Annotated Swadesh wordlists for the Iranian group (Indo ...starling.rinet.ru/new100/irn.pdf ·...

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[Text version of database, created 19/01/2017].

Annotated Swadesh wordlists for the Iranian group (Indo-European family).

Languages included: Iron Ossetic [irn-osi]; Digor Ossetic [irn-osd]; Yaghnobi [irn-ygn];

Parachi [irn-prc].

DATA SOURCES

I. General.

EDIL = В. С. Расторгуева, Д. И. Эдельман. Этимологический словарь иранских языков.

Москва, 2000- [V. S. Rastorgueva, D. I. Edelman. Etymological dictionary of the Iranian

languages. Moscow, 2000-]. // Ongoing multivolume edition.

Akabirov et al. 1959 = С. Ф. Акабиров, З. М. Магруфова, А. Т. Ходжаханов. Узбекско-

русский словарь. Москва: ГИИНС. // A comprehensive Uzbek-Russian dictionary.

Baranov 1977 = Х. К. Баранов. Арабско-русский словарь. 5-е изд.-е. Москва: Русский

язык. // A comprehensive Arabic-Russian dictionary.

Bartholomae 1904 = Chr. Bartholomae. Altiranisches Wörterbuch. Strassburg: Verlag von

Karl. J. Truebner. // A comprehensive Avestan and Old Persian dictionary with short

etymological notes.

Cheung 2007 = J. Cheung. Etymological dictionary of the Iranian verb. Leiden-Boston: Brill.

// This book contains considerable amount of etymologized Proto-Iranian verbal roots.

ESTJ = Э. В. Севортян. Этимологический словарь тюркских языков: Общетюркские и

межтюркские основы на гласные. Москва: Наука, 1974 – 2008. // Etymological dictionary

of Proto-Turkic.

EWAia I-II = M. Mayrhofer. Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindoarischen. I-II Bde.

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Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter, 1992-1996. / A comprehensive etymological

dictionary of Old Indo-Aryan.

Gaffarov 1974-1976 = М. А. Гаффаров. Персидско-русский словарь. В 2-х тт. 2-е изд.

Москва: Наука. // A Persian-Russian dictionary.

Gharib 1995 = B. Gharib. Sogdian dictionary. Sogdian-Persian-English. Tehran: Farhangan

publications. // An extensive Sogdian dictionary.

LIV2 2001 = H. Rix (ed.). Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre

Primärstammbildungen. Wiesbaden: Dr. L. Reichert Verlag. // An etymological dictionary of

PIE verbs.

Mallory-Adams 1997 = J. P. Mallory, D. Q. Adams. Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture.

London: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers.

Rees 2008 = D. A. Rees. Towards Proto-Persian: An Optimality Theoretic Historical

Reconstruction (Ph.D.). Washington, DC. // A dissertation about different aspects of Persian

diachronic grammar.

RU 1954 = М. В. Рахими, Л. В. Успенская. Таджикско-русский словарь. 40 000 слов.

Москва: ГИИНС. // A comprehensive Tajik-Russian dictionary.

Steblin-Kamensky 1999 = И. М. Стеблин-Каменский. Этимологический словарь

ваханского языка. Санкт-Петербург: Петербургское востоковедение. // Wakhi

etymological dictionary.

II. Ossetic (Iron, Digor).

Abaev 1958-1989 = V. I. Abaev. Историко-этимологический словарь осетинского языка.

В 5 тт. Москва / Ленинград: Наука. // An extensive synchronic and etymological dictionary

of the Ossetic language, which covers both dialects: Iron and Digor. Vol. 1: A-Kʼ, 1958; Vol. 2: L-

R, 1973; Vol. 3: S-Tʼ, 1979; Vol. 4: U-Z, 1989; Vol. 5: Indices, 1995.

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Cheung 2002 = J. Cheung. Studies in the historical development of the Ossetic vocalism.

Wiesbaden. // A sketch of historical phonetics of the Ossetic language, supplemented with an

etymological glossary.

Belyaev's field records of 2013.

III. Yaghnobi.

AP 1957 = Андреев, М. С.; Пещерева, Е. М. Ягнобские тексты с приложением

ягнобско-русского словаря, составленного М. С. Андреевым, В. А. Лившицем и А. К.

Писарчик. Москва-Ленинград: Издательство Академии наук СССР. // The largest

available collection of Yaghnobi texts, predominantly fairy-tales.

ALP 1957 = Андреев, М. С.; Лившиц, В. А.; Писарчик, А. К. Ягнобско-русский словарь.

Москва-Ленинград: Издательство Академии наук СССР. // The largest available

Yaghnobi-Russian dictionary with a Russian-Yaghnobi index. It was published in one volume

with Yaghnobi texts.

Bird 2007 = Bird, B. A. Aspects of Yaghnobi grammar. A MA thesis. University of Oregon. //

This work contains research on the grammatical structure of Yaghnobi and portions of glossed

texts.

Bogolyubov 1966 = Боголюбов, М. Н. Ягнобский язык / Языки народов СССР. Том 1.

Москва: Наука. // A sketch of Yaghnobi grammar. Contains some amount of lexics that were

absent in previous works.

Khromov 1972 = Хромов, А. Л. Ягнобский язык. Москва: Наука. // A comprehensive

grammar of Yaghnobi with samples of texts.

Lurye 2015 = Лурье, П. Б. Ягнобская сказка об Али и Имаме Махди / 'На пастбище

мысли Благой': сборник статей к юбилею И. М. Стеблин-Каменского. Санкт-

Петербург: Контраст. // A publication of a single Yaghnobi fairy-tale.

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Novák 2010 = Novák, L. Jaghnóbsko-český slovník s přehledem jaghnóbské gramatiky. Praha:

Univerzita Karlova v Praze, filozofická fakulta. // A comprehensive dictionary of Yaghnobi.

The author translates every word in Czech and summarizes all available sources, so it is possible

to know whether some source quotes a word and how it transcribes this item. There is also a

grammatical sketch of Yaghnobi.

Novák 2013 = Novák, L. Problem of Archaism and Innovation in the Eastern Iranian

Languages. PhD dissertation. Praha. // This dissertation contains the author's research on

archaisms and innovations in Sogdian, Yaghnobi and other Eastern Iranian languages. Novák

has compiled the Swadesh list (207 items) for Sogdian and Yaghnobi with etymologies; however,

he can list three or more words for each meaning without any differentiation.

Vinogradova 2000 = Виноградова, С. П. Ягнобский язык / Языки мира. Иранские языки

III. Восточноиранские языки. Москва: Индрик. // A grammatical sketch of Yaghnobi.

IV. Parachi.

Efimov 2009 = Ефимов, В. А. Язык парачи. Грамматический очерк. Тексты. Словарь.

Москва: «Восточная литература» РАН. // A grammar of Parachi with texts and dictionary.

Morgenstierne 1929 = Morgenstierne, G. Indo-Iranian frontier languages. Vol. I. Parachi and

Ormuri. Oslo: H. Aschehoug & Co. (W. Nygaard). // A synchronic and diachronic grammar

of Parachi and Ormuri with texts and dictionary.

V. Avestan.

Bartholomae 1904 = Chr. Bartholomae. Altiranisches Wörterbuch. Strassburg: Verlag von

Karl. J. Truebner. // A comprehensive Avestan and Old Persian dictionary with short

etymological notes.

Darmstetter 1880-1887 = J. Darmstetter. The Zend Avesta. III parts. Oxford: At the

Clarendon press. // An English translation of the Avestan corpus.

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Geldner 1886-1896 = K. F. Geldner. Avesta: die heiligen Bücher der Parsen. Stuttgart: W.

Kohlhammer. // A comprehensive edition of the Avestan corpus.

Henning 1940 = W. B. Henning. Sogdica. London: The Royal Asiatic Society.

Henning 1954 = W. B. Henning. Ein unbeachtetes Wort im Awesta. / Asiatica: Festschrift

Friedrich Weller. Zum 65. Geburtstag gewidmet von seinen Freunden, Kollegen und

Schülern. Ed. by Johannes Schubert and Ulrich Schneider. Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz.

Reichelt 1909 = H. Reichelt. Awestisches Elementarbuch. Heidelberg: C. Winter.

Vaan 1997 = M. de Vaan. Avestan *pouru.zaoθra-. In: Die Sprache. Bd. 39/1.

Vaan 2003 = M. de Vaan. Avestan vowels. Amsterdam-New York, NY: Rodopi.

NOTES

I. Ossetic (Iron, Digor).

I.1. General.

The Ossetic languages consists of two main dialects: Iron and Digor. The current 110-

item wordlists for both Iron and Digor were compiled by Oleg Belyaev during his field

work in Vladikavkaz (North Ossetia-Alania) in 2013.

The Iron wordlist was recorded from one informant. Name: Fatima, female, born 1985

in Alagir (Alagirsky District, North Ossetia-Alania), lives in Alagir, higher education,

Iron native speaker, also speaks Russian.

The Digor wordlist was recorded from one informant. Name: Irina, female, born 1993 in

Dur-Dur (Digorsky District, North Ossetia-Alania), lives in Vladikavkaz, university

student, Digor native speaker, also speaks Iron and Russian.

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All of the elicited Ossetic words were checked against [Abaev 1958-1989]. Additionally,

[Abaev 1958-1989] and [EDIL] were extensively used for etymological comments. Most

of these apply equally to both Iron and Digor dialects, and have been entered only in

the notes section on "Iron Ossetic".

There is a great number of etymologically obscure words in the Ossetic vocabulary,

including its basic layer. Within the 110-item Swadesh wordlist, such terms are as

follows:

1) 'bark' (cʼar | cʼarɜ); 2) 'belly' (gʷəbən | gubun); 3) 'bird' (cʼiw | čʼew); 4) 'dry' (Digor sor);

5) 'feather' (šiš | šes); 6) 'fish' (kɜšag | kɜsalgɜ); 7) 'foot' (kʼaχ | kʼaχ); 8) 'hand' (kʼuχ | kʼoχ);

9) 'leaf' (Digor tʼaffɜ); 10) 'meat' (Iron ziza); 11) 'mountain' (kʼɜzɜχ | kʼɜʒɜχ); 12) 'mouth'

(zəχ | ʒuχ ~ cʼuχ); 13) 'neck' (bɜržɜy | bɜrzɜy); 14) 'nose' (fənz | fiy); 15) 'rain' (kʼɜvda |

kʼɜvda); 16) 'round' (təmbəl | tumbul); 17) 'small' (Iron čəšəl); 18) 'stone' (dur | dor); 19)

'tree' (bɜlaš | bɜlasɜ); 20) 'salt' (sɜχχ | cɜnχɜ); 21) 'short' (səbər | cubur).

They represent potential loanwords, although exact sources of borrowing are unclear.

Since in many such cases we observe phonetically similar (but not identical) forms in

modern North Caucasian languages, it is possible to think that we deal with

substrate/adstrate loanwords that originally penetrated into Ossetic from a non-

surviving language, which represented a separate group of the North Caucasian

linguistic family. See also 'man' (lɜg), which we explicitely treat as a North-East

Caucasian loanword.

I.2. Transliteration.

Cyrillic IPA (Iron) IPA (Digor) Abaev GLD (Iron) GLD (Digor) Notes

А а ɑ ɑ a a a

Æ æ ɜ ɜ æ ɜ ɜ Does not correspond to IPA [æ].

Б б b, pː b, pː b b, pː b, pː Unvoiced when geminated, i.e.,

{бб, бп, пб, пп} are all

pronounced as pː.

В в v v v v v

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Г г g, kː g, kː g g, kː g, kː Unvoiced when geminated, i.e.,

{гг, гк, кг, кк} are all pronounced

as kː.

Гу гу gʷ, kːʷ gʷ, kːʷ g˳ gʷ, kːʷ gʷ, kːʷ In Iron, only occurs before ə {ы},

e. g. gʷəmirə {гуымиры} 'idol'

but dagwat {дагуат} 'ravine'.

Same behaviour as /g/ under

gemination.

Гъ гъ ʁ ʁ ğ ʁ ʁ

Гъу гъу ʁʷ ʁʷ ğ˳ ʁʷ ʁʷ In Iron, only occurs before ə {ы},

e. g. aʁʷəž {агъуыз} 'colourless'

but arʁwan {аргъуан} 'church'.

Д д d, tː d, tː d d, tː d, tː Unvoiced when geminated, i.e.,

{дд, дт, тд, тт} are all

pronounced as tː.

Дж дж ʤ, ʧː - ǵ ǯ, čː - Unvoiced when geminated, i.e.,

{дждж, джч, чдж, чч} are all

pronounced as čː.

Дз дз z, ʦː ʣ, ʤ ʒ z, cː ʒ, ǯ, cː Iron: the affricate cː is only

retained under gemination,

otherwise z. Digor: the variant ǯ

occurs before front vowels.

Unvoiced when geminated, i.e.,

{дздз, дзц, цдз, цц} are all

pronounced as cː.

Е е e, je e, je e e, ye e, ye Iron: usually occurs only in ɜ + ɜ

sandhi. Pronounced as /ye/

word-initially.

З з ʒ z, ʒ z ž z, ž Digor: the variant ž occurs

before front vowels.

И и i i, iː i i i Digor: long iː is presumably a

separate phoneme, but this is

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not reflected in the orthography.

Й й j j j y y

К к kʰ, kː kʰ, kː k k, kː k, kː Unaspirated when geminated

(kː).

Ку ку kʷ kʷ k˳ kʷ kʷ In Iron, only occurs before ə.

Къ къ kʼ kʼ kʼ kʼ kʼ

Къу

къу

kʼʷ kʼʷ kʼ˳ kʼʷ kʼʷ In Iron, only occurs before ə.

Л л l l l l l

М м m m m m m

Н н n n n n n

О о o o o o o

П п pʰ, pː pʰ, pː p p, pː p, pː Unaspirated when geminated

(pː).

Пъ пъ pʼ pʼ pʼ pʼ pʼ

Р р r r r r r

С с ʃ s, ʃ s š s, š Digor: the variant š occurs


Т т tʰ, tː tʰ, tː t t, tː t, tː Unaspirated when geminated

(tː).

Тъ тъ tʼ tʼ tʼ tʼ tʼ

У у u, w

(after

vowels)

u, w

(after

vowels)

u, w u, w u, w When {у} is used after velar

consonants, it may mark

labialization of the preceding

consonant (see above).

Ф ф f f f f f

Х х χ χ x χ χ

Ху ху χʷ χʷ x˳ χʷ χʷ In Iron, only occurs before ə.

Хъ хъ qʰ, qː qʰ, qː q q, qː q, qː Unaspirated when geminated

(qː).

Хъу хъу qʷ qʷ q˳ qʷ qʷ In Iron, only occurs before ə.

Ц ц s, ʦː ʦʰ, ʧʰ, ʦː c s, cː c, č, cː Iron: cː when geminated,

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otherwise s. Digor: palatalized


Цъ цъ ʦʼ ʦʼ, ʧʼ cʼ cʼ cʼ, čʼ Digor: palatalized before front

vowels.

Ч ч ʧʰ, ʧː - ḱ č, čː - Unaspirated when geminated

(čː).

Чъ чъ ʧʼ - čʼ čʼ -

Ы ы ə - y ə -

II. Yaghnobi.

II.1. General.

The main source of Yaghnobi texts are field recordings made by M. S. Andreev and E.

M. Peshchereva in 1924 and 1927. These texts represent mostly fairy-tales and, to a

lesser degree, some riddles, folk songs and stories. Yaghnobi contexts given below are

predominantly from this source. Sometimes better examples can be found in other

sources, especially in [Khromov 1972]. Transcription in [AP 1957] is not easy and does

not seem to be perfectly consistent. The authors do not distinguish between the

phonemes /üː/ and /uː/. This is why we cite all forms according to [AP 1957] and [ALP

1957], except for those containing /üː/ and not attested by M. S. Andreev and E. M.

Peshchereva. The latter forms are cited in accordance with [Novák 2010]. In some cases,

we list main phonetic variants.

Dialects: Since the end of the XIX century, all researchers have agreed that there are at

least two dialects of Yaghnobi: Western and Eastern. [Khromov 1972] and [Novák 2010]

also add a Central (or transitional) dialect. Differences between them are mostly

phonetic and morphological. For example, Western Yaghnobi [ay] corresponds to

Central Yaghnobi [εːy] and to Eastern Yaghnobi [εː]. Dialects have very few lexical

differences. Only one word from the 110-word list seems to have a special variant in

Central Yaghnobi (biːldˈiːnga {bildínga} 'star' vs. sitˈoːra {sĭtóra} 'star' in other dialects).

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If the word has dialectal variants, they are listed in a special section of the notes. If

possible, we mention specific settlements where such forms are attested.

List of settlements: Western Yaghnobi: Bidew, (MT) – Marghtumajn, (QW) Quli Worsout,

(W) – Waghinzoj. Eastern Yaghnobi: (DB) – Dehbaland, (Gh) Gharmen, Piskon, (S) –

Sokan. Central Yaghnobi: Kashi, (N) – Nomitkon, (P) – Pitip, (PR) – Pulla Rout, (Q) –

Qul, (BQ) – Bidoni Qul, (SQ) – Sarhaddi Qul, (XD) – Xisoki Darw.

II.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources:

Andreev-Peshchereva Novák GLD

b b b

b p p

v v v

f f f

w, w, w

d d d

t t t

z z z

s s s

ǰ ǰ Ǯ

č č č

ž ž ž

š š š

g g g

k k k

x x χ

x x χw

x ḥ ħ

h h h

ʕ

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Andreev-Peshchereva Novák GLD

m m m

n n n

r r r

γ γ ʁ

l l l

y y y

ĭ, , ĕ, i i

a a a

ŭ u u

i, ẹ ī iː

e, ẹ ē eː

o, ọ ō oː

u ū uː

u, uy, uy ʉ, ʉ üː

Notes:

(1) The phoneme /v/ has an allophone [f] in final position and before voiceless

consonants [Vinogradova 2000: 293].

(2) /w/ is a bilabial approximant, seriously weakened in final position [Novák 2010:

223].

(3) According to Novák, Yaghnobi consonants /š/, /ž/, /č/ and /ǯ/ are palatalized, i. e. šy žy

etc. [Novák 2010: 222].

(4) /k/ and /g/ have palatalized variants after front vowels in final position; sometimes

they are even realized as ȶ, ȡ [Vinogradova 2000: 293; Novák 2010: 222].

(5) Phonemes /ħ/ and /ʕ/ occur only in borrowings from Arabic (via Tajik).

(6) /n/ has the allophone [ŋ] before velars.

(7) /i/ has three main allophonic variants: [ɪ], [i] and [e]. It can also be reduced.

(8) /u/ also has three main allophones [ʊ], [u] and [o] and can be reduced [Vinogradova

2000: 292-293].

(9) Phoneme /üː/ in Western Yaghnobi has allophones [üː] and [üːy] [Novák 2010: 221].

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III. Parachi.

III.1. General.

There are two main collections of Parachi texts, gathered by Georg Morgenstierne in the

1920s and by Valentin Efimov in the 1970s. Only two words from the 110-item Swadesh

wordlist are still lacking: 'bird' and 'round'.

Dialects: There are three dialects of Parachi: Nijrau (Pajagan), Shutul and Gujulan.

Morgenstierne worked mostly with Shutul speakers while Efimov worked with

informants from Nijrau. The differences between the three dialects are minor. If there

are any phonetically or morphologically different forms, the Nijrau form is given in the

main field and the other forms are adduced in the commentary.

III.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources:

Efimov Morgenstierne GLD

b b b

p p p

bʽ, bh bh bh

pʽ, ph ph ph

f f f

v v v

d d d

t t t

dʽ, dh dh dh

tʽ, th th th

z z z

s s s

sʽ, sh sh sh

ḍ ḍ ɖ

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ṭ ṭ ʈ

ǰ ǰ ǯ

č č č

ǰʽ, ǰh ǰh ǯh

čʽ, čh čh čh

ž ž ž

š š š

žʽ, žh žh žh

g g g

k k k

gʽ, gh gh gh

kʽ, kh kh kh

m m m

n n n

mʽ, mh mh mh

nʽ, nh nh nh

ṇ ṇ ɳ

r r r

γ γ ʁ

rʽ, rh rh rh

ṛ ṛ ɽ

x x χ

q q q

h h h

ʽ ʽ ʕ

l l l

lʽ, lh lh lh

w w, u w

y y, i y

i ī iː

u ū uː

e e e

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a a a

o u o

ē ē eː

ō ō oː

å â ɒː

Notes:

(1) /w/ is a bilabial approximant [Efimov 2009: 25].

(2) Parachi affricates /č/ /ǯ/ /čh/ /ǯh/ and sibilants /š/ /ž/ /žh/ are bifocal [Efimov 2009: 24].

IV. Avestan

IV.1. General.

The source of the Avestan list are those texts of Avesta that correspond to the Younger

Avestan period. Unfortunately, data for Old Avestan are scarce; this is why we include

Old Avestan forms only in those cases where they are attested. Information is provided

on specific attestation for every word. The system of transliteration is close to the

phonological transcription by Benveniste, since it is closer to the Proto-Iranian

reconstruction.

IV.2. Transliteration.

The following system of transliteration is used (not all the details are mentioned, since

the Avestan writing system is rather sophisticated; some rules are rare and thus not

relevant to words of this list):

Modern

transliteration

Bartholomae's

trasliteration

GLD

a a a

ā ā aː

i i i

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Modern

transliteration

Bartholomae's

trasliteration

GLD

ī ī iː (sometimes i and iia)

u u u

ū ū uː (sometimes u)

ərə ərə r

ą ą an / aːn

aː (preceding ŋh and ṇ); aːh (in final position)

ə ə a (before a nasal)

a (preceding a nasal in Old Avestan); /ah/ (in final

position in Old Avestan)

e e eː (in final position); a (after ii, followed by a

palatal consonant or a syllable that contains i, ii,

or e)

ē ē eː (in final position)

aē aē ay

ōi ōi ay (in final position and in a closed syllable)

o o a (after m, p or uu, followed by a syllable that

contains u)

ō ō oː (results from IIr {*as} in final position)

ao ao aw

əu əu aw (before š)

āi āi aːy

āu āu aːw

k k k

g g g

γ γ γ

x x x

c č č

j ǰ Ǯ

t t t

d d d

θ θ θ

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Modern

transliteration

Bartholomae's

trasliteration

GLD

t (in final position after a vowel or r)

p p p

b b b

f f f

n n n

m m m

y, ii y y

v, uu v w

r r r

s s s

z z z

š š š

ž ž ž

h h h

ŋh ŋh h (in intervocalic position in the sequence {- h -

})

xᵛ xᵛ hw

Notes.

(1) {i} and {u} can be epenthetic.

(2) {ə}, { }, {a}, {o} and {i} can be anaptyctic.

(3) In {ərə}, the second {ə} is an anaptyctic vowel.

(4) The true phonetic value of {γ}, {x}, {θ} and {β} is disputed.

(5) It is possible that {c}, {j} are in fact [ɕ], [ʓ] or [ȶ], [ȡ].

(6) { } can be an unreleased occlusive.

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(7) {g} has a spelling variant {ġ} (in final position; probably unreleased); {y} has a

spelling variant {ẏ}; {m} and {n} have a spelling variant {ṇ} before occlusives. We do not

distinguish between {n} and {ṇ}.

(8) There are three varieties of {š}: {š}, { } and { }. The second variant, { }, represents

originally a product of {*rt} under certain accentual conditions; { } occurs before {ii} and

continues Proto-Iranian {*č }. Sometimes these graphemes become confused with each

other. That is why it is preferable not to distinguish between them (like Bartholomae).

(9) In addition, {h} has less frequent spelling variants { } (before {ii}), { h} (represents

the development of *) and {ŋᵛh} (reflects {*-h -}). We do not mark all the

aforementioned nuances, because the exact phonetic and phonological values have not

been established.

(10) The true phonetic value of {r} is not known.

(11) {v} can be a bilabial approximant.

Database compiled and annotated by:

Ossetic (Iron, Digor): Oleg Belyaev, March 2014.

Yaghnobi: Artem Trofimov, April 2016.

Parachi: Artem Trofimov, April 2016.

Avestan: Artem Trofimov, November 2016.

18

1. ALL

Iron Ossetic ɜpːɜt {æппæт} (1), Digor Ossetic ɜpːɜt {æппæт} ~ ɜnkːɜt {æнккæт} (1),

Yaghnobi hˈama {háma} (-1), Parachi ho {hu} / hos {hos} (2), Avestan wisp-a- {vispa-} (3).

References and notes:

Iron Ossetic: Apparently originates from Proto-Iranian *xama-kaθa 'by the whole house' [Abaev 1958: 170].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 260; Novák 2010: 65. An example: {Aš-Bibí роščóĕ ínčĕ lĭbóstš hámma-š anŭγúnt} "Aš-Bibi put all the clothes

of the king's wife on" (MT) [AP 1957: 52]. This word is a Tajik borrowing, compare Tajik hamˈa {ҳама} 'all' [RU 1954: 498]. Yaghnobi

speakers normally consider this form plural, so it usually agrees with verbs in the plural number [Khromov 1972: 28].

Phonetic variants: hˈamːa {hámma} ~ hamːˈa {hammá}. ALP also lists more peculiar phonetic variants ˈamːa {ámma} and

xˈamːa {xámma} [ALP 1957: 260]. It is possible to find similar phonetic variability in other Tajik loans, compare hamrˈah

{hamráh} ~ hamrˈa {hamrá} ~ amrˈa {amrá} ~ χamrˈa {xamrá} ~ hamrˈoː {hamró} 'companion; together' [ALP 1957: 261].

Dictionaries mention that the word yˈakay {yákay} ~ yˈakːay {yákkay} ~ yˈakːi {yákkĕ} [ALP 1957: 365; Novák 2010: 198] also

means 'all (omnis)' in some contexts, for example {yákk atẹrór} "all have gone" [ALP 1957: 365]. However, the attested

polysemy: 'all / at once' points to the meaning 'all at once, all together'.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 202; Morgenstierne 1929: 258, 260. The first form is proclitical. Morgenstierne thinks that ho {hu} (and hos {hos}

respectively) should be derived from Proto-Iranian {*har a-} 'all' [Morgenstierne 1929: 258].

Distinct from the Arabic borrowing {tamǻm} which means 'all (totus) / whole' [Efimov 2009: 239; Morgenstierne 1929:

294]. In addition, there are some occasionally used Persian loans like kolː {kull} 'all' [Morgenstierne 1929: 265] and kolːagi

{kollagi} 'all' [Efimov 2009: 210].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1460-1463. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / every / all (totus)'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht,

Videvdad etc.

Distinct from the less frequent ham-a- {hama-} 'every, omnis / whole, totus' [Bartholomae 1904: 1773-1774] and from har-

wa- {hauruua-} 'whole' [Bartholomae 1904: 1790-1791].

Continues Proto-Iranian {* iś- a-} and PIE {* i - o-} 'all'; related to Vedic wˈiʆw-a- {víśva-}, Lituanian {vìsas}, OCS {vьsь}

'all' [EWAia II: 562-563].

2. ASHES

Iron Ossetic fɜnək {фæнык} (1), Digor Ossetic funuk {фунук} (1), Yaghnobi xoːkiːstˈar

{xokistár} (-1), Parachi ǯhoɳɖ {ǰʽoṇḍ} (-1) / bhɒːʁ {bʽåγ} (2), Avestan aː-tr-ya- {ātriia-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *pa(sʸ)nu-ka, *pa(n)sʸnu-ka 'dust' [Abaev 1958: 449; Cheung 2002: 186].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 360; Novák 2010: 191. Polysemy: 'ashes / remains'. There are two types of contexts in fairytales recorded by

Andreev and Peshchereva. The first one is related to ashes as the product of burning of (wooden) buildings: {Kat xokĭstár víčĕ} "The

house turned into ashes" [AP 1957: 149]. The second one is figurative and refers to a dead human body: {Inč xok stár vútax tórta}

"The woman (wife) turned into ashes" [AP 1957: 101]. The word in question represents a Tajik loan: cf. Tajik xɔːkistˈar {хокистар}

'ashes' [RU 1954: 424].

Additionally, in Yaghnobi the designation for 'still hot ashes mixed with live coals' qˈur {qŭr} is attested. It is tempting to

treat this word as a Turkic loanword: Turkic {*qurum} means ˈsootˈ, and cf. also dial. Khakas {хур} ˈsootˈ and dial. Uyghur

{қўpo} ˈsootˈ [ESTJ 6: 170-171]. However, this is somewhat problematic on the semantic side.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 205. No contexts. Judging by its phonetic form, this word was borrowed from one of Northwestern Indian or

Dardic languages.

It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'ashes' is ǯhoɳɖ {ǰʽoṇḍ} or bhɒːʁ {bʽåγ}.A problematic case.

19

Morgenstierne translates this word as 'ashes / earth', while Efimov lists it as 'dust / remains'. However, there are no

contexts.

