the situation from a diplomatic perspective, see de Vergottini(1991).

57. See, too, Ahumada et al. (1989), Vol. II, pp. 168 and 188. 58. At 1975 values: 'El Comite pro Paz, Ano y medio de trabajo ecumenico',

mimeo, 1975. The Committee's final report did not include such detailed analysis of its finances. For a broader view of the financing question of the Church as a whole, see Smith (1982), pp. 325-33.

59. A practice confirmed by both the Committee's executive secretaries, Fernando Salas and Cristian Precht, who took over from him. Interviews, respectively, 5 November 1991 and 24 September 1991/3 October 1991. As Mgr Precht put it, with gentle humour, 'It is better to ask for pardon than permission.'

60. Fernando Salas left in order to complete his Jesuit training. The choice of Cristian Precht was also determined by the need for a young man to take on the demanding nature of the work; he was, moreover, in a position to take on the job without having to leave a parish, as he came from a teaching post in a seminary. Interviews with both as above.

61. Fernando Salas recounted an illustrative anecdote in this respect. Towards the end of 1973 he had occasion to see, for the first time, a poster of the Universal Declaration in the office of a friend who had worked with the UN. He took it under his jacket to a shop to photocopy it for the Committee office. The attendant furtively made the copies at the back of the shop; the reaction in the Committee itself was to consider this a daring new departure. He realised then the potential of the Declaration. Interview as above.

62. These points were emphasised by the head of the Committee's legal department, Jose Zalaquett: interview 2 September 1991.

63. Interview with Fernando Salas 5 November 1991. 64. La Segunda, 16 May 1974. 65. Such happened with the case of a 16-year-old girl, who, having been raped,

had her naked body covered with waste scraps to be set on by rats. Beyond even this reference in La Segunda, the original report adds that she also had bottles and broom handles successively rammed into her vagina and was injected with oil to be subsequently operated on when the hypodermic snapped inside her.

66. Bonilla's role as a whole is ambiguous. He was the only member of the government prepared to listen to the Committee's heads, but, it seems, could do little. He died under suspicious circumstances in 1975, having already been replaced by a hardliner in the Interior Ministry. See Cavallo et al. (1988), pp. 52-3. This is an indispensable source on the internal workings of the regime.


67. It was determined that according to the existing Legal Code (articles 292 and 293) the Committee could be deemed an 'illicit association': that is, one formed with the intention to attack the social order. Interview with Monica Madariaga, at the time personal legal adviser to her cousin, Pinochet, 11 March 1992.

68. The object was again to concentrate on cases for which there was full, witnessed evidence, both to serve as precedents and protect the integrity of the Committee and signatories to the writs.

69. The news agency which took it upon itself to investigate was Latin, whose findings were taken up elsewhere. See also the long article by Jonathon Kendall, New York Times, 3 August 1975.

70. For the votes in the UN to 1985 see H. Mufioz (1986), p. 192. 71. For example, La Segunda, 16 July 1975. 72. Las Ultimas Noticias, 18 July 1975, and Mensaje, August 1975. 73. Detailed studies of these issues and events are to be found in Lagos (1978)

and Lagos and Chacon (1986). 74. For example, El Mercurio, 29 August 1974, and La Segunda, 9 June 1975. 75. Reported, respectively, in El Mercurio, 26 June 1975 and 14 September

1975. 76. During the first two years after the coup the Church suffered an overall

decline of 380 priests (15 per cent of the total), 314 of whom were foreigners, mainly of the most progressive sectors of the priesthood: Smith (1982), p. 330.

77. Prior to the coup he had made provisions with the Nuncio to take over the diocese of Copiapo, and left to assume that post: interview with Mgr Ariztfa as above.

78. Press communique of the Secretariat of the Episcopacy, 7 November 1974. 79. Interview with Monica Madariaga, as above. 80. The full story is recounted in Ahumada et al. (1989), Vol. II, Ch. 8; Cavallo

et al. (1988), Ch. 10, 13 and 14; and the cardinal's memoirs, No. 43. In English, see Sheila Cassidy's own account (1977).

81. La Segunda, 4 November 1975. The evidence given for a shoot-out was a photograph of the ostensibly wounded arm of a DINA officer. The housekeeper of the residence was killed during the raid. Eventually, a year and a half later, the military courts ruled there was insufficient evidence of a shoot-out, but that no individual could be blamed for the housekeeper's death: Solidaridad, Bulletin No. 22 (July 1977).

82. Indeed, the Chilean authorities continued to deny her claims of torture. The British government saw otherwise, and the incident provoked the recall of the British ambassador: The Times, 31 December 1975.

83. La Segunda, 4 October 1975. 84. The three press communications of the episcopate are to be found in

Documentos 1974-1980, pp. 130-1. 85. The text is reproduced in La Segunda, 11 November 1975. 86. The full text, which is extensive, is reproduced alongside that of Guzman's

in La Segunda. The latter is referred to as the 'clear concepts of Sr. Guzman', whereas the cardinal's reaction is termed 'violent and strange'.

87. The first arrest, of an administrative secretary, was on 9 September. Despite all efforts of the Committee, she was denied all visits for 45 days. By


15 November ten staff members in Santiago were under arrest, also without any visiting rights, and some five other pastors and priests connected to the provincial offices had also been detained. All were freed, including the other priests arrested on charges of asylum of the Miristas, at different moments, by early the following year. A number of the foreign religious workers, and legal department head Jose Zalaquett, however, were subsequently expelled from the country.

88. Both Pinochet's and Silva Henriquez's letters are to be found in 'Cronica de dos afios' and Chile-America, Nos 12-13 (December 1975).

3 The Hierarchy, the Vicaria and the Regime

1. The evangelical work for human rights continued however, and centred around organisation FASIC (Foundation of Christian Churches for Social Aid), established in April 1975 as a continuation of the CONAR. Its work is reviewed briefly in the next chapter.

2. Press Conference at the Plenary Assembly of Chilean Bishops, 17 December 1975, Documentos 22:135. See, too, '^Como reemplazar al Comite Pro Paz?', Que Pasa, 4 December 1975.

3. Indeed, the second major pronouncement of the previous period, the Working Document 'Gospel and Peace' of September 1975 was more conciliatory towards the government than 'Reconciliation in Chile'. In one passage it thanked the regime for saving the country from imminent Marxist dictatorship, and it lacked the direct references to specific violations of the previous document: Documentos, 16, p. 110.

4. Un aho de labor, January 1977, Vicaria de la Solidaridad. 5. See Chile-America, 14-15. 6. See Pinochet de la Barra (1987). The cardinal's major social writings are

collected in Ortega (1982). 7. In protest at the regime's intervention in the University and designation of a

military rector, he suspended his role as its Great Chancellor in October 1974.

8. Carta Pastoral de la Solidaridad, Archbishopric of Santiago, June 1975. 9. Ibid.

10. Interview with Cristian Precht, 24 September 1991. 11. Henceforward the Spanish term 'vicario' is used, also without italics, for

reasons consistent with the use of the term Vicaria. 12. It should be remembered that the Church had no experience of being the

employer of an organisation staffed in the majority by lay persons. The staff of the Vicaria were anxious to put to rest what was perceived as a constant threat to diminish their numbers and thus the work done. Eventually, by the consensus of the staff, a welfare fund was set up whereby all contributed 7 per cent of their income to accumulate as a pension fund in order to free the Church of all responsibility. Interview with Javier Luis Egafia, 27 September 1991.

13. Other prominent Christian Democrat lawyers also worked in collaboration with both the Peace Committee and the Vicaria, as well as other less prominent PDC members.


14. Quantitative data on major departments' work may be found in Appendix 1. 15. Mensaje had a readership of 5000 in 1974, which rose to 12 000 by 1979:

Smith (1982), p. 317. A collection of editorials from the magazine has been published in book form: see Hevia (1989).

16. Radio Balmaceda, belonging to the PDC, was intermittently silenced and definitively closed in January 1977. It was replaced in 1977 by Radio Cooperativa, which in turn became an important outlet for the Vicaria.

17. The bulletin was published as something between a newspaper and magazine, on A3 page size with an average of some 20 pages. The climate of the times was such that it was for many years treated as a semi-clandestine publication by its readership, and there were cases of police harassment of those found with it in their homes.

18. The Vicaria estimated that each 30 000 editions would be read by some 150 000 to 200 000 people: interview with Alejandro Gonzalez, 1 January 1992.

19. Sociedad Chilena de Defensa de la Tradition, Familia y Propiedad (1976), p. 278. The Marxist nature of the Peace Committee, as admitted by Bishop Camus is, also, of course, the focus of considerable attention.

20. Documentos 1974-1980, 27, p. 143. 21. See Laurence Whitehead, 'Inflation and stablisation in Chile, 1970-77', in

Thorp and Whitehead (1979), pp. 65-109. The shock treatment was aimed at curbing the then 341 per cent inflation rate.

22. Ruiz-Tagle and Urmeneta (1984). 23. National Commission (1991), Vol. II, pp. 539-66. Overall, of the victims

whose political affiliation was known (54 per cent of the National Commission cases), the deaths among the three major objects of the repression were: Socialist 405; Mirista 384 and Communist 353: Vol. II, p. 885.

24. La Vicaria de la Solidaridad, Un aho de labor, 1977. Henceforward these yearly records are referred to simply by their year number.

25. Although one dramatic exception was the attempted assassination of Bernardo Leighton in Rome in September 1975. Leighton was a prominent dissident in the party, favouring alliance with the left against Pinochet.

26. There is no consensus as yet on the exact numbers. In 1977 the Department of Migration of the Episcopal Conference estimated the number leaving for political or economic reasons to have been as high as 10 per cent of the population, although by 1986 the Commission for the Returning put the figure at between 100 000 and 200 000.

27. For the Chilean case within the OAS, see Medina (1988). 28. Documentos 1974-1980, 32, p. 158. 29. See Roncagliolo and Reyes (1978). 30. Ahumada et al. (1989), Vol. II, pp. 358-62. 31. Declaration on the detention and attack in Pudahuel of three Chilean

bishops arrested in Ecuador: Documentos, 33, p. 161. It is a measure of the climate of the times that of the first forty joint statements of the episcopate of the 1974-77 period, no less than ten were protests at attacks on the Church.