Morgenstierne compares Old Indian {bhasman} 'sacred ashes' and reconstructs the protoform {*bahāka-} [Morgenstierne

1929: 240].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 320. This Young Avestan word occurs only in V. 8, 8; this passage is a later addition to the text

[Bartholomae 1904: 320]. However, this lexeme is a member of the Young Avestan compound aː-tr-ya=pati=ris-ta- {ātriio.-

paiti.irista-} 'mixed with ashes' and has further etymological connections with Iranian words meaning 'ashes'; compare

Pashto {īrá}, Rushan {aθēr} 'ashes' etc. [EDIL 1: 319-320].

The word aː-tr-ya- {ātriia-} is derived from Avestan aː-tar- {ātar-} 'fire' < Proto-Iranian {*ā-tar-} [EDIL 1: 319].

3. BARK

Iron Ossetic cʼar {цъар} (1), Digor Ossetic cʼarɜ {цъарæ} (1), Yaghnobi puːst {pust} (2),

Parachi puːst {pust} (-1).


Iron Ossetic: Of unclear origin, cf. [Abaev 1958: 330]. The word resembles certain Caucasian forms, especially Proto-Nakh *čʼʡoːr

'envelope, peel' (> Chechen čʼqʼor, Ingush čʼor, Batsbi čʼar), thus, most likely, a Caucasian loanword.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 310; Novák 2010: 137. The word pˈuːst {pust} is similar to pˈuːst {pust} 'skin'. This word has a Sogdian (S)

parallel {pwst(h)} 'skin, leather' [Gharib 1995: 331]. Absence of the meaning 'bark' in Sogdian together with the existence of Tajik

pˈɵːst {пӯст} 'skin, hide/ bark' [RU 1954: 316] does not allow to exactly determine whether the meaning 'bark' for Yaghnobi pˈuːst is

inherited or was borrowed from Tajik. However, the absence of such meaning in Sogdian can easily be due to coincidence, so it is

preferable to treat it as an inherited word.

Phonetic variants: pˈust {pŭst} [ALP 1957: 310].

A more peculiar word is pustlˈoːq {pŭstlóq} ~ puslˈoːq {pŭslóq} [ALP 1957: 310], meaning 'bark, bast'. It is unquestionably a

borrowing from Tajik pɵːstlˈɔːq {пӯстлоқ} 'bark, bast' [RU 1954: 317]. There are no examples in published texts, so it is

impossible to describe exact semantic differences between these two words in Yaghnobi. Anyhow, [ALP 1957: 310] is the

only source of Yaghnobi pustlˈoːq {pŭstlóq}, so it can hardly represent the basic word for 'bark'.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 230; Morgenstierne 1929: 281. Polysemy: 'skin / peel / bark'. It is worth mentioning that Efimov does not list

the meaning 'bark' along with the others, while Morgenstierne cites the expression pˈuːst-e bhiːn-ikˈ-e {pūst-e bhīniˈke} 'bark

of tree' [Morgenstierne 1929: 53, 281]. Transparent Persian borrowing.

Avestan: Not attested. It is possible that the word paːs-ta- {pąsta-} 'skin (on the head)' [Bartholomae 1904: 904] could have the second

meaning 'bark' (as in many Iranian languages), but there are no data that would definitively prove this.

4. BELLY

Iron Ossetic gʷəbən {гуыбын} (1), Digor Ossetic gubun {губун} (1), Yaghnobi dˈar-a {dára}

(2), Parachi aštˈaw {aštáw} (3), Avestan udar-a- {udara-} # (2).


Iron Ossetic: The origin of gʷəbən, gubun is unclear. It belongs to a group of words meaning 'round' [Abaev 1958: 528], which are,

according to [Abaev 1979: 330-335], a very broad cross-linguistic class of ideophones that cannot be derived from a single source.

Digor Ossetic: According to Abaev, Digor uses a different word for 'belly' - qɜstɜ (of unknown origin), more often than gubun

[Abaev 1973: 298-299]. The shift to gubun might have been due to secondary Iron influence on Digor (at least it can concern our

Digor informant, which lives in Vladikavkaz).

20

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 244; Novák 2010: 32. There are some examples in texts: {pódotem áspĕ dárĕ tákĕ vek vant} "Bind my legs

under the horse’s belly!" [AP 1957: 139]; {dár-a-m sẹr av } "I am satiated"; literally, "my belly has become satiated" [AP 1957: 172,

244] (the last phrase belongs to a mouse speaking about itself; however, it is reasonable to think that it speaks from an

anthropomorphic perspective).

Polysemy: 'belly / interior, core', compare dirˈaχti dˈar-a {diráxti dára} 'tree trunk's core' [Khromov 1972: 166]. Secure

Iranian etymology; compare Sogdian (Β) {kδ’r’k} 'belly' etc. [Steblin-Kamensky 1999: 151-152].

Phonetic variants: ALP record a phonetic variant darˈ-a {dará} [ALP 1957: 244], which does not occur in texts.

Distinct from šikˈampa {šĭkámpa} ~ iškampˈa {iškampá} ˈstomach; cow stomachˈ [ALP 1957: 326; Novák 2010: 160], bˈandil

{bándil} ˈstomach / gutsˈ [Novák 2010: 11].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 172; Morgenstierne 1929: 237. Probably of Indo-Iranian origin; Morgenstierne compares Old Indian {stabh-}

'fasten' and reconstructs such dubious protoforms as {*staf-} < {*stebh-} [Morgenstierne 1929: 237]. Anyhow, this word

seems to be inherited, judging by its phonetic form and by the absence of similar words in neighbour languages.

Phonetic variants: t can also be retroflex in this word, compare ašʈˈaw {ašṭáw} [Efimov 2009: 172].

Dialectal forms: Shutul aštˈaw {aštáf}, Gujulan ašˈaw {ašáw} [Efimov 2009: 172].

The rare word χiːʈ {xīṭ} represents a borrowing from Pashto [Morgenstierne 1929: 301].

The word for 'stomach' is not attested.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 387. Only as a member of the compound udara=θrans-a- {udarō.θrąsa-} 'creeping on belly', attested in

Videvdad.

Distinct from ruθ-wan- {uruθuuan} 'entrails / belly (of Ahuric creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 1531-1532] and marš-u-

{maršu-} 'belly of daevic creatures' [Bartholomae 1904: 1153-1154].

The word udar-a- {udara-} is related to Vedic udˈar-a- {udára-} 'belly'; Indo-Iranian words cannot be separated from Greek

{ὕδερος} 'dropsy', Old Prussian {weders} 'belly / stomach'; it is not clear whether all these cognates are derived from PIE

{*ud-er-} 'water' or not [EWAia I: 216].

5. BIG

Iron Ossetic štər {стыр} (1), Digor Ossetic ustur {устур} (1), Yaghnobi kˈatː-a {kátta} (-1),

Parachi ghaɳɖ {gʽaṇḍ} (-1), Avestan maz-ant- {mazant-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *stuːra- 'great' [Abaev 1979: 159].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 271-272; Novák 2010: 84. Plural kˈatː-oːt {káttot}. The word is used with a wide range of objects: {i kátta sank} 'a

big stone' [AP 1957: 130], {kátta kálla} 'a big jug' [AP 1957: 179], {kátta vuz} 'a big goat' [Khromov 1957: 20] etc.

Polysemy: 'big / elder/ famous' [ALP 1957: 271]. Borrowed from Uzbek katːˈa {катта} 'big' [Akabirov et al. 1959: 204].

Distinct from ʁˈurːa {γúrra} 'big (about round objects)' [ALP 1957: 260; Novák 2010: 62].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 195; Morgenstierne 1929: 253. Used with a wide range of objects. Polysemy: 'big / great / tall' [Efimov 2009:

195].

Borrowed from one of Northwestern Indian or Dardic languages; compare Lahnda {ghāṇ} 'big' [Morgenstierne 1929: 253].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1157. Polysemy: 'big / great / mighty, powerful / vast, spacious'. Young Avestan: Yasna, Yasht etc. In

addition, there is a Gathic stem maz- {maz-} 'big / important' [Bartholomae 1904: 1156].

Distinct from the less frequent Young Avestan mas- {mas-} 'elongate, long, big' [Bartholomae 1904: 1154].

Avestan maz- {maz-} / maz-ant- {mazant-} is related to Greek {μέγα} 'big', Old Hittite {mek-} 'many' etc. These forms can be

traced back to the same protoform {*meǵh2-} [EWAia II: 337-339].

6. BIRD

Iron Ossetic cʼiw {цъиу} (1), Digor Ossetic čʼew {цъеу} (1), Yaghnobi parand-ˈa {parandá} (-

21

1) / muːrʁ {murγ} (2), Avestan wi- {vi-} / way- {vay-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: See [Abaev 1958: 336] (according to Abaev, an onomatopoeic form).

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 303; Novák 2010: 129. This word is a Tajik loanword, compare Tajik parːandˈa {парранда} 'bird' [RU 1954:

300].ALP 1957: 288; Novák 2010: 110. Polysemy: 'hen/ bird'. In [Lurye 2015] it is made clear that mˈuːrʁ {мурғ} is not 'a hen'. Inherited

term; compare Sogdian (S, M) {mrγ-y} 'bird', Avestan {mərəγa-} 'bird, especially big' [Novák 2013: 177].

The word ǯoːndˈoːr {ǰondór} [ALP 1957: 267; Novák 2010: 76] means 'animal / bird' and occurs only in one text. Borrowed

from Tajik ǯɔːndˈɔːr {ҷондор} 'alive / creature (animal or bird)' [RU 1954: 518]. A small bird, especially 'sparrow', is called

sˈiːča {síča} [ALP 1957: 321]. The term qˈuš {qŭš} means 'hunting bird' [ALP 1957: 281] and represents an Uzbek loanword,

compare Uzbek qˈuš {қуш} 'bird' [Akabirov et al. 1959: 633].

Parachi: Not attested. One should mention the word korʁ {korγ} 'hen' [Efimov 2009: 210; Morgenstierne 1929: 267], which also

serves as a member of some expressions designating names of other birds (similar to hens). For example, 'duck' is called

kˈorʁ-e ɒːw-iː {ˈkurγ-e âˈwī}, 'wild hen' – kˈorʁ-e dhˈɒːriː {ˈkurγ-e ˈdhârī} [Morgenstierne 1929: 267].

The word is inherited and originates from Proto-Iranian {*k ka-} 'hen / cock' [EDIL 4: 398-401].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1356-1357. Young Avestan. Occurs in Yasna, Yasht and Videvdad. Attested forms: nom. sg wi-š {vīš},

nom. pl. way-oː {vaiiō-} gen. pl. way-aːm {vaiiąm} etc. An example: Yt. 14, 19 "that is (Verethraghna in the shape of a raven)

the swiftest of all birds, the lightest of the flying creatures".

Dictinct from Young Avestan mrg-a- {mərəga-} 'big bird / hen', which is also used to form names of bird species

[Bartholomae 1904: 1172].

Avestan wi- {vi-} / way- {vaii-} has such cognates as Vedic wi- {vi-} / way- {ve-, vay-} 'bird', Armenian {haw} 'bird / hen,

cock', Latin {auis} 'bird' etc. [EWAia II: 507-508]

7. BITE

Iron Ossetic χɜs- {хæц-} ~ χɜs-əd- {хæцыд-} (1), Digor Ossetic χʷɜc- {хуæц-} ~ χʷɜs-t-

{хуæст-} (1), Yaghnobi kan- {kan-} (2) / xišoːy- {xišóy-} (3), Parachi gas- {gas-} / gast- {gast-} /

goːst- {gōst-} (4), Avestan dans- {dąs-} # (5).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: χɜs-, χʷɜc- [pres.] / χɜs-əd-, χʷɜs-t- [pret.]. The initial meaning is 'to hold, seize'. Originates from Proto-

Iranian *xʷaǯ- [Abaev 1989: 152-154].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 270; Novák 2010: 82. Past participle kˈan-ta {kánta}. Examples: {qozíĕ kut a=kán-ĕm} "The judge's dog bit me",

literally "I was bitten by the judge's dog"; {Tĭk qoz kut a=kán-ĕm} "The judge's dog bit me again" (PR) [AP 1957: 110].

Polysemy: 'to dig / to tear off / to pinch / to bite / to stummer, stutter' etc. [ALP 1957: 270]. Rich polysemy is usual for

other Iranian reflexes of Proto-Iranian {*kan-} 'to dig; to tear of; to strew'; it seems probable that several Proto-Iranian

roots contaminated in this form [EDIL 3: 199-214].

It is impossible to distinguish exactly between kan- {kan-} and xišoːy- {xišóy-}.ALP 1957: 359; Novák 2010: 191. In

dictionaries, the verb xišˈoːy- {xišóy-} has the basic meaning 'to chew' as well as two others, 'to gnaw; to bite'. However, no

contexts are attested with these two meanings.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 69; Morgenstierne 1929: 254. Polysemy: 'to bite / to sting'. Unfortunately, the best example is the following:

{ˈkhâi ˈzâ-m te ˈgasa} "something bites me" [Morgenstierne 1929: 77]. The form {gōst-} represents a secondary formation.

Continues Proto-Iranian {*gaź-} / {*gaiź-} 'to sting / to bite / to be sour / sharp, to be sharp' [EDIL 3: 263].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 454, 653. This verb has no finite forms in Avesta. The root dans- {dąs-} is attested in derivatives tiž-

i=dans-u-ra- {tiži.dąsura-} (V. 13. 39, of a dog), tiž-i=dans-tra- {tiži.dąstra-} 'biting sharply, with sharp teeth' (Yt. 14. 15, of a

22

wild boar) [Bartholomae 1904: 653] and kar-ta=dans-u- {karətō.dąsu-} 'a name of a cock', literally 'biting with knife' (FrW.

10. 41) [Bartholomae 1904: 454].

This word is related to Vedic daɱʆ- {daṃś-}, Greek {δάκνω} 'to bite', NHG {Zange} 'tongs' etc. and continues PIE {*denḱ-}

'to bite' [EWAia I: 688; LIV2 2001: 117-118].

8. BLACK

Iron Ossetic šaw {сау} (1), Digor Ossetic saw {сау} (1), Yaghnobi šoːw {šo } (1), Parachi

pˈadoː {pádō} (-1), Avestan syaː-wa {syāva-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *sʸyaːva- 'black' [Abaev 1979: 42-43].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 328; Novák 2010: 161. Unambiguously the basic word for 'black' in Yaghnobi. This adjective combines with

such nouns as 'lamb': {hazór š qašqosár rón } "one thousand black lambs with the white star on the forehead", 'horse': {hazór šo

ášpĕ} "one thousand black horses" (MT) [AP 1957: 47] etc. In addition, there is a derivative šoːwˈ-i {šow} meaning 'blackness,

darkness' [Khromov 1972: 181]. From Proto-Iranian {*ś ā a- ‘black’} [Novák 2013: 205].

The Tajik loanword siyˈoːh {sĭyóh} (compare Tajik siyˈɔːh {cиёҳ} [RU 1954: 356]) occurs in several texts. The first one was

elicited from a person with a very good knowledge of Tajik [AP 1957: 30-37, № 3 (MT)], and others are also marked with

Tajik influence. On the whole, it is clear that the loanword siyˈoːh {sĭyóh} has not managed to replace šˈoːw {šo } in normal

Yaghnobi speech of the 1920s.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 225; Morgenstierne 1929: 278. Etymology is unknown. Judging by the phonetic form, the word must be a

borrowing.

Phonetic variants: pˈaduː {pádu}, phadˈuː {pʽadú} [Efimov 2009: 225].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1631. Young Avestan: Yasht. In addition, there is a Young Avestan (Yasht) adjective saː-ma- {sāma-}

'black' < {*syāma-} [Bartholomae 1904: 1571].

Distinct from wah-u=gawn-a {vohu.gaona-} 'blood-coloured, black' [Bartholomae 1904: 1432].

Continues PIE {*ḱ eh1- o-} / {*ḱ eh1-mo-} / {*ḱih1- o-} / {*ḱih1-mo-} 'dark, black, grey etc.'; related to Lithuanian {šývas} 'ash

grey', {š mas} 'ashy, ash grey', Old Russian {sivъ} 'ash grey' etc. [EWAia II: 661].

9. BLOOD

Iron Ossetic tug {туг} (1), Digor Ossetic tog {тог} (1), Yaghnobi wˈaχin {wáxĭn} (2),

Parachi hiːn {hin} (2), Avestan wah-u-niː- {vohunī-} / wah-u-na- {vohuna-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *tauka- 'sperm (?)' [Abaev 1979: 309-310].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 351; Novák 2010: 183. Certainly the basic word for 'blood'. An example: {Žútay nẹspočákĕ vekš wáxin avvó }

"Blood went from the young man’s nostril" (SQ) [AP 1957: 154, 292]. From Proto-Iranian {* ahu(r)na-} 'blood' [Novák 2013: 182].

The word χˈuːn {xun} was borrowed from Tajik χˈun {хун} 'blood' [RU 1954: 430]). It occurs only in one text, which shows

other signs of Tajik influence as well (for example, the same narrator uses the word siyˈoːh {sĭyóh} for ‘black’). An example:

{xún- badán z mákše} '(she) sucks blood of the body out' (SQ) [AP 1957: 127, № 27].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 202; Morgenstierne 1929: 259. An example: {hín-om sórkō-a} "I have red blood", literally "my blood is red"

[Efimov 2009: 163]. The word is inherited and continues Proto-Iranian {* ahuna-} or { ahuni-} 'blood', compare Avestan

{vohunī-} 'blood' [Bartholomae 1904: 1434], but {vohunavant-} 'bloody' [Bartholomae 1904: 1433].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1433-1434. Young Avestan: Yasht, Videvdad etc.

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Continues Proto-Iranian {* ah ana-} / {* ah ani-}. Cognates of this word for 'blood' can be found in the majority of

Iranian languages; however, further etymology is unknown.

10. BONE

Iron Ossetic əštɜg {ыстæг} ~ štɜg {стæг} (1), Digor Ossetic ɜstɜg {æстæг} (1), Yaghnobi

sitˈak {s ták} (1), Parachi haɖ {haḍ} (-1), Avestan ast- {ast-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *astaka 'bone' [Abaev 1958: 190].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 322; Novák 2010: 154. Attested in two contexts: {naxáx xok stár sĭták avú} "these ashes have become bone"

(Bidéw) (about bones of a woman) [AP 1957: 101] and {man in-núr nĕh para pŭsták-t sĭták axwárem} "today I have eaten so many

animal skins and bones" (about bones of animals) (SQ) [AP 1957: 172]. An inherited word, from Proto-Iranian {*astaka-} 'bone'.

Distinct from doːnˈak {donák}, which means 'pit, stone' [ALP 1957: 248] and represents a borrowing from Tajik dɔːnˈak

{донак} 'pit, stone' [RU 1954: 135].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 199; Morgenstierne 1929: 258. An example: "bone is firm like stone" [Efimov 2009: 131]. Borrowed from one of

Northwestern Indian or Dardic languages; compare Lahnda haɖː {haḍḍ} 'bone' [Morgenstierne 1929: 258].

Efimov mentions the form ostoχˈɒːn {ostoxån} [Efimov 2009: 224], representing an apparent borrowing from Persian.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 211-212. Polysemy: 'bone (of men and animals) / skeleton'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna,

Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Related to Vedic astʰ-i- {asthi-} / astʰ-n- {asthn-} / astʰ-a- {astha-}; Indo-Iranian words under consideration originate from

the old PIE noun reconstructed by M. Mayrhofer as {*h2ost-h2/ -n-}; compare Hittite {haštai} 'bone, bones', Greek {ὀστέον}

'bone', Latin {os}, gen. sg. {oss-is} 'bone, bones' [EWAia I: 150-151].

11. BREAST

Iron Ossetic riw {риу} (1), Digor Ossetic rew {реу} (1), Yaghnobi sˈiːna {s na} (-1), Parachi

sˈiːz {siz} (2) / bˈar {bar} (-1), Avestan war-ah- {varah-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *raibya- 'ribs (?)' [Abaev 1973: 414-415].

Yaghnobi: Bogolyubov 1966: 345; Novák 2010: 153]. No contexts. Borrowed from Tajik sinˈa {сина} [RU 1954: 358].

Distinct from Yaghnobi: čˈič {čĭč} {čĕč} ˈwoman’s breastˈ, which can also mean ˈudderˈ [AP 1957: 238]. The special word for

ˈudderˈ is vˈüːna {vúna} {vʉna} [ALP 1957: 349; Novák 2010: 182].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 236; Morgenstierne 1929: 289. Polysemy: 'female breast / breast'. In spite of the fact that this word in the first

place designates 'female breast', there is one context where a young man uses this word to speak about his own breast

[Morgenstierne 1929: 220].

This word does not have a clear etymology. Judging by the phonetic form, it seems to be inherited.

It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'breast' is sˈiːz {siz} or bˈar {bar}.Morgenstierne 1929: 242. An example:

{ō ˈbar tar-om xu ˈâγa} "she came to my breast" [Morgenstirne 1929: 242]. Persian borrowing.

There are also terms exclusively for 'female breast': guˈɒːn {guǻn} ~ guwˈɒːn {guwǻn} 'female breast / udder' [Efimov 2009:

196], siːnˈō {sinō} 'female breast' [Efimov 2009: 235].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1365. Young Avestan: used once in Frahang and in compounds pati=war-ah- {paiti.varah-} 'neck'

(Videvdad; literally 'what is opposite to breast') [Bartholomae 1904: 834] and prθu=war-ah- {pərəθu.varah-} 'having broad

breast, broad-chested' (Yt. 15. 54) [Bartholomae 1904: 893].

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Distinct from fštaːn-a- {fštāna-} 'woman’s breasts' [Bartholomae 1904: 1030].

The word war-ah- {varah-} is derived from var-u- {vouru-} 'wide'; related to Vedic ˈur-as- {úras-} 'breast'.

12. BURN TR.

Iron Ossetic šuz- {судз-} ~ šəʁ-d- {сыгъд-} (1), Digor Ossetic soʒ- {содз-} ~ suʁ-d- {сугъд-} (1),

Yaghnobi suːč- {suč-} (1), Parachi theːw- {tʽēw-} / theːy-ˈi- {thēyí} (2), Avestan daž- {daž-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: šuz-, soʒ- [pres.] / šəʁ-d-, suʁ-d- [pret.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *sʸauk- / *sʸuχ-t- 'to burn' [Abaev 1979:

166-167].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 323; Novák 2010: 156. Past participle: sˈuːš-ta {súšta}. Examples: {xayr, gowóra nxoy, suč} "well, break the

cradle, burn (it)!" (MT) [AP 1957: 53]; {šo ášpĕ d meš a=súǰ} "He has burnt a black horse's hair" (Bidéw) [AP 1957: 93]; {kusáĕ kat

a=súǰ} "He has burnt the house of Beardless" (SQ) [AP 1957: 149].

Phonetic variants: sˈuǯ- {suǰ-}.

The intransitive verb 'to burn' is suχš- {šŭxš-} [ALP 1957: 324; Novák 2010: 157].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 242; Morgenstierne 1929: 293. An example: {ē bhin hós-ē thēí} 'he burnt this entire tree' [Efimov 2009: 60].

Phonetic variants: the stem theːw- {tʽēw-} can have the variant theːy- {tʽēy-}; past stem has variants theːy-ˈi- {thēyí} ~ theː-ˈi-

{thēí}.

Derived from the- {tʽe-} ~ thiː- {tʽi} 'to burn intr.' (also in figurative use) [Efimov 2009: 242; Morgenstierne 1929: 293]. This

verbal root exists in several Eastern Iranian languages and originates from Proto-Iranian {*θu-} ~ {θa -} 'to burn' [Steblin-

Kamensky 1999: 374].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 675. Polysemy: 'to burn (atelic) / to burn (telic), to burn down' (also in figurative sense). Present 3 sg.

daž-a-ti {dažaiti}, imperfect 3 sg. daž-a-t {daža }. Young Avestan: Yasna, Videvdad etc.

Continues PIE {*dʰeg h-} 'to burn'; related to Vedic daɦ- {dah-} / dʰaːk- {dhāk-}, Tocharian AB {tsäk-} 'to burn up, to

consume by fire etc.', Lithuanian {degù} 'I burn' etc. [EWAia I: 712-713].

13. CLAW (NAIL)

Iron Ossetic nəχ {ных} (1), Digor Ossetic niχ {них} (1), Yaghnobi nˈaχn-a {náxna} (1),

Parachi noːrk {nōrk} (1), Avestan sr-uː- {srū-} / sr-w-aː- {sruuā-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *naxa- 'fingernail' [Abaev 1973: 217-218].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 292; Novák 2010: 113. No examples in published texts. Polysemy: 'nail / claw'. The expression nˈaχna-i sˈar

{náxnaĭ sar} means 'nail’s edge' [ALP 1957: 292]. In the secret language, nˈaχna {náxna} means 'rouble, money' [ALP 1957: 292;

Khromov 1972: 175; Novák 2010: 113]. The penetration of this word into the secret language is probably due to its final -na, which

resembles the present participle suffix -na found in many other secret language lexemes (compare yˈoːz-na {yózna} 'hand', derived

from the verb yˈoːz- {yoz-} 'to stretch' [ALP 1957: 366]).

Originates from Proto-Iranian {*n xa-na-}, compare Sogdian {n’γ’n} [Gharib 1995: 230].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 222; Morgenstierne 1929: 277. It seems that this word continues the protoform *naxra- 'nail' [Morgenstierne

1929: 23, 277].

There is also a word kˈuːk {kūk} 'nail', which occurs only once and represents a borrowing from one of Northwestern

Indian or Dardic languages; compare Lahnda {kōkā} 'nail' [Morgenstierne 1929: 265].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1647-1648. Polysemy: 'nail / horn'. Young Avestan: Videvdad.

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14. CLOUD

Iron Ossetic ɜvraʁ {æврагъ} (1), Digor Ossetic meʁɜ {мегъæ} (2), Yaghnobi abr {abr} (-1),

Parachi ayˈiːr {ayir} (1), Avestan mayγa- {maēγa-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Iron ɜvraʁ may originate from Proto-Iranian *abra 'cloud', although such an etymology runs into phonetic problems

[Abaev 1958: 205]. Somewhat differently in [Cheung 2002: 167], where ɜv-raʁ is treated as a compound of arv 'sky' (< Proto-Iranian

*abra 'cloud') and raʁ 'back(bone); mountain range'.

Digor Ossetic: Digor meʁɜ originates from Proto-Iranian *maiga 'a k. of cloud' [Abaev 1973: 117].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 223; Novák 2010: 2. An example: šˈoːw ˈabr {šo abr} 'black cloud' [AP 1957: 223]. Tajik loanword, compare Tajik

ˈabr {абр} 'cloud' [RU 1954: 15].

There is a word tˈiːra {tíra}, translated by APL as 'small cloud' ('облачко') [AP 1957: 335]; Novák translates it in a similar

way: ˈsmall cloudˈ (ˈobláčekˈ) [Novák 2010: 171]. This is an odd translation, because in the context {in-nur xawó tíra kta} "it

is cloudy today" {xawó tíra} literally means ˈdark weatherˈ. The same meaning is seen in Tajik havɔːyˈi tirˈa {ҳавои тира};

{тира} is an adjective and normally means ˈdark, cloudy, gloomyˈ [RU 1954: 394].

The word for ˈfogˈ is tumˈan {tŭmán}; it is a borrowing from Tajik tumˈan {туман} ˈfogˈ [RU 1954: 398].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 173; Morgenstierne 1929: 235. Continues Proto-Iranian {*abr- a-} [EDIL 1: 74]. Phonetic variants: aˈiːr {air}

[Efimov 2009: 173]. Distinct from comparatively rare (known only from one informant) tam {tam} 'cloud', connected with

Avestan {təmah-} 'darkness' [Morgenstierne 1929: 294].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1104-1105. Young Avestan: Yasna, Yasht.

Distinct from Young Avestan aβr-a- {aβra-} 'rain cloud' [Bartholomae 1904: 99], Gathic dwaːn-man- {duuąnman-} 'cloud'

[Bartholomae 1904: 766] and dun-man- {dun-man} 'mist, fog' [Bartholomae 1904: 749].

Related to Vedic maygʰ-ˈa- {meghá-} 'cloud'; further cognates include Vedic miɦ- {mih-} 'rain / fog, mist', Greek {ὀμίχλη}

'mist, fog' (not so thick as {νέφος} or {νεφέλη}), Armenian {mēg} 'mist, fog / darkness' etc. [EWAia II: 374-375].

15. COLD

Iron Ossetic wažal {уазал} (1), Digor Ossetic wazal {уазал} (1), Yaghnobi soːrt {sort} (2),

Parachi ešʈˈɒːw {ešṭǻw} (3), Avestan aw-ta- {aota-} (4) / sar-ta- {sarəta-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian prefix wa- + *zʸal- < Proto-Indo-European *gʸel- 'frost (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1989: 60].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 323; Novák 2010: 155. Examples: {d lĕš sort} "his heart is cold" [AP 1957: 185], {op sort xast} "the water is cold"

[Khromov 1972: 34-35].

The word has a secure Iranian etymology: compare Wakhi {sыr}, Tajik sˈard {сард} and Young Avestan {sarəta} 'cold'

[Steblin-Kamensky 1999: 325].