32. El Mercurio, 20 August 1976. The 'legal emergency' had indeed continued: Supreme Decree 890 (the Law of State Security) and DL 1.281, among others, had extended the States of Exception and had the effect, among other


things, of rendering inapplicable other checks on the permitted duration of detention without charge.

33. 'Nuestra Convivencia Nacional' Documentos, 36, pp. 164-72. The original printing of this document, moreover, was entrusted to the Vicaria. The most outspoken government reaction to it came from the recently appointed Justice Minister Damilano, leading to protestations from the bishops. Damilano was expendable, and resigned.

34. Solidaridad, No. 18 (May 1977). 35. In fact, the writ had referred to the infringement of the family's liberty by

the presence of security officers in their home and was a preventive writ (see Appendix 1): Solidaridad, No. 19 (May 1977).

36. There had been three cases during the same period of the Vicaria receiving visits from individuals claiming to have family members missing for whom the Vicaria began the relevant proceedings. The individuals never returned to follow through; rather they corresponded to the new exposes in the press. Ahumada et al. (1989), Vol. II, pp. 500-3.

37. La Segunda, El Cronista, La Tercera, 26 May. 38. Ercilla, No. 2, p. 186; Que Pasa, 324; El Mercurio, 28 June. 39. In the analysis of Heraldo Mufioz, the two other key contributory factors

were the praetorian style of Chilean diplomacy, which won it few friends, and the fact that the government was pursuing a relentlessly anti-Communist line at a time when international relations were becoming more diverse: Mufioz (1986).

40. See Angell (1989). 41. Letelier served both as Foreign Minister and ambassador to the USA in the

course of the Allende administration. For more on the Letelier case, see Dinges and Landau (1981).

42. For Nixon-Ford policy, see Schoultz (1981), pp. 185-202. 43. Ibid, p. 172. 44. Contreras continued in close contact with Pinochet, however. For example,

he was sent as his personal envoy to General Videla as tensions heightened between Chile and Argentina in 1978. See Cavallo et al. (1988), pp. 104 and 149.

45. The Vicaria wrote its own study of the differences between the two in Solidaridad, No. 25 (August 1977).

46. Cavallo era/. (1988), p. 149. 47. A good discussion of the different factions within the regime is Vergara

(1985). 48. El Mercurio, 10 July 1977. 49. Guzman argued that the military could not remain indefinitely in power

without destroying their own ethos. See, for example, Ercilla, 10 May 1978. 50. As well as Vergara (1985), see, too, Fontaine (1988) and Valdes (1989) for

further descriptions of the rise of the 'Chicago boys'. 51. In reflecting on Chile's past, Guzman was to assert that a central problem

had been not to realise that social and economic liberty were more meaningful than political liberty: Ercilla, 22 August 1979.

52. CIEPLAN(1988). 53. Leigh had supported a more traditional emphasis on social policies: he was

ousted from the junta in mid-1978. See Florencia Varas (1979).


54. Or, as Foxley put it: 'objective conditions pushed simultaneously from the political and economic spheres in the direction of formulating a more global ideological and political project'(1983, p. 94).

55. This is demonstrated by the wording of the consultation itself: 'In the face of the international aggression unleashed against our country, I give my support to President Pinochet in his defence of the dignity of Chile, and I reaffirm the legitimacy of the government of the Republic to lead with sovereignty the process of the institutionalisation of the same.' For this reason, too, junta members Leigh and Merino tried to prevent it by publicly criticising the whole idea. Their letters to that effect can be found in Chile-America, Nos 39-40 (January and February 1978).

56. Carta del Comite Permanente a la Junta de Gobierno, sobre la Consulta Nacional, 30 December 1977, Documentos 1974-1980, 46, pp. 207-8.

57. As well as the fact there was no electoral register, widespread intimidation of various forms accompanied the vote. See Americas Watch (1988), pp. 16-18.

58. DL 2.191, DiarioOficial, 19 April 1978. 59. See Cavallo et al. (1988), pp. 169-70. 60. Preamble to DL 2191. 61. Although the practice of deaths in supposed 'confrontations' with the secu

rity forces continued, as did the State of Exception after the lifting of that of Siege: Tercer aho de labor.

62. Declaration on the Amnesty Decree, mimeo, Vicaria de la Solidaridad, 20 April 1978.

63. The idea had come from Javier Luis Egafia and Cristian Precht, who had to argue long and hard with the primate to convince him of the need for these events and the symposium. Silva Henriquez feared that they would only heighten tensions and be seen to be taking the Church too far away from its normal pastoral concerns: interviews as above.

64. The relatives were organised in the Agrupacion de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidas, formed at the time of the episode of the 119 'factional killings of Miristas' in 1975. More discussion of the Agrupacion follows in the next chapter.

65. El Mercurio, 27 May 1978. He also replied to the first intercessions of the Church in letter to Vicar General Ignacio Ortuzar by saying that he considered the affair to be one which concerned neither Church nor government.

66. El Mercurio 30 May, reported numbers in Chile on hunger strike to have reached 141 with other sympathy actions in Venezuela, Mexico and in Europe.

67. El Mercurio, 6 June. 68. 28 May 1978. There were, however, provisos as to the 'political agitation'

involved in the affair, and the paper also heavily criticised those priests who joined the hunger strike, in its editorial of 31 May.

69. These were also subsequently published by the Vicaria over 1978 and 1979 in what came to seven volumes of 5000 editions each in a collection called 'iDonde Estdn?' ('Where are they?'). These detailed 466 cases from Santiago and the provinces for which there was full and irrefutable witnessed evidence. A final report was submitted to the cardinal containing 613 documented cases.


70. Declaration on the disappeared, Permanent Committee, 9 November 1978. Documentos 1974-1980, 64, pp. 391-2, paragraphs 1-5 and 8-9.

71. The former Minister was approached during the course of research for an interview on this and related matters. However, he declined on the grounds that he has had past experience of seeing interviews which he has granted serve as giving academic credentials to works whose positions he does not share.

72. Symposium International: Experiencia y Compromiso Compartidos, Vicaria de la Solidaridad, 1979.

73. El Mercurio adopted a subtle, multi-faceted approach to discrediting individual visitors. For example, it was said of Theo Van Boven, director of the UN's Human Rights division, that he been elected with the vote of the Socialist Bloc. The Archbishop of La Paz's presence was associated with his words that Bolivia had the right to a corridor to the Pacific (Editions 15 and 20 November, respectively).

74. La Segunda, 23 November 1978. 75. For example, El Mercurio, 24 November, which also noted, 'his speech was

applauded by the 700 attending, among whom were Christian Democrats and Marxists'.

76. The Letter also insisted on the importance of collective rights: 'All human rights and fundamental liberties are indivisible and interdependent. Men can only enjoy liberty and justice if conditions are created whereby they can exercise both civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural ones.' This echoed the closing speech given by Cristian Precht in which he emphasised that human rights were interdependent {'los derechos humanos son soli-darios entre si"). El Mercurio, 26 November, published the Letter in its entirety, but highlighted the point that violations occur throughout the world.

77. The Vicaria shared the prize with Amnesty International, the Women's Union of Tunisia, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Aga Khan, and, posthumously, Martin Luther King. Its award was not publicised in the Chilean press.

78. Put there to keep them safely out of public gaze: interview with Cristian Precht as above.

4 The Vicaria and the Opposition

1. Extracts from the key document to that effect, Frei's letter to the head of the Christian Democratic International Organisation, of 8 November 1973, are published in Chile-America, No. 4, pp. 52-3. A detailed chronology of the party's evolving position follows in Nos 4-7 (January-April 1975). For a more detailed PDC invective against the UP see Arriagada (1974).

2. The journal functioned from the end of 1974 till the mid-1980s. It gave considerable prominence to the activities of the Church, Vicaria and the human rights situation in Chile (a reflection of the concerns of its contributors, but also another indication of their importance to the opposition as a whole).

3. See, for example, 'La Unica Base Posible de la Unidad del Pueblo es la Lucha Antifascista', declaration, Santiago, 5 June 1974, in Partido Comunista de Chile 1976. See too A. Varas et al. (1988).


4. The principal participants being Patricio Aylwin himself for the PDC and Manuel Antonio Garreton, MAPU member during the Allende government, loosely representing the left. Since so many political leaders as such of the left were then either in exile or living in clandestinity, there was a tendency at the time for the left's semi-public presence to be through intellectuals. Interview with Hugo Friihling, himself present at the meeting, 6 August 1991.

5. La Vicaria de la Solidaridad: una experiencia de Iglesia, Vicaria de la Solidaridad, May 1978, p. 22.

6. Interview with Jaime Insunza, 22 January 1992. 7. And distinctions must, of course, be made among different tendencies

within the Church, a topic addressed in more detail in the following chapter. 8. El Mercurio, 30 April 1977, and mimeo of Public Opinion Department of

the Archbishopric of Santiago, 2 May 1977. 9. Interview with Jaime Insunza, as above.

10. For instance, in 1965 the XIII National Party Congress reiterated the PC's willingness to work with the Church in a climate of 'mutual respect'. See Lufs Corvalan, 'La Iglesia Catolica en Chile' in Chile-America, 28-30 (February-April 1977). This piece, which begins with praise of the Peace Committee and the Vicaria, was also clandestinely widely circulated in Chile.

11. Three PDC members and associate or staff lawyers of the Vicaria were at pains to register their considerable resentment of their party's human rights policy: Hernan Montealegre (Interview 3 September 1991); Roberto Garreton (28 August 1991) and Jaime Hales (11 March 1992): Hales noted, by way of example, that he was told in 1980 to cease his human rights commentaries on PDC-owned Radio Cooperativa by its then director, Genaro Arriagada, on the grounds that it might endanger the Radio. Viera-Gallo and Rodriguez (1987) also found that there was very thin PDC participation in human rights defence work.

12. One cleric who made this point, for example, was Mgr. Baeza, Vicar of the Pastoral Obrera: interview 25 March 1992.

13. Departmento Jurfdico-Asistencial, in Tercer aho de labor. For more on the principles and practices of the legal department, see, too, Jaime Esponda, 'Objetivos y criterios estrategicos aplicados por la Vicaria de la Solidaridad en su tarea de defensa de los derechos humanos', in Friihling (1986), pp. 107-39.

14. Quinto aho de labor. See Appendix 1 for further details of other years. 15. Indeed, in some cases the Vicaria would warn individuals not to use its ser

vices at all even in the first instance, unless there was no alternative, since its subsequent refusal to pursue the case would appear tantamount to a verdict of guilty. Much of the information in this and the previous paragraph was provided by Alejandro Gonzalez in interviews as above.