The Tajik loanword χunˈuk {xŭn k} seems to be applied mostly to weather and is usually encountered as an adverb:

{naháranka xunúk oy} 'it was so cold' (MT) [Khromov 1972: 149]; {xunúk-i kar ast} ˈit becomes coldˈ [Khromov 1972: 48].

However, the word sˈoːrt is attested in similar contexts: {ímmay sort ast} means ˈit is so (very) coldˈ [ALP 1957: 324].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 194; Morgenstierne 1929: 237. Applied to water and weather. Inherited term; connected with Shughni {šeˈtâ}

'cold', Sar. {štu} 'frozen' [Morgenstierne 1929: 237]. Dialectal forms: Shutul ešʈˈɒːwoː {ešṭǻwō}.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 41. Polysemy: 'cold / frost'. Only of wind in its adjectival meaning. Young Avestan: Yasna

It is impossible to distinguish properly between aw-ta- {aota-} and sar-ta- {sarəta-}.

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Avestan aw-ta- {aota-} is probably related to Proto-Iranian {*a ta-} 'breath' [EDIL 1: 271-272].Bartholomae 1904: 1566.

Applied to months. Young Avestan: V. 1. 3.

Continues PIE {*ḱel-to-} / {*ḱol-to-} 'cold'; related to Lithuanian {šáltas} 'cold' etc. [Mallory-Adams 1997: 112].

16. COME

Iron Ossetic ɜr=sɜw- {æрцæу-} ~ ɜr=sə-d- {æрцыд-} (1), Digor Ossetic ɜr=cɜw- {æрцæу-} ~

ɜr=cu-d- {æрцуд-} (1), Yaghnobi voːw- {vvo -} (2), Parachi žiː- {ži-} (3) / ɒːʁ- {åγ-} (4),

Avestan gam- {gam-} / jam- {jam-} (4).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: ɜr=sɜw-, ɜr=cɜw- [pres.] / ɜr=sə-d-, ɜr=cu-d- [pret.]. Preverbal derivate from sɜw-/cɜw- 'to go' q.v., which

originates from Proto-Iranian *čyaw- 'to go' [Abaev 1958: 307-308].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 349-350; Novák 2010: 181-182. Past participle: vˈoːw-ta. Examples: {kátĭsa vvó -če} 'he comes home' (BQ) [AP

1957: 184]; {id -oka a-vov-im} 'I came right here / here' [Bird 2007: 48].

Phonetic variants: bilabial pronunciation of the first consonant in several forms. The word has a Sogdian counterpart

{β’w} 'to approach, to reach' [Gharib 1995: 99]. Further cognates are unclear.

Distinct from wˈeːs- {wẹs-} 'to descend, to come down from mountains' [ALP 1957: 352; Novák 2010: 184], past participle

ˈuːχ-ta {úxta}.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 253-254; Morgenstierne 1929: 303-304. Suppletive paradigm žiː- {ži-} ~ ɒːʁ- {åγ-}. Polysemy: 'to come / to

become' [Efimov 2009: 253-254]. The stem žiː- {ži-} originates from Proto-Iranian {*ā- a-} 'to come' [Morgenstierne 1929:

303].Efimov 2009: 253-254; Morgenstierne 1929: 232. Continues Proto-Iranian {*ā-gata-}, past participle of {*gam-} 'to go'


Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 493-502. Polysemy: 'to come / to go away, to leave'. Present 3 sg. ǯa-sa-ti {jasaiti}, imperfect 3 sg. ja-sa-t

{jasa }, aorist stem ǯam- {jam-} / gəm- {gm-}, perfect stem ǯa=γm- {jaγm-}, past passive participle (verbal adjective) ga-ta-

{gata-} / gm-a-ta- {gmata-}. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Distinct from ap- {ap-} 'to reach, to overtake' [Bartholomae 1904: 70-72] and nas- {nas-} 'to reach, to arrive / to attain'


Continues PIE {*g em-} 'to come / to go'; compare Vedic gam- {gam-} 'to come', Greek {βαίνω} 'I go', Gothic {qiman} 'to

come' etc. [EWAia I: 465-466].

17. DIE

Iron Ossetic mɜl- {мæл-} ~ mar-d- {мард-} (1), Digor Ossetic mɜl- {мæл-} ~ mar-d- {мард-}

(1), Yaghnobi miːr- {mir-} (1), Parachi mer- {mer-} / moɽ- {moṛ-} (1), Avestan mar- {mar-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: mɜl- [pres.] / mar-d- [pret.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *mar-ya- 'to die' [Abaev 1973: 89-90].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 286; Novak 2010: 107. Past participle: mˈuːr-ta {múrta}. Examples: {i mẹt a-mír} 'Once he died' (Bidéw) [AP

1957: 92]; {rubá a-mír} 'a fox died' [AP 1957: 130].

Continues Proto-Iranian {*m a-} / {*m ta-} [Novák 2013: 191].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 216; Morgenstierne 1929: 273. Inherited word; continues Proto-Iranian present stem {*m a-} 'to die'


Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1142. Present 3 sg. mir-ya-ti {miryeiti}, past passive participle (verbal adjective) mr-ta {mərəta} etc.

Young Avestan: Videvdad etc. Applied mostly to daevic creatures.

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Distinct from riθ- {iriθ-} 'to die (of Ahuric creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 1480-1482], which is tabooed (etymologically

related to Gothic {leiþan} 'to go').

Originates from PIE {*mer-} 'to disappear / to die'; related to Vedic etc. [EWAia II: 318-319; LIV2 2001: 439-440].

18. DOG

Iron Ossetic kʷəz {куыдз} (1), Digor Ossetic kuy {куй} (1), Yaghnobi kuːt {kut} (1), Parachi

espˈoː {espṓ} (2), Avestan spaːn- {spān-} / suːn- {sūn-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *kutiː [Abaev 1958: 605].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 278; Novák 2010: 90. An example: {Tĭk qoz ĕ kut a=kán-ĕm} 'The judge's dog bit me again' (PR) [AP 1957: 110].

The word has a secure Iranian etymology (Proto-Iranian {*kuta-}), compare Buddhic Sogdian {’kwt}, Sughni {kud} 'dog'

etc. [EDIL 4: 413-415].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 193; Morgenstierne 1929: 236. From Proto-Iranian {*spaka-} 'dog' [Morgenstierne 1929: 236].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1610-1612. Paradigm: nom. sg. spaː {spā}, acc. sg. spaːn-am {spānəm}, gen. sg. suːn-oː {sūnō}, nom. pl.

spaːn-as {spānas} etc. Young Avestan: Videvdad.

From PIE {*ḱ on-} / {*ḱun-} / {*ḱ -}; related to Vedic ʆwan- {śván-} / ʆun- {śún-}, Greek {κύων}, Tocharian AB {ku} 'dog' etc.

[EWAia II: 674-675].

19. DRINK

Iron Ossetic nəwaž- {ныуаз-} ~ nəš-t- {нызт-} (1), Digor Ossetic niwaz- {ниуаз-} ~ niwas-t-

{ниуазт-} (1), Yaghnobi žav- {žav-} (2), Parachi ther- {tʽer-} / thar- {tʽar-} / thoːr- {tʽōr-} (3),

Avestan hwar- {x ar-} (4).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: nəwaž-, niwaz- [pres.] / nəš-t-, niwas-t- [pret.]. Originates from the Proto-Iranian preverb ni- + Proto-Indo-

European *wegʸʰ-, literally 'to flow down (?)' [Abaev 1973: 216].

Yaghnobi: APL 1957: 369; Novák 2010: 208. An example: {iš op ná-žav} ‘do not drink this water!’ (Gh) [AP 1957: 203].

Polysemy: 'to drink / to eat liquid food', compare {óč-ĕ uγró žav} 'eat noodles!' (XD) [AP 1957: 87].

From Proto-Iranian {*j auH-} 'to chew', compare Buddhic Sogdian {zyβ}, Manichean Sogdian {jβ’} 'to bite', Modern Persian

{ǰav-īd-an} 'to chew; to gnaw' [Cheung 2007: 226].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 242; Morgenstierne 1929: 295. Applied to water. Somehow connected with PIE {*ter-s-} 'to be dry'


Dialectal forms: Shutul ter- {ter-}.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1865-1867. Polysemy: 'to eat / to drink' (applied to both men and animals). Present 3 sg. hwar-a-ti

{xʷaraiti}, imperfect 3 sg. hwar-a-t {xʷara } etc. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

20. DRY

Iron Ossetic χuš {хус} (1), Digor Ossetic sor {сор} (2), Yaghnobi qoːq {qoq} (-1), Parachi

hˈoškoː {hóškō} (1), Avestan huš-ka- {huška-} (1) / hiš-ku- {hišku-} (3).

28


Iron Ossetic: Iron χuš originates from Proto-Iranian *xauša 'dry' [Abaev 1989: 250-251]. The second candidate is šur {сур} (cognate to

basic Digor sor 'dry'). According to [Abaev 1979: 169], there is a semantic opposition between these two Iron terms, with χuš being

used in expressions like 'dry firewood' and šur - in expressions like 'dry land'. In modern Iron, however, χuš appears to be used in

all contexts, while šur is rarely used, if ever (at least according to our consultant).

Digor Ossetic: Of unclear origin, cf. [Abaev 1979: 169-170].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 280; Novák 2010: 96. Borrowed from Uzbek qˈoq {қоқ} [Akabirov et al. 1959: 626]. Found in many sources.

The word χˈušk {xŭšk} 'dry' is a Tajik borrowing (Tajik χˈušk {хушк} [RU 1954: 433]) and is attested only in [ALP 1957: 363].

There are no examples in published texts.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 202; Morgenstierne 1929: 260. Continues Proto-Iranian {*huška-} 'dry' [EDIL 3: 387-390].

Phonetic variants: hˈoško {ˈhušku} [Morgenstierne 1929: 260].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1840. Young Avestan: Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad. Old Persian {huška-}.

Distinct from Young Avestan huš-a-ta- {hušata-} 'dried' [Bartholomae 1904: 1839], Young Avestan tar-šu- {taršu-} 'solid /

dry' [Bartholomae 1904: 644].

It is impossible to distinguish between huš-ka- {huška-} and hiš-ku- {hišku-}.

This word is derived from the verbal root hauš- {haoš} 'to dry' [Bartholomae 1904: 1738], derived from PIE {*sa s-} with

dissimilation; compare Vedic ʆoʂ- {śoṣ-} 'to dry', ʆˈuʂ-ka- {śuṣka-} 'dry', Greek {αὖος} / {αὗος} 'dry', OCS {suchъ} 'dry'

[EWAia II: 648-649].Bartholomae 1904: 1816-1817. Young Avestan: Videvdad.

In addition, there is a Young Avestan word hik-u- {hiku-} with the same meaning, related to hiš-ku- {hišku-} [Bartholomae

1904: 1812].

Related to Latin {siccus} 'dry', Irish {sesc} 'sterile, unproductive (of animals)', Welsh {hysb} 'dry' [Mallory-Adams 1997:

170].

21. EAR

Iron Ossetic quš {хъус} (1), Digor Ossetic ʁos {гъос} (1), Yaghnobi ʁuːš {γˈuš} (1), Parachi

guːš {guš} (1), Avestan gawš-a- {gaoša-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *gauš- 'ear' [Abaev 1973: 316-317].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 260; Novák 2010: 62. An example: {γúš-ĕ sár-eš i xol ast} "there is a birthmark above his ear" (SQ) [AP 1957:

145].

An inherited word, compare Sogdian {γwš} [Gharib 1995: 177], Young Avestan {gaoša} [Bartholomae 1904: 486], Proto-

Iranian {*gauša-} [EDIL 3: 250-251].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 196; Morgenstierne 1929: 253-254. From Proto-Iranian {*gauša-} 'ear' [EDIL 3: 250-251].

Dialectal forms: Shutul guː {gu} (plural guː-ˈɒːn {gūˈân} and gˈuːš-ɒːn {gúšån}), Gujulan goːš {gōš} [Efimov 2009: 196;

Morgenstierne 1929: 253-254].

Morgenstierne erroneously separates these words; he thinks that Shutul guː {gu} is inherited and Nijrau guːš {guš}

represents borrowing from Persian [Morgenstierne 1929: 253-254].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 486. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Old Persian {gauša-}.

Distinct from special Old and Young Avestan (Yasna, Yasht etc.) uš- {uš-} 'ear (of ahuric creatures) / hearing, an ability to

rightly hear and understand' [Bartholomae 1904: 414] and Young Avestan (Yasht) kar-na- {karəna-} 'ear (of daevic

creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 455].

Related to Vedic gʰawʂ- {ghoṣ-} 'to sound / to cry / to declare', gʰˈawʂ-a- {ghóṣ-a-} 'noise / cry etc.'; there are no clear

cognates outside the Indo-Iranian group [EWAia I: 518-519].

29

22. EARTH

Iron Ossetic šəǯət {сыджыт} (1), Digor Ossetic sigit {сигит} ~ sikʼit {сикъит} (1), Yaghnobi

ʁirˈeːk {γ r k} (2), Parachi dharˈam {dʽarám} (-1), Avestan zam- {zam-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: It might originate from Proto-Iranian *sʸiki-ta- 'dust, sand (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1979: 187-188]. According to [Cheung 2002:

228], rather a Wanderwort.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 258; Novák 2010: 58. Examples: {gírdiš γĭrík víččĕ} "he throws soil around" (Q) [AP 1957: 166]; {ípti γirék

náčos} "do not throw earth around in this way!" [Khromov 1972: 52]. Polysemy: 'earth / dirt / dust'. Derived from Proto-Iranian

{*gra (a)-(ka)-} 'clay' [EDIL 3: 283].

Phonetic variants: ʁirˈiːk {γĭrík}.

Distinct from the word zamˈiːn {zamín}, which has the meaning 'ground' [ALP 1957: 366]. Borrowed from Tajik zamˈin

{замин} 'earth, ground' [RU 1954: 149].

The word zˈoːy {zoy} means 'land, field': {to tĕráy sólĕ nax zoy nékĭšor} "(people) have not sown this field for three years"

(SQ) [AP 1957: 121]; {mox zoy-t du q smĭ or} "our lands consist of two parts" (SQ) [AP 1957: 169].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 187; Morgenstierne 1929: 249. Polysemy: 'earth / soil / ground'. Borrowed from one of Indian or Dardic

languages [Morgenstierne 1929: 249].

Dialectal forms: Shutul darˈam {darám}.

Distinct from hɒːʁ {håγ} 'earth / dust', occurring only as a member of the verbal expression hɒːʁ kan- {hâγ kan-} 'to spill',

literally 'to make dust'. Efimov 2009: 200; Morgenstierne 1929: 258.

Distinct from kheɳɖ {kʽeṇḍ} 'land / field' [Efimov 2009: 209].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1662-1665. Polysemy: 'earth / soil / ground / land' etc. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht,

Videvdad etc. Paradigm: nom. sg. zaː {z }, acc. sg. zaːm {ząm}, gen. sg. zam-oː {zəmō} etc.

Distinct from a not frequent, predominantly Gathic buːmi- {būmi-} 'earth' [Bartholomae 1904: 969].

Continues PIE {*dʰǵʰem-} 'earth'; compare Hittite {tēkan}, gen. sg. {taknas}, Vedic kʂam- {kṣam-} Greek {χθών}, Latin

{humus} 'earth' etc. [Mallory-Adams 1997: 174].

23. EAT

Iron Ossetic χɜr- {хæр-} ~ χor-d- {хорд-} (1), Digor Ossetic χʷɜr- {хуæр-} ~ χʷar-d- {хуард-}

(1), Yaghnobi χwar- {x ar-} (1), Parachi χˈar- {xar-} / χuɽ- {xuṛ-} (1), Avestan hwar- {x ar-}

(1).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: χɜr-, χʷɜr- [pres.] / χor-d-, χʷar-d- [pret.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *xʷar- 'to eat' [Abaev 1989: 183].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 364; Novák 2010: 197. Past participle: χwˈoːr-ta {x órta}. An example of usage with basic food products: {das

čuwánĕ oč a-x ár, das dastarxónĕ nun a-x ár} "he has eaten ten cauldrons of pilaf; he has eaten ten table-cloths of bread" (SQ) [AP

1957: 154].

An inherited word, compare Sogdian (M, C, S) {xwr-} [Gharib 1995: 436], Avestan {xvar-} 'eat, drink' [Bartholomae 1904:

1865-1867], which point to Proto-Iranian {*h ar-} [Cheung 2007: 147-148].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 247; Morgenstierne 1929: 299. Applied to such basic food products as bread. From Proto-Iranian {*h ar-} 'to

eat' [Cheung 2007: 147-148].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1865-1867. Polysemy: 'to eat / to drink' (applied to both men and animals). Present 3 sg. hwar-a-ti

30

{xʷaraiti}, imperfect 3 sg. hwar-a-t {xʷara } etc. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

This root does not have a reliable etymology. According to LIV, it is connected to OHG {swelgan} 'to swallow' < PIE

{*s el-gʰ-} [LIV2 2001: 609]. However, J. Cheung finds this etymology weak and asserts that Proto-Iranian {*h ar-} 'to eat'

is identical to another Proto-Iranian root {*h ar-} with the meaning 'to take' [Cheung 2007: 147-148].

24. EGG

Iron Ossetic ayk {айк} (1), Digor Ossetic aykɜ {айкæ} (1), Yaghnobi tuχm {tŭxm} (-1),

Parachi eːχ {ēx} (1), Avestan ay-am {aēm} # (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *aːya-ka- 'egg' [Abaev 1958: 41].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 339; Novák 2010: 169. Examples: {panč tŭxm ak n} "it laid five eggs" (about she-sparrow) (K) [AP 1957: 122];

{múrγi tuxm amonim} "I put an egg under a hen" [Khromov 1972: 78]. The phonetic variant tˈuχm {tŭxm} is practically the same as

Tajik tˈuχm {тухм} 'seed / egg' [RU 1954: 400] (compare inherited tˈaχm 'seed'); therefore, the word should be interpreted as a Tajik

borrowing.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 194; Morgenstierne 1929: 237. From Proto-Iranian {*a a-ka-} [EDIL 1: 305-306].

Avestan: Henning 1954: 289-292. Attested in Yt. 13, 2.

Connected to Pashto {hā} / {hōya}, Pahlavi {xāyag}, Iron Ossetic ayk {айк} 'egg'; it is not clear whether this word continues

the protoform {*a -a-} or {*a -a-} [Vaan 2003: 120].

25. EYE

Iron Ossetic sɜšt {цæст} (1), Digor Ossetic cɜstɜ {цæстæ} (1), Yaghnobi ʁˈurd-a {γ rda}

(2), Parachi tečh {tečʽ} (2), Avestan čaš-man- {cašman-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *čaš- 'eye' [Abaev 1958: 304-305].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 259; Novák 2010: 61. Examples: {γ rda-š náwẹnĭšt} "eyes do not see him" (Q) [AP 1957: 155]; {nahít nŭmólĕ-pĕ

y rd-ot rant} "wipe your eyes with this kerchief" (Q) [AP 1957: 157]. The word has the plural form ʁˈurd-oːt {γ rdot} with a ~ oː

Ablaut [ALP 1957: 259]; the singular usually has the meaning 'eyes'.

The word is inherited. Although comparison with Avestan gərəδa- 'cave, den (of Daevic creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904:

522-523] is not quite certain, it is possible to reconstruct the meaning 'cavity' for gərəδa- and the semantic shift 'cavity' >

'eye' [APL 1957: 259; Novák 2013: 184]. Another possible cognate is the Yaghnobi verb ʁoːr- {γor} 'to look at'.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 241; Morgenstierne 1929: 292. The exact etymology of this word is unclear.

Phonetic forms: tečh {tečʽ}.

Dialectal variants: Shutul čeč {čeč} [Efimov 2009: 241].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 583. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Distinct from specific day-θra- {dōiθra-} 'eye (of Ahuric creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 744], Old and Young Avestan aš-

{aš-} 'eye (of Daevic creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 229] and day-man- {daēman-} 'eyeball' [Bartholomae 1904: 667].

Related to Vedic čˈak-ʂ-us- {cákṣus-} 'seeing / splendent / eye of the Sun and Agni etc.' < čˈak-ʂ- {cakṣ-} 'to light / to see etc.'

[EWAia I: 523-524].

26. FAT N.

31

Iron Ossetic fiw {фиу} (1), Digor Ossetic few {феу} (1), Yaghnobi čˈarp-a {čárpa} (2), Parachi

čarbˈiː {čarbí} (-1) / ʁazd {γazd} (3), Avestan uθ-a- {uθa-} / uːθ-a- {ūθa-} (4) / piː-wah- {pīuuah-

} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *piːwah-, *pi-, *pay- 'fat' [Abaev 1958: 477; Cheung 2002: 189].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 236; Novák 2010: 23. ALP gloss this word as 'tallowing, smearing with fat' [ALP 1957: 236]. Unfortunately,

there are no contexts.

The word originates from Proto-Iranian {*čarpa-}, compare Sogdian (B) {crp} 'fat' [Gharib 1995: 128]. Distinct from rˈuːʁin

{rúγĕn} {rúγ n} 'butter, oil' [ALP 1957: 316; Novák 2010: 144].

This case is problematic. According to ALP, the word rˈuːʁin {rúγĕn} {rúγ n} has the following translation: 'butter, fat, suet'

[ALP 1957: 316]. However, all textual contexts point to the meaning 'butter, oil'. In addition, it is not excluded that the

meaning 'fat' (if it really exists) represents a semantic borrowing from Tajik ravʁˈan {равған} 'butter / suet / fat' [RU 1954:

318]. Dialectal variants: EY rˈuːʁan {r an} [Novák 2010: 144, 246].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 180; Morgenstierne 1929: 246. Borrowed from Persian.

Phonetic forms: čarbˈuː {čarbú}.

It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'fat' is čarbˈiː {čarbí} or ʁazd {γazd}, because there are few

contexts.Efimov 2009: 197; Morgenstierne 1929: 258. Polysemy: 'fat / suet' [Efimov 2009: 180]. Originates from Proto-

Iranian {* azdā-}; compare Pashto {wāzda} [Morgenstierne 1929: 258].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 388. Young Avestan: Videvdad, Nirangastan.

Distinct from aː=zu-ti- {āzuti-} / aː=zuː-ti- {āzūti-} 'oil, butter' [Bartholomae 1904: 343-344].

It is impossible to distinguish between uθ-a- {uθa-} / uːθ-a- {ūθa-} and piː-wah- {pīuuah-}.

The etymology of uθ-a- {uθa-} / uːθ-a- {ūθa-} is uncertain [Bartholomae 1904: 388].Bartholomae 1904: 906-907. Young

Avestan: Videvdad (V. 18. 55).

Related to Vedic pˈiː-was- {p vas-} 'fat (n.)', pˈiː-wan- {p van-} 'fat (adj.)', Greek {πῑων}, f. {πῑειρα} 'fat (adj.)' [EWAia II: 139].

27. FEATHER

Iron Ossetic šiš {сис} (1), Digor Ossetic šes {сес} (1), Yaghnobi par {par} (-1), Parachi poːn

{pōn} (2) / phar {pʽar} (-1), Avestan pr-na- {pərəna-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Of unclear origin, cf. [Abaev 1979: 114]. In both dialects, the plural meaning 'feathers' is normally expressed as

suppletive pakʼʷə-tɜ, pakʼu-tɜ, literally 'down-PL' with the plural exponent -tɜ and the word pakʼʷə {пакъуы} (Iron), pakʼu {пакъу}

(Digor) 'down' (without reliable etymology, cf. [Abaev 1973: 236-237]). It should be noted that at least in Iron, the regular pl. form

šiš-tɜ 'feathers' is also attested, although it is apparently more marginal than pakʼʷə-tɜ.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 302; Novák 2010: 128. An example: {i pár-ĕ safédš atefár} "he gave (him) a white feather" (Q) [AP 1957: 130]. It

is worth mentioning that Novák does not list the meaning 'feather' among others in his dictionary, but adds the meaning 'millwheel

paddle' [Novák 2010: 128].

Tajik borrowing; compare pˈar {пар} 'feather / down' [RU 1954: 298]. The inherited Proto-Iranian {*parna-} (compare

Sogdian {prn}) has a Yaghnobi reflection pˈanː {pann}, which means 'millwheel paddle; spinning wheel spoke' [APL 1957:

302; Novák 2010: 128].

Distinct from the word bˈoːl {bol} ~ bˈal {bal} which means 'wing / feather' [ALP 1957: 232]. However, there are no contexts

with the meaning 'feather' in texts. No word for 'down' is attested.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 229; Morgenstierne 1929: 280. Polysemy: 'feather / leaf'. Continues Proto-Iranian {*par-na-} 'feather'

32


It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'feather' is poːn {pōn} or phar {pʽar}, because there are few

contexts.Efimov 2009: 228; Morgenstierne 1929: 281.

Dialectal forms: Shutul, Gujulan par {par} [Efimov 2009: 228].

Distinct from bɒːl {bål} 'wing' [Efimov 2009: 176; Morgenstierne 1929: 240].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 894-895. Polysemy: 'feather / wing'. Young Avestan: Yasht.

In addition, there is a Young Avestan (Yasht) form par-na- {parəna-} with the same polysemy 'feather / wing'

[Bartholomae 1904: 869-870].

Related to Vedic par-ɳˈa- {parṇá-}, Hittite {par-tā- ar} 'wing', OCS {pero} 'feather' etc. [EWAia II: 97].

28. FIRE

Iron Ossetic art {арт} (1), Digor Ossetic art {арт} (1), Yaghnobi oːlˈoːw {oló } (-1), Parachi

ɒːɽ {åṛ} (1) / rhˈiːneː {rʽínē} (2), Avestan aː-tar- {ātar-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *aːtar, *aːtr 'fire' [Abaev 1958: 69-70].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 298; Novák 2010: 122. Borrowed from Tajik ɔːlˈav {олав} 'fire' [RU 1954: 285].

ALP and Novák also include the word ˈoːl {ol-} 'fire' in their dictionaries [ALP 1957: 298; Novák 2010: 122]. It seems to be

inherited and reflect Proto-Iranian {*ātr-} 'fire', but is used only as an integral component of the derived verb oːlχˈaš {olxáš}

‘to inflame, to light’ [ALP 1957: 298].

Phonetic variants: alˈoːw {al } [Novák 2010: 122].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 174; Morgenstierne 1929: 235. Some examples: "when fire embraced his beard" [Efimov 2009: 124]. Originates

from Proto-Iranian {*ātr-} 'fire' [EDIL 1: 318-319].Efimov 2009: 232; Morgenstierne 1929: 284. Polysemy: 'daylight / light /

fire'. Continues Proto-Iranian {*rauxšna-} 'light'; compare Avestan {raoxšn -} 'light / luminous' [Morgenstierne 1929: 284;

Bartholomae 1904: 1488-1489].

There are some other designations of 'fire / flame', but they are rare and mostly represent borrowings.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 312-316. Old and Young Avestan. Attested in all the main books of Avesta. Often personified and

deified (especially in Gathas); in addition, designates the sacral fire.

Continues Proto-Iranian {*ātar-} / {*ātr-} 'fire' [EDIL 1: 318-319].

29. FISH

Iron Ossetic kɜšag {кæсаг} (1), Digor Ossetic kɜsalgɜ {кæсалгæ} (1), Yaghnobi mahˈiː {mahí}

(-1), Parachi mhˈasoː {mʽásō} (2), Avestan masy-a {masiia-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: A wandering word with Finno-Ugric (an Alan loanword) and Kartvelian comparanda. Etymology of the Ossetic word

is unclear, although Proto-Iranian origin cannot be excluded [Abaev 1958: 588].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 283; Novák 2010: 107. An example: {mahí pŭxšón} "roast fish!" (Q) [AP 1957: 187]. There are no contexts for

live fish. According to vocalism, the form mahˈiː {mahí} seems to be a Persian borrowing, compare Persian {māhī} [Gaffarov 1976:

728].

Phonetic variants: mo:hˈiː {mōh }. In Tajik we find the form mɔːhˈiː {моҳӣ} 'fish' [RU 1954: 234] which apparently is the

source of Yaghnobi moːhˈiː {mōh }.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 216; Morgenstierne 1929: 273. Unquestionably the main word for fish; there are contexts with the meaning

33

'live fish', compare "where does fish swim away (lit. go)?" [Efimov 2009: 130]. Inherited; continues Proto-Iranian

{*ma(t)sya-} [Morgenstierne 1929: 273].

Phonetic variants: mˈasoː {másō}, mˈasu {másu}, mhˈasu {mʽasu} [Efimov 2009: 216].

The Persian loan mɒːhˈiː {måhi} [Efimov 2009: 214; Morgenstierne 1929: 271] occurs only occasionally.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1155-1156. Young Avestan: Yasht and Videvdad.

Related to Vedic mˈatsy-a- {mátsiia-}; continues IIr {*mats a-} 'fish' [EWAia II: 297-298].

30. FLY V.

Iron Ossetic tɜχ- {тæх-} ~ taχ-t- {тахт-} (1), Digor Ossetic tɜχ- {тæх-} ~ taχ-t- {тахт-}

(1), Yaghnobi par- {par-} (-1) / furː- {furr-} (2), Parachi rɒːz- {råz-} (3) / pharak- {pʽarak-} (2),

Avestan pat- {pat-} (4).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: tɜχ- [pres.] / taχ-t- [pret.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *tak- 'to run, to flow' [Abaev 1979: 286-287].

Yaghnobi: APL 1957: 302-303; Novák 2010: 128. Past participle pˈar-ta {párta} Examples: {q a-parr-ón-or} "they let the bird fly"

(WJ) [AP 1957: 16]; {aрчáи сáри анид, а-пáрр авес нах нун подшóҳи гáйке атифáр} "(the magpie) sat on juniper, flew in,

descended, gave that bread to the king's daughter" [Lurye 2015: 156]. Borrowed from Tajik paridˈan {паридан} 'to fly' [RU 1954: 299].

Phonetic variants: parː- {parr-}.ALP 1957: 253; Novák 2010: 48. Past participle fˈurː-ta {fúrrta}. There are no contexts. The

word is inherited and probably continues {*(fra)-p n-āya-}, like Sogdian (B) {prn’y} 'to fly' [Novák 2013: 193].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 231; Morgenstierne 1929: 284. An example: {е korγ maṛúk-yå rǻz-ton} (Shutul) 'this hen flies slowly' [Efimov

2009: 214]. This word continues Proto-Iranian {*fra- az} 'to move forward' > 'to fly' [Cheung 2007: 432].

Dialectal forms: Shutul rɒːz- {råz-}.

It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'to fly' is rɒːz- {råz-} or pharak- {pʽarak-}.Efimov 2009: 228. Polysemy:

'to fly / to fly up / to fly away' (however, there are no contexts which could prove this) [Efimov 2009: 228]. Some of

Efimov’s informants use this word instead of rɒːz- {råz-} to render the same phrase 'this hen flies slowly', for example

[Efimov 2009: 154].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 819-821. Polysemy: 'to fly / to fall'. Present 3 pl. pat-anti {patənti}, imperfect 3 pl. a=pat-aya-n {apataiiən}

etc. Young Avestan: Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Old Persian {pat-}.

Distinct from specific Young Avestan dwan- {duuan-} 'to fly (of Daevic creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 764], Young

Avestan way- {vay-} 'to fly (of gods)' [Bartholomae 1904: 1356]. In addition, distinct from waz- {vaz-} 'to drive, to carry / to

fly (figuratively)' [Bartholomae 1904: 1386-1389] and fraw- {frauu-} 'to swim / to fly (figuratively)' [Bartholomae 1904: 990].

Continues PIE {*pet-} (evidence for a se ṭ-root is not convincing); compare Vedic pat- {pat-} 'to fly / to hurry / to fall', Greek

{πέτομαι} 'Ι fly', Old Welsh {hed-ant} 'they fly' etc. [EWAia II: 71-72; LIV2 2001: 479].

31. FOOT

Iron Ossetic kʼaχ {къах} (1), Digor Ossetic kʼaχ {къах} (1), Yaghnobi pˈoːd-a {póda} (2),

Parachi pɒː {på} (2), Avestan pad- {pad-} / paːd- {pād-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Probably of North Caucasian origin (cf. [Abaev 1958: 619]), although the exact source of borrowing is unclear.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 308; Novák 2010: 134. Plural: pˈoːd-oːt {pódot}, with the a ~ oː Ablaut. Examples: {i barzangí póda-y-pĕš olówĕ

kówak ast} "barzangi (a kind of daemonic creature) stirred fire with his feet" (SQ) [AP 1957: 127]; {pód-ot-em áspĕ dárĕ tákĕ vek

vant} "Bind my legs under the horse’s belly!" (SQ) [AP 1957: 139]. Polysemy: 'foot / leg': {pódа-у yótaš akán} "he pulled some meat

34

out of his leg" (QW) [AP 1957: 77]; {wúzĕ anós, poda-y tákĕ ak n} "he grasped a (he)-goat and put it under his leg" (Bidéw) [AP

1957: 93].

From Proto-Iranian {*pāda-}; compare Sogdian (B, M) {p’δ} 'foot, leg', Sogdian (C) {p’d’} 'leg' [Gharib 1995: 257], Avestan

{pad-} ~ {pād-} 'foot', {paδa-} 'step' [Bartholomae 1904: 842].

The Tajik loan pˈoː {po} 'foot' is used only in borrowed expressions [ALP 1957: 308].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 226; Morgenstierne 1929: 278. Polysemy: 'foot / paw'. It is also possible to suspect polysemy 'foot / leg',

compare 'this woman is pregnant', literally, 'this woman has heavy legs' [Efimov 2009: 160].

Phonetic variants: pɒːy {påy} [Efimov 2009: 226].

Distinct from the Persian borrowing leŋg {leŋg} 'leg' [Morgenstierne 1929: 269].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 842. Old and Young Avestan: Yasht, Vispered, Videvdad.

Distinct from specific Young Avestan dwari-θra {duuariθra-} 'foot / leg (of daevic creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 766] and

Young Avestan zbar-aθa- {zbaraθa-} 'foot (of Daevic creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 1699].

Continues PIE {*pōd-s} / {*ped-} 'foot'. There are cognates almost in all other Indo-European languages; compare Vedic

pad- {pad-} / paːd- {p d-} 'foot'; Greek {πους}, gen. sg. {ποδ-ός}; Latin {pēs}, gen. sg. {ped-is} 'foot' [EWAia IΙ: 77-78].

32. FULL

Iron Ossetic zag {дзаг} (1), Digor Ossetic iʒag {идзаг} (1), Yaghnobi pun {pŭn} (2), Parachi

thaɖ {tʽaḍ} (3), Avestan pr-na- {pərəna-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from (virtual) Proto-Iranian prefixed *vi=ča(ː)k 'full (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1958: 387-388; Cheung 2002: 181].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 310; Novák 2010: 137. An example: {vórza p nn-ĭ ор} "a cup full of water" [ALP 1957: 310]. From Proto-Iranian

{*p na-} 'full'.

Phonetic variants: pˈunː {pŭnn}, pˈunːa {p nna} (PR) [ALP 1957: 310].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 242; Morgenstierne 1929: 293. The expression thaɖ kan- {tʽaḍ kan-} means 'to fill (up)' [Efimov 2009: 206].

Probably inherited [Morgenstierne 1929: 293]. Dialectal forms: Shutul, Gujulan thaɽ {tʽaṛ} [Efimov 2009: 242].

Distinct from purˈa {purá} 'complete' [Efimov 2009: 229].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 894. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasht, Videvdad.

Related to such words as Vedic puːr-ɳˈa- {pūrṇá-}, Latin {plē-n-us} and Gothic {full-s} 'full', which continue PIE {*p h1-nó}

'full', a verbal adjective derived from {*pelh1-} / {pleh1-} 'to fill' [EWAia II: 156-157].

33. GIVE

Iron Ossetic dɜtː- {дæтт-} (1) / lɜvɜr-d- {лæвæрд-} (2), Digor Ossetic dɜtː- {дæтт-} (1) /

lɜvɜr-d- {лæвæрд-} (2), Yaghnobi tifar- {tĭfár-} (4), Parachi dah- {dah-} / dɒː- {då-} (1),

Avestan daː- {dā-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Suppletive paradigm: dɜtː- [imperf. pres.] / lɜvɜr-d- [imperf. pret.] / ratː- [perf. pres.] / rad- {рад-}, rar-d- {rard-} [perf.

pret.]. The imperfective present stem dɜtː- originates from Proto-Iranian reduplicated *da-da- 'to give'; imperfective preterite lɜvɜr-d-

< Proto-Iranian prefixed *fra=bar- 'to bring'; perfective ratː- < Proto-Iranian prefixed *fra=daː- 'to give'. See [Abaev 1958: 350-

351].Imperfective preterite.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 334; Novák 2010: 164. An example: {yótaš a-tĭfár} "he gave him meat" [AP 1957: 77]. From Proto-Iranian {*fra-

bara-}, resulting in Sogdian (B, M, S) {δβr-} 'to give' [Gharib 1995: 138].

35

Dialectal forms: EY infinitive tafˈarak {tafárak}, past participle sarˈafta {saráfta} [Novák 2010: 164, 246].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 184-185; Morgenstierne 1929: 248. Proto-Iranian {dā-} 'to give' [EDIL 2: 433-438]. Phonetic variants: present

stem {da-}, sometimes {dʽa-} [Efimov 2009: 184].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 711-724. Polysemy: 'to give / to put, set'. Present 3 sg. da=δaː-ti {daδāiti}, aorist 2 sg. inj. daː-t {d } etc.

Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Continues PIE {*deh3-} / {*dh3-} / {*de-dh3-} 'to give'; compare Vedic daː- {dā-} 'to give', Greek {δί-δω-μι} 'I give', OCS {da-ti}

'to give' etc. [EWAia I: 713-715].

33. GIVE

Iron Ossetic ratː- {ратт-}~ rad- {рад-} (3), Digor Ossetic ratː- {ратт-} ~ rar-d- {рард-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Perfective.

34. GOOD

Iron Ossetic χorž {хорз} (1), Digor Ossetic χʷarz {хуарз} (1), Yaghnobi χub {xŭb} (-1),

Parachi bakˈɒːr {bakǻr} (-1), Avestan wah-u {vaŋhu-} / {vohu-} / wah-w- {vaŋhuu-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *hu-warzʸa 'sweet' [Abaev 1989: 217-219].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 362; Novák 2010: 193. Tajik loanword; compare Tajik χˈub {хуб} 'good / beautiful' [RU 1954: 428]. There are

many examples with a wide range of objects (town, people, wife, wooden cup etc.).

Distinct from oːbadˈoːn {obadón} 'good / beautiful, nice' [ALP 1957: 297; Novák 2010: 120], borrowed from Tajik ɔːbɔːdˈɔːn

{ободон} 'well-furnished' [RU 1954: 281].

It is not excluded that Yaghnobi nˈaʁz {naγz} [ALP 1957: 289; Novák 2010: 111] served as a main word for 'good' earlier; it

certainly continues Sogdian (B) {nγz} 'good' [Gharib 1995: 238]. It is also possible that Tajik nˈaʁz {нағз} 'good' represents a

borrowing from Sogdian [ALP 1957: 289]. However, nˈaʁz {naγz} has limited use in Yaghnobi; there is one case of

translation of Tajik nˈaʁz by Yaghnobi χˈub {xŭb} [AP 1957: 213].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 175; Morgenstierne 1929: 240. Persian borrowing [Morgenstierne 1929: 240].

Other words (also borrowed) are used infrequently.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1395-1399. Nom. sg. m. wah-u {vaŋhu}, nom. sg. n. wah-u {vohu}, nom. sg. f. wah-w-iː {vaŋhuuī}. Old and

Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Used with a wide range of objects.

This word is a cognate of Vedic wˈas-u- {vasu} / wˈas-w- {vas-v-} 'good', Greek gen. pl. {ἐάων} 'goods' etc. [EWAia II: 533-

534].

35. GREEN

Iron Ossetic cʼɜχ {цъæх} (1) / kɜrdɜg-χʷəž {кæрдæгхуыз} (2), Digor Ossetic cʼɜχ {цъæх} (1) /

kɜrdɜg-χuz {кæрдæгхуз} (2), Yaghnobi sabz {sabz} (-1), Parachi sawz {sawz} (-1), Avestan

zar-i- {zairi-} (3).


36

Iron Ossetic: Polysemy: 'green / blue / grey'. Of unclear origin, cf. [Abaev 1958: 333-334] for possible North Caucasian comparanda.

In both dialects, two terms for 'green' compete with each other: cʼɜχ and the new formation

kɜrdɜg-χʷəž, kɜrdɜg-χuz. We have to treat them as synonyms.Literally 'grass color' with kɜrd-ɜg 'grass' (< Proto-Iranian

*kart- [Abaev 1958: 582]) + χʷəž, χuz 'color' (< Proto-Iranian *krš [Abaev 1989: 273-274]).

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 317; Novák 2010: 147. Tajik loanword; compare Tajik sˈabz {сабз} [RU 1954: 332]. The expression sˈabz vˈuː- {sabz

vu-} 'to become green (about plants)' proves the definition 'green', compare {sabz návuta vu} "(if) you (apricot stone) don't

become green" (Q) [AP 1957: 166].

ALP translate the word kupˈuːta {kŭpúta} (Bidéw) as 'green' [ALP 1957: 277], but there are no contexts. Moreover, this

word has a Sogdian (B) parallel {kp’wt}, meaning 'blue, grey blue' [Gharib 1995: 191]. This fact weakens the probability of

semantic accuracy in the glossing of Yaghnobi kupˈuːta {kŭpúta}.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 234; Morgenstierne 1929: 289. This word is a Persian borrowing; compare spoken Dari sawz {sawz} [Rees 2008:

258].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1680. Young Avestan: Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad. This stem designates the colour of plants in Yt. 7. 4, Yt.

18. 6 and V. 18. 63 (as a member of the compound zar-i=gawn-a- {zairi.gaona-} [Bartholomae 1904: 1680]). Like many other

colour designations in Avestan, it seems to have denoted several hues of green and yellow.

Related to Vedic ɦˈar-i- {hári-} 'fawn-coloured, reddish brown etc.', Greek {χλωρός} 'greenish-yellow, pale green', OHG

{gelo} 'yellow' etc. [EWAia II: 805-806].

36. HAIR

Iron Ossetic qʷən {хъуын} (1), Digor Ossetic ʁun {гъун} (1), Yaghnobi dirˈaw {d rá } (2) /

pašm {pašm} (-1), Parachi giːnˈoː {ginṓ} (1) / doːš {dōš} (3), Avestan war-sa- {varəsa-} (4).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *gauna- 'fur' [Abaev 1973: 326-327].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 244; Novák 2010: 33. All researchers give the translation 'a hair', but it means collective 'hair' as well, see

contexts: {sárĕ dĭrá -š} "hair on (his) head" (MT) [ALP 1957: 244]; {dará -š anós} "(she) grasped his hair" (Gh) [AP 1957: 203]. The

word reflects Proto-Iranian {*drau-} / {*dra a-} 'a hair' [EDIL 2: 461-462].

Dialectal forms: WY dirˈaw {d rá } (MT, Kashi) ~ EY/CY darˈaw {dará } (Q, Gh, DB) [ALP 1957: 244; Novák 2010: 244].ALP

1957: 304; Novák 2010: 130. The word pˈašm {pašm}, borrowed from Tajik pˈašm {пашм} 'wool' [RU 1954: 303], means 'wool

/ hair' [ALP 1957: 304]. There are several contexts with the meaning 'hair' {man inč sárĕ pašm bĭsĭyórx} "my wife has a lot

of hair on her head" [ALP 1957: 304]; {av-i sar-i paʃm na-ast} "his head does not have hair" [Bird 2007: 66].

There is also a derivative, pašmˈiː {pašmí}, recorded in one context: {či man sárĕ pašmí} "hair on my head" [ALP 1957: 304].

The loanword tapˈak {tapák} 'hair' occurs in one text that was produced by a person with a very good knowledge of Tajik

[AP 1957: 30-37, № 3]. The word tˈor {tor} means 'thread; a hair' and represents another borrowing from Tajik tˈɔːr {тор}

'thread' [RU 1954: 396].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 195; Morgenstierne 1929: 253. Plural: giːnˈoːɒːn {ginṓån} (Nijrau), gˈiːnɒːn {gínån} (Shutul, Gujulan). Originates

from Proto-Iranian {*gauna-} 'hair / fur / coat colour' [EDIL 3: 240-245]. Phonetic variants: sometimes ghiːnˈoː {ghinṓ}.

It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'hair' is giːnˈoː {ginṓ} or doːš {dōš}.Morgenstierne 1929: 251. Continues

Proto-Iranian {*darśa- / *d śa- / *dārśa-} 'goat’s hair' [EDIL 2: 353-354].

Distinct from ǯɒːl {ǰål} 'coll. hair, chevelure' [Efimov 2009: 205; Morgenstierne 1929: 262] and ʁoːš {γōš} 'cut hair' < Proto-

Iranian {* arsa-}/ {* sa-} 'hair' [Morgenstierne 1929: 257].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1374. Designates hair of men and animals, especially hair on the head. Young Avestan: Yasht,

Videvdad etc.

Distinct from gawn-a- {gaona-} 'body hair (of animals) / colour of hair / colour' [Bartholomae 1904: 482].

Related to Vedic wˈalʆ-a- {válśa-} 'sprout / branch, twig' and OCS {vlasъ} 'a hair'; continues PIE {* olḱ-o-} [EWAia II: 526-

527].

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37. HAND

Iron Ossetic kʼuχ {къух} (1), Digor Ossetic kʼoχ {къох} (1), Yaghnobi dast {dast} (2),

Parachi doːst {dōst} (2), Avestan zas-ta- {zasta-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Of unclear origin, cf. [Abaev 1958: 644].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 244-245; Novák 2010: 34. Examples: {dast-eš i angŭštarín-oy}, literally "there was a ring in his hand" (MT) [AP

1957: 68]; {anóš č dast-š} "(the king) took (the ring) from his hand" (MT) [AP 1957: 68]; {rú-yĕ d l-ĕš das mónčĕ} "she put her hand

onto his heart" (BQ) [AP 1957: 185].

Yaghnobi seems to show polysemy: 'hand / arm', compare the context {dásti-m n šta-x} "I have dislocated my arm"

(literally "my arm is dislocated") [Khromov 1972: 166]. At the same time, there is also a word čangˈoːl {čangól} 'paw (of

predator) / wrist' [ALP 1957: 235], borrowed from Tajik čangˈɔːl {чангол} 'wrist / paw' [RU 1954: 437], and an expression

dˈast-i sˈapːa {dástĕ sáppa} 'wrist' [ALP 1957: 245].

The word reflects Proto-Iranian {*dasta-}, compare Old Persian {dasta}, Sogdian (B, M, S) {δst} 'hand', Rushani {δost} etc.

[EDIL 2: 371-372]. In addition, this word is similar to Tajik dˈast {даст} 'hand' [RU 1954: 120-121]. However, it has a regular

Yaghnobi reflex (compare Yaghnobi dˈas {das} 'ten' < Proto-Iranian {*daśa-} [EDIL 2: 376]) and does not need to be

interpreted as a borrowing.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 189; Morgenstierne 1929: 251. Continues Proto-Iranian {*dasta-} 'hand' [EDIL 2: 371-372]. Distinct from bɒːz

{båz} ~ bɒːzˈu {båzú} 'arm (from shoulder to elbow)' [Efimov 2009: 177; Morgenstierne 1929: 244].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1685-1686. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Old Persian {dasta-}.

Distinct from specifically Young Avestan (Yasht etc.) gaw- {gav-} 'hand (of Daevic creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 505]. In

addition, distinct from baːz-uː- {bāzū-} 'arm (of men and gods)' [Bartholomae 1904: 955-956] and ar-ma- {arəma-} 'arm',

attested only in compounds [Bartholomae 1904: 197].

Originates from PIE {*ǵʰes-to-} 'hand'; related to Vedic ɦˈas-ta- {hasta-}, Greek {χείρ} < {*ǵʰes-r} 'hand' etc. [EWAia II: 812].

38. HEAD

Iron Ossetic šɜr {сæр} (1), Digor Ossetic sɜr {сæр} (1), Yaghnobi sar {sar} (1), Parachi soːr

{sōr} (1), Avestan saːr-a- {sāra-} / sar-ah- {sarah-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *sʸarah- 'head' [Abaev 1979: 73-76].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 318-319; Novák 2010: 149. Examples: {i sank- -pĕ sár-ĕš dehčĕ} "he hits him in the head with a stone" (SQ) [AP

1957: 166]; {av -i sar -i paʃm na- ast} "his head doesn't have any hair" [Bird 2007: 66].

Polysemy: 'head / top / over, above', compare the following contexts: {sambaqa nahaβ daraxt -i sar -i a- san} "The frog

went up on top that very tree" [Bird 2007: 67]; {γúš-ĕ sár-eš i xol ast} "there is a birthmark above his ear" (SQ) [AP 1957:

145].

From Proto-Iranian {*śarah-} < {*ś H-as-}, compare Avestan {sarah-} 'head', Sogdian {sr} 'head' etc. [Abaev 1979: 73-76].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 236; Morgenstierne 1929: 288. Polysemy: 'head / top, upper part'. Phonetic variants: soː {sō} [Efimov 2009: 236].

Sometimes Morgenstierne’s and Efimov’s informants use the Persian borrowing kal {kal} ~ kˈala {kala} 'head' [Efimov 2009:

206; Morgenstierne 1929: 265].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1572, 1565. Young Avestan: Yasht, Nirangastan. Stems saːr-a- {sāra-} and sar-ah- {sarah-} are both

hapaxes, but there are some compounds with them. Moreover, cognates of this word point to the meaning 'head'.

38

Distinct from specific Young Avestan waγδ-ana- {vaγδana} 'head (of Ahuric creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 1336] and ka-

mrd-a- {kamərəda-} 'head (of Daevic creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 440].

This word continues the PIE noun {* h2-os} / gen. sg. {* h2-s-n-os} 'head'; compare Vedic ʆˈir-as- {śíras-} / ʆiːr-ʂ-ˈaɳ- {śīrṣáṇ-

}, Greek {κάρᾱ}, gen. sg. {κρᾱατος} 'head', Latin {cerebrum} 'brain' etc. [EWAia II: 638-639].

39. HEAR

Iron Ossetic quš- {хъус-} ~ qʷəš-t- {хъуыст-} (1), Digor Ossetic iʁos- {игъос-} ~ iʁus-t-

{игъуст-} (1), Yaghnobi duʁuːš- {dŭγúš-} (1), Parachi harw- {harw-} / hat- {hat-} / hoːt- {hōt-}

(2), Avestan sraw- {srav-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: quš-, iʁos- [pres.] / qʷəš-t-, iʁus-t- [pret.]. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen' in both dialects. Originates from

Proto-Iranian prefixed *vi=gauš- 'to listen (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1973: 318].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 249; Novák 2010: 41. An example: {xantákĕ potšó a-duγús} "the king heard (his) laughter" [ALP 1957: 355].

Polysemy: 'to hear (tr.) / to know from some source', compare {Man duγ -ta óyim-k sári-vik ī humosóya gudarót boy

višti} "I have heard that if a shadow of (flying) Phoenix flashes over your head, you will be rich" [Khromov 1972: 157].

From Sogdian (B, M, C) {ptγwš} 'to hear' < {*pati-guš-} [Cheung 2007: 116].

Yaghnobi collocations ʁˈuːš doːr- {γuš dor} and ʁˈuːš kun- {γuš kŭn} mean 'to listen (to)' [ALP 1957: 260; Novák 2010: 62].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 200; Morgenstierne 1929: 260. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen (to)'. The word is inherited; originates from Proto-

Iranian {*har-} / {*har a-} 'to take care of / watch / protect' [EDIL 3: 367-369].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1639-1643. Polysemy: 'to hear / to understand'. Present 3 sg. sr-n-aw-ti {surunaoiti}, 3 sg. imp. aor. sraw-

tu {sraotu}, past passive participle (verbal adjective) sruː-ta- {srūta-} / sru-ta- {sruta-} etc. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas,

Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Distinct from the (mostly Gathic) root guːš- {gūš-} 'to hear' [Bartholomae 1904: 485-486].

Continues PIE {*ḱle -} 'to hear' (present 3 sg. {* -n-é -ti}, aorist 3 sg. {*ḱlé t}); related to Vedic ʆraw- {śrav-} 'to hear',

Armenian {ls-em} 'I hear', Greek {ἔ-κλυ-ον} 'heard' etc. [EWAia II: 666-667].

40. HEART

Iron Ossetic žɜrdɜ {зæрдæ} (1), Digor Ossetic zɜrdɜ {зæрдæ} (1), Yaghnobi dil {dĭl} (-1),

Parachi zoɽ {zoṛ} (1), Avestan zrd- {zərəd-} / zrδ- {zərəδ-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *zʸrd-aya- 'heart' [Abaev 1989: 300-301].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 247; Novák 2010: 37. Examples: {rú-yĕ d l-ĕš das mónčĕ: rú-yĕ d l-ĕš sort} "she put her hand onto his heart: his

heart was cold" (BQ) [AP 1957: 185]. There are also numerous examples of figurative use: {poščó d l-ĕ ʕ ddaš nívu} "the king's heart

could not endure" (MT) [AP 1957: 52], {d l-ĕ ak n} "he decided in his heart" (SQ) [AP 1957: 139] etc.

The word is borrowed from Tajik; compare Tajik dˈil {дил} 'heart' [RU 1954: 129-130].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 253; Morgenstierne 1929: 303. From Proto-Iranian {*z d-} 'heart' [Morgenstierne 1929: 303].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1692. This root has two stems in Avesta: Gathic zrd- {zərəd-} 'heart' and Young Avestan (Videvdad,

Frahang ī oīm) zrδ-aya- {zərəδaya-} 'heart / core' [Bartholomae 1904: 1692].

This word cannot be separated from PIE {*ḱērd-} / {ḱ d-} 'heart' (Hittite {ki-ir} / {kar-ta-aš}, Latin {cor} / gen. sg. {cord-is}

etc.), despite its initial z- {z-} instead of s- {s-} [EWAia II: 818].

39

41. HORN

Iron Ossetic šəkʼa {сыкъа} (1), Digor Ossetic siwɜ {сиуæ} (1), Yaghnobi šoːx {šox} (-1),

Parachi šɒːχ {šax} (-1) / šiː {šī} (1), Avestan sr-uː- {srū-} / sr-w-aː- {sruuā-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from the Proto-Iranian suffixal formation *sʸru-ka (> Iron) 'horn' [Abaev 1979: 179-181].

Digor Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *sʸru(wa)- 'horn' [Abaev 1979: 179-181].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 328; Novák 2010: 161. An example: {Qŭšqórĕ sóх-ĕ nŭt d htĭšt} "he hits the ram's horn" (QW) [AP 1957: 73].

Polysemy: 'horn / branch' [ALP 1957: 328]; compare the source of this word, Tajik šɔːχ {шох} 'horn / branch' [RU 1954:

461]. However, the forms šˈoːχa {šóxa} ~ šoːχˈa {šoxá} 'branch' [ALP 1957: 328] are more usual.

Parachi: Morgenstierne 1929: 292. Polysemy: 'horn / branch'. Persian borrowing.

It is hard to decide whether the inherited term šiː {šī} 'horn / branch' is still used along with šɒːχ {šax} 'horn / branch' or

not.Morgenstierne 1929: 289. Polysemy: 'horn / branch'. The inherited form šiː {šī} continues Proto-Iranian {*sru-} 'horn'

[Morgenstierne 1929: 289]. Νο contexts.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1647-1648. Polysemy: 'nail / horn'. Young Avestan: Yasht, Videvdad.

This word originates from the Indo-European root {*ḱer-} 'horn' with stem variants {* -no-}, {*ḱer-h2(s)-} and {*ḱ(o)r-u-};

related to Vedic ʆˈrŋg-a- {ś ga-} 'horn', Greek {κέρας} 'horn', {κορυφή} 'crest' (of mountain or horse), Latin {cornum} 'horn'

etc. [Mallory-Adams 1997: 272-273].

42. I1

Iron Ossetic ɜž {æз} (1), Digor Ossetic ɜz {æз} (1), Yaghnobi man {man} (2), Parachi ɒːn {ån}

(1), Avestan az-am {azəm} / {azəm} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Suppletive paradigm: ɜž, ɜz [nom.] / mɜn- [obl.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian suppletive *azʸam / * ma-n- 'I, me'

[Abaev 1958: 225-226; Abaev 1973: 90].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 284; Khromov 1972: 23; Novák 2010: 103. Non-suppletive paradigm: the pronoun has the same oblique stem

mˈan {man} [Khromov 1972: 23] and an enclitic form -(i)m {-(i)m } [Khromov 1972: 24].

Originates from Proto-Iranian genitive {*mana-} [EDIL 1: 294], compare Avestan genitive {mana}.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 173; Morgenstierne 1929: 234. From the protoform {*áźam-} 'I' with secondary stress [EDIL 1: 294-295].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 225-227. Old Persian {adam}. Suppletive paradigm: nom sg. az-am {azəm} / {azəm}, acc. sg. mãː-m

{mąm}, gen. sg. ma-na- {mana-} / OA {m na-}, dat. sg. ma-byaː {maibyā}, abl. sg. ma-t {ma }.

Continues PIE {*eǵʰóm}; compare Vedic aɦˈam- {ahám-}, OCS {azъ} ets. [EWAia I: 155].

42. I2

Iron Ossetic mɜn- {мæн-} (2), Digor Ossetic mɜn- {мæн-} (2), Parachi mon {mon} (2),

Avestan ma- {ma-} (2).


40

Iron Ossetic: Oblique stem.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 217; Morgenstierne 1929: 272.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1097-1104. Oblique stem. Old Persian {ma-}.

Originates from PIE {*me-}; compare Vedic ma- {ma-}, Greek {με-} 'me' etc. [EWAia II: 284-285].