16. The lawyers interviewed were all absolutely adamant on this point. 17. The last is the most complex case and it is considered separately at the end

of this chapter. 18. For the labour movement, see Angell (1972), and for the life and work of

Hurtado, Magnet (1954). 19. For the union movement in the first decade of authoritarianism, see

Campero and Valenzuela (1984) and Frias (1989).


20. Interview as above. Mgr Baeza himself was a prominent member of the Christians for Socialism during the UP, an indication of Cardinal Silva's willingness to encourage a progressive, even radical, approach to the Church's relations with the union movement.

21. Documentos 1974-1980, 74, pp. 411-9. For the effects of government policies on the rural workforce, see Silva (1987).

22. Quantitatively, for example, in 1982 its legal unit dealt with 167 judicial and 115 extrajudicial cases, and ran three sessions of legal training for rural organisation leaders. That year its technical assistance programme benefited 361 small farmers and farm labourers, and 448 attended technical and organisational training courses: Septimo aho de labor. See, again, Appendix 1 for further figures.

23. At which, of the 200 rural union leaders invited, 179 attended. The department head, Sergio Sanchez, died before this investigation began.

24. The following is drawn from Orellana, 'Lucha silenciosa por los derechos humanos: el caso de FASIC in Orellana and Hutchinson (1991), pp. 143-98. As his title of the piece suggests, the work of FASIC was considerably lower key and thus less well known than that of the Peace Committee and Vicaria.

25. Quantitatively, FASIC treated 4174 patients between 1977 and 1985. It supported organisations such as PIDEE and CINTRAS, victims' and exiles' support groups: ibid, p. 180. For the work of its psychologists, see Weinstein, Lira et al. (1984 and 1987).

26. For more detail on the Agrupacion, see Vidal (1982). 27. Material support was important for many because they had no death certifi

cate for their disappeared family member, and thus were unable to claim any of the pensions to which they were entitled.

28. Sola Sierra, the President of the Agrupacion, was most insistent on this point: interview 8 April 1992.

29. Vidal notes that when women associated with the Communist Party began playing an increasingly important role in the Agrupacion - in the wake of the repression of the party in 1976 - they in particular brought this vision to the organisation: Vidal (1982), p. 79.

30. The remains were discovered by an old retired miner, who had spent the years since the coup combing the areas for his son. His story is recounted in Ahumada^a/. (1989), Vol. 3, pp. 146-58.

31. Interview with Cristian Precht, as above. 32. For the legal dimensions of the case, see the work of Commission member

Maximo Pacheco (1980). 33. El Mercurio, 9 September 1979. 34. For example, La Tercera, La Segunda, 16 September. 35. A number of other footnotes followed. Disciplinary measures against the

officials responsible for the interment of the remains, sought by the relatives with the support of the Vicaria, were subsequently annulled. The police captain whom Banados's investigation had found responsible for the deaths of the fifteen in Lonquen was later promoted. The ovens of Lonquen themselves, which had become the site of frequent pilgrimages, were blown up and cordoned-off on the grounds that they had been sold for private development, although no such development ensued.


36. Although total numbers for those arrested en masse in Santiago were down from the previous year, at 1456 and 1058 respectively. In 1978, however, arrests were concentrated exclusively in May and June, the majority associated with May Day workers' demonstrations: Tercer aho de labor.

37. As well as the three cases already mentioned, directly related to the Lonquen case the other arrests of those five were made during acts to commemorate the Santiago Letter the year before, and the 31st anniversary of the Universal Declaration. The others included those occurring in conjunction with peaceful mass demonstrations on May Day. Figures from Terner aho de labor.

38. Interview with Sola Sierra, as above. 39. These and other, smaller organisations are described in considerably more

detail in Orellana and Hutchinson (1991) and Friihling et al. (1989). 40. Police records might distort the circumstances of arrest or death, but none

the less provided a comprehensive quantitative source of information. Interview with German Molina, National Secretary of the Commission, 9 September 1991.

41. Ibid. 42. At its height, in 1985, the Commission had over 1500 active members in

affiliated offices in Santiago and 30 provincial centres, and over 100 base committees: Orellana and Hutchinson (1991), p. 33.

43. Its founders also recognise the fundamentally important role of the Church, as well as international solidarity, in paving the way for its actions. Interview with Hugo Ocampo, director, 10 September 1991.

44. Staff numbers in 1980 were 135, well over half the total in the Vicaria. Exact figures were not available, but it appears that the 'Zonas' budget was roughly two-thirds of the total average of some US$2 million. Much funding from international agencies was directly donated for specific social purposes, such as health work or the purchase of food, and it was this which sustained the department.

45. Jorge Chateau and Hernan Pozo, 'Los Pobladores en el Area Metropolitana: Situation y Caracteristicas', in Chateau et al. (1987), pp. 39-74. See also Schkolnik and Teitelboim (1988).

46. Eduardo Morales and Sergio Rojas, 'Relocalizacion Socioespacial de la Pobreza: Politica Estatal y Presion Popular, 1979-1985', Chateau et al (1987), pp. 75-122.

47. For the importance of the Committees in the pre-coup period, see Vanderschueren (1972).

48. Probably the best histories of the traditions of popular mobilisation in this respect are Espinoza (1988) and Salazar (1990).

49. For example, Labour Minister Jose Pifiera argued: T think that liberty is incompatible with equality of opportunities and equality before the law. The mistake lies in thinking that one can achieve absolute egalitarianism, the equality of results which some preach, while at the same time preserving a free society.' Que Pasa, No. 454 (27 December 1980).

50. As well as in mimeos in the Vicaria archives, some of the story is published in Daniela Sanchez (head of the department 1977-1981) Tnstituciones y Action Poblacional: Seguimiento de su action en el periodo 1973-1981', Chateau et al. pp. 123-70; Teresa Valdes, 'El Movimiento de Pobladores:


1973-1985, La Recomposicion de Solidaridades Sociales' in Borja et al (1987), and Colectivo de Trabajo Social (1990). A more anecdotal account of the zones department is La Vicaria de la Solidaridad: Historia de su trabajo social (1991).

51. The following observations are based on a series of interviews with the Vicaria staff concerned, to whom I am extremely grateful. These include: Gonzalo Aguirre, Isabel Donoso, Rita Farias, Julia Figueroa, Ana Maria Medioli, Vladimiro Saez, Daniela Sanchez, Adriana Sepulveda, Mirta Tobar and Tina Valenzuela.

52. Enrique Nunez, 31 January 1992. His case is particularly illustrative of the process at work. A long-time Communist, he joined a bolsa after release from prison and continued to be involved with it even though he himself found employment, and also participated for a time in his local Christian Community. After leaving for the reasons outlined, he devoted himself to work in the union movement, in the CNS. From that time his contact with the Vicaria revolved around its legal and medical aid as he was subsequently arrested eighteen times, on four occasions detained by the CNI.

53. Decent housing was 'an inalienable right of all Chileans': El Derecho a la Vivienda hoy en Chile, Arzobispado de Santiago, Vicaria, Coleccion Cartillas Populates (1980). In his 1979 presidential address, Pinochet had asserted that, in accordance with the structural modernisations 'housing shall cease to be a boon [dddiva] of the state, which means the product of the sacrifice of many for the benefit of the privileged few'. For state housing policies over the authoritarian period see Rosenman (1988).

54. Quinto aho de labor. 55. What then emerged from this experience, however, were a series of land

invasions as political leaders persisted in pursuing old models of mobilisation, but with little success. Espinoza (1981).

56. Campero (1987), p. 86. As he goes on to note, this fear also affected attendance at Church services where these were perceived as spreading anti-government messages.

57. For a summary of the irregularities found, see Americas Watch (1988), pp. 19-29. The authoritarian dimensions of the new Constitution, such as article 8 enshrining the outlawing of Marxist parties, have been analysed by, among others, Geisse and Ramfrez (1989), pp. 33-55.

58. Central Bank figures for growth rates were: 1979: 8.3 per cent; 1980: 7.8 per cent; 1981, (as things were just beginning to stall): 5.5 per cent (CIEPLAN 1988).

5 The Vicaria and the Church, 1980-84

1. 'Christian Humanism and the New Institutionality', Documentos 1974-1980, 6\, p. 373.

2. 'Derechos Humanos y Solidaridad:, La Experiencia de la Vicaria de la Solidaridad', mimeo, La Vicaria, 1978. The document is anonymous, but is recognisable as the work of the Liberation theologist and national security doctrine expert Jose Comblin, who visited the Vicaria at that time. See also Comblin(1987).


3. This matter was recognised by all members of the hierarchy interviewed. Unfortunately, the evidence for increase Church support is only anecdotal; there is no detailed record, for example of shifts in attendance at Church.

4. Aldunate et al. (n.d.), p. 341. 5. Figures from CIEPLAN (1988), which uses official statistics. The crisis is

described in detail in Vergara (1985), among others. 6. The emergence of this armed faction was the beginning of the drift into

internal division and incoherence of policy within the formerly highly disciplined - and peaceful - Chilean PC. For more on this issue, see A. Varas et al. (1988) and Guastavino (1990).

7. Interview with Cristian Precht, as above, and with Ascanio Cavallo, 28 January 1992. Indeed, Precht never has been named bishop. The consensus among many Church members interviewed was that this was purely due to his work in the Vicaria, and was certainly not a matter of personal merit.

8. These points were made clear in interview with Juan de Castro, 10 September 1991. It should not be taken to mean that there was any animosity between him and Precht.

9. De Castro used the Chilean term cototo for 'bump on the head', implying an unwelcome growth through injury. Interview with Juan de Castro as above.

10. The following information is primarily from interview with Javier Luis Egafia.

11. Indeed, a piece by one staff member reflected the counter-argument that the Church had manipulated the left by gaining its support for the pre-eminence of non-partisan considerations in the defence of human rights: Luis Enrique Salinas, 'La Vicaria y la Presencia de la Izquierda' mimeo, 1979.

12. Each department, for example, presented de Castro with a detailed report justifying its activities, all of which are in its archives.

13. 'Informe de la Comision Ad Hoc al Senor Cardenal sobre La Vicaria de la Solidaridad', mimeo, May 1981.

14. Ibid. 15. Although many staff did then move to the territorial zones, there followed

progressive recruitment of more religious, or lay religious, staff to the territorial teams. However, until 1988 the professional staff continued to be paid via the Plaza de Armas, although they now needed a dual contract with their zone, a situation which created some ambiguity and tension.

16. Interview with Juan de Castro, as above. He was not, however, the only one to describe this situation; the same was corroborated many times over, particularly by members of the zones teams themselves.

17. Enrique Alvear died of illness the following April (1982). One of his best known works on this subject is 'Desde Cristo Solidario construimos una Iglesia Solidaria', written just before he died. As an indication of his particular importance, a foundation has been created in his name which functions from the Western Zone office and diffuses his writings as well as sponsoring various local organisations. His biography is Salinas (1991).

18. The latter's view was that The Vicaria could have become something dynamic, in a line of promotional support and reinforcement of popular organisation as a part of a participatory and strong base in the reconstruction of democracy. It didn't happen.' Interview as above.


19. 'Caracterfsticas Generates de La Vicarfa', a report presented to Archbishop Fresno on his first visit to the Vicaria, 20 June 1983, mimeo, 1983.

20. For example, Ultimas Noticias, 9 April 1981. 21. '60 minutes', Channel 7, 7 April 1981; transcript in the Vicaria's archives. 22. See, for example, Phillip Berryman, 'What Happened at Puebla', in Levine

(1980), pp. 55-71. 23. Silva Henriquez, 'Solidaridad', 14, p. 13. 24. Ibid, 15-21, pp. 13-16. 25. Ibid, 56, p. 30. 26. Ibid, 37, 24, pp. 23-24 and 17. 27. Ibid, 137, p. 57. Specifically, the cardinal exhorted: 'In the task of promot

ing and defending the dignity and rights of man, the Vicaria of Solidarity should carry out an integrally prophetic action. Prophetic in the sense that contained within its work of denunciation is the annunciation of the Gospel ... so that the actions which provoke the denunciation are not repeated. Integral, in the sense that, while recognising that certain rights are more important (such as the right to life and physical and psychological integrity), the others are not ignored, in the consciousness that it is the human person, in all his dimensions, which it is called upon to safeguard and promote.

28. Naturally, too, the converse applied to supporters of the regime. The most famous example of the reaction of the regime was a widely publicised exclamation on the part of Lucia Hiriat de Pinochet that 'God had answered our prayers!'

29. Interview with the author, 1 April 1992. 30. One significant moment for Church-State relations in this period was the

hierarchy's decision, in December 1983, finally and unanimously to declare that anyone involved in the practice of torture was automatically excommunicated: 'Un Camino Cristiano', December 1983, Documentos 1981-83.

31. The Vicaria's new executive secretary of the time, Enrique Palet, stressed these points: interview, 23 January 1992. Some members of staff, in fact, left the Vicaria in order to dedicate themselves to political activity and avoid compromising the Vicaria thereby. A notable example was staff doctor Manuel Alymeda, who went to lead the leftist oppositional grouping, the Popular Democratic Movement (MDP): interview with Alymeda 17 March 1992. For more on political leaders' views of the role of the Church at the time and later, see Dooner (1989).

32. Castillo (1986), p. 42. 33. Aldunate et al. (n.d.), pp. 368-9. 34. At times, indeed, the cardinal dismayed not only Liberationist, but also

more moderate sectors by supporting the regime at key junctures, such as his agreement to hold a Te Deum in March 1981 for the inauguration of Pinochet as Constitutional President. See Cavallo (1988), pp. 131-3. Much of the background to these observations comes from interviews with Jose Aldunate, SJ, a leading figure of the Liberationist Church in Chile.

35. 'Solidaridad', 6, p. 8. 36. As one leading analyst of the Chilean Church put it, the shift in the

Church's position meant 'silencing its prophetic role and entering into a kind of tacit pact with the social order by insisting that any process of con-


testation or protest be 'peaceful' and within the bounds tolerated by the regime itself: Parker (1989), p. 100.

37. See Castillo (1986). In this work he predicts the further evolution of growing hierarchical strictures on the radicalised bases. In interview (20 January 1992.), he confirmed that this was the direction in which the Church had moved, as he saw it.

38. For example, one of the first acts of Fresno when he assumed office in Santiago was to ban the popular masses which had developed, and insist that the traditional form of services be followed in all parishes.

39. Gutierrez (1986) has himself written in some detail of his time as vicario, following his subsequent quitting of the Jesuit Order. When published, this book was itself a matter of some controversy in Chile, since he writes not only of his surprise at being appointed to the Vicaria, but also of his low regard for Fresno, which did not alter over time.

40. In interview, Fresno himself preferred to pass over the whole episode, and there was no opportunity to pursue the matter with him.

41. El Mercurio, 17 August 1984. Both Archbishops Fresno and Pifiera, however, came out in public support for Gutierrez: El Mercurio 18 August; Ultimas Noticias, 21 August.

42. El Mercurio 8 September 1984. These allegations were subsequently denied by both Gutierrez and Kennedy himself: Gutierrez (1986).

43. The government's refusal to allow Gutierrez to return to Chile, in November 1984, coincided with its declaration of a State of Siege in reponse to popular mobilisation against it, as will be further reviewed in the next chapter. Moreover, Gutierrez was in Rome at the time with other members of the hierarchy in a series of meetings with exiled opposition groups. These meetings culminated in the formal commitment of the Church to strengthen its ties with those groups by the creation of the Pastoral of Exile, an umbrella organisation which worked closely with the Vicaria, in the charge of Bishop Alejandro Goic.

44. This event is also described in greater detail in the following chapter. 45. See El Mercurio, 5 June, and Gutierrez (1986), pp. 143-53. 46. El Mercurio, 29 November 1984. 47. Interview with Enrique Palet, as above.

6 Vicaria, Church, Regime and Opposition, 1983-89

1. The call for a day of national protest, made on 7 May, was, in fact, a modification of an earlier call for a national strike. That was altered as a result of the regime's successful division of the range of union groupings, and a series of repressive measures against, particularly, the copper workers. The process of the evolution of the national protests is analysed in Garreton (1987) and, in more detail for the 1983-84 period, in de la Maza and Garces 1985.

2. Solidaridad, 156. 3. The Vicaria's figures for political arrests in Santiago in 1983 rose to some

3000; although as the organisation itself pointed out, official figures were


over double that number. The provincial figure was 1558. Octavo aho de labor.

4. Interview with Maria Luisa Sepiilveda, at the time head social worker of the institution, 4 December 1991.

5. For the dramatic rise in numbers coming to the Vicarfa over the period, see Appendix 1, especially the tables on pp. 000-00 and 00.

6. The following draws from Gloria Lepe Szgetti, 'Detenciones y Relegaciones Masivas: Atencion grupal y Tarea Educativa del trabajo Social en la Vicaria de la Solidaridad', mimeo, 1987, and interviews with staff members.

7. See Eduardo Valenzuela (1985), and Politzer (1989). 8. In the case of CODEPU, the particularly close association with often violent

political groups led (until it broke with them) to an undermining of the essentially humanitarian character of the organisation, as admitted by its director: interview with Hugo Ocampo, 9 September 1991. For more on the political affiliations of the human rights groups, see Orrellana and Hutchinson (1991) and Friihling (1985).

9. Interview with Fernando Castillo, as in Chapter 5. 10. The Episcopal Conference's declarations included, for example, 'Mas alia

de la protesta y la violencia' (24 June 1983), whose key concern, as its title suggests, was to condemn the use of violence. On the other hand, that was aimed at least as much against the authorities as the populace, whose right to dissent was also reaffirmed: Documentos 1981-1983. Succeeding declarations tended increasingly to stress pacifism and moderation: Documentos 1984-1987.

11. Members also recount some of the more absurd moments in their struggle. On at least one occasion the police did not have enough vans in which to arrest the whole group, which led to bizarre scenes of members trying to persuade the police to provide more vehicles so that they, too, could be arrested with the others: interview with Lucho Santibafiez, 15 March 1993. For more on the Movement, see Vidal (1986). It continued to function until 1990, but by the end had lost its original strength as a result of the interference of extremist political groups.

12. For the background to the event see Gutierrez (1986), pp. 181-99. 13. El Mercurio, 10 August 1984. Significantly, however, the following day's

editorial was considerably more critical, once more, of the Church's political involvement.

14. In fact, the Vicaria's heads had held previous meetings with political leaders to secure undertakings to that effect, and on the day those leaders were standing by the Vicaria's windows, overlooking the crowds in front of the cathedral, in case they should have to intervene to silence partisan slogans and so on: interview with Enrique Palet, as in previous chapters.

15. Three months later, the investigating magistrate appointed to investigate the case, Hernan Correa de la Cerda, named the police corporal responsible for the shooting, basing his verdict on ballistic evidence. As usual, however, the case was then handed over to the military courts - and buried. The cased is described in verduga (1985).

16. In other words, it would seem that there was something of a trade-off between government and hierarchy on the matter, although that did not


lessen the Church leadership's outrage with the government: Ahumada et al. (1989), Vol. Ill, pp. 530-1. At the time, too, the State of Siege meant that a letter by Fresno on Church-government relations was banned from the press and had to be read in Church services: Solidaridad, 189, (November 1984).

17. Solidaridad, therefore, continued to be of importance in supplementing the other opposition press, particularly during those periods of reinforced censorship.

18. As well as works already cited, for the pobladores as a movement over the period see also Oxhorn (1989) and Dubet et al (1989).

19. See Alan Angell, 'Unions and Workers in Chile during the 1980s', in Drake and Jaksic (1991), pp. 188-210.

20. See Manuel Antonio Garreton, The Political Opposition and the Party System under the Military Regime', in Drake and Jaksic (1991), pp. 210— 250, and the same author, pp. 331-73 in Garreton 1989b), Vol. 3.

21. See Eduardo Silva, The Political Economy of Chile's Regime Transition', in Drake and Jaksic (1991), pp. 98-127, and Jose Pablo Arrellano, 'Crisis y Recuperation Economica en los afios ochenta', in Coleccion Estudios, CIEPLAN, No. 24(1988).

22. Real wages, which had nearly regained 1970 levels by 1981, stood at 83% of that level in 1985. Unemployment the same year stood at 24%: CIEPLAN (1988). At their height (1983) the state was employing over half a million people. See Graham (1991).