43. KILL

Iron Ossetic mar- {мар-} (1), Digor Ossetic mar- {мар-} (1), Yaghnobi tuχoːy- {tŭxóy-} (2),

Parachi meːr- {mēr-} / mɒːnt- {månt-} (1), Avestan ǯan- {jan-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: mar- [pres.] / mar-d- [pret.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *maːr-aya- [Abaev 1973: 75], causative from *mar-

'to die' q.v.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 339-340; Novák 2010: 175. Past participle: tuχˈas-ta {tuxásta}. Examples: {dodóĕmk atŭxóy-ĕ!} "you killed my

father!" (PR) [AP 1957: 117]; {vĭrótt-š atuxóy} "(they) killed his brothers" (SQ) [AP 1957: 131].

Originates from Proto-Iranian {*pati-h ah-}, compare Sogdian (B, M) {ptxw’y} 'to kill, put to death', Young Avestan {paiti

xvaŋhaiieiti} 'turns out' (Y 57.10) [Cheung 2007: 141-143].

Phonetic variants: sometimes tχˈoːy- {txoy-} without vowel [ALP 1957: 339].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 216; Morgenstierne 1929: 273. These stems continue Proto-Iranian stems {*māraya-} / {*marxta-} 'to kill'


Dialectal forms: Shutul has the past stem mɒːt- {måt-}.

The verbs ǯan- {ǰan-} / ǯoː- {ǰō-} 'to hit, to strike' [Efimov 2009: 204; Morgenstierne 1929: 262] and de {de} ~ deh {deh} 'to beat'

/ dehˈiː {dehí} [Efimov 2009: 186; Morgenstierne 1929: 248] have the secondary meaning 'to kill'.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 490-493. Polysemy: 'hit, strike / kill, slay etc.' Present 3 sg. ǯan-ti {jainti}, imperfect 3 sg. ǯan-a-t {jana },

past passive participle (verbal adjective) ǯa-ta- {jata-}. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Distinct from the more specific mar-k- {marək} / mar-č- {marəc-} 'to kill or destroy Ahuric creatures' [Bartholomae 1904:

1145].

Originates from PIE {*g hen-} 'to kill' (present 3 sg. {*g hén-ti}); related to Hittite {ku-en-zi} 'he kills', Vedic ɦan- {han-} 'to

kill', Greek {θείνω} 'I kill' etc. [EWAia II: 800-801].

44. KNEE

Iron Ossetic wɜrag {уæраг-} (1), Digor Ossetic wɜrag {уæраг-} (1), Yaghnobi zonk {zonk} (2),

Parachi zɒːnˈuː {zånu} (-1), Avestan žnu- {žnu-} / xšnu- {xšnu-} / šnu- {šnu-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: May originate from virtual Proto-Iranian *war-aː-ka 'bend, curve' [Abaev 1989: 88-89].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 369; Novák 2010: 206. An example: {čángĕ xok z ñk-ĕ aǰáx} "Dust reached knees" (MT) [AP 1957: 27].

An inherited lexeme. Originates from Proto-Iranian {*zān -k -}, compare Sogdian (M) {znwq}, Persian {zān } 'knee' etc.

[Novák 2013: 185-186].

The Tajik loanword zoːnˈuː {zonú} 'knee' is used only in some borrowed collocations; for example, {dú zonú nid-} 'to sit on

the ground tucking legs under oneself' [ALP 1957: 369].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 252; Morgenstierne 1929: 302. A Persian borrowing [Morgenstierne 1929: 302].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1717, 559, 1710. Young Avestan: Yasna and Yasht (only in compounds), Videvdad.

Continues PIE {*ǵónu-} / {*ǵnu-}; compare Vedic ǯˈaːn-u- {jānu-} / ǯɲ-u- {jñu-}Greek {γόνυ}, Latin {genū} etc. [EWAia I: 584-

41

585].

45. KNOW

Iron Ossetic žon- {зон-} ~ žə-d {зыд-} (1), Digor Ossetic zon- {зон-} ~ zun-d {зунд-} (1),

Yaghnobi ʁiriːv- {γirív-} (2), Parachi χabˈar bi- {xabar bi-} (-1), Avestan wid- {vid-} / wayd-

{vaēd-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: žon-, zon- [pres.] / žə-d-, zun-d- [pret.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *zʸan- 'to know' [Abaev 1989: 315-316].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 258; Novák 2010: 59. Past participle ʁirˈiːf-ta {γ rífta}. An example: {Маn hič zótĕm ná-γiriv-omišt} 'I know

nothing about my birth' (MT) [AP 1957: 33].

Originates from Proto-Iranian {*g b a-} 'to grab, to take', compare Avestan present stem {gərəbiia-} ~ {gərəβiia-} 'to grab'

etc. [Novák 2013: 190].

Dialectal forms: WY/ CY infinitive ʁirˈiːv-ak {γirívak} ~ EY infinitive ʁirˈiːf-ak {γirífak} [Novák 2010: 245].

Distinct from bizˈoːn {bĭzón} 'connaître, recognize' [ALP 1957: 232; Novák 2010: 20]. Compare {rot bĭzóñna odám ast?} 'Is

there someone who knows the road?' [ALP 1957: 232].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 246. Literally 'to be informed'. The first element of this expression is χabˈar {xabar} 'news / informed', of

Persian origin [Morgenstierne 1929: 298].

Distinct from pɒːn- {pån-} / pɒːnt- {pånt-} 'to know / to recognize / to understand' [Efimov 2009: 227; Morgenstierne 1929:

280].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1314-1318. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Perfect 3 sg. wayd-a {vaēdā}

(Old Avestan) / Young Avestan wayδ-a {vaēδa} / wayθ-a {vaēθa}, perfect active participle nom. sg. m. wid-u-š {viduš} etc.

Distinct from zan- {zan-} ' to know (road, man), have knowledge / to become acquainted with / to recognize etc.'

[Bartholomae 1904: 1659-1660].

The 3 sg. perfect wayd-a {vaēda} has exact parallels in other Indo-European languages; compare Vedic perfect 3 sg. wˈayd-a

{véda}; Greek {οἰδε}, Gothic {wait} 'he knows' etc. Some other formations from the root {* e d-} in PIE and different Indo-

European languages mean 'to see' and 'to find' [EWAia II: 579-581].

46. LEAF

Iron Ossetic šəf {сыф} (1), Digor Ossetic tʼaffɜ {тъаффæ} (2), Yaghnobi barg {barg} (-1),

Parachi poːn {pōn} (3), Avestan wark-a- {varəka-} (4).


Iron Ossetic: Iron šəf is of unclear origin, it may goes back to virtual Proto-Iranian *sʸipʰ- [Abaev 1979: 183-184].

Digor Ossetic: Digor tʼaffɜ is of unclear origin, cf. [Abaev 1979: 351]. If its similarity to Adyghe tħaːp, Kabardian tħampa 'leaf' is not

accidental, the Digor form is a North-West Caucasian loanword.

Yaghnobi: Novák 2010: 12. Tajik loanword; compare Tajik bˈarg {барг} 'leaf' [RU 1954: 46].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 229; Morgenstierne 1929: 280. Polysemy: 'feather / leaf'. An example: {bʽin pṓn-e sawz wa sǻx-e por dḗra} "A

tree has green leaves and thick branches" [Efimov 2009: 131].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1367. Attested only once in Frahang ī oīm.

Related to Persian {barg} 'leaf' etc. [Bartholomae 1904: 1367]. There are no clear cognates outside the Iranian group.

42

47. LIE

Iron Ossetic χʷəšš- {хуысс-} ~ χʷəšš-əd- {хуыссыд-} (1), Digor Ossetic χuss- {хусс-} ~ χus-t-

{хуст-} (1), Yaghnobi nipiːd- {nĕpíd-} (2), Parachi rhiːz- {rʽiz-} (3), Avestan say- {saē-} / {say-}

(4).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: χʷəšš-, χuss- [pres.] / χʷəšš-əd-, χus-t- [pret.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *huf-s- 'to sleep' [Abaev 1989:

272].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 293; Novák 2010: 115. Past participle nipˈiːs-ta {nipísta}. Polysemy: 'to lie / to lie down / to go to bed / to sleep'.

From Proto-Iranian {*ni-pad(a) a-} [Novák 2013: 193].

Dialectal forms: EY/CY (Gh, Kashi, Q) napˈiːd- {napíd} [ALP 1957: 293].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 232; Morgenstierne 1929: 284. Originates from Proto-Iranian {*fra-razya-} 'to stretch forward'; compare

Avestan {raz} 'to stretch' [Morgenstierne 1929: 284].

Sometimes present tenses of čhaɽ- {čʽaṛ-} 'to fall' can have the meaning 'to lie' (maybe exactly after fall) [Efimov 2009: 182;

Morgenstierne 1929: 245].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1571-1572. Present 3 sg. (med.) say-teː {saēte} etc. Young Avestan: Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Originates from PIE {*ḱe -} 'to lie'; related to Hittite {ki-it-a} 'he lies', Vedic ʆay- {śay-} 'to lie', Greek {κεῖ-μαι} 'Ι lie' etc.

[EWAia II: 613-614].

48. LIVER

Iron Ossetic igɜr {игæр} (1), Digor Ossetic yegɜr {егæр} (1), Yaghnobi ǯigˈar {jĭgár} (-1) /

šipˈuːrda {šĭpórda} {šip rda} (2), Parachi ǯegˈar {ǰegar} (-1), Avestan yaːk-ar- {yākarə-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *yakar 'liver' [Abaev 1958: 541-542].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 267; Novák 2010: 75. No contexts. Borrowed from Tajik ǯigˈar {ҷигар} 'liver' [RU 1954: 514].ALP 1957: 328;

Novák 2010: 162. No contexts. Polysemy: 'liver / spleen'. Possibly connected with Avestan {spərəzan-} 'spleen' [Bartholomae 1904:

1623].

Phonetic variants: šupˈuːrda {šupúrda} {šup rda} (PR) ~ šuwˈuːrda {šuw rda} ~ šoːwˈuːrda {šōw rda}.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 205; Morgenstierne 1929: 261. Borrowed from Persian [Morgenstierne 1929: 261].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1282. Attested only once in Frahang ī oīm.

The word yaːk-ar- {yākarə-} is related to Vedic yˈak-r-t {yák t-} / yak-n- {yakn-}, Old Latin {iecur}, gen. sg. {iocineris} 'liver'

etc. It originates from the old PIE heteroclitic noun {*(H) ek -r-} / {*(H) ek -n-} [EWAia II: 391].

49. LONG

Iron Ossetic darʁ {даргъ} (1), Digor Ossetic darʁ {даргъ} (1), Yaghnobi van {van} (2),

Parachi biːšʈ {bišṭ} (3), Avestan darg-a- {darəga-} / darγa- {darəγa-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *darga- 'long' [Abaev 1958: 344-345].

43

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 342-343; Novák 2010: 179. An example: vˈan dˈoːrk {van dork} 'long stick' [Khromov 1972: 20].

Inherited, but with disputed etymology, see [ALP 1957: 342; Novák 2013: 170]. The derivative vanːˈ-iː {vanní} means

'length' [ALP 1957: 343].

Phonetic variants: vˈanː {vann}.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 179; Morgenstierne 1929: 243. Inherited. Continues Proto-Iranian {*b zataka-} 'high / tall' [Morgenstierne 1929:

243] or {*barźišta-} 'the highest' [EDIL 2: 121]. Dialectal forms: Shutul, Gujulan bˈiːštoː {bíštō}.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 693-694. Polysemy: 'long (spatial) / long (temporal)'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht,

Videvdad etc. Old Persian {darga-}.

Distinct from the less frequent Young Avestan mas- {mas-} 'elongated, long, big' [Bartholomae 1904: 1154].

Related to Hittite {daluki-}, Vedic diːrgʰ-ˈa- {dīrghá-}, Greek {δολιχός} 'long'; Mayrhofer reconstructs its protoform as

{*d h1gʰ-o-} [EWAia I: 728-729].

50. LOUSE

Iron Ossetic šəšt {сыст} (1), Digor Ossetic šistɜ {систæ} (1), Yaghnobi šipˈuš {š p š} (1),

Parachi espˈo {espó} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *spiš- 'louse' [Abaev 1979: 210-211].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 327; Novák 2010: 163. An example: {ríšayt š p s ĭktá} "your beard became lousy" (PR) (here the collocation

šipˈuš kun- {š p s kŭn-} means 'to become lousy' [AP 1957: 110].

Inherited; continues Proto-Iranian {*ś iš(a)-} with assimilation, compare Avestan {spiš-}, Sogdian (B) {špšh} 'louse' etc.

[Steblin-Kamensky 1999: 330-331].

Phonetic variants: šupˈuš {šupúš} [Novák 2010: 163].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 193; Morgenstierne 1929: 236. Originates from Proto-Iranian {*spiś-} 'louse' with irregular reflexes


Avestan: Not attested. The Young Avestan (V. 17. 3) word spiš- {spiš} (its cognates in other Iranian languages designate 'louse')

means 'moth' [Bartholomae 1904: 1625].

51. MAN

Iron Ossetic lɜg {лæг} (-1), Digor Ossetic lɜg {лæг} (-1), Yaghnobi mˈoːrtiː {mórti} (1),

Parachi meːɽ {mēṛ} (1), Avestan nar- {nar-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Resembles a North Caucasian loanword, although the exact source of borrowing is not determined, see [Abaev 1973:

19-21].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 287; Novák 2010: 108. Contexts: {Ах dŭ – za’ f-at mórti – vir-at inč avór} "these two – the woman and the man

– became husband and wife" (MT) [AP 1957: 26]; {Man mórtĭ vum, tŭ zaíf vu} "I am man, you are woman" (Bidéw) [AP 1957: 107];

{рeštár mórti-t tim bozí kárna vútor} "formerly men also played games" (W) [Khromov 1972: 148].

From Proto-Iranian {*marti a-} man’, compare Sogdian (B, M) {mrty}, Old Persian martiya- [Novák 2013: 173].

Distinct from wˈiːr {wir} ~ vˈiːr {vir} 'husband' (inherited, compare Sogdian {wyr} and Avestan {vīra-} 'man, husband') [ALP

1957: 352] and mˈard {mard} 'courageous, brave man' (borrowed from Tajik mˈard {мард} 'man / courageous, brave') [ALP

1957: 284].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 216; Morgenstierne 1929: 273. From Proto-Iranian {*m ti a-} 'man' [Morgenstierne 1929: 273].

44

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1047-1053. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Nom. sg. naː {nā}, acc. sg. nar-

am {narəm}, gen. sg. nar-š {narš} / nr-š {nərəš}, dat. sg. nar-ay {naire} / {narōi}, instr. sg. nar-a {nara}, abl. sg. nr-t {nərə }, loc.

sg. nar-i {nairi}, voc. sg. nar {narə}, nom. du. nar-a {nara}, dat. pl. nr-byas {nərəbiias}. The most frequent Avestan word with

this meaning.

Distinct from wiːra- {vīra-} 'hero, warrior / man (opposed to cattle in an archaic expression pasu wira {pasu vira})'

[Bartholomae 1904: 1453-1454].

This word is related to Vedic nar- {nar-} / nr- {n -}, Greek {ἀνήρ}, Armenian {ayr} 'man'; Welsh {ner} 'hero' etc. [EWAia II:

144-145].

52. MANY

Iron Ossetic birɜ {бирæ} (1), Digor Ossetic berɜ {берæ} (1), Yaghnobi bisiyˈoːr {bĭsĭyór} (-1),

Parachi ʁolˈuː {γolú} (-1), Avestan par-u- {pouru-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *baivar- 'multitude (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1958: 262].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 232; Novák 2010: 16. Borrowed from Tajik bisyˈɔːr {бисьёр} [RU 1954: 72].

Other words are not so common and may not be found throughout all the settlements.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 198; Morgenstierne 1929: 255. This word represents an Arabic loan via Persian [Morgenstierne 1929: 255]. It is

widespread in modern Iranian languages.

There is also another word of Persian origin, of comparatively limited use, with this exact meaning: ʁalabˈa {γalabá}

[Efimov 2009: 197; Morgenstierne 1929: 255]. The word bahˈiː {bahí} means 'very / much' [Efimov 2009: 175].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 854-855. Polysemy: 'many (adj.) / many (adv.) / some / various / often'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas,

Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Old Persian {pauru-}.

Distinct from Old and Young Avestan buː-ri- {būri-} / bu-ri- {buri-} 'abundant, plentiful / complete, perfect' [Bartholomae

1904: 969].

Continues PIE {*p h1-ú-}; the word has such cognates as Vedic pur-ˈu- {purú-} / puːr-w- {pūrv-} 'many (adj.) / many (adv.) /

very (adv.) / often'; Greek {πολύς} 'many (adj.)', {πολύ} 'many (adv.)' [EWAia II: 148-149].

53. MEAT

Iron Ossetic ziza {дзидза} (1), Digor Ossetic fid {фид} (2), Yaghnobi yˈoːt-a {yóta} (3),

Parachi ʁuːš {γuš} (-1), Avestan gaw- {gav-} (4).


Iron Ossetic: Iron ziza looks like a nursery word, although it could actually be a Caucasian loanword, cf. similar words for 'meat' in

Nakh, Lak, Kartvelian [Abaev 1958: 397].

Digor Ossetic: Digor fid originates from Proto-Iranian *pitu- 'foot (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1958: 488-489].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 366; Novák 2010: 200. Inherited word; compare Sogdian {y’ty} ~ {y’t’k} 'meat' [Gharib 1995: 444-445].

The Tajik borrowing gˈust {gŭšt} 'meat' occurs only in borrowed collocations [ALP 1957: 256].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 199; Morgenstierne 1929: 257. Probably borrowed from some Eastern Iranian source in Parachi and Tajik


Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 505-509. Polysemy: 'cow, bull / cattle / meat / milk'.

Identical with gaw- {gav-} 'cow / bull / cattle' [Bartholomae 1904: 507-508; EDIL 3: 206].

45

54. MOON

Iron Ossetic mɜy {мæй} (1), Digor Ossetic mɜyɜ {мæйæ} (1), Yaghnobi mahtˈoːp {mahtóp} (-

1), Parachi mahˈoːk {mahōk} (1), Avestan maːh- {m ŋh-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *maːh- 'moon' [Abaev 1973: 83].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 283; Novák 2010: 102. An example: {na xur w not, na mahtóp} "let them see neither sun, nor moon" (BQ) [AP

1957: 186]. Borrowed from Tajik mɔːhtˈɔːb [моҳтоб] [RU 1954: 234]. Phonetic variants: mahtˈoːb {mahtób}.

Distinct from mˈoːh {moh} ~ mˈoχ {mox} ~ mˈoː {mo} 'month' [ALP 1957: 286; Novák 2010: 108], compare {nа moh, na

m tĕ, na šoát azán} "she gave birth to babies after nine months, nine days, nine hours" (N) [AP 1957: 89]. This word was

borrowed from Tajik mˈɔːh {моҳ} 'moon; month' [RU 1954: 234].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 213; Morgenstierne 1929: 271. Inherited. Derived from Proto-Iranian {*maha-(ka)-} (?) 'moon' [Morgenstierne

1929: 271].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1170-1171. Polysemy: 'moon / month'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Old Persian {māh-}. Nom. sg. maː {m }, gen. sg. maːhoː- {m ŋhō}, nom.-acc. pl. mahoː- {m ŋhō} etc.

Originates from Proto-Iranian {*maHah-} < PIE {meh1- s-}; related to Vedic maːs- {mās-} 'moon / month', Greek {μήν}, gen.

sg. {μηνός} 'moon', Latin {mēnsis} 'month' etc. [EDIL 5: 338-339; EWAia II: 352-353].

55. MOUNTAIN

Iron Ossetic kʼɜzɜχ {къæдзæх} (1), Digor Ossetic kʼɜʒɜχ {къæдзæх} (1), Yaghnobi ʁar {γar}

(2), Parachi dhɒːr {dʽår} (-1), Avestan gar-i- {gairi-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Of unclear origin, cf. [Abaev 1958: 623]. In both dialects, this item competes with another word for 'mountain': Iron

χoχ {хох}, Digor χonχ {хонх} (< Proto-Iranian *kauka- 'salience, prominence (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1989: 222-223]), more archaic than

kʼɜzɜχ, kʼɜʒɜχ or encountered in bound status (e.g., χoχ, χonχ are retained in the expression 'to go to the mountains' or in the names

of specific mountains).

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 256; Novák 2010: 56. Examples: {γár-t-ĕ rŭgáh wafr iporáx} "there is a lot of snow on the mountains' tops"

[ALP 1957: 316]; {či Worsowút n mi šаbi aǰex n} "He made us climb a mountain from Worsowut" (P) [Khromov 1972: 154].

Polysemy: 'mountain / pass' [ALP 1957: 256].

Originates from Proto-Iranian {*gari-}; compare Avestan {gaⁱri-} 'mountain' [EDIL 3: 191-193].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 187; Morgenstierne 1929: 248. Borrowed from Indian or Dardic languages; compare Pashai {dār} 'mountain /

hill' [Morgenstierne 1929: 248].

The Persian loan koːh {kōh} [Efimov 2009: 210] also occurs occasionally.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 513-514. Young Avestan: Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Distinct from Young Avestan barz-ah- {barəzah-} 'peak, mountain (in figurative sense)' [Bartholomae 1904: 950].

Related to Vedic gir-ˈi- {girí-} 'mountain', Albanian {gur} 'stone / rock, cliff', OCS {gor-a} 'mountain' etc. [EWAia I: 487].

56. MOUTH

Iron Ossetic zəχ {дзых} (1), Digor Ossetic ʒuχ {дзух} ~ cʼuχ {цъух} (1), Yaghnobi raχ {rax}

(2), Parachi šoɳɖ {šoṇḍ} (-1), Avestan aːh-an- { han-} (3).

46


Iron Ossetic: Of unclear origin, probably a North Caucasian loanword, cf. [Abaev 1958: 408-409].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 312-313; Novák 2010: 140. An example: {i tŭxm bĭrĭyón rax nŭtš apárto } "he threw a baked egg into his

mouth" (SQ) [AP 1957: 130].

The word seems to continue the dubious Sogdian (S) form {rγ’h} 'mouth' [Gharib 1995: 341; Novák 2013: 180]. Further

cognates are not clear.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 238; Morgenstierne 1929: 290. An Indian or Dardic loan [Morgenstierne 1929: 290]. Phonetic variants: šoɳ

{šuṇ}, šoːɳɖ {šōṇḍ} [Morgenstierne 1929: 290].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 357-358. Young Avestan: Videvdad. In addition, there is an Old Avestan root noun aːh- { h-} with

the same meaning [Bartholomae 1904: 345].

Distinct from Young Avestan zaf-ar- {zafar-} 'mouth of Daevic creatures' [Bartholomae 1904: 1657] and Young Avestan

(Videvdad) staman- {staman-} "dog’s mouth" [Bartholomae 1904: 1592]. Also worth mentioning is a rare Young Avestan

word θranh- {θraŋh-} 'mouth, corners of the mouth' [Bartholomae 1904: 801].

The words aːh- { h-} and aːh-an- { han-} continue an old PIE noun, reconstructed by M. Mayrhofer as {*h1eh3-s-}

(traditionally {*ōs-}). There are such cognates as Hittite nom. sg. {a-i-iš}, gen. sg. {iš-ša-a-aš}, Vedic aːs- {ās-}, Latin {ōs}, gen.

sg. {ōr-is} 'mouth' etc. [EWAia I: 181-182].

57. NAME

Iron Ossetic nom {ном} (1), Digor Ossetic nom {ном} (1), Yaghnobi noːm {nom} (1), Parachi

nɒːm {nåm} (1), Avestan naːm-an- {nąman-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *naːma 'name' [Abaev 1973: 187-188].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 295; Novák 2010: 116. An example: {i wazírš vúta, Xasán-ĕ Gŭlríz nom-š vúta} "there was a vizier, his name

was Xasan Gulriz" (MT) [AP 1957: 60].

Although this word practically coincides with Tajik nˈɔːm {ном} 'name' [RU 1954: 271], it would be excessive to postulate

borrowing; compare Iron, Digor Ossetic {ном}, Sogdian {n’m}, Avestan {nąman-}, {nāman-} 'name', all pointing to Proto-

Iranian {*nāma-} [Novák 2013: 213].

Dialectal forms: Kashi (CY) nˈuːm {num} [ALP 1957: 295]. It is worth mentioning that the phoneme /oː/ itself has a phonetic

variant close to [uː] before nasals [Novák 2010: 221].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 220; Morgenstierne 1929: 276. From Proto-Iranian {nāma-} 'name' [Morgenstierne 1929: 276].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1062-1064. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Old Persian {nāman-}.

Related to Hittite {la-a-ma-an}, Greek {ὄνομα}, Latin {nōmen}, Gothic {namo} 'name' etc. [EWAia II: 35-37].

58. NECK

Iron Ossetic bɜržɜy {бæрзæй} (1), Digor Ossetic bɜrzɜy {бæрзæй} (1), Yaghnobi kˈam-a

{káma} (2), Parachi maɳɖˈa {manḍá} (-1), Avestan man-aw-θri- {manaoθri-} (3).



Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 270; Novák 2010: 81. Examples: {kúti káma novastá} "you have not bound the dog’s neck" (W) [Khromov 1972:

47

142]; {káma-š qózi kámа-х} "his neck is like a goose neck" [Khromov 1972: 171].

Problematic etymology. Seems to be inherited, but further cognates are not so clear; possible comparanda in [Steblin-

Kamensky 1999: 231].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 213; Morgenstierne 1929: 272-273. Borrowed from one of Indian or Dardic languages [Morgenstierne 1929:

273].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1126. Ahuric word. Young Avestan: Yasht, Videvdad.

Distinct from Young Avestan griːw-aː- {grīuuā-} 'neck of Daevic creatures' [Bartholomae 1904: 530] and Young Avestan

pat-i=var-ah- {paiti.varah-} 'area opposite the breast, i. e. neck' [Bartholomae 1904: 834].

59. NEW

Iron Ossetic nɜwɜg {нæуæг} ~ nog {ног} (1), Digor Ossetic nɜwɜg {нæуæг} (1), Yaghnobi

nˈav-a {náva} (1), Parachi nˈow {now} (1), Avestan naw-a- {nava-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *nawa-ka- 'new' [Abaev 1973: 174-175].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 292; Novák 2010: 113. An example: {sár-at tánšĭnt náva ak n} "he clothed them with new clothes" (BQ) [AP

1957: 187].

From Proto-Iranian {*na a-ka-} 'new', compare Sogdian (B) {nw’kw} 'new' [Novák 2013: 208].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 222; Morgenstierne 1929: 275. Continues Proto-Iranian {*na a-} 'new' [Morgenstierne 1929: 275]. Phonetic

variants: nˈoː {nō} [Efimov 2009: 222].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1044. Young Avestan: Yasht, Videvdad.

The form naw-a- {nava-} originates from PIE {né -o-} 'new'; compare Vedic nˈaw-a- {náva-}, Greek {νέος} 'young', Latin

{nou-us}, OCS {nov-ъ} 'new' etc. [EWAia II: 25].

60. NIGHT

Iron Ossetic ɜχšɜv {æхсæв} (1), Digor Ossetic ɜχsɜvɜ {æхсæвæ} (1), Yaghnobi χišˈap {xišap}

(1), Parachi χawˈɒːn {xawån} (1) / weˈɒːr {weǻr} (-1), Avestan xšap- {xšap-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *xšap- 'night' [Abaev 1989: 230-231].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 361; Novák 2010: 190. An example: {ax xšap ráxšĭn vút št, tĭk sánt št} "when that night dawned, she came

again" (MT) [AP 1957: 47].

Inherited word; continues Proto-Iranian {*xšapā-}, compare Sogdian {xšp(‘)} 'night' [Gharib 1995: 433].

Distinct from viyˈoːra {vĭyóra} 'evening' [ALP 1957: 345; Novák 2010: 181].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 247; Morgenstierne 1929: 301. Continues Proto-Iranian *xšapan- 'night' [Morgenstierne 1929: 301].

Phonetic variants: χavˈɒːn {xavån} [Efimov 2009: 247].

It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'night' is χawˈɒːn {xawån} or weˈɒːr {weǻr}.Efimov 2009: 246;

Morgenstierne 1929: 298. Borrowed from Indian or Dardic languages [Morgenstierne 1929: 298].

Phonetic variants: veˈɒːr {veǻr} [Efimov 2009: 246].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 548-550. Old and Young Avestan. The root xšap- {xšap-} forms four stems: xšap- {xšap-}, xšap-an-

{xšapan-}, xšap-ar- {xšapar-} / xšaf-n- {xšafn-} and xšap-aː- {xšapā-}. The latter occurs in Gathas. Old Persian {xšap-}.

Old IE {nek t-} / {nok t-} survives in Avestan only in the adjective upa=naxt-ar- {upa.naxtar-} 'bordering the night'


48

Related to Vedic kʂap- {kṣáp-} 'night' (mostly in adverbial sense) [EWAia I: 424].