23. For example, the AD was clearly present at a mass rally of nearly 500 000 people in the Parque O'Higgins in November 1985, where the principal speaker was its president, Gabriel Valdes: El Mercurio, 22 November 1985.

24. For the details of how the Accord came into being, see Cavallo et al (1988), Ch. 43.

25. Cardinal Fresno himself conceded that this was the case: interview as in the previous chapter.

26. The story is related in detail in Ahumada et al (1989) Vol. Ill, and is the subject of Monckeberg, Camus and Jiles (1986).

27. During the first stage of the investigation, as it became clear to public opinion that the police were implicated, the government's decision to sacrifice those police officers responsible had already been apparent: the CNI itself provided Canovas with the names of the twelve.

28. The full story of the continuation of the case is too long to be usefully summarised. However, it did reach dramatic culmination in May 1993 with the eventual sentencing of five of those originally implicated. Mendoza was also himself indicted for trial but not sentenced; Fontaine had been assassinated in May 1990.

29. 'Justicia o Violencia', Documentos 1984-1987, 61. 30. LaNacion, 9 April 1986. 31. Staff of the Vicaria themselves recognise the qualitative change in their

position from 1983. They, of course, were themselves as individuals in opposition to Pinochet, but before that time had always had to defend the neutrality of the institution itself. From 1983, however, the popular upsurge gave them greater confidence to act more concertedly as a form of opposition. Interview with Maria Luisa Sepiilveda and Gustavo Villalobos, 23 March 1993.


32. Vicaria lawyers speculate that the designation of Torres was probably the result of a decision, at the highest level, that this case was one which could be pursued to the destruction of the Vicaria. I requested an interview with (now) Auditor General Torres on two occasions, but was refused.

33. The total came to 23 by 1 August, including three doctors who had attended Gomez Pena at different times.

34. Radio Cooperativa, 23 May, transcript in the Vicaria archives. 35. The following summary is based on the Vicaria's own later summary of

Torres's arguments: 'Informe sobre la situation que afecta a la Vicaria y su Vicario', mimeo, 23 March 1989.

36. La Tercera, 27 July 1986. 37. An evocative account of the climate in the country in the aftermath of the

assassination attempt is the novel of an associate Vicaria lawyer, Jaime Hales (Hales 1991). The Vicaria's records note that the amount of arrests over 1986, at 7019, were the highest for ten years: Undecimo aho.

38. Torture methods included an Orwellian use of rats see the Chilean Commission's and the Vicaria's Monthly Reports, September 1986.

39. Torres also tried to have Villalobos rearrested on the same charges, but in his case the Court ruled that no innovations could be made: one of the many examples of the arbitrariness of the judiciary which characterised the case.

40. In fact, this was a deliberate policy decision taken within the Vicaria in the interests of winning public, and psychological, points against Torres: interview with Alejandro Gonzalez as in previous chapters.

41. El Mercurio, 17 January 1987. 42. LaNacion, 10 March 1987. 43. The details of the planning and progress of the visit are recounted in Cavallo

et al. (1988), Chapters 48-50, and Mensaje, Nos 357 and 358 (March-May 1986).

44. The pope's speeches were printed in various editions, including that of the National Commission for the Visit, Santiago, 1987.

45. An analysis of television coverage of the visit was made by Portales et al (1988).

46. The other MDP delegate was (Alymeda group) the Socialist, German Correa. Correa presented the pope with a cross made by his mother and Sanfuentes bore a rosary for papal blessing. A number of people interviewed referred to these gestures as demonstrations of the degree to which the Church had earned the gratitude of leftist leaders: such scenes would have been difficult to imagine in the pre-coup context.

47. La Epoca was launched in March 1987. Before its publication, however, the paper had had to fight a three-year battle in the courts before the latter eventually ruled that the government had the power to 'restrict' but not 'suspend' the freedom of the press. Two months later it was joined by the reappearance of the more leftist For tin Mapocho.

48. The pontiff added, significantly, that 'Some say that the Church acts politically, but it does not. The Church cannot allow itself to die.' La Epoca, 1 April 1987, El Mercurio''s coverage of the same day omitted this.

49. For the positions of Hourton, which led to the measure taken against him, see Hourton (1987).

50. Already, in March 1983, Pinochet had announced that the Study Commission for the Organic Laws of the Constitution, to be responsible for


overseeing the enacted of the transitory articles of the Constitution pertaining to the plebiscite, was going ahead, under the charge of former Interior Minister, Sergio Fernndez.

51. The 2 February declaration of the Concertation was published in full in Politico v Espiritu, 373 (March-April 1988).

52. See Cavallo et al. (1988), Ch. 52. 53. El Mercurio, 31 December 1987. 54. A further indication of the right's anxiety about the Church was the appearance

of a weekly publication, Negro en el Blanco, whose circulation reached 50 000 in June 1987. It was essentially an organ of anti-Church propaganda, and so extremist that it probably undermined its own chances of being taken seriously.

55. For the process within the armed forces see Garreton (1989), pp. 362-4. 56. El Mercurio, 20 May 1987. 57. Permanent Committee Declaration 'Mirando el bien del pueblo', 10 August

1988, Documentos 1988-1991, 23. 58. La Epoca, 23 December 1987: El Mercurio, 30 December 1987. 59. In fact, the affair became something of a personal dispute between Fresno

and the chief spokesman of the priests, the Jesuit Pepe Aldunate (also co-founder of the Sebastian Acevedo movement), which was as much about ecclesiastical chains of authority as the Church's view of Pinochet. See La Epoca, 3, 5 and 7 July 1988.

60. Decimotercer aho de labor. 61. See Garcia Villegas (1990). 62. Interview with Ascanio Cavallo, editor of La Epoca, as in previous chapters. 63. The most dramatic example was the televised outburst of Socialist Ricardo

Lagos, of 25 April 1988, who defied Pinochet to offer the country 'eight more years of torture, assassinations and violations of human rights'. The event caused tremendous national controversy, including subsequent threats and charges against Lagos, and also launched the latter's political career as the key leader of the left.

64. These observations are based on a talk and video presentation given in St Antony's, Oxford, by Juan Gabrial Valdes, one of the television campaign managers, on 22 October 1989. One published source describing reactions to the campaign is Tomic (1989).

65. At least, this was the result of the major FLACSO survey. This found that, of those voting 'No', 72 per cent said they were doing so because of the economic situation; 57 per cent because of human rights; 39 per cent disapproval of Pinochet's government and 21 per cent to return to democracy. Cited in Augusto Varas, The crisis of legitimacy of Military Rule', Drake and Jaksic (1991), pp. 73-97.

66. See, for example, Americas Watch (1988). 67. El Mercurio, 31 December 1987. 68. This is also the analysis of the Vicaria's own lawyers: interview with

Alejandro Gonzalez, as above. 69. By way of example, Torres used his authority to embargo all the personal

effects of those still under charges in the bakery case, including Villalobos and Olivares, just a month after the latter's release.

70. Interview with Mgr Valech, 10 April 1992. Although he was careful not to say so, what Valech was doing amounted to taking the affair into his own hands, and relieving Fresno of responsibility for it as far as possible.


71. El Mercurio, 13 and 17 September 1988. 72. His full argument was presented in Solidaridad, No. 285 (February 1989).

This synthesis is based on on that and the interview with him as above. 73. His words in interview, as above. 74. 'Miremos el futuro del pais', Permanent Committee of the Episcopal

Conference, 3 March 1989: Documentos 1988-1991, 38. 75. The relevant copy of the paper duly entered the Vicaria's files: El Mercurio,

21 December 1967. 76. El Mercurio, Editorial, 3 February 1989, the further point here being

another issue which the whole case had raised: that of the right or not of clandestine (PC-linked) clinics to function, since it was to one of these that the Vicarfa staff had directed the injured Frente member in the first place. These further ramifications of the case have been passed over in the interests of following the most immediately relevant threads of an extremely complex series of issues and concerned parties.

77. In the course of the interrogations to which he was submitted, Gomez Pena had tried three times to commit suicide: La Epoca, 6 February 1989.

78. Agreement of the Political Commission of National Renovation, 18 January 1989, mimeo.

79. La Epoca, 3 February 1989. Moreover, they included several figures associated with the regime. Interview with Alejandro Hales 4 December 1991.

80. La Epoca, 1 February 1989. 81. La Epoca, 2 February 1989. 82. Las Ultimas Noticias, 18 February 1989. 83. Interview with Alejandro Gonzalez, as above. 84. Interview with the author, as above. 85. The military, therefore, continued to cast its shadow over the new civilian

government. For more on this complex matter in comparative perspective, see A. Varas (1989) and Zagorski (1992).

86. While there is, as yet, no detailed study of the Chilean Church in the transition period, there are a number of writings on the subject. These include Garreton et al (1990) and Lopez (1989).

87. 'Los Catolicos y la Polftica', Homily of Archbishop Carlos Oviedo, 24 September 1990.

88. Aylwin himself was the architect of this cautious approach to the question of justice. It was one coloured by the previous experiences of Uruguay and particularly Argentina, and premised in large part on the imperative to protect the transition process from the destabilising effect which a direct confrontation with the military could have (Maira 1991). For a detailed comparative analysis of the treatment of the human rights question in the Chilean and Uruguayan transitions to democracy see de Brito (1993).

89. 'Con los criterios del Evangelio', Declaration of the Permanent Committee, 7 March 1991, Documentos 1988-1991,11. For more on the issue of pardon and justice as seen by the Church and human rights groups at the time, see ILADES (1990).

90. The most recent reiteration of that sentiment, at the time of writing, having been made by Pinochet in the days before the twentieth anniversary of the military coup. The initial impact of the report, moreover, was also somewhat lost by the assassination of Jaime Guzman on 1 April, just days after its publication.


91. El Mercurio, 16 May 1991. 92. For more on the process of the discovery and exhumations, see Verdugo

(1990) and Garcfa Villegas (1991). 93. For the evolution of the other human rights organisations over this period,

see Friihling (1991). 94. Space does not allow for any meaningful summary of the progress of the

cases. One published source is El Siglo, 'Reportaje Especial a los Derechos Humanos', March 1993.

95. Vicaria de la Solidaridad, document of its sixteenth anniversary, October 1991.

96. For most, the finding of new employment did not pose a problem; many entered the government in widely varying capacities, or journalism, or nongovernmental organisations, or, in the case of the lawyers, returned to private practice.

97. The creation of this Corporation was part of the stipulations of the Rettig report, and was formally constituted by Law 19.123 in January 1992. Its head was the former head of the legal department (and executive secretary from 1990-91 following Enrique Palet's retirement), Alejandro Gonzalez.

98. The great majority of the organisations had either ceased to exist, or had passed into other non-governmental organisations, as happened with the remaining ollas comunes. The 40 or more groups which remained with the new Vicaria were mainly women's cooperatives.

99. Of the thirteen staff, eleven were from the old Vicaria. They were uncertain of the future, since most of the members of the solidarity organisations were women who had been with them for many years and their adaptation to the new national circumstances had been a difficult one: interview with Eduardo Rojas and Julia Figueroa, 6 March 1993.

7 Moral Opposition to Authoritarian Rule in Chile: An Appraisal

1. The excommunication of torturers came in the blanket declaration to that effect, 'Un Camino Cristiano', December 1983, Documentos 1981-1983.

2. ^Iglesia, que dices de ti misma? Doctrinal Commission of the Chilean Episcopal Conference, 1988, 11 and 12.

3. The CERC carried out a major survey of opinions towards the Church in Santiago in August 1989. As in the 1986 suvery (Huneeus 1987), separate marks out of 7 were awarded to the Church and the Vicaria. When disaggregated among those declaring a political preference, those on the left gave the Church and the Vicaria, respectively, 6.3 and 6.5; centrists awarded 6.1 and 5.8 points respectively; those declaring themsleves on the right gave 5.7 and 4.6. People without or refusing to state political preference awarded 6.0 and 5.5. Rayo and Porath (1990).

4. As already noted, beyond anecdotal evidence and that of the opinion poll just cited, there is unfortunately no quantitative evidence of increased Church prestige; none the less it is something which all clerics and church analysts interviewed were quite insistent upon. An issue not considered here is the growth of charismatic, Protestant sects in Chile, roughly assumed to represent 15 per cent of the population (Martin 1990). Apart from simple lack of space, one reason this matter does not feature is that the growth of


charismatic religious practice is a continent-wide phenomenon, and thus also reflects broad societal developments which extend beyond the political situation in any particular country.

5. Interview with Cristian Precht, as in previous chapters. Precht was not the only cleric to make the point, however. All Church leaders interviewed said more or less the same and in very similar terms.

6. Moreover, one must always be careful to avoid exaggeration of the Church's renewed emphasis on spiritual matters under the papacy of John Paul II. The present pope does not, any more than his more recent predecessors, see the two as mutally exclusive; hence his own numerous social encyclicals, not to mention his own role particularly in Central and Eastern Europe.

7. For example, Chile remains a country where divorce is not legal, and neither does legislation to that effect appear imminent.

8. Kiing (1968), p. 486. He goes on to add: 'If the Church is really in sympathy with the world ... a passive, more or less peaceful coexistence will not be sufficient. There will have to be pro-existence rather than coexistence, involvement rather than disengagement.'

9. For more on this issue, see Ffrench-Davis (1991). 10. For example, Monica Madariaga insisted in interview that, as a result of

National Security classes which she was obliged to take as a member of Pinochet's government, she formed a vision of the Communists as being a race of diabolic supermen.

11. This is as regards full respect for individual civil rights and personal security. Naturally, the civilian elements in the regime shared the military's determination to suppress, and supersede, the political right of pluralism. That issue, however, was one which regime propaganda could more easily justify since it was much less obviously a moral matter.

12. Interview with Luis Maira, 21 January 1992. 13. Moreover, it would be simplistic simply to imply that all the working

classes and the poor were anti-Pinochet; this was patently not the case as the plebiscite results show.

14. One reason why this study has not addressed these issues is that the literature is already large. See, for example: Kirkwood (1986); Crispi (1987); Meza (1986); Raczynski and Serrano (1985); M.E. Valenzuela (1987) and Patricia M. Chuchryk, 'Feminist Anti-Authoritarian Politics: The Role of Women's Organisations in the Chilean Transition to Democracy', pp. 149-84 in Jacquette (1989).

15. As recent research shows, there is still a very long way to go to increase the presence and voice of women and women's issues in Chilean politics: MaCaulay(1993).

16. This applies both to the literature on regime transitions, notably O'Donnell, Schmitter and Whitehead (1986), and Diamond, Linz and Lipset (1989), and to more classic versions of regime analysis such as Dahl (1971 and 1982), and Linz (1975).

Sources and Bibliography

PRIMARY SOURCES

Interviews

A wide range of people were consulted during the course of the research undertaken in Chile for this study, the bulk of which was carried out between June 1991 and March 1992. These included members of the clergy, of the remaining staff of the Vicaria at the time, former staff members and associate lawyers, members of solidarity organisations and other human rights groups in Chile, representatives of all major political parties, and numerous academics. Not all of these have been credited in the text; however I am most grateful for the cooperation and goodwill of all those consulted.

The Vicaria's own extensive archives were, naturally, an invaluable source of information, both as regards the organisation's internal documents and publications, and its enormous collection of press cuttings. Listed below are the major sources consulted. The numerous mimeographs referred to in the footnotes are not repeated, other than those which represent key documents of the Peace Committee.

Publications and Documents of the Vicaria and the Peace Committee

The Peace Committee 'Comite Pro Paz: una tarea que debe continuar', mimeo, August 1974. 'Comite pro Paz: Ano y medio de trabajo ecumenico', mimeo, 1975. 'El Comite Pro Paz, Cronica de sus dos anos de labor', mimeo, 1976. Comite pro Paz 'Presentation a la Conferencia Episcopal', Punta de Tralca,

mimeo, April 1975.

The Vicaria 1. Periodic publications and reports

Solidaridad Bulletin: 300 were published between its creation in July 1977 and closure in May 1990, at bi-monthly intervals. The Annual Reports of the Vicaria's work. Thirteen annual reports were produced, covering the years 1976 to 1988, under the titles Un aho de labor up to Decimotercer aho de labor. Annual Human Rights reports. Under the title Los derechos humanos en Chile annual reports of the human rights situation over that year were produced from the Vicaria's inception until 1989. Monthly reports. More detailed analysis of the events of each month were produced over the same period. Presentations to the Supreme Court. Annual catalogues of the human rights situation and response of the judiciary, presented at the beginning of each judicial year.

195

196 Sources and Bibliography

Cuadernos Juridicos (Legal Notebooks). Periodic works of jurisprudence, reflecting on the experience of the legal work.

2. Specific studies. (These do not credit authorship. Where, however, it is known, the author's name is included in brackets.) Documentos sobre la situacion de los Derechos Humanos en Chile, analizados en el sexto periodo ordinario de sesiones de la OEA, June 1976. Solidaridad Liberadora: Mis ion de Iglesia (Ronaldo Mufioz), 1977. Seguridad Nacional y Regimen Militar, June 1977. La Vicaria de la Solidaridad: una experiencia de Iglesia, May 1978. (Contribution to CELAM Puebla meeting.) La Huelga de Hambre por los detenidos desaparecidos, July 1978. Analisis del Programa del Salud, 1974-1979, February 1980. Comparacion Constitucion de 1925 y Constitucion aprobada por la Junta del Gobierno, August 1980. Como constituir o readecuar sindicatos, federaciones y confederaciones campesinos, August 1980. Condiciones de Vida de lafamilia pobre urbana: la experiencia de la Vicaria de la Solidaridad, September 1980. La Tortura en Chile, January 1981. Del Comite para la Paz a la Vicaria de la Solidaridad: la institucionlizacion de la defensa de los derechos humanos (Hugo Friihling), 1981. El derecho a vivir en la patria September, 1982. Sindicato y Sociedad, October 1982.

3. Studies commissioned in the Year of Human Rights, 1978 Nos. 1 and 2, Los Derechos Humanos, May and July 1978. No.3, Los Derechos Humanos a luz del ordenamiento internacional, November 1978. No.4, La Iglesia y la Dignidad del Hombre, December 1978. No.5, Encuentro con sectores de la comunidad nacional, December 1978. No.6, Dos ensayos sobre seguridad nacional, Jose Comblin and Alberto Methol Ferre, August 1979. La Libertad Religiosa en Chile: Los evangelicos y el Gobierno Militar, Humberto Lagos, Vicaria de la Solidaridad/UNELAM.

4. Publications from the International Symposium Symposium Internacional: Experiencia y Compromiso Compartidos, 1979. Todo hombre tiene derecho a ser persona, 1979.

5. Other, special reports Agrupacion de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos, Asilo hemos vivido ... detenidos desaparecidos, July 1983. Por una Cultura de Vida: Basta de Muerte, Informe del Vicario de la Solidaridad a los Agentes Pastorales de la Iglesia de Santiago, July 1984.

6. Books iDonde Estan?, 1 volumes, 1978-1979.

Sources and Bibliography 197

Episcopal Documents and Memoirs

The Pastorals of Solidarity SILVA HENRIQUEZ, CARDENAL RAUL (1976) Pastoral de la Solidaridad,

Arzobispado de Santiago. (1982) Solidaridad ... Un modo de vida, una Pastoral para la Iglesia

Arzobispado de Santiago.

Anthologies of Silva Henriquez s works and his memoires CAVALLO, ASCANIO (1988) Los Te Deum del Cardenal Silva Henriquez en el

Regimen Militar (Santiago: Ediciones Copygraph). ORTEGA, MIGUEL (ed.) (1982) El Cardenal nos ha dicho (Santiago: Salesianos). SILVA HENRIQUEZ, CARDENAL RAUL (1991) Memorias, 2 Volumes, com

piled by Ascanio Cavallo (Santiago: Ediciones Copygraph).

Documents of the Episcopal Conference Conferencia Episcopal de Chile, Santiago: Secretarfa General de la Conferencia

Episcopal de Chile -Documentos 1974-1980: 1981-1983: 1984-1987: 1988-1991.

Others HOURTON, MGR JORGE (1987) Combate Cristiano por la Democracia

1973-1987 (Santiago: CESOC). PRECHT, CRISTIAN (1986) El imperativo de la Solidaridad: Entre el dolor y la

esperanza (Santiago: Ediciones Paulinas).