61. NOSE

Iron Ossetic fənz {фындз} (1), Digor Ossetic fiy {фий} (1), Yaghnobi nays {nays} (2),

Parachi neːšʈ {nēšṭ} (2), Avestan naːh- {n ŋh-} (2) / wayn-aː- {vaēnā-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Of unclear origin. Probably a North-West Caucasian loanword (Abkhaz a-pˈə-ncʼa, Abaza pə-ncʼa 'nose'), cf. [Abaev

1958: 497].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 292; Novák 2010: 114. Dialectal forms: EY nˈεːs {nẹs}, CY nˈεːys { nɛ s} [Novák 2010: 114, 245].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 221; Morgenstierne 1929: 277. Continues Proto-Iranian {*nās-t -} 'nose'; a similar form can be found in Pashto.

However, there may be some influence on the part of Indian or Dardic languages (compare Pashai obl. nast- {nast-} 'nose')


Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1067. Young Avestan: Haδōxt Nask, Frahang ī oīm, Pursišnīhā. Old Persian {nāh-}. Forms of the

singular and the dual number.

In addition, Frahang ī oīm records the stem naːh-an- {n han-} [Bartholomae 1904: 1079].

It is impossible to distinguish properly between naːh- {n h-} and wayn-a- {vaēna-}.

Related to Vedic nas- {nas-} / naːs- {nās-} 'nose / nostrils / muzzle', Latin {nār-is} 'nostril (sg.) / nose (pl.)', Lithuanian {nós-

is}, OCS {nos-ъ} etc. [EWAia II: 30-31].Bartholomae 1904: 1325. Young Avestan: Yasna and Yasht. Two similar contexts;

this word is applied to a dragon.

Related to Middle Persian {vēnīk} 'nose', Balochi {gīn} 'breath'; Kurdic {bēn} 'smell/ breath' [Bartholomae 1904: 1325] and

further to wayn- {vaēn-} 'to see' and Vedic wˈayn-a-ti {vénati} 'cares or longs for / is anxious, yearns for' [EWAia II: 582-583].

62. NOT

Iron Ossetic nɜ {нæ} (1), Digor Ossetic nɜ {нæ} (1), Yaghnobi na- {na-} (1), Parachi na- {na-

} (1), Avestan na-yt {nōi } (1).


Iron Ossetic: A particle, originating from Proto-Iranian *na 'no' [Abaev 1973: 163-164].

The prohibitive negation is ma in both dialects.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 288-289; Novák 2010: 111. An example: {γ rda-š náwẹnĭšt} "eyes do not see him" (Q) [AP 1957: 155].

Polysemy: 'negative / prohibitive / no'. Always bears stress when used with finite verb [Khromov 1972: 17].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 218; Morgenstierne 1929: 274-275. Polysemy: 'negation / prohibition / not'.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1072-1079. Old and Young Avestan.

In addition, there are other negations formed from IIr {*na-} 'not'; compare Old Avestan na-yda- {naēdā-} / Young Avestan

na-yδa- {naēδa-} 'and not / still, yet' [Bartholomae 1904: 1034-1035] etc.

Distinct from the prohibitive negation maː- {mā-} (Old and Young Avestan) [Bartholomae 1904: 1095-1097].

Originates from PIE {*ne-} 'not'; compare Vedic na- {na-} 'not', Latin {ne-sciō} 'I do not know', OCS {ne} 'not' etc. [EWAia II:

1-2].

63. ONE

Iron Ossetic iw {иу} (1), Digor Ossetic yew {еу} (1), Yaghnobi iː {i} (1), Parachi žuː {žu} (1),

49

Avestan ay-wa {aēuua-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *aiwa 'one' [Abaev 1958: 557-558].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 261-262; Novák 2010: 70. Examples: {i – du tóbау ak š, hĭč darák nívə} "he ploughed up one, then two belts of

land" (QW) [AP 1957: 77]; {i met agŭdár} "one day is gone" (SQ) [AP 1957: 131].

Distinct from yˈak {yak} ~ yˈag {yag} [ALP 1957: 365; Novák 2010: 198], borrowed from Tajik. The latter word is used mostly

with borrowed measures of length and time.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 254; Morgenstierne 1929: 304. From Proto-Iranian {*ai a-} 'one' [EDIL 1: 135].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 22-24. Polysemy: 'one / single / alone'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Old Persian {aiva-}.

Continues PIE {o - o-} 'one', a stem that shares the same root with such other protoforms as {o -ko-} and {o -no-} with the

same meaning (compare Vedic ˈayk-a- {éka-} 'one' and Gothic {ains} 'one' respectively) [EWAia I: 262-263].

64. PERSON

Iron Ossetic adɜym-ag {адæймаг} (-1), Digor Ossetic adɜym-ag {адæймаг} (-1), Yaghnobi

oːdˈam {odám} (-1), Parachi mɒːnˈeš {måneš} (-1), Avestan maš-ya- {mašiia-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Wandering Oriental (originally Arabic) words for 'person, human being' [Abaev 1958: 29], modified with the common

suffix -ag.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 297; Novák 2010: 120. Borrowed from Tajik ɔːdˈam {одам} [RU 1954: 283]. The word mardˈum {mard m} means

'people' [ALP 1957: 284; Novák 2010: 103].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 215; Morgenstierne 1929: 272. Borrowed from Indian or Dardic languages [Morgenstierne 1929: 272].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1148-1150. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Old Persian {martiya-}.

Continues Proto-Iranian {*mar-t- a-} / {mar-t-i a-} 'man / mortal', derived from {*mar-} 'to die' [EDIL 5: 215-217].

65. RAIN

Iron Ossetic kʼɜvda {къæвда} (1), Digor Ossetic kʼɜvda {къæвда} (1), Yaghnobi boːrˈoːn

{borón} (-1), Parachi ʁɒːr {γår} (2), Avestan waːr- {vār-} (2).



Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 233; Novák 2010: 17. Tajik loanword, compare Tajik bɔːrˈɔːn {борон} [RU 1954: 80]. An inherited word had to

yield initial w-, compare Sogdian {w’r} 'rain; to rain' [Gharib 1995: 398].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 197; Morgenstierne 1929: 256. From Proto-Iranian {*vāra-} 'rain' [Morgenstierne 1929: 256].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1410. Young Avestan: Yasna.

Continues PIE { eh1-r-}; related to Luvian {wār(sa)} 'water', Vedic waar {vār} 'water / stagnant water / moisture', Latin {ūr-

īnārī} 'to plunge into the water', Old Norse {ur} 'fine rain' etc. [Mallory-Adams 1997: 636].

50

66. RED

Iron Ossetic šərχ {сырх} (1), Digor Ossetic surχ {сурх} (1), Yaghnobi suːrχ {surx} (-1),

Parachi sork {sork} / sˈorkoː {sórkō} (1), Avestan rauδi-ta- {raoiδita-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *sʸux-ra- 'bright (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1979: 208-210].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 324; Novák 2010: 157. Examples: {ха z sib-súrx agárd} 'the pond became very red' (from dragon’s blood)

(QW) [AP 1957: 76]; {xүr арár, surх avú} 'the sun set and became red' [Khromov 1972: 72]. Borrowed from Tajik sˈurχ {сурх} [RU

1954: 369].

The inherited form kimˈeːr {kimḗr} ~ kamˈeːr {kamḗr} 'red' [Novák 2010: 85] is archaic and can be found only in toponyms

like kimˈeːr sˈank {Kimḗr Sank} 'Red Stone' [Novák 2010: 212].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 236; Morgenstierne 1929: 288. An example: {hín-om sórkō-a} 'I have red blood', literally 'My blood is red'

[Efimov 2009: 163]. Continues Proto-Iranian {*suxra-} 'red'.

Phonetic variants: Morgenstierne cites a form with aspiration and stress on the second syllable, sorˈkhoː {surˈkhō}. The last

vowel can also have a different value, i. e. sˈorkho {ˈsurku}.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1495-1496. Young Avestan: Yasht, Videvdad. Used to denote a mountain in Yt. 19. 2.

Continues PIE {*h1reudʰ-} / {*h1rudʰ-} 'red / to be red'; related to Vedic lˈawɦ-i-ta- {lóhita-} / rˈawɦ-i-ta- {róhita-}, Greek

{ἐρυθρός}, Latin {ruber} 'red' etc. [EWAia II: 471].

67. ROAD

Iron Ossetic fɜnd-ag {фæндаг} (1), Digor Ossetic fɜnd-ag {фæндаг} (1), Yaghnobi roːt {rot}

(2), Parachi panˈɒːn {panån} (1), Avestan paθ- {paθ-} / paθ-aː- {paθā-} / pant-i- {pant-i-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *pantaː 'road' [Abaev 1958: 445-446], modified with the common suffix -ag.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 315; Novák 2010: 143. An example: {čо kará rot šá tĭšt?} "how does he walk down the road?" (MT) [AP 1957:

27]. Polysemy: 'road / way / path' is noted in [ALP 1957: 314]; however, there are no clear contexts.

Originates from Proto-Iranian {*rāθa-} / {*rāθi-}, compare Sogdian (B) {r’δ(h)}, Avestan raⁱϑīm (acc.) 'road' [Novák 2013:

201].

Another word, rˈah {rah} ~ rˈoːh {roh} 'road', borrowed from Persian {rāh}, Tajik rˈɔːh [роҳ] [RU 1954: 328], is used only in

collocations [ALP 1957: 311].

Dialectal forms: EY / CY (Q, S, Gh, DB) rˈoːs {ros} [ALP 1957: 315; Novák 2010: 246].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 225; Morgenstierne 1929: 280. Apparently the basic word for 'road', derived from Proto-Iranian oblique base

{*pantāna-}; compare Avestan acc. sg. {pantānəm} 'road / way' [Morgenstierne 1929: 280].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 843, 847. Polysemy: 'road / path / way, track'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad

etc. Old Persian {paθi-}.

Distinct from Old Avestan ad-wan- {aduuan-} / Young Avestan aδ-wan- {aδuuan-} 'way, track' [Bartholomae 1904: 62].

Related to Greek {πάτος} 'path, way'; Latin {pons} 'bridge'; Old Prussian {pint-is}, OCS {pǫt-ь} 'path, way', etc. [EWAia II:

81-83].

68. ROOT

Iron Ossetic widag {уидаг} (1), Digor Ossetic wedagɜ {уедагæ} ~ yedagɜ {едагæ} (1),

51

Yaghnobi rˈiːš-a {ríša} (2), Parachi ʁiːχ {γīx} (1), Avestan warš-a=ǯi- {varəša.ji-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *wai-taː-ka- 'twined, twisted' [Abaev 1989: 106].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 313; Novák 2010: 142. An example: {čanór ríša-y-pĕš aǰáx} "(a horse) pulled the plane tree with its root out"

(SQ) [AP 1957: 140]. Polysemy: 'beard / root', compare {ríša-š atóš} "(he) shaved his beard off" (MT) [AP 1957: 67].

This case is problematic, since a semantic borrowing from Tajik reːšˈa {реша} 'root' [RU 1954: 325] is possible. However, as

can be seen from examples, this word has the same form as rˈiːša {ríša} 'beard', which continues Sogdian {ryš’kk} 'beard'

[Gharib 1995: 348] (Novák treats it as a borrowing from Persian [Novák 2013: 180]). Moreover, the polysemy 'beard / root'

is typologically possible; for instance, it is attested in Grosseto Italian, compare bˈarb-a {barba} 'root / beard' in the

respective word list for Romance languages.

Parachi: Morgenstierne 1929: 258. Originates from Proto-Iranian {* a -xa-}, compare Persian bix {bix} 'root' [Morgenstierne 1929:

258].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1379. Young Avestan: Yasna, Yasht.

It is possible that this compound consists of two parts, wars-a- {varəša-} 'tree' and ǯi- {ji-} 'to live'; literally 'that which gives

life to a tree' [Bartholomae 1904: 1379].

69. ROUND

Iron Ossetic təmbəl {тымбыл} (1), Digor Ossetic tumbul {тумбул} (1), Yaghnobi lˈuːnd-a

{lúnda} (-1) / ʁˈiːl-a {γ la} (2), Avestan skar-na- {skarəna-} (3) / zgr-sna- {zgərəsna-} (4).


Iron Ossetic: Polysemy: 'round 3D / round 2D'. Of unclear origin, cf. [Abaev 1979: 330-335].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 283; Novák 2010: 101. Tajik borrowing.Novák 2010: 58. There are no contexts. The word is derived from

Yaghnobi verb ʁiːl- {γīl-} 'to roll'.

Parachi: Not attested.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1587. Young Avestan: thrice in Yasht; applied to earth.

This word has no clear etymology.

It is impossible to distinguish properly between skar-na- {skarəna-} and zgr-sna- {zgərəsna-}.Bartholomae 1904: 1698.

Polysemy: 'round / convexly rounded'. This word is attested once in Frahang ī oīm and once in Videvdad as a member of

the compound zgr-sna=waγδ-ana- {zgərəsnō.vaγδana-} (V. 14. 10) 'with a convexly rounded head' [Bartholomae 1904: 1698-

1699].

Possibly continues Iranian {*uz-g t-sna-}, derived from {*gart} 'to turn round, to rotate, to spin etc. / round'; compare

Wakhi {γərt}, Pashto {γwənd} ~ {γ(w)und}, Modern Persian {gerd} 'round' etc. [EDIL 3: 196-203].

70. SAND

Iron Ossetic žmiš {змис} (1), Digor Ossetic ɜzmensɜ {æзменсæ} ~ zmensɜ {зменсæ} (1),

Yaghnobi qum {qum} (-1) / reːg {reg} (-1), Parachi seʁˈa {seˈγa} (-1) / riːg {rīg} (-1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from the Proto-Iranian prefixal formation *uzʸ=maisʸa 'mixture, blend' [Abaev 1989: 281-282].

52

Yaghnobi: Novák 2010: 97. This word designates 'soft sand'; borrowed from Uzbek {қум} [Akabirov et al. 1959: 630].ALP 1957: 313;

Novák 2010: 141. According to dictionaries, this word designates 'hard sand'. Borrowed from Tajik rˈeːg {рег} 'sand' [RU 1954: 326].

It is impossible to clarify which word represents the main Yaghnobi lexeme for 'sand'.

Parachi: Morgenstierne 1929: 287. This word probably represents an early borrowing from one of Iranian, Indian or Dardic

languages; Morgenstierne reconstructs the protoform {*sikátā-} 'sand / sandy' [Morgenstierne 1929: 287]. No contexts.

It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'sand' is seʁˈa {seˈγa} or riːg {rīg}.Morgenstierne 1929: 284. Borrowed

from Persian.

Avestan: Not attested. It is possible that pans-nu- {pąsnu-} / pans-anu- {pąsanu-} 'dust / rubbish' [Bartholomae 1904: 904] had the

meaning 'sand'; compare Vedic Sanskrit paːɱs-ˈu- {pāṃsú-} 'dust / sand' and OCS {pěsъ-kъ} 'sand' [EWAia II: 114-115].

71. SAY

Iron Ossetic žɜʁ- {зæгъ-} ~ žaʁ-d- {загъд-} (1), Digor Ossetic zɜʁ- {зæгъ-} ~ zaʁ-d- {загъд-}

(1), Yaghnobi woːv- {wo -} (2), Parachi ǯaɽ- {ǰaṛ-} / ǯaɽiː- {ǰaṛiː-} (3), Avestan mraw- {mrav-}

(4) / wak- {vak-} / wač- {vač-} / wa-wc- {vaoc-} (5).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: žɜʁ-, zɜʁ- [pres.] / žaʁ-d-, zaʁ-d- [pret.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *zʸag- 'to scream (vel sim.)' [Abaev

1989: 292-293].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 353; Novák 2010: 185. Past participle wˈoːv-ta {wóvta} ~ wˈoːf-ta {wófta}. An example: {awóv аní: man ósirim} "he

said so: I am freezing" [Khromov 1972: 69]. Here the word anˈi {аní} is the marker of direct speech.

Compared with Avestan {uf-} 'to sing' [Novák 2013: 195].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 204; Morgenstierne 1929: 262-263. Probably continues {*gard-} 'to call' [Cheung 2007: 106].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1192-1196. Present 3 sg. mraw-ti {mraoiti}, imperfect 3 sg. mraw-t {mrao }, past passive participle (verbal

adjective) mruː-ta- {mrūta-} etc. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Suppletive verb: aorist, perfect and future are formed mostly from a root wak- {vak-} / wač- {vac-}.

Distinct from specific Young Avesta waš- {vaš-} 'to say (of Ahuric creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 1392] and daw- {dav-} 'to

say (of Daevic creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 687-688].

Avestan mraw- {mrav-} originates from PIE {*mle H-} 'to say / to speak'; it is related to Vedic braw- {brav-} 'to say', Old

Russian {mlъviti} 'to speak' etc. [EWAia II: 235-236].Bartholomae 1904: 1330-1336. Future 1 sg. wax-šy-aː {vaxšyā}, aorist 3

sg. wa-wc-at {vaoca }, perfect 3 sg. wa-wač-a {vavaca-}. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Continues PIE {* ek-} 'to say, speak etc.'; related to Vedic wak- {vak-} / wač- {vac-} / wa=wč- {voc-} 'to speak / to say / to

utter / to announce, declare / to proclaim etc.' and Greek {εἴπον} 'I said, spoke' [EWAia II: 489-491].

72. SEE

Iron Ossetic wən- {уын-} ~ wə-d- {уыд-} (1), Digor Ossetic win- {уин} (1), Yaghnobi weːn-

{wẹn-} (1), Parachi bhoč- {bʽoč-} (-1) / dhor- {dʽor-} (2), Avestan wayn- {vaēn-} (1) / dars- {darəs-

} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: wən-, win- [pres.] / wə-d-, win-d- [pret.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *wain- 'to see' [Abaev 1989: 117-119].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 351; Novák 2010: 184. Past participle wˈeː-ta {w ta}. Examples: {γ rda-š náwẹnĭšt} "eyes do not see him" (Q)

[AP 1957: 155]; {na xur w not, na mahtóp} "let them see neither sun, nor moon" (BQ) [AP 1957: 186].

53

From Proto-Iranian {* a na-}, compare Avestan {vaēna-} 'to see' [Novák 2013: 189].

Distinct from ʁoːr- {γor} 'to look at' [ALP 1957: 258; Novák 2010: 59].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 179; Morgenstierne 1929: 239. Suppletive paradigm: bhoč- {bʽoč-} / dhor- {dʽor-} [Efimov 2009: 179]. Borrowed

from some Indian or Dardic source; compare Tirahi {bīc-} 'to see' [Morgenstierne 1929: 239].Efimov 2009: 188;

Morgenstierne 1929: 249. Originates from Proto-Iranian past participle {*d š-ta} 'seen' [EDIL 2: 352].

Phonetic variants: dor- {dor-} in all dialects [Efimov 2009: 188]; doːr- {dōr-} [Morgenstierne 1929: 249].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1323-1325. Present 3 sg. wayn-a-ti {vaēnaiti}, imperfect 3 sg. wayn-a-t {vaēna } etc. Old and Young

Avestan: Gathas,

Suppletive verb: perfect is formed from the root dars- {darəs-}.

Related to Vedic wˈayn-a-ti {vénati} 'cares or longs for / is anxious, yearns for', Sogdian {wyn} 'to see' etc. [EWAia II: 582-

583].Bartholomae 1904: 696-697. Perfect 3 sg. daː-dars-a {dādarəsa}, past passive participle (verbal adjective) drš-ta-

{dərəšta-} etc. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Y. 9 (Hom Yasht).

Originates from PIE {derḱ-} 'to look at, to glance'; compare Vedic darʆ- {darś-} 'to see', Greek {δέ=δορκ-α} 'I have looked at',

Old Irish {derc} 'eye' etc. [EWAia I: 704-706].

73. SEED

Iron Ossetic məkː-ag {мыггаг} (1), Digor Ossetic mukː-ag {муггаг} (1), Yaghnobi taχm

{taxm} (2), Parachi phoːɽ {pʽōṛ} (-1), Avestan tawx-man- {taoxman-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Synchronic derivation from the word for 'sperm' (Iron myg, Digor mugɜ) with the common suffix -ag [Abaev 1973: 137-

138].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 333; Novák 2010: 169. The word is inherited, compare Sogdian (B, S) {tγm} 'seed, descendant, family' [Gharib

1995: 386-387], Avestan {taoxman-} 'seed; kinship' [Bartholomae 1904: 623]. Proto-Iranian {*ta xman-} [Novák 2013: 180].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 229; Morgenstierne 1929: 279. Plural: phaɽ {pʽōṛ}. Polysemy: 'seed / grain / stone'. Borrowed from one of Indian

or Dardic languages [Morgenstierne 1929: 279].

Distinct from biːz {biz} 'corn, grain' [Efimov 2009: 179; Morgenstierne 1929: 244].

The Persian borrowing {tuxm} 'seed' is once used in poetic text [Morgenstierne 1929: 197, 296].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 623. Polysemy: 'seed / embryo / relationship, kinship (pl.)'. Young Avestan: Yasht, Videvdad.

Related to Vedic tˈawk-man- {tókman-} ' a young blade of corn, esp. of barley, malt' [EWAia I: 670].

74. SIT

Iron Ossetic bad- {бад-} (1), Digor Ossetic bad- {бад-} (1), Yaghnobi niːd- {nid-} (1), Parachi

nhiːn {nʽin-} / nhašʈ- {nʽašṭ-}/ nhoːšʈ- {nʽōšṭ} (1), Avestan aːh- { ŋh-} / aːs- {ās-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: bad- [pres.] / batː- [pret.]. Originates from the Proto-Iranian prefixed formation *upa=had- 'to sit (down)'

[Abaev 1958: 230-231].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 293; Novák 2010: 114. Past participle nˈiːs-ta {nísta} ~ nˈiːsː-ta {níssta}. An example: {i xŭšrú daráxtĕ sárĕ níss-ta-

x} "a beautiful woman sits on the tree" (Gh) [ALP 1957: 204].

From Proto-Iranian {*ni-h da-} 'to sit' [Novák 2013: 193].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 221; Morgenstierne 1929: 276. The two stems of this verb continue Proto-Iranian {*ni-h d-na-} / {*ni-has-ta-} 'to

sit' [Morgenstierne 1929: 276].

54

Phonetic variants: all forms occur with initial n.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 344-345. Present 3 sg. med. aːs-teː {āste} etc. Young Avestan: Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Distinct from had- {had-} / šad- {šad-} 'to sit down', used only with preverbs [Bartholomae 1904: 1753-1754].

Related to Hittite {e-eš-zi} 'he sits', Vedic aːs- {ās-} 'to sit', Greek {ἡμαι} 'I sit; I am situated'; Mayrhofer reconstructs the PIE

root {h1eh1s-} 'to sit' [EWAia I: 181].

75. SKIN

Iron Ossetic sarm {царм} (1), Digor Ossetic car {цар} (1), Yaghnobi puːst {pust} (2), Parachi

puːst {pust} (-1), Avestan suːr-i- {sūri-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *čar-man- 'skin (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1958: 290].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 310; Novák 2010: 137. This word has a Sogdian (S) parallel: {pwst(h)} 'skin, leather' [Gharib 1995: 331]; it

reflects Proto-Iranian {*pa (a)sta-} [Novák 2013: 182]. Similarity with Tajik pˈɵst {пӯст} 'skin' is due to close relationship.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 230; Morgenstierne 1929: 281. Polysemy: 'skin / peel / bark'. Apparent Persian borrowing. In addition, there is

a phonetic variant puːšt {pūšt}, found in such expressions as {pūšt-i tečiˈkē} 'eyelid', {gūiˈkī pūšt} 'cow-hide' which Morgenstierne

doubtfully treats as genuine [Morgenstierne 1929: 281]. However, it is not probable that Proto-Iranian {*pa asta-} would yield

Parachi puːšt {pūšt}: other examples show the phonetic change PIr. {* -} > Parachi oː [Morgenstierne 1929: 28].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1585. This word is attested only in Frahang ī oīm.

Distinct from Young Avestan čar-man- {carəman-} 'fell, leather' [Bartholomae 1904: 582-583], Young Avestan (Frahang ī

oīm) ayδ-a- {aēδa-} [Bartholomae 1904: 20] 'skin (on the head)' and Young Avestan (Frahang ī oīm) paːs-ta- {pąsta} 'skin (on

the head)' [Bartholomae 1904: 904].

Related to Old Indian cʰaw-ˈiː- {chav -} 'skin / cuticle' [EWAia I: 557]. Further cognates are not clear.

76. SLEEP

Iron Ossetic fən-ɜy kɜn- {фынæй кæн-} (1), Digor Ossetic fun-ɜy kɜn- {фунæй кæн-} (1),

Yaghnobi ufs- {ŭfs-} (1), Parachi χˈοːm kan- {xōm kan-} (1), Avestan hʷap- {x ap-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Literally 'to do from a dream' with abl. of fən, fun 'sleep, dream' (< Proto-Iranian *xʷaf-na 'sleep, dream' [Abaev 1958:

496]) plus the verb 'to do' [Abaev 1958: 579].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 340; Novák 2010: 176. Past participle ˈuf-ta { fta}.

Phonetic variants: sometimes with a long vowel, i. e. uːfs- {ufs-}.

Distinct from nipˈiːd- {nĕpíd} 'to lie / to lie down / to go to bed' [ALP 1957: 293; Novák 2010: 115].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 249; Morgenstierne 1929: 299. An example: {tån xí-yå хṓm kánta} "my sister is sleeping" [Efimov 2009: 131].

Distinct from rhiːz- {rʽiz-} / rhiːziː- {rʽizi-} 'to lie down / to go to bed' [Efimov 2009: 232; Morgenstierne 1929: 284] and from

ɖogor- {ḍogor-} 'to go to bed' [Efimov 2009: 190].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1862-1863. Polysemy: 'to sleep / to fall asleep'. Present 2 sg. imperative hʷaf-sa {x afsa} etc. Young

Avestan: Yasna, Videvdad etc.

Continues PIE {*s ep-} / {*sup-} 'to sleep'; compare Hittite {supp-} 'to sleep', Latin {sōp-īre} 'to fall asleep', Old English

{swef-an} 'to sleep' etc. [EWAia II: 791].

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77. SMALL

Iron Ossetic čəšəl {чысыл} (1), Digor Ossetic mingi {минги} ~ minkʼi {минкъи} (2),

Yaghnobi maydˈ-a {maydá} (-1), Parachi čiːnˈoː {činṓ} (-1) / rˈiːza {riza} (-1), Avestan kas-u-

{kasu-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Iron čəšəl is of unclear origin, cf. [Abaev 1958: 614].

Digor Ossetic: Digor mingi ~ minkʼi may originate from Proto-Iranian *man-k- 'small (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1973: 122].

Yaghnobi: Novák 2010: 105. Used with a wide range of objects. Borrowed from Tajik maydˈa {майда} 'small, little' [RU 1954: 211].

This word also forms a derivative: maydahˈak {maydahák} ~ maydaˈak {maydaák} [ALP 1957: 285; Novák 2010: 105], which means

'very small / small child' and is considerably well represented in fairy-tales.

Distinct from pˈulː-a {p lla} 'child / boy / small, little' [ALP 1957: 309; Novák 2010: 136]. The first two of these meanings are

featured in many contexts; the last meaning is archaic and can be found in the toponym pˈulː-a rˈoːwt {P lla Ró t} 'Small

River (?)' [ALP 1957: 309]. The word is inherited and originates from Proto-Iranian {*puθra-} ˈsonˈ [Novák 2013: 171-172].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 184; Morgenstierne 1929: 246. Borrowed from one of Indian or Dardic languages [Morgenstierne 1929: 246].

It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'small' is čiːnˈoː {činṓ} or rˈiːza {riz}.Efimov 2009: 233. Persian

borrowing [Morgenstierne 1929: 286].

Phonetic variants: rhˈiːza {rʽiza} [Efimov 2009: 233].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 460. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Videvdad.

Possibly related to Greek {κακός} 'bad / awful etc.' and Vedic proper name kaʆ-ˈu- {kaśú-} [EDIL 4: 333-334].

78. SMOKE

Iron Ossetic fɜždɜg {фæздæг} (1), Digor Ossetic fɜzdɜg {фæздæг} (1), Yaghnobi payst {payst}

(1), Parachi dhiː {dʽi} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *pazda-ka-, derived from the verb *pazda- 'to blow' [Abaev 1958: 467].

Digor Ossetic: According to [Abaev 1958: 467; Abaev 1973: 320], in Digor the more frequently used word for 'smoke' is the

unetymologizable qʷɜcɜ, whereas our data suggest that the default Digor term is fɜzdɜg. It is possible that modern Digor fɜzdɜg has

acquired its basic status under the influence of Iron fɜždɜg 'smoke' (or at least such is the case with our Digor informant).

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 304; Novák 2010: 131.

Dialectal forms: EY pˈazd {pazd}.

Tajik borrowing dˈüːyd {dʉd} 'smoke' [ALP 1957: 250; Novák 2010: 41] occurs occasionally.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 188; Morgenstierne 1929: 248. Continues Proto-Iranian {*dūta-} 'smoke' [EDIL 2: 397].

Avestan: Not attested.