Other Testimonial Literature AHUMADA, EUGENIO et al (1989) Chile: La Memoria Prohibida, 3 Volumes

(Santiago: Pehuen). CASSIDY, SHEILA (1977) The audacity to believe (London: Collins). EL MERCURIO (1974) Breve Historia de la Unidad Popular (Santiago: Editorial

Lord Cochrane). GAMBOA, ALBERTO (1984) Un viaje por el inferno (Santiago: Araucaria).

GARCIA VILLEGAS, RENE (1990) Soy Testigo: Dictadura, Tortura, Injusticia. (Santiago: Amerinda).

GARCIA VILLEGAS, RENE(1991) Pisagua! (Santiago: Editorial Emision). GUTIERREZ FUENTE, JUAN IGNACIO (1986) La Vicaria de la Solidaridad

(Madrid: Alianza Editorial). HEVIA, RENATO (1989) Camino a la Democracia (Santiago: CESOC-Mensaje). PACHECO, MAXIMO (1980) Lonquen, 11th edn 1986 (Santiago: Editorial

Aconcagua). Partido Comunista de Chile (1976) Desde Chile Hablan los Comunistas (Santiago:

Ediciones Colo Colo). PINOCHET UGARTE, AUGUSTO (1980) El dia decisivo (Santiago: Andres

Bello). (1983) Politica, politiqueria y demagogia (Santiago: Editorial

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POLITZER, PATRICIA (1985) Miedo en Chile (Santiago: CESOC) (1989) La ira de Pedro y los otros (Santiago: Planeta).

PRATS GONZALEZ, Carlos (1985) Memorias: Testimonio de un soldado (Santiago: Pehuen).

TOMIC, ESTEBAN (1989)... y el general bajo al llano (Santiago: CESOC). VELASCO, EUGENIO (1986) Expulsion (Santiago: Copygraph). VICARIA DE LA SOLIDARIDAD (1991) Historia de su trabajo social

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The Press

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Others El Excelsior, Mexico The London Times, London The New York Times Chile-America, Rome

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Index

Academy of Christian Humanism 54, 144

agrarian reform 20, 78 Agrupacion (group of relatives of the

disappeared) 79-81, 127, 135, 146

Algiers Declaration of the Rights of Peoples 86

Allende, Salvador 2, 20, 38, 57, 78, 123

and the Church 22 Alvear, Bishop Enrique 59-60, 82,

87,103 and the ad hoc Commission for the

Vicaria 97 Amnesty Law of 1978 68, 84, 87,

89 Aramburu, Cardinal 17 Ariztia, Bishop Fernando 32, 42, 44,

46, 59, 87 Arns, Cardinal Dom Paulo 18, 68 Aylwin, Patricio 25, 126, 181n4,

192n88

Baeza, Vicario Alfonso 78 Banados, Judge Adolfo 81-3 Barnes, Harry 124 bolsas de trabajo (employment

cooperatives) 39,89 Bonilla, General 36, 44

Camara, Archbishop dom Helder 19 Camus, Bishop Carlos 47, 59, 73 Canovas, Judge Jose 111 Cardijn Foundation 60 Cariola, Patricio 47 Caro, Cardinal Jose Maria 19 Caro, Vicario Cristian 116 Carter Administration 62,141 Cassidy, Sheila 47 Castillo, Jaime 58, 85 Catholic Church see Church,

universal; Chilean Church;

national churches and human rights

Catholic right attacks on the hierarchy 44, 57,

136, support for authoritarianism 4,

142 Cea, Major Sergio 122, 124 CELAM (Latin American Episcopal

Conference meetings in Medellfn and Puebla) 13, 17,21,87,95, 100

Charter 77 movement 15 Chicago boys 63 Chile-America 72 Chilean Armed Forces

history prior to coup 27 ideology of 29 see also national security

Chilean Church and the Christian Democrats

20-1,74 and the experience of defending

human rights 79, 93, 136^10 and the labour movement 77 and the political left as opposition

73-4 and the Popular Unity government

22-5, 33 changes of leadership 94-6,100,

125 discomfort towards the Vicaria

73, 96-8 divisions in 21,36,98,138 episcopal declarations 20, 21, 22,

31,35,54,57,60,112, 126 INPROA (agrarian reform institute)

20,78 political pluralism in and support

for democracy 4, 25, 116, 144

politicisation of see Popular Church in Chile

209

210 Index

Chilean Church continued position towards the Pinochet

regime 3-4, 35-6, 49, 57, 93, 102, 129-32, 136-7

prestige of in society 33, 44, 94, 129,139

reactions to military intervention 21,31-4

retreat from the political arena 101, 126

rise of progressive leadership 19-21

separation from state 19 shift from Solidarity to

'Reconciliation' 99-102 the hierarchy and support for

Committee for Peace 41 the hierarchy and support for the

Vicaria 54,93, 104, 123, 130 the hierarchy and the disappeared

67 views of Marxism 20, 22, 36, 93,

117, 137 Year of Human Rights 65

Chilean Commission for Human Rights 85-6, 107, 108, 128, 134

Chilean Path to Socialism 2 Christian Democrats 56, 68

and Allende government 2, 24-5 and the Chilean Commission for

Human Rights 85 and the Church 20-1,74 and the left 71-2, 144 participation in the Vicaria 74 repression of 58, 144 splits in party 21 see also Democratic Alliance

Christian-Marxist dialogue 139 Christians for Socialism 21, 22-3, 88 Church, Universal

and human rights 13-14 existence in the world 139 goals of 3, 93,

CNI (National Information Centre) 62,65,95, 107

CNS (National Union Confederation) 78, 82, 84

CODEJU (National Commission for the Rights of Youth) 84, 85

CODEPU (Commission of Defence of the Rights of the People) 86, 107, 128

comedores infantiles (children's lunch services) 39

Commission of Truth and Reconciliation 28, 126

Committee for Peace 53, 55, 73, 87, 130, 132

and the Vicaria 39, 61, 75, 86, 93

characteristics of 35,42 closure of 47-9 creation of 32-4 development and scope of work

38-43 importance of influence on Church

leadership 36, 44, 50 informal and clandestine contacts

40 finances 40 first work of 34-6 rifts in the ecumenical base of

46 staffing of 32,43,47 see also habeas corpus; MIR

Committee of Churches for Emergency Assistance (Paraguay) 18

Communist Party 24, 37, 110 and the 1988 plebiscite 117 and the armed struggle 95

see also Frente Patriotico Manuel Rodriguez

and the Church 74, 118, 139 assassination of three members in

1985 111,146 attempts at unifying opposition

72 in opposition to the Concertacion

139 repression of 58, 119

CONAR (National Committee of Assistance to Refugees) 32, 34, 79

Concertacion (Coalition government o0 126,144

Concertation of Political Parties for the'No' 117

Constitution of 1925 19

Index 211

Constitution of 1980 7-9, 84, 94, 108. 117

referendum for 91 issue of reform 118

Constitutional Tribunal 27,117 Contreras, Colonel Manuel 36, 62,

127 Corvalan, Luis 62, 74 Coup of 1973 2,4,8, 10,61,71, 145

anniversaries of 83,91 extent of violence in 27-9 reactions to within Chile 30, 44,

146 CTC (Confederation of Copper

Workers) 105 Cubillos, Hernan 68 Cuesta Barriga 82

de Castro, Vicario Juan 83, 95, 103

and reforms of the Vicaria 96 democracy

and military authoritarian regimes 7

international support for 117, 140 male domination of 146 shifts in perceived value of in

Chilean society 8,25,72, 112, 120, 145

see also Chilean Church and political pluralism; protected democracy; transition to democracy

Democratic Alliance 110, 144 Dfez, Sergio 82 DINA (Directorate of National

Intelligence) 47,75,91, 131, 142

and Veloso affair 60-2 and the Letelier assassination attacks on Church hierarchy

58-9 closure of 62 creation and practices of 36-7 informants 127

disappearance and 'the disappeared' 5, 17, 18,31,41,58,75,80, 118

see also Agrupacion: Lonquen case

Doncle Estdn? publications 76

Ecumenical Committee of Cooperation for Peace see Committee for Peace

Egafia, Javier Luis 55, 96, 99, 179n63

El Mercurio 36,61, 66, 82, 108, 123 evolving attitude of 142

Errazuriz, Hernan 124 Evangelii Nuntiandi 13, 54, 93 excommunication

threat of to Jaime Guzman 48 of DINA officers 59 of torturers 137

exile as a form of repression and the exiles 3,29,58,61,71,75,79, 132, 140, 145

FASIC (Social Aid Foundation of Christian Churches) 79, 128

Fernandez, Sergio 82, 118, 120 undertaking to investigate

disappearances 66-7 Ford Foundation 133 Frei, Eduardo 20,78,91 Frente Popular Manuel Rodriguez

112-14, 124 Frenz, Bishop Helmut 32, 41, 42

attack against 45-6 Fresno, Cardinal Juan Francisco

108, 109, 120,126, 137 accession to the primacy 100-1 and Vicario Gutierrez 103-4 and the National Accord 110 conservative credentials of 110,

142, 173n43 defence of the Vicaria 113, 120

Fuenteabla, Renan 71 Fuenzalida, Bishop Orozimbo 116

Garcia Villegas, Judge Rene 119 Garret6n, Roberto 123 Glemp, Cardinal Jozef 15 Gomez Pena, Hugo 113, 124 Gonzalez, Alejandro 56 Gonzalez, Bishop Carlos 59 Gremialista movement 21 Gutierrez, Vicario Ignacio 109, 120

and the 'Day for Life' 108 Guzman, Jaime 48, 63, 123, 169n46,

192n9

212 Index

habeas corpus 75, 76, 80, 106 first writs of Committee for Peace

41-3 mass writ of 1975 44-5 mass writ of 1976 58

Hales, Alejandro 124 Harper, Charles 32 Hasbun, Fr Raul 24 Hourton, Bishop Jorge 82, 116,

172n29 housing committees 90 human rights

and politics 6, 146 and the 1988 plebiscite 118-20 as a force for opposition unity 144 nature of defence of 2-4 see cdso Church, Universal; Chilean

Church; Universal Declaration human rights movement

emergence of 79-86 as a force for opposition 91, 144

human rights violations see disappearance and the disappeared; exile; repression; torture

hunger strikes 66, 82 Hurtado, Fr. Albert 77

Jarlan, Fr Andre 109 Jaruzelski, General 15 Jimenez, Tucapel 95 junta of the government of Chile 27,