79. STAND

Iron Ossetic lɜww- {лæуу-} (1), Digor Ossetic lɜww- {лæуу-} (1), Yaghnobi uːšt- {ušt-} (2),

Parachi papˈɒː bi- {papǻ bi-} (3), Avestan staː- {stā-} / šta- {šta-} (2).


56

Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: lɜww- [pres.] / lɜww-əd, lɜw-d- [pret.]. Apparently an inherited verb, although its exact Proto-Iranian source

is not entirely clear, see [Abaev 1973: 37-39].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 342; Novák 2010: 177. Past participle ˈuːš-ta {úšta}. An example: {хéli оlówi-ríti a-úšt-or} "they stood by the fire

for a long time" [Khromov 1972: 143].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 225; Morgenstierne 1929: 280. The word papˈɒː 'standing' continues Proto-Iranian {*pati-pāda-} 'fallen' >

'standing' [Morgenstierne 1929: 280].

Sometimes encountered as a reflex of other former participles: apˈɒː {apǻ} < {*ā-pāda-}, wapˈɒː {wapǻ} < {*upa-pāda-} 'fallen'

[Efimov 2009: 172; Morgenstierne 1929: 36].

Distinct from oːšt- {ōšt-} / oːštɒː- {ōštå-} 'to rise, to stand up' < Proto-Iranian {*us-stā-} [Efimov 2009: 224; Morgenstierne

1929: 236; Cheung 2007: 360].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1600-1605. Present 3 sg. =hi-šta-ti {-hištaiti}, hi-šta-teː {hištaite} etc. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas,

Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Originates from PIE {steh2-} 'to stand'; compare Vedic stʰaː- {sthā-} 'to stand', Latin {stāre} 'to stand', OCS {stati} 'to stand

up' etc. [EWAia II: 764-766].

80. STAR

Iron Ossetic štʼalə {стъалы} (1), Digor Ossetic ɜstʼalu {æстъалу} (1), Yaghnobi sitˈoːr-a

{sĭtóra} (1), Parachi estˈeːč {estḗč} (1), Avestan star- {star-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian suffixed *star- 'star' [Abaev 1979: 160-162].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 322; Novák 2010: 154. An example: {sĭtóra arúš} "a star has fallen" [ALP 1957: 316].

This word resembles Tajik sitɔːrˈa {ситора} 'star' [RU 1954: 360]. However, Sogdian (B, M) {‘st’r’k} [Gharib 1995: 67],

Khotanese {stāray}, Pashto {storay} 'star' from Proto-Iranian {*stāraka-} [ALP 1957: 322] also strongly resemble it.

Phonetically {*stāraka-} could yield sitˈoːra, compare viyˈoːra {vĭyóra} 'evening' < {*abi-a āra-ka-} [Novák 2013: 126].

The words biːldˈiːng-a {bildínga} [ALP 1957: 231] and parvˈiː {parví} [ALP 1957: 303] mean 'Ursa Major'.

Dialectal forms: according to ALP and Novák, in Central Yaghnobi (Q) biːldˈiːng-a {bildínga} of unclear origin serves as the

equivalent for 'star' [ALP 1957: 303; Novák 2010: 246].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 193; Morgenstierne 1929: 236. This word should originate from {*star-či-} 'star'; compare Shughni ʂitˈeːrǯ

{ itˈērj} 'star' [Morgenstierne 1929: 236].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1598-1599. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Applied to stars in general

and to certain stars.

This word is related to Hittite {ḫa-aš-te-er-za}, Vedic taːr- {tār-} / str- {st -} and tˈaːr-ak-aː- {t rakā-}, Greek {ἀστήρ}, Gothic

{stair-no} 'star' etc. [EWAia II: 755-756].

81. STONE

Iron Ossetic dur {дур} (1), Digor Ossetic dor {дор} (1), Yaghnobi sank {sañk} (2), Parachi

giːr {gīr} (3), Avestan as-man- {asman-} / as-an- {asan-} (2) / zar-š-twa- {zarštuua-} (4).


Iron Ossetic: Of unclear origin, cf. [Abaev 1958: 376]. According to [Cheung 2002: 180], it could originate from the adjective 'hard'.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 318; Novák 2010: 149. Examples: {i sank- -pĕ sár-ĕš dehčĕ} "he hits him in the head with a stone" (SQ) [AP

57

1957: 166]; {arĭw š sánkĕ vek} "she spinned (a rope) onto a stone" (Q) [AP 1957: 126]; {i kátta sank asuxoy – dĕhót, pahlawónĕ

tuxoyot} "he took a big stone, beat the hero with it and killed him" (Q) [AP 1957: 130].

Proto-Iranian {*aśanga-} [Novák 2013: 198].

Phonetic variants: sˈang {sáñg}. Should be due to Tajik influence; compare Tajik sˈang {санг} 'stone' [RU 1954: 339]. The

word toːbˈ-a {tobá} means 'flat stone' [ALP 1957: 337; Novák 2010: 172]. Borrowed from Tajik tɔːbˈa {тоба} 'pan' [RU 1954:

395].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 195; Morgenstierne 1929: 254. From Proto-Iranian {*gari-} 'mountain' [EDIL 3: 191]. Phonetic variants: geːr

{gēr} [Efimov 2009: 195; Morgenstierne 1929: 254].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 207-208. Polysemy: 'stone / sky'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

It is impossible to distinguish properly between as-man- {asman-} / as-an- {asan-} and zar-š-twa- {zarštuua-}.

From PIE {*h2eḱ-mon} / {*h2eḱ-m } 'stone'; compare Vedic ˈaʆ-man- {áśman-} / ˈaʆ-ma- {áśma-} / ˈaʆ-na- {áśna-} 'stone / rock /

thunderbolt / sky (figurative)', Greek {ἄκμων} 'meteoric stone, thunderbolt / anvil', Lithuanian {akmuõ} 'stone' etc.

[EWAia I: 137-138].Bartholomae 1904: 1684. Yasht and Videvdad. Can designate a stone as a throwing weapon (Yt. 10. 39)

Related to Sabellic {herna} 'rock' [Bartholomae 1904: 1684].

82. SUN

Iron Ossetic χur {хур} (1), Digor Ossetic χor {хор} (1), Yaghnobi χüːyr {xʉr} (1), Parachi

ruːč {ruč} (2), Avestan hwar- {hvar-} / hwan- {hvan-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *huːr- 'sun' [Abaev 1989: 246-248].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 363; Novák 2010: 194. An example: {ax p llot xur aw nor} (Q) 'boys saw the sun' [AP 1957: 186].

From Proto-Iranian {*h ár a-} 'sun', compare Sogdian (M, C) {xwr} 'sun' [Gharib 1995: 436], Iron Ossetic {хур} 'sun'.

Dialectal forms: WY χˈüːyr {xʉ r} ~ CY/ EY χˈuːr {χūr} [Novák 2010: 246].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 233; Morgenstierne 1929: 283. Polysemy: 'sun / day'. From Proto-Iranian {*raučah-} 'light / daylight / day';

compare Avestan {raočah-} 'light / daylight / day' [Bartholomae 1904: 1489-1491].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1847-1848. Polysemy: 'sun / sunlight'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Related to Vedic sˈuwar- {súvar-} / sur- {sur-} and sˈuːr-ya- {s rya-} / sˈuːr-iya- {s riya-}, Greek dial. {ἀέλιος} < {*hαϝέλιος},

Gothic {sauil} and {sunno} 'sun' etc. [EWAia II: 742].

83. SWIM

Iron Ossetic lenk kɜn- {ленк кæн-} (1), Digor Ossetic nakɜ kɜn- {накæ кæн-} (2), Yaghnobi

quloːčˈak deːh- {qulōčák déh-} (3), Parachi awˈbɒːziː kan- {auˈbâzī kan-} (-1), Avestan fraw- {frav-

} (4).


Iron Ossetic: Literally 'to do swimming' with the verb kɜn- 'to do' [Abaev 1958: 579]. Iron lenk 'swimming' is of unclear origin

[Abaev 1973: 41].

Digor Ossetic: Digor nakɜ 'swimming' may originate from Proto-Iranian *snaː-ka-, from the verb *snaː- 'to bath' [Abaev 1973: 152] (cf.

also Proto-Nakh *naːki 'swimming').

Yaghnobi: Novák 2010: 96-97. Also quloːčˈak χas- {qulōčák xas-} [Novák 2010: 97]. These collocations literally mean 'to move hands'.

No contexts. The form quloːčˈak represents borrowing. According to Novák, another collocation, oːbːoːzˈiː kun- {ōbbōz kun-}, has the

meaning 'to bathe / to swim' [Novák 2010: 120]. It also represents a Tajik borrowing.

58

Parachi: Morgenstierne 1929: 102. Persian loan, widespread in Iranian languages. No contexts.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 990. Present 3 sg. med. fraw-a-teː {fravaite} etc. Polysemy: 'to swim / to fly (figuratively) / to move'.

Young Avestan: Y. 9 (Hom Yasht), Yasht, Videvdad.

From PIE {*ple -} 'to swim'; compare Vedic plaw- {plav-} 'to swim', Greek {πλέω} 'swim', OHG {flouwen} 'rinse, wash',

OCS {pluti} 'float / navigate' [EWAia II: 194-196].

84. TAIL

Iron Ossetic kʼɜzil {къæдзил} (1), Digor Ossetic kʼɜǯelɜ {къæдзелæ} (1), Yaghnobi düːym

{dʉm} (2), Parachi domb {domb} (2) / daʁˈond {daγónd} (3), Avestan dum-a- {duma-} / duːm-a-

{duma-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Apparently a suffixal derivative from Iron kʼɜz 'crooked, curved' [Abaev 1958: 623].

Digor Ossetic: Apparently a suffixal derivative from Digor kʼɜʒɜ 'crooked, curved' [Abaev 1958: 623].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 250; Novák 2010: 42. An example: {múšay dum čak adór} (WY) "she caught the mouse tail" [AP 1957: 68].

From Proto-Iranian {*d ma-} [Novák 2013: 183].

Dialectal forms: WY dˈüːym {dʉm} ~ EY, CY dˈuːm {dum}.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 189; Morgenstierne 1929: 249-250. It is not clear whether this word is inherited or was borrowed from Persian


Phonetic variants: dom {dom} [Efimov 2009: 189].

It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'tail' is domb {domb} or daʁˈond {daγónd}.Efimov 2009: 184;

Morgenstierne 1929: 169. Unknown etymology.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 749-750. Young Avestan: Yasht (in compounds ayaŋh-a=dum-a {ayaŋhō.duma-} 'with iron tail'

[Bartholomae 1904: 156] and kar-va=duːm-a- {kaurvō.dūma-} 'with bald tail' [Bartholomae 1904: 456]), Videvdad.

Originates from IIr. {*dumba-} 'tail' [EDIL 2: 479-481].

85. THAT

Iron Ossetic wəy {уый} ~ wə-sə {уы-цы} (1), Digor Ossetic ye {е} ~ ye-či {еци} (2), Yaghnobi

aχ {ax} (3) / ˈawi {áw } (1), Parachi οː {ō} (1), Avestan aw-a- {ava-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Iron paradigm: wəy ~ wə-sə [nom.] / wə-(m)- [obl.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *awa-, gen. *awa-hya 'that (vel sim.)'

[Abaev 1989: 13].

Digor Ossetic: Suppletive paradigm: ye ~ ye-ci [nom.] / wo-y ~ wo- ~ wo-m- [obl.]. The direct stem ye originates from Proto-Iranian

demonstrative *ay- [Abaev 1958: 410]. The oblique stem is cognate to the Iron pronoun.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 227-228; Novák 2010: 8. Suppletive paradigm. Oblique stem: ˈawi {áw } {áwi}.ALP 1957: 227-228; Novák 2010:

8. This form continues Proto-Iranian plural genitive {*a a šām-} [EDIL 1: 273-276].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 222; Morgenstierne 1929: 231. Continues Proto-Iranian genitive {*a ah a-}; compare Avestan {avahe-} from

{ava-} 'that' [EDIL 1: 272-273; Bartholomae 1904: 163-168].

Dialectal/ phonetic forms: hoː {hō} predominantly in Gujulan, rare in Nijrau and Shutul [Efimov 2009: 202].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 163-168. This stem is the main equivalent for 'that' in Avesta; Young Avestan haːw- {hāu-} means 'the

farthest (from speaker)' and is not as actively used as in Old Persian [Bartholomae 1904: 1730-1732].

Related to Slavic {*ov-ъ} 'that' etc.

59

86. THIS

Iron Ossetic a {а} ~ ay {ай} ~ a-sə {ацы} (1), Digor Ossetic a {а} ~ ay {ай} ~ a-či {аци} (1),

Yaghnobi iːš {iš} ~ iːt {it} (2), Parachi eː {ē} (1), Avestan a- {a-} (1) / i- {i-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Oblique stem: a-(m)-. Originates from Proto-Iranian demonstrative *a- [Abaev 1958: 23].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 264-265; Novák 2010: 72-73. Oblique stem ˈiːt {it}.

Proto-Iranian {*a ša-} / {*a ta-}, Avestan {aēša-}/ {aēta-} 'this'.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 190; Morgenstierne 1929: 230-231. Originates from Proto-Iranian genitive {*a-h a-} 'this'.

Dialectal/ phonetic forms: heː {hē} predominantly in Gujulan, rare in Nijrau and Shutul [Efimov 2009: 201].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1-11. The semantic and syntactic antonym of aw-a- {auua-} 'that'. This stem is supplemented by i-ma-

{ima-}, iː {ī} (related to each other) and an-a- {ana-} in oblique cases [Reichelt 1909: 280].

Distinct from ha- {ha-} / ta- {ta-} 'this' (antonymous to haːw- {hāu-} and often opposed to ya- {ya-} 'what, which')

[Bartholomae 1904: 613-623; 1718-1721] and ay-ta- {aēta-} / ay-ša- {aēša-} 'this' (usually pointing to an aforementioned

thing) [Bartholomae 1904: 12-17; 32-34].Bartholomae 1904: 368-371. Oblique stem (i-ma- {ima-}).

86. THIS

Avestan an-a- {ana-} (3).


Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 112-114. Oblique stem.

87. THOU1

Iron Ossetic də {ды} ~ dɜw- {дæу-} (1), Digor Ossetic du {ду} ~ dɜw- {дæу-} (1), Yaghnobi tu

{tu} ~ taw {ta } (1), Parachi toː {tō} (1), Avestan tw-am {tuu m} / tuː-m {tūm} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: də, du [nom.] / dɜw- [obl.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *tu 'thou' [Abaev 1958: 378].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 338-339; Khromov 1957: 23; Novák 2010: 173. Paradigm: tˈu [nom.] / tˈaw [obl.]. Examples: {tŭ tat čo kŭn št?}

"what are you doing here?" (Bidéw) [AP 1957: 106]. Nominative originates from Proto-Iranian {*tu-}. Oblique stem has a protoform

{*tava} (it reflects the Old Iranian genitive, compare Avestan gen. sg. {tava} 'you' [Bartholomae 1904: 787-788]).

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 243; Morgenstierne 1929: 292. Efimov mentions a non-suppletive paradigm. Morgenstierne quotes the

paradigm tuː {tū} (nom.) / toː {tō} (obl.) [Morgenstierne 1929: 292].

Phonetic variants: to {to}, tuː {tū}.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 660-662. Paradigm: nom. tw-am {tv m} (Old Avestan) / tuː-m {tūm} (Young Avestan), acc. θβ-aːm {θβąm},

gen. taw-a {tava} / {tavā}, dat. ta-byaː {taibiiā} / ta-byoː {taibiiō}, instr. θβ-a {θβa} / θβ-aː {θβā}, abl. θβ-at {θβa } / {θβ }.

Enclitic forms: acc. θβaː {θβā}, gen.-dat. tay {tōi} / teː {tē}. In addition, there is an Old Avestan enclitic form of the

nominative case tuː {tū} [Bartholomae 1904: 654-655].

Related to Vedic tuw-ˈam {tuvám} / tw-am {tvám}, Latin {tū}, Gothic {þu}, OCS {ty} 'you (thou)' etc. [EWAia I: 682-683].

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88. TONGUE

Iron Ossetic ɜvžag {æвзаг} (1), Digor Ossetic ɜvzag {æвзаг} (1), Yaghnobi zivˈoːk {zivók} (1),

Parachi bɒːn {bån} (1), Avestan hiz-uː- {hizū-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *zʸwaː-ka- 'tongue' [Abaev 1989: 279-280].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 368; Novák 2010: 205. Polysemy: 'tongue / language', compare yaʁnoːbˈiː zivˈoːk {yaγnobí zĭvók} 'Yaghnobi

language' [ALP 1957: 368]. An inherited word; compare Buddhic Sogdian {zb’’k}, Iron Ossetic {æвзаг}, Digor Ossetic {æвзаг} 'tongue

/ language' etc. from Proto-Iranian {*(hi)zwāka-} [EDIL 3: 404].

The loanword zabˈoːn {zabón} 'tongue / language' occurs only in borrowed collocations [ALP 1957: 366].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 176; Morgenstierne 1929: 241. An example: {bǻn-o danǻn ma šoṇḍ si} "tongue and teeth are located in the

mouth" [Efimov 2009: 131]. Probably continues an intermediate protoform {*zbān-} 'tongue' or borrowed from Persian

[Morgenstierne 1929: 241; EDIL 3: 404].

Distinct from the rarely occurring Persian borrowings zabˈɒːn {zabån} ~ zobˈɒːn {zobån} 'tongue' [Efimov 2009: 251], lawz

{lawz} 'language' [Efimov 2011: 211], lesˈɒːn {lesån} 'language' [Efimov 2009: 212].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1815. Polysemy: 'tongue / speech'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna.

In addition, there are such stems as hiz-v-ah {hizvah-} and hiz-v-aː- {hizvā-} 'tongue' [Bartholomae 1904: 1816].

Cannot be separated from Vedic ǯiɦw-aː- {jihvā-} 'tongue', Old Latin {dingua}, Latin {lingua} 'tongue / tongue as the organ

of speech / speech', Old Prussian {insuwis} 'tongue' etc.; details of reconstruction of the first consonant are not clear

[EWAia I: 591-593].

89. TOOTH

Iron Ossetic dɜndag {дæндаг} (1), Digor Ossetic dɜndag {дæндаг} (1), Yaghnobi dˈindak

{d ndak} (1), Parachi danˈɒːn {danǻn} (1), Avestan dant-an- {dantan-} / daːt-aː- {dātā-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *dantaː-ka- 'tooth' [Abaev 1958: 355; Cheung 2002: 178].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 368; Novák 2010: 205. Unambiguously the main word for 'tooth' in Yaghnobi. However, the second -d- may be

due to Tajik influence [Novák 2013: 118].

The Tajik loanword dandˈoːn {dandón} 'tooth' is used only in borrowed collocations [ALP 1957: 243].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 185; Morgenstierne 1929: 250. An example: {bǻn-o danǻn ma šoṇḍ si} "tongue and teeth are located in the

mouth" [Efimov 2009: 131]. Continues Proto-Iranian stem {*dantan-} : {*dantān-} 'tooth' [EDIL 2: 329-330].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 683, 728. The stem dant-an- {dantan-} is attested in Frahang ī oīm; the stem daːt-aː- {dātā-} occurs in V. 15.

4.

In addition, there is a derivative dat-i-ka- {daitika-} 'wild animal' < {*d tika-} [Bartholomae 1904: 678], literally 'toothy,

with teeth'.

Related to Vedic dant- {dant-} / dat- {dat-}, Greek {ὀδούς}, gen. sg. {ὀδόντ-ος}, Latin {dens}, gen. sg. {dent-is} 'tooth' etc.

[EWAia I: 693-694].

90. TREE

Iron Ossetic bɜlaš {бæлас} (1), Digor Ossetic bɜlasɜ {бæласæ} (1), Yaghnobi dirˈaχt {diráxt}

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(-1), Parachi bhiːn {bʽin} (2), Avestan wan-aː- {vanā-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Of unclear origin. Cf. [Abaev 1958: 247] with possible Old Indic or Caucasian comparanda.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 244; Novák 2010: 33. An example: {gášta ах dĭráxt arrá amúnor} "Then that tree was sawn down" (PR) [AP

1957: 121]. Borrowed from Tajik darˈaχt {дарахт} 'tree' [RU 1954: 116].

Dialectal forms: ΕY darˈaχt {daráxt} [Novák 2010: 244].

Distinct from dˈoːrk {dork} 'wood' [ALP 1957: 248; Novák 2010: 40], continuing Proto-Iranian {*dāru-ka-}, compare Sogdian

(M) {δ’rwk} ~ {δ’rwq} 'wood, firewood' [EDIL 2: 358].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 178; Morgenstierne 1929: 240. Continues Proto-Iranian {*b (a)-n a-} or {barźina-} 'birch' [EDIL 2: 127].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1354. Young Avestan: Yasht, Videvdad etc. An example to illustrate the meaning: V. 5. 2 "he comes to

the tree whereon the bird is sitting; from that tree he intends to take wood for the fire. He fells the tree, he hews the tree,

he splits it into logs, and then he lights it in the fire, the son of Ahura Mazda".

Distinct from Young Avestan (V. 19. 21) warš-a- {varəša-} 'tree' or 'forest' [Bartholomae 1904: 1379]. Compare Darmstetter's

translation: "Quickly was it done, nor was it long, eagerly set off the vow-fulfilling Airyaman, towards the mountain of

the holy Questions, towards the forest of the holy Questions". Although warš-a- {varəša-} does mean 'tree' in the

compound warš-a=ǯi- {varəša.ji-} 'root', it would be wrong to transfer this meaning automatically onto the simple stem

warš-a- {varəša-}.

Related to Vedic wˈan-a- {vana-} 'forest / forest tree / wood, timber'; further etymology is uncertain [EWAia II: 500].

91. TWO

Iron Ossetic dəwwɜ {дыууæ} (1), Digor Ossetic duwwɜ {дууæ} (1), Yaghnobi düː {d } (1),

Parachi diː {di} (1), Avestan dwa- {dva-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *duwa- 'two' [Abaev 1958: 385].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 249; Novák 2010: 41. Examples: {Ах dŭ – za’ f-at mórti – vir-at inč avór} "these two, the woman and the man,

became husband and wife" (MT) [AP 1957: 26]; {Mox zoy-t du q smĭ or} "Our lands consist of two parts" (SQ) [AP 1957: 169].

Phonetic variants: forms with short vowel are attested.

Dialectal forms: EY/ CY dˈu: {dū} ~ dˈu {du}.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 188-189; Morgenstierne 1929: 247.

Phonetic variants: do {do}, duː {du}, rarely dhiː {dʽi} [Efimov 2009: 189].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 762. Young Avestan: Yasht, Videvdad, etc.

Continues PIE {*d o-} / {*du o-} 'two' [EWAia I: 761-763].

92. WALK (GO)

Iron Ossetic sɜw- {цæу-} ~ sə-d- {цыд-} (1), Digor Ossetic cɜw- {цæу-} ~ cu-d- {цуд-} (1),

Yaghnobi šaw- {šaw-} (1), Parachi par- {par-} (2) / čhiː- {čʽi-} (1), Avestan i- {i-} / ay- {ay-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: sɜw-, cɜw- [pres.] / sə-d-, cu-d- [pret.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *čyaw- 'to go' [Abaev 1958: 307-308].

62

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 326; Novák 2010: 159. Past participle ˈe:-ta { ta} ~ šˈaw-ta {šá ta}.

Distinct from tir- {tir-} 'to go away, to depart' [ALP 1957: 335; Novák 2010: 171].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 225-226; Morgenstierne 1929: 280. Polysemy: 'go / become'. Borrowed from Pashai par- {par-} 'to go / to

become' [Morgenstierne 1929: 280].

Suppletive paradigm par- {par-} / čhiː- {čʽi-}.Efimov 2009: 182-183; Morgenstierne 1929: 244-245. Inherited term; originates

from Proto-Iranian {*č a -} 'to move / to go' [Cheung 2007: 40-42].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 147-154. Present 3 sg. ay-ti {aēiti}, present 3 pl. y-anti {yeinti} etc. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas,

Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Unquestionably the main verb with the meaning 'to go' in Avestan.

Distinct from kar- {kar-} / čar- {car-} 'to move (to) / to arrive' [Bartholomae 1904: 449-451], šyaw- {šiiauu-} 'to start moving /

to go forward / to leave etc.' [Bartholomae 1904: 1714-1716]. In addition, distinct from the specific Old and Young Avestan

verb dwar- {duuar-} 'to go (of daevic creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 765-766].

Originates from PIE {*(h1)ei-} 'to go, to walk' [EWAia I: 102].

93. WARM (HOT)

Iron Ossetic qarm {хъарм} (1), Digor Ossetic ʁar {гъар} (1), Yaghnobi šiːragˈarm {širagárm}

(-1), Parachi tapˈoː {taˈpō} (2), Avestan gar-ma- {garəma-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Meaning 'warm'. Originates from Proto-Iranian *garma- 'warm' [Abaev 1973: 266-267].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 327; Novák 2010: 160. A problematic case. This word seems to be used only with liquids; more universal

contexts are not attested. The actual word is a Tajik borrowing; compare širgˈarm {ширгарм} 'warm' [RU 1954: 458].

The inherited word ʁˈarm {γarm} (Sogdian {γrm} 'hot' [Gharib 1995: 169], Proto-Iranian {*gar-ma-} 'warm, hot; heat' [EDIL

3: 161-162]) means 'hot' [ALP 1957: 257; Novák 2010: 56].

Parachi: Morgenstierne 1929: 294. Polysemy: 'warm / hot'. Morgenstierne mentions Pashai tapˈeː {taˈpē} [Morgenstierne 1929: 294].

However, the verb tap- {tap-} / tapiː- {tapí-} 'to become warm, warm up' < Proto-Iranian {*tap-} 'to warm up, heat' [Efimov

2009: 239; Cheung 2007: 378-380] indicates that it is better to treat the word under consideration as inherited.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 515. Polysemy: 'hot / warm (both noun and adjective)'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasht,

Videvdad.

Originates from PIE {g he/or-mo-} 'hot / warm'; compare Vedic gʰar-mˈa- {gharmá-} ' heat, warmth (of the sun or of fire) /

sunshine', Greek {θερμός} 'hot' etc. [EDIL 3: 161-162].

94. WATER

Iron Ossetic don {дон} (1), Digor Ossetic don {дон} (1), Yaghnobi oːp {op} (2), Parachi ɒːw

{åw} (2), Avestan aːp- {āp-} / ap- {ap-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *daːnu- 'flowing (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1958: 366-367].

Yaghnobi: APL 1957: 299; Novák 2010: 123. An example: {op žav} ‘drink water!’ (PR) [AP 1957: 111]. An inherited word, compare

Sogdian {‘‘p} 'water' [Gharib 1995: 8], Proto-Iranian {*āp-} ‘water’ [EDIL 1: 311-315].

Phonetic variants: ˈoːb {ob} ~ ˈoːw {o }.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 174; Morgenstierne 1929: 237. An inherited word; from Proto-Iranian {*āp-} water’ [ESIJ 1: 311-315]. Dialectal

forms: Shutul ˈɒːwoː {ǻwō} ~ ɒːwˈoː {åwṓ}, Gujulan aw {aw} [Efimov 2009: 174].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 325-329. Polysemy: 'water / stream, flow'. Often personified and deified. Old and Young Avestan:

63

Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Paradigm: nom. sf. aːf-š {afš}, acc. sg. aːp-am {āpəm}, gen. sg. ap-oː {āpō}, abl. sg. aːp-at

{āpa }, nom. pl. aːp-oː {āpō}, gen. pl. ap-aːm {apąm} etc.

Related to Vedic ap- {ap-} / aːp- {āp-} 'pl. the Waters considered as divinities', Tocharian AB {āp} 'water / flood / river', Old

Prussian {ape} 'brook / small river' etc. [EWAia I: 81-82].

95. WE

Iron Ossetic maχ {мах} (1), Digor Ossetic maχ {мах} (1), Yaghnobi moːχ {mox} (1), Parachi

mɒː {må} (1), Avestan way-am {vaēm} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Non-suppletive paradigm. Originates from the Proto-Iranian genitive form *ahmaː-ka-m 'we' [Abaev 1973: 77-78].

Yaghnobi: APL 1957: 287; Khromov 1972: 23; Novák 2010: 108. Non-suppletive paradigm: the pronoun has the same oblique stem

mˈoːx {mox} [Khromov 1972: 23] and an enclitic form -(i)mˈoːx {-(i)mox} [Khromov 1972: 24].

An inherited word, compare Ossetic {мах} from the Proto-Iranian genitive form {*ahmā-ka-m} 'we' [Abaev 1973: 77-78].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 214; Morgenstierne 1929: 270. Non-suppletive paradigm.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1357. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Old Persian {vayam}. Suppletive

paradigm: nom. way-am {vaēm}, acc. ahm-aː {ahmā} / { hmā}, gen. ahm-aːk-am {ahmākəm}, dat. ahm-aːy {ahmāi} / ahm-a-y-

byaː {ahmaibyā}, abl. ahm-a-t {ahma }. Enclitic form of oblique cases is naː {nō} / {n } / {n }.

The form of the nominative case way-am {vaēm} is related to Vedic way-ˈam {vayám}, Gothic {weis} 'we' etc. [EWAia II:

508].

95. WE

Avestan ahm-a- {ahma-} (1).


Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 295-296.

Continues { s-mé-}, compare Vedic asm-a- {asma-}, Greek (Aeol. Hom.) {ἄμμε} 'us'; related to enclitic naː {nō} / {n } / {n } <

{*nes-} 'we' [EWAia I: 151-152]

96. WHAT

Iron Ossetic sə {цы} (1), Digor Ossetic či {ци} (1), Yaghnobi čoː {čo} (1), Parachi če {če} (1),

Avestan ka-t {ka } / či-t {ci } (1).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: sə, či [nom.], sɜj, cɜj [gen.] / sɜ-(m)-, cɜ-(m)- [obl.]. Originates from Proto-Iranian *či-d 'what?' [Abaev 1958:

319].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 239-240; Novák 2010: 26. Oblique stem: čˈoːy {čoy}, čˈoːyi {čóyĕ} [ALP 1957: 239]. Examples: {čo kŭnóm?} "what

will I do?" [ALP 1957: 239-240]; {čo-š tĭfárišt} "what will you give to him?" (PR) [AP 1957: 115].

ALP derive it from Proto-Iranian {*či-āka-} [ALP 1957: 239].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 181; Morgenstierne 1929: 244. Polysemy: 'interrogative what / conjunction what, which / in order to etc.'

64

[Efimov 2009: 181].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 422-427. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

Formally, ka-t {ka } represents the neuter gender of ka- {ka-} 'who' and continues PIE {*k o-d}; či-t {ci } reflects {*k o-d}.

This situation resembles Latin {qui-s} 'who' / {qui-d} 'what'.

97. WHITE

Iron Ossetic urš {урс} (1), Digor Ossetic wors {уорс} (1), Yaghnobi safˈeːd {saf d} (-1),

Parachi čhˈačoː {čʽáčō} (-1), Avestan spay-ta- {spaēta-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian aruša- 'white (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1989: 18-19].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 317; Novák 2010: 147. Examples: {saf t aspĕš vóra avú} "he mounted a white horse" [AP 1957: 93]; {i yoč xast:

šo x órtišt, safét xĭrd} "there is one thing: it eats black and throws white" [AP 1957: 211]. This word means 'milk' in the secret

language [ALP 1957: 317; Novák 2010: 147].

Loan from Tajik safˈeːd {сафед} 'white' [RU 1954: 349]

Phonetic variants: safˈeːt {safˈ t} ~ sapˈeːd {sapḗd} ~ sapˈeːt {sapét} ~ sapːˈeːt {sappét} ~ sipˈeːd {sipḗd}. Some of these variants may

be due to contamination with the archaic form sipˈeːta {sipḗta} 'white'.

The inherited term sipˈeːt-a {sipḗta} 'white' [Novák 2010: 153] is archaic and can be found only in toponyms like sipˈeːta

rˈoːwt {sipḗta rōut} 'White Gorge' [Novák 2010: 215]. It also means 'flour' in the secret language.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 182; Morgenstierne 1929: 245. Borrowed from one of Northwestern Indian or Dardic languages


Phonetic variants: čhaʈˈoː {čhaˈtō}, čˈasoː {čásō} and several more variants with different positions of stress and alternation čh

~ č in the first syllable and oː ~ a in the second syllable.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1609. Young Avestan: Yasht, Videvdad.

Distinct from aru-ša- {auruša-} 'white, whitish (applied mostly to a colour of animal skin)' [Bartholomae 1904: 190-191].

This word continues PIE {ḱ e to-} 'light, bright' and is related to Vedic ʆwayt-ˈa- {śvetá-} 'white', OCS {světъ} 'light' etc.

[EWAia II: 679-680].

98. WHO

Iron Ossetic či {чи} (1), Digor Ossetic ka {ка} (1), Yaghnobi kaχ {kax} (1), Parachi ka {ka}

(1), Avestan ka- {ka-} (1).


Iron Ossetic: Paradigm: či, ka [nom.] / kɜy, ke [gen.] / kɜ-(m)- [obl.]. The k-forms originate from Proto-Iranian *ka- 'who?', Iron nom. či

and Digor gen. ke go back to Proto-Iranian genitive *ka-hya [Abaev 1958: 595].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 268; Novák 2010: 84. Nominative kˈaχ {kax}; oblique stem kˈay {kay}. An example: {kax-š p št št?} "who

pinches him?" [AP 1957: 53].

Originates from Proto-Iranian {*kah-} 'who?' + Yaghnobi aχ ‘that’ [Novák 2013: 166].

In contexts where someone asks another person to tell about himself the word čˈoːkara {čṓkara} 'what sort of' [ALP 1957:

240; Novák 2010: 27] is widely attested.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 206; Morgenstierne 1929: 263. Continues Proto-Iranian {*ka-} 'who' [EDIL 4: 152-161].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 422-427. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.

This stem continues PIE {*k o-} 'who'; compare Vedic ka- {ká-}, Gothic {ƕa-s}, Lithuanian {kà-s} 'who' etc. [EWAia I: 284-

65

285].

99. WOMAN

Iron Ossetic uš {ус} (1), Digor Ossetic wosɜ {уосæ} (1), Yaghnobi zaʕˈiːf {za’íf} (-1) / ˈiːnč-ak

{ínčak} (2), Parachi zaˈiːf {zaíf} (-1), Avestan naːr-iː- {nāirī-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: Probably inherited, cf. [Abaev 1989: 20; Cheung 2002: 234] for Old Indic comparanda.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 366 Novák 2010: 202. Examples: {Ах dŭ – za’ f-at mórti – vir-at inč avór} "these two, the woman and the man,

became husband and wife" (MT) [AP 1957: 26]; {Man mórtĭ vum, tŭ zaíf vu} "I am man, you are woman" (Bidéw) [AP 1957: 107].

A borrowing from Tajik zayˈif {заиф} 'weak' or Uzbek {заифа} 'wife / woman' [Akabirov et al. 1959: 162]. These languages

have in turn borrowed these words from Arabic {ḍaʕīf-un} 'weak' [Baranov 1977: 460].

Phonetic variants: zaˈiːf {zaíf} ~ zaˈiːf-a {zaífa} ~ zaiːf-á {zaifá} [ALP 1957: 366]. Contexts do not allow to distinguish between

zaˈiːf {zaíf} and ˈiːnč-ak {ínčak}.ALP 1957: 264; Novák 2010: 71. Examples: {it ínč-ak-ĕ ip t ruγ n ču ĭktá?} "how did that

woman make so much butter?" (SQ) [AP 1957: 170]; {íncak-ĕ b š-ta} "he has stolen a woman" (Bidéw) [AP 1957: 101].

These words are distinct from ˈiːnč {inč} 'wife' [ALP 1957: 264; Novák 2010: 71]. Sometimes it occurs instead of ˈiːnč-ak

{ínčak}: {tik avár i ínč rít } "then he carried (wool) to a woman" (K) [AP 1957: 123].

The word ˈiːnč {inč} (and ˈiːnč-ak {ínčak} as its derivative) continues Proto-Iranian {* a ni-kā-}, compare Yazgulyam {wenǰ},

Shughni {wānīc} 'calf (f)' [Novák 2013: 173].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 251; Morgenstierne 1929: 302. An Arabic borrowing via Persian.

Phonetic variants: sometimes with pharyngeal zaʕˈiːf {zaʽíf}.

Distinct from ǯinǯ {ǰinǰ} ~ Shutul, Gujulan ǯinč {ǰinč} [Efimov 2009: 205].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1065. Polysemy: 'woman / wife'. In addition, there is a stem naːr-i-k-aː- {nāirikā-} with the same meaning.

Distinct from Young Avestan xša-θr-iː- {xšaθrī-} 'female (of men and animals)' [Bartholomae 1904: 603-604], Young

Avestan ǯan-i- {jani-} / Old Avestan {j ni-} 'wife' [Bartholomae 1904: 603-604], str-iː- {strī-} 'female (of men and animals)'

[Bartholomae 1904: 1609], Young Avestan haːr-i-š-iː- {hāirišī-} 'female (of men and animals)' [Bartholomae 1904: 1806-1807].

In addition, distinct from specific Young Avestan ǯah-iː- {jahī-} / ǯah-ik-aː {jahikā-} 'woman (daevic)' [Bartholomae 1904:

606-607].

The word naːr-iː- {nāirī-} is the feminine formation from nar- {nar-} 'man'.

100. YELLOW

Iron Ossetic bur {бур} (1), Digor Ossetic bor {бор} (1), Yaghnobi zard {zard} (-1), Parachi

zˈiːtoː {ˈzītō} (2), Avestan zar-i- {zairi-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *bur 'a k. of color' [Abaev 1958: 271-272].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 367; Novák 2010: 203. An example: {zard asp avvó , zard lĭbósĕ-pĕ avvo } "Yellow (i. e. bay) horse went, with

yellow clothes it went" (SQ) [AP 1957: 143]. A borrowing from Tajik zˈard {зард} 'yellow' [RU 1954: 151].

The inherited word is zˈeːrt-a {z rta}, marked as archaic by Novák [Novák 2010: 204]. It is used mostly as part of the

idiomatic expression zˈeːrta rˈuːʁin {z rta rúγĕn} 'melted butter', literally 'yellow butter' [ALP 1957: 316; Novák 2010: 204].

Parachi: Morgenstierne 1929: 303. Originates from Proto-Iranian {*zarita-} 'yellow' [Morgenstierne 1929: 303].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1680. Young Avestan: Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad.

In addition, the stem zar-i-ta {zairita-} [Bartholomae 1904: 1681] is attested thrice in Y. 9 (Hom Yasht) and once in

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Videvdad. The word zar-i- {zairi-} seems to designate both green and yellow colours in the Avesta.

101. FAR

Iron Ossetic dard {дард} (1), Digor Ossetic idard {идард} (1), Yaghnobi düːyr {dʉr} (2),

Parachi dorˈiːn {dorin} (2), Avestan duːr-ay- {dūraē-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from the Proto-Iranian prefixed deverbative *vi=tar-ta- 'moved away (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1958: 344].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 249; Novák 2010: 42. An example: {dur šá čĕ} 'he went far' (SQ) [AP 1957: 150]. Inherited word, compare

Sogdian {dwr} {dwrh} 'far' [Gharib 1995: 146], Proto-Iranian {*dūra-}.

Dialectal forms: WY dˈüːyr {dʉ r} ~ CY/ EY dˈuːr {dūr} [Novák 2010: 244].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 188; Morgenstierne 1929: 251. Continues Proto-Iranian {*dūraina-} 'far' [Morgenstierne 1929: 251; EDIL 2: 394].

Phonetic forms: dorˈiːng {dorin}, dorˈiːnd {dorin} [Efimov 2009: 188].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 750. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. The stem duːr-a- {dūra-} is attested in

two cases, locative and ablative. Loc. sg. duːr-ay- {dūraē-} means 'far, in the far'; abl. sg. duːr-aːt {dūr-āt} means 'from the

far'.

The adjective duːr-ˈa- {dūrá-} has such cognates as Hittite {tū a-} 'far', Vedic duːr-ˈa-y {dūré} 'far, in the far', Greek {δηρός}

'long, too long', Armenian {erkar} 'long' [EWAia I: 739].

102. HEAVY

Iron Ossetic wɜžžaw {уæззау} (1), Digor Ossetic wɜzzaw {уæззау} (1), Yaghnobi wazmˈiːn

{wazmín} (-1), Parachi gerˈɒːn {gerån} (-1) / bheˈɒːn {bʽeån} (2), Avestan gar-u- {gouru-} # (3).


Iron Ossetic: Synchronic derivation from wɜž, wɜz 'weight, load' (< Proto-Iranian *wazʸ-(y)-a- 'weight, load' from *wazʸ-'to carry')

with the help of the adverbial suffix -aw [Abaev 1989: 101-102, 105]. Less probable is the virtual Proto-Iranian source *wazʸ-y-aː-want-

.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 351; Novák 2010: 184. An example: {vort wazmín vútax} "your burden is heavy" (SQ) [AP 1957: 166]. A

loanword from Tajik vaznˈin {вазнин} 'heavy; solid, respectable' [RU 1954: 88] with dissimilation. The Tajik word itself was

borrowed from Arabic {wazīn-un} 'heavy' [Baranov 1977: 886]. According to Novák, this word also has such meanings as 'low, still /

deaf' [Novák 2010: 184].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 195; Morgenstierne 1929: 254. Persian borrowing [Morgenstierne 1929: 254].

It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'heavy' is gerˈɒːn {gerån} or bheˈɒːn {bʽeån}.Efimov 2009: 178.

Phonetic forms: bheyˈɒːn {bʽeyån}.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 524. Attested only as a member of the compound gar-u=zaw-θra- {gouru.zaoθra-} 'whose libations are

heavy(-flowing)' [Bartholomae 1904: 524]. However, this passage is dubious; it is possible that the word under

consideration should be amended to par-u=zaw-θra- {pouru.zaoθra-} [Vaan 1997].

This word continues PIE {*g h2-ú} 'heavy' and has such cognates as Vedic gur-ˈu- {guru-} / gur-v- {gurv-}, Greek {βαρύς},

Latin {grauis} 'heavy' etc. [EWAia I: 490-491].

103. NEAR

Iron Ossetic χɜštɜg {хæстæг} (1), Digor Ossetic χɜstɜg {хæстæг} (1), Yaghnobi qarˈiːb

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{qaríb} (-1), Parachi nazdˈiːk {nazdik} (-1), Avestan asn-ay- {asne} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *ašta-ka- 'close, near (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1989: 190-191].

Yaghnobi: APL 1957: 279; Novák 2010: 93. An Arabic loan (Arabic {qarīb-un} [Baranov 1977: 630]), probably via Tajik; compare Tajik

qarˈib {қариб} 'near' [RU 1954: 486]. According to Novák, attested in many sources [Novák 2010: 93].

Phonetic variants: qarˈiːp {qaríp}.

There is also an alternate word nazdˈiːk {nazdík} 'near' [Khromov 1972; Novák 2010: 113]. This item is much more rare; it

occurs only in texts recorded by Khromov and Mirzozoda [Novák 2010: 113]. An example from speech: {magazín nazdíg

vot, ī patinká nos} "if a shop is near, buy shoes" [Khromov 1972: 39]. Borrowed from Tajik nazdˈik {наздик} 'near' (adjective

and adverb) [RU 1954: 255]. The Yaghnobi must have borrowed this word comparatively recently (no earlier than the 20th

century).

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 219; Morgenstierne 1929: 278. A Persian borrowing [Morgenstierne 1929: 278].

Another Persian loan, karˈiːb {kaˈrīb}, occurs only sporadically [Morgenstierne 1929: 266].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 220. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasht etc. Comparative nazd-ya {nazdiiō} 'nearer, closer',

superlative nazd-išta- {nazdišta-} 'nearest' [Bartholomae 1904: 1060-1061]. The stem asn-a- {asna-} is attested in two cases,

locative and ablative. Loc. sg. duːr-ay- {dūraē-} means 'far, in the far'; abl. sg. duːr-aːt {dūr-āt} means 'from the far'.

A problematic case. The stem asn-a- {asna-} can continue IIr {*a-zd-na-} < {* -zd-na-}; another similar Iranian formation,

{*na-zd-}, found in nazd-ya {nazdiiō}, nazd-išta- {nazdišta-} and in other Iranian languages, may be related to asn-a- {asna-}

[Bartholomae 1904: 220; 1060-1061]. Another etymology is possible: asn-a- {asna-} can be related to Old Persian {ašna-}

'near' and IIr {*naś-} / {*aś-} 'to reach' [EDIL 5: 531].

104. SALT

Iron Ossetic sɜχχ {цæхх} (1), Digor Ossetic cɜnχɜ {цæнхæ} (1), Yaghnobi namˈak {namák}

(-1), Parachi namˈɒː {namǻ} (2), Avestan namaδ-ka- {nəmaδka-} # (2).


Iron Ossetic: Of unclear origin, probably a North Caucasian loanword, cf. [Abaev 1958: 310-311].

Yaghnobi: APL 1957: 292; Khromov 1972; Novák 2010: 112. An example: {namák-i-pi xoaríšt yo be namák?} "Do you eat with salt or

without salt?" [Khromov 1972: 55]. Tajik loan, compare Tajik namˈak {намак} 'salt' [RU 1954: 256]. Sogdian {nm’δkh} 'salt' [APL 1957:

292; Gharib 1995: 239] shows that the inherited word could to some extent resemble the borrowing.

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 219; Morgenstierne 1929: 276. From Proto-Iranian {*namáδaka-} 'salt' [Morgenstierne 1929: 276].

Avestan: Henning 1940: 8; Bartholomae 1904: 1068. Bartholomae translates this word as 'brushwood'. However, Henning argues

that it means 'salt' and explains that it was thrown into the fire to change its colour [Henning 1940: 8].

Related to Middle Persian {namak} 'salt', Parachi {namå} etc. [EDIL 5: 464-466]. This word has no reliable cognates outside

the Indo-Iranian group.

105. SHORT

Iron Ossetic səbər {цыбыр} (1), Digor Ossetic cubur {цубур} (1), Yaghnobi kuːtˈah- {kūtá(h)-}

(-1), Parachi ʁˈanoːk {γánōk} (2).


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Iron Ossetic: Of unclear origin, cf. [Abaev 1958: 319-320].

Yaghnobi: Novak 2010: 90. Judging by the vocalism, this seems to be a loan from Persian {kūtāh} [Gaffarov 1976: 672], not Tajik

kɵːtˈɔːh {kӯтоҳ} [RU 1954: 199].

There is also another loanword, kaltˈa {kaltá}; ALP translate it as 'short; dock-tailed' [APL 1957: 269]. The same meaning is

found in colloquial Tajik kaltˈa {калта} [RU 1954: 177]. An example: {i kaltá rŭbá vúta} "there was one fox with a short tail",

literally "there was one short/ dock-tailed fox" [AP 1957: 104]. In Tajik kaltˈa {калта} is itself a borrowing from Uzbek

{калта} 'short' [Akabirov et al. 1959: 198].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 197; Morgenstierne 1929: 256. Continues Proto-Iranian {* anta-} 'short' [Morgenstierne 1929: 256].

Morgenstierne also cites the form koːʈ {kōṭ}, possibly borrowed from Persian [Morgenstierne 1929: 268].

Avestan: Not attested. The word kut-aka- {kutaka-} (V. 14. 5) (its cognates in other Iranian languages designate 'short') means 'small,

little' [Bartholomae 1904: 472]. The Young Avestan stem mrz-u- {mərəzu-} in such words as mrz-u=ǯiː-ti- {mərəzujīti-} and

mrz-u=ǯw-a- {mərəzujuua-} 'short living' means 'short (of time)' [Bartholomae 1904: 1174].

106. SNAKE

Iron Ossetic kalm {калм} (1), Digor Ossetic kalm {калм} (1), Yaghnobi moːr {mor} (-1),

Parachi kerm {kerm} (-1), Avestan až-i- {aži-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Originates from Proto-Iranian *krmi- 'worm' [Abaev 1958: 569].

Yaghnobi: APL 1957: 287; Novák 2010: 108. Of Tajik origin; compare Tajik mˈɔːr {мор} 'snake, viper' [RU 1954: 233].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 208; Morgenstierne 1929: 267. Polysemy: 'worm / snake'. The word is borrowed from Persian [Morgenstierne

1929: 267].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 266. Polysemy: 'snake / serpentine monster, dragon'. Young Avestan: Yasht, Videvdad.

The word až-i- {aži-} has a reliable etymology. It has such cognates as Vedic ˈaɦ-i- {áhi-}, Greek {ὄφις}, Armenian {iž}

'snake' [EWAia I: 156].

107. THIN

Iron Ossetic tɜn-ɜg {тæнæг} (1), Digor Ossetic tɜn-ɜg {тæнæг} (1), Yaghnobi tunˈuk

{tŭn k} (-1), Parachi mahˈiːn {mahin} (-1).


Iron Ossetic: Polysemy: 'thin 2D / thin 1D'. Originates from Proto-Iranian *tanu- 'thin (2D/1D)' [Abaev 1979: 262-263].

A second term for 'thin' is Iron ləšt-ɜg {лыстæг}, Digor list-ɜg {листæг} with polysemy: 'thin

1D / small in size (мелкий), split up, comminuted' (apparently an inherited form, although its Proto-Iranian source is not

entirely clear; it could go back to Proto-Iranian *fris-ta- 'crushed, split up', *riš-ta- 'torn up' and so on [Abaev 1973: 57-58]).

As follows from Abaev's data, the archaic Ossetic opposition was tɜn-ɜg 'thin 2D' / ləšt-ɜg,

list-ɜg 'thin 1D', although in modern dialects ləšt-ɜg, list-ɜg is not used or very rarely used for 'thin', having been

superseded by tɜn-ɜg.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 339; Novák 2010: 174. An example: {kátĕ dĕwól tŭn k, wafrák ad h} "the house wall is thin, so there is hoar-

frost (on it)" [ALP 1957: 350]. Borrowed from Tajik tunˈuk {тунук} 'thin' [RU 1954: 399].

Distinct from the Tajik borrowing boːrˈiːk {borík} 'narrow' [ALP 1957: 233] and tˈank {tank} ~ tˈang {tang} 'narrow' (mainly

about clothes) [ALP 1957: 332].

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Parachi: Efimov 2009: 213; Morgenstierne 1929: 271. Persian loanword [Morgenstierne 1929: 271].

Avestan: Not attested.

108. WIND

Iron Ossetic dəm-gɜ {дымгæ} (1), Digor Ossetic dun-gɜ {дунгæ} (1), Yaghnobi woːt {wot} (2)

/ šamˈoːl {šamól} (-1), Parachi ʁɒː {γâ} (2) / šamˈɒːl {šamål} (-1), Avestan waː-ta- {vāta-} (2).


Iron Ossetic: Recent participle from Iron dəm- 'to blow' < Proto-Iranian *dam- 'to blow' [Abaev 1958: 381-383].

Digor Ossetic: Recent participle from Digor dum- 'to blow' < Proto-Iranian *dam- 'to blow' [Abaev 1958: 381-383].

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 353; Novák 2010: 185. The only example is dubious: {wót-ĭ šáwiš} "go (run) like wind!" can represent {wat

šáwiš} "go there!" (Sh) [AP 1957: 91]. However, this word is attested in many sources [Novák 2010: 185] and continues Proto-Iranian

{* ta-} < {*H aHata-}; compare Avestan vāta- (trisyllabic) 'wind' [Novák 2013: 200].

Phonetic variants: wˈoːta {wṓta} [Novák 2010: 185].ALP 1957: 325; Novák 2010: 158. An example: {šаmól vot, ke m rtiš}

"when the wind blows, it will die (about some beetle)" [Khromov 1972: 39]. Figurative use: {šamól-ĭ ránkĕ avvó } "it came

as fast as wind" (about the horse) (Bidéw) [AP 1957: 93].

A loan from Arabic {šamāl-un} (also {šamūl-un}) 'north wind' [Baranov 1977: 417] via Tajik šamˈɔːl {шамол} 'wind' [RU

1954: 451]. Unfortunately, it is impossible to properly distinguish between meanings of wˈoːt {wot} and šamˈoːl {šamól}.

Parachi: Morgenstierne 1929: 255. This word continues Proto-Iranian {* āta-} 'wind' [Morgenstierne 1929: 256]. Additionally, there is

also a compound form ʁɒː-phonˈeː {γâphuˈnē} < Proto-Iranian {* ta-} 'wind' + {*pāšnu-} 'dust' [Morgenstierne 1929: 256].

In texts recorded by Efimov the main word for 'wind' is šamˈɒːl {šamål}.Efimov 2009: 237. A loan from Arabic {šamāl-un}

(also {šamūl-un}) 'north wind' [Baranov 1977: 417] via Persian.

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1408-1409. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc. Sometimes deified.

Continues IIr {*H aHata-} < PIE {*h2 eh1- t-o-} 'wind'; compare such cognates as Hittite {ḫu-u- a-an-t} < {*h2uh-ent-},

Vedic wˈaː-ta- {v ta-}, Latin {uentus} 'wind' etc. [EWAia II: 542].

109. WORM

Iron Ossetic wallon {уаллон} (1), Digor Ossetic zolkʼɜ {золкъæ} (2), Yaghnobi kirm {kĭrm}

(3), Parachi kerm {kerm} (-1) / kawɒːrˈoːk {kawåṛṓk} (4), Avestan krm-a- {kərəma-} # (3).


Iron Ossetic: Iron wallon is of unclear origin; theoretically it can represent a recent derivative from war- 'to rain' [Abaev 1989: 47, 52].

Digor Ossetic: Digor zolkʼɜ was ultimately borrowed from a Turkic form for 'leech' (< Proto-Turkic *sülük 'leech'), cf. [Abaev 1989:

316], but even so the meaning shift 'leech' > '(earth)worm' seems to be an inner Ossetic development; therefore, we treat Digor zolkʼɜ

'(earth)worm' as a full-fledged item.

Yaghnobi: AP 1957: 273; Novak 2010: 88. An example: {nahá tĭtĕ atuxóĭk kĕ du kírm-ĕ ástĕ darúntĕšĭnt} "when you kill them

(doves), then two worms will be inside them" (SQ) [AP 1957: 128]. The word strongly resembles Tajik kˈirm [кирм] 'worm' [RU 1954:

187]. The form kirˈim-čak {k} means 'small worm' [AP 1957: 272; Novák 2010: 87].

Phonetic variants: kirˈim {kĭr m}. It is possible that the pronunciation variant kˈirm {kĭrm} is due to Tajik influence, while

the variant kirˈim {kĭr m} is inherited; compare Sogdian {kyrm} 'snake, worm' [Gharib 1995: 203].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 208; Morgenstierne 1929: 267. Polysemy: 'worm / snake'. The word is borrowed from Persian [Morgenstierne

1929: 267].

Efimov also mentions the word kawɒːrˈoːk {kawåṛṓk} [Efimov 2009: 207], which could possibly be the main designation for

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'worm'.Efimov 2009: 207. No contexts. This word seems to be derived from kawˈɒːra {kawåra} ~ kawˈɒːr {kaˈwār} 'mouse'

[Efimov 2009: 207; Morgenstierne 1929: 268].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 469. Young Avestan: Yasht. This word is attested only once, in a bound context with staːr-oː {stārō}

'stars' (Yt. 8. 8 "We sacrifice unto Tishtrya, the bright and glorious star, that afflicts the Pairikas, that vexes the Pairikas,

who, in the shape of worm-stars, fly between the earth and the heavens, in the sea Vouru-Kasha"). Such translation is

supported by Chr. Bartholomae [Bartholomae 1904: 469] and M. de Vaan [Vaan 2003: 164]; the latter translates this

passage as follows: "the worm stars which fall between earth and heaven in the lake Vouru-Kasha".

Continues PIE {*k mi-}; compare Vedic kˈr-m-i- {k mi-}, Old Irish {cruim}, Lith. {kirmìs} 'worm', etc. [EWAia I: 394-395].

110. YEAR

Iron Ossetic až {аз} (1), Digor Ossetic anz {анз} (1), Yaghnobi soːl {sol} (-1), Parachi saɽ {saṛ}

(2), Avestan yaːr- {yār-} (3).


Iron Ossetic: May originate from Proto-Iranian *asʸ-maːn 'sky' [Abaev 1958: 95-96] or *azʸ-na- 'day' [Cheung 2002: 155].

In both dialects, it is opposed to the second term for 'year' - Iron afɜz, Digor afɜy - which

denotes 'year' as a period. Normally afɜz, afɜy are used in expressions with the general meaning 'during the year'.

Yaghnobi: ALP 1957: 323; Novák 2010: 200. An example: {naháx žúta i mẹtónaš yak sól-ay dódĕ kátta avú} "that boy grew up in one

day as if over one year" (MT) [APL 1957: 323]. The word is borrowed from Tajik sˈɔːl {сол} [RU 1954: 363].

There is also an alternate word yˈoːsoː {yóso}, probably continuing Proto-Iranian {*āśaka-} (Iron Ossetic {аз}, Digor Ossetic

{анз} 'year') [Novák 2013: 207], but Yaghnobi speakers use it only as part of adverbial expressions, iːyˈoːsoː {iyóso} 'this

year' and the like [AP 1957: 366]. Novák considers this word archaic [Novák 2010: 200].

Parachi: Efimov 2009: 234; Morgenstierne 1929: 288-289. Originates from Proto-Iranian {*sarda-} 'year' [Morgenstierne 1929: 289].

Morgenstierne’s informants also use Persian borrowing sɒːl {sâl} [Morgenstierne 1929: 287].

Avestan: Bartholomae 1904: 1287. Young Avestan: Videvdad, Nirangastan; in addition, some compounds with yaːr- {yār-} in Yasht

and some other Young Avestan books are attested.

Distinct from Young Avestan (Vendidad and fragments) sarδ- {sarəδ-} 'year (of somebody’s age)', etymologically 'autumn'


Continues PIE {* r-} 'year'; compare Greek {ὡρος}, OHG {jār} 'year' etc. [Mallory-Adams 1997: 654].

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