29, 30 suspends the Constitution 27, 37 and General Pinochet 37-8, 64

Justice and Peace Commissions (Brazil) 18

Kennedy Administration 20 Kennedy Amendment 61 Kennedy, Edward 103 Kim, Cardinal 16 Kreiman, Rabbi Angel 42, 46 Kung, Hans 139

labour unions repression of 29, 58 weakness of 109

see also CNS; CTC; Vicaria de la Pastoral Obrera

La Epoca 116 La Segunda 60 Larrafn, Bishop Manuel 20, 77 Leigh, General 64 Leighton, Bernardo 71 n 25, 177 Letelier, Orlando (assassination of)

61 and Amnesty Law of 1978 65

Liberation Theology and Marxism 139 and the Christian notion of

Solidarity 102 emergence of 22 influence of in the Chilean Church

137,139 influence of in the Vicaria 88 see also Pope John Paul II; Popular

Church in Chile Lonquen case 69, 81-4, 91 Lorscheider, Archbishop Aloisio 19 Lutheran Church 32, 45

MAPU (Movement for Unitary Popular Action) 21

members as staff in Peace Committee and the Vicaria 32-3, 88

market economy see Pinochet regime, economic model

Marxism and principles of the Chilean left

2-3 demise of 139 extirpation of by the Pinochet

regime 6, 57, 62 see also Chilean Church; Pinochet,

General Augusto mass arrest 29, 83, 105 Matthei, Air Force Chief 112 Medellfn see CELAM Mena, General Odlanier 62 Mendoza, Police Chief 111 Mensaje magazine 45, 56 Methodist Church 32, 46 military authoritarian regimes

in Latin America 7-9, 16-19

Index 213

attacks on the progressive Church 59

military rule see Pinochet regime Military Tribunal 121 MIR (Movement of the Revolutionary

Left), and repression of 37, 47, 58,76

case of 119 disappeared members of 45,80,141

re-emergence of 95 Montealegre, Hernan 58 Moral opposition

in comparative perspective see national churches

institutionalisation of 129 role of women in 146 strength of in opposing attack of

Coronel Torres on the Vicaria 122, 125

versus political opposition 2-7, 147

Moreno. Bishop Antonio 116 Mufioz, Adrian Maureira 82

National Accord for the Return to Democracy 110

national churches and human rights in Argentina 17-18 Brazil 18-19 Czechoslovakia 15 El Salvador 16-17 Guatemala 17 Paraguay 18 Philippines, the 15-16 Poland 14 South Korea 16 Spain 14

National Citizens' Movement for Free Elections (Philippines) 16

National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation see Commission for Truth

National Corporation of Reparation and Reconciliation 128

National Renovation Party 124 national security 7, 37, 62, 93, 136,

141 see also DINA; CNI

National Unified School System (ENU) 23

natural law and natural rights 13 Neighbourhood Committees 87 neoliberalism and authoritarianism

63-4 and the poor 87 see also Pinochet regime,

economic model and policies

OAS (Organisation of American States) 42,59

Olivares, Dr Ramiro 113, 114, 120 opposition in civil society 90-1,

109,112 see also political opposition; moral

opposition Opus Dei 21 Oviedo, Archbishop Carlos 126, 128

Pacem in Terris 13, 65 Pacheco, Maximo 85 papal nuncio 45, 12 Parada, Jos6 Manuel 56, 96

assassination of 111 Pastorals of Solidarity 74, 77, 86,

87,93,99,138 Patio 29 127 PDC see Christian Democrats Perez Esquivel 85 Pinochet, General Augusto 7, 36,

46,58, 119 and the Church hierarchy 59 and the Vicaria 103, 113, 114 attempted assassination of 114 candidacy in 1988 plebiscite 143 Characillas plan of 63 closure of Committee for Peace

48-9 remarks on international

symposium of 1978 68 rise to personal ascendancy 37-8,

64 views on Marxism 38 views on politicians, 165n2

Pinochet regime as a bid for hegemony 8-11, 50,

131

214 Index

Pinochet regime continued Declaration of Principles 29, 50,

63 divisions within 62,64,143 sources of domestic support 8, 30 economic model and policies 8,

39,58,63,87, 109 effects of the human rights issue

50, 140-4 emergency employment

programmes 58,89 institutionalisation of 7, 62-3, 91,

95-6 international isolation of 61-3,

117,141 response to the protestas 108-10,

117 States of Exception in 28, 108 structural weakness of 144 the 'Pinochet model' 9, 140 see also DINA; CNI; national

security; protected democracy; repression

plebiscite of 1988 8, 116-20, 141, 145

poblaciones (working-class districts) of Santiago 86-7

pobladores 77,86-91 and the protestas 106

political asylum 40, 47 political opposition to the regime,

divisions in 71-4, 110 political prisoners 62, 89 Pontifical Justice and Peace

Commission 54 Pope John Paul II 13, 15

and Liberation Theology 95 support for the Vicaria 115, 131 visit to Chile 115-20

Pope John XXIII 13, 19, 166 n4 Pope Leo XIII 38 Pope Paul VI 13,46.54,93

repudiation of 1973 coup 31, 172n27

support for the Vicarfa 131 Pope Pius XII 20 Popielusko, Jerzy Popular Church in Chile 98,118,

137

and the protestas 107 effects of the Pope's visit 116

Popular Unity (UP) and the alleged 'Plan Z' 28 and Christian Democrats 24,71 and the Church 22-5 mobilisation for and against 23, 30

persecution of 29 Prats, General Carlos 24 Precht, Vicario Cristian 41, 55, 56,

68,179n63 presentation of writs of habeas

corpus 58 retirement from the Vicaria 95

preferential option for the poor 55 propaganda, use of against Peace

Committee and Vicaria 44-6, 57,60,67-8,111, 113

protected democracy 7, 9, 63, 145

protestas (days of opposition mobilisation, 1983-86) 105-8

Puebla see CELAM

Quintana, Carmen Gloria 115

Radio Chilena 56 Radio Cooperativa 177 n 16 repression, use of by Pinochet

regime 3-4, 28-30, 36-8, 41, 50,58,71,76,87,103-6, 114, 119

see also disappearance and 'the disappeared'; exile; torture

Rettig, Raul 126 Rol6n, Archbishop 18 Romero, Archbi shop Oscar 16-17 Roncalli, Cardinal Angelo see Pope

John XXIII

Salas, Fernando 32, 40,42,44, 47 Sanchez, Daniela 99 Sanfuentes, Jose 116 Santiago Letter 68 Scherer, Julio 43 Sebastian Acevedo Movement against

Torture 107-8 SERPAJ (Peace and Justice Service)

85

Index 215

Silva Henriquez, Cardinal Raul 35, 36,54,68, 108, 118, 137

accession as primate 19 and the Amnesty Law of 1978 65 and the Pastoral of 1982 99 and the Pastoral Obrera 77 and the Pastoral of Solidarity 87 attacks against 46, 57, 142 closure of Committee for Peace

48 creation of the Vicaria 49, 53-4 defence of the Vicaria 58 defence of workers' rights 60 mediation with the opposition 74 reaction to 1973 coup 31 relations with the Popular Unity

22-5, 129 retirement from the primacy 95 role in work of Committee for

Peace 40 Sin, Cardinal Jaime 15-16 Social Christian doctrine 3 Socialist Party 37, 72, 74

repression of 58 Society for the Defence of Tradition,

Family and Fatherland (TFP) 21,57

Solidaridad bulletin 56, 68, 79, 106 end of 126

Solidarity as a moral value 135 see also Pastorals of Solidarity;

Liberation Theology Solidarity subsistence organisations

see Vicaria, Solidarity organisations

Supreme Court 30, 42, 61, 76, 111, 119,120

and Lonquen case 82 and the 'caso Vicarfa' 114, 122 condemns Rettig report 127

Tapia, Vicario Santiago 104, 114, 121

Torres, Coronel Fernando 113-15, 120-2, 124, 126

torture 29, 37, 44 denunciation of 75, 107-8, 119

Townley, Michael see DINA and the Letelier assassination

transition to democracy and the human rights issue 121,

126-7 'invisible transition' 9

UNHCR (United Nations High Commission for Refugees) 31

United Nation's International Committee for Migration 32

United Nations human rights commission 42, 45 human rights prize 68 votes of censure against Pinochet

regime 50, 61,64, 114 Universal Declaration of Human

Rights 65,68, 166nl,174n61

Valech, Bishop Sergio 113, 122-5, 128

becomes head of the Vicaria 121 Valenzuela Valderrama, Hector 42 Vatican 95

Ostpolitik of 15 Vatican II (Second Vatican

Council) 14, 17, 130 Velasco, Eugenio 58 Veloso, Carlos 60-61 Vicaria (the Vicariate of Solidarity)

and the Committee for Peace 39, 61,76,86,93

and the issue of violent opposition 76, 113

as a testimony of the Church's teachings 53, 93

as an institution of the Church 9, 53,72, 101, 130,133-35

as moral opposition 6, 129-32 attacks against 58, 60,95, 113,

121,136 changes of vicarios 95, 103-4,

121, 134 closure of 126-8 contribution to human rights

movement 79-80, 84-6, 91 contribution to Rettig repbrt 127 contribution to rural organisation

92 contribution to the return to

democracy 119-20, 144-9

216 Index

Vicaria continued Department of Action and

Education in Solidarity 128 Department of National

Coordination 78 founding of 53-7 funding of 56, 133 internal organisation of 5, 56,

97-9 international symposium in 67-9,

81 Legal Department 75-7 public support for 122-5 relations with the political

opposition 5, 72-4, 112, 145 reponse to the days of protest

105-7 sister organisations 54 Solidarity bulletin

see Solidaridad bulletin

Solidarity subsistence organisations of 86-91, 106, 135

staff of 5, 55-6, 73, 97, 133, 146 wins the UN human rights prize

1978 68 Zones Department 88-91, 97-8

Vicaria de la Pastoral Obrera 77-8, 144

Vicaria de la Pastoral Social 128 Villalobos, Gustavo 113

War, State of see Pinochet regime, States of Exception

War Tribunals (Consejos de Guerra) 28,39,41

World Council of Churches 32, 34, 40,41,45,56,132

Wysynski, Cardinal 15

Zalaquett, Jose 41,176n87

Appendix 1: The Work of the Vicaria978-0-230-37893... · 2017. 8. 27. · Appendix 1: The Work of...

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