Annotated Swadesh wordlists for the Hmong group (Hmong ... · lateral affricates (ƛ-), etc. In...

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[Text version of database, created 15/06/2017].

Annotated Swadesh wordlists for the Hmong group (Hmong-Mien family).

Languages included: Western Xiangxi Hmong [hmo-xxi]; Eastern Xiangxi Hmong

[hmo-xxe]; Qiandong Hmong [hmo-qia]; Chuanqiandian Hmong [hmo-cqd];

Diandongbei Hmong [hmo-hmd]; Hmong Daw [hmo-daw]; Hmong Njua [hmo-nju];

Bunu (proper) [hmo-bnu]; Baonao Bunu [hmo-bna]; Numao Bunu [hmo-nmu]; Longhua

Jiongnai [hmo-lhj]; Liuxiang Jiongnai [hmo-lxj]; Xiaozhai Younuo [hmo-ynz]; Huangluo

Younuo [hmo-ynl]; Northern Pa-Hng [hmo-phn]; Southern Pa-Hng [hmo-phs]; Hm-Nai

[hmo-wun]; Lianhua She [hmo-lia]; Luofu She [hmo-luo]; Pa-Na [hmo-pna].

DATA SOURCES

General.

MYYFY 1987 = 苗瑤語方言詞匯集 [Miao-Yao yu fangyan cihui ji] [A collection of

vocabularies of Miao-Yao dialects]. Beijing: Zhongyang minzu xueyuan chubanshe. //

Comparative vocabularies for seven varieties of Hmong-Mien spoken in the People's Republic of

China, including Xiangxi, Qiandong, Chuanqiandian, and Diandongbei Miao. A significant

amount of data, accompanied, however, only by brief listings of the corresponding dialects'

phonemic inventories.

I. Xiangxi Hmong (Western, Eastern).

Xiang 1992 = 向日征. 漢苗詞典 (湘西方言) [Xiang Rizheng. Han-Miao cidian (Xiangxi

fangyan)] [Xiang Rizheng (ed.). Chinese-Miao vocabulary (Xiangxi dialect)]. Chengdu:

Sichuan minzu chubanshe. // A large dictionary of the Xiangxi dialect, accompanied by a brief

sketch of Xiangxi phonology.

Yang 2004 = 楊再彪. 苗語東部方言土語比較 [Yang Zaibiao. Miaoyu dongbu fangyan

tuyu bijiao] [Yang Zaibia. A comparison of the Eastern dialects of the Miao language].

Beijing: Minzu chubanshe chuban faxing. // A comparative description of several dialects of

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Western and Eastern Xiangxi Hmong, including a large comparative vocabulary for three

Western and three Eastern Xiangxi locations.

II. Qiandong Hmong.

Zhang 1990 = 張永祥. 苗漢詞典 (黔東方言) / Hmub diel cif dieex (hveb qeef dongb).

[Zhang Yongxiang. Miao-Han cidian (Qiandong fangyan)] [Zhang Yongxiang (ed.).

Miao-Chinese vocabulary (Qiandong dialect)]. Guizhou minzu chubanshe. // A large

dictionary of the Northern Qiandong dialect, accompanied by a brief sketch of Qiandong

phonology.

III. Hmong Daw.

Heimbach 1979 = Heimbach, Ernest E. White Hmong - English Dictionary. Ithaca, New

York: Cornell University. // Large dictionary of the Hmong Daw (White Hmong) language,

based primarily on the Northern Thailand dialect.

Mottin 1978 = Mottin, Jean. Elements de grammaire Hmong Blanc. Don Bosco Press. // A

detailed grammatical description of the Hmong Daw language.

IV. Hmong Njua.

Lyman 1974 = Thomas Amis Lyman. Dictionary of Mong Njua, a Miao (Meo) Language

of Southeast Asia. The Hague: Mouton. // A large dictionary of the Hmong Njua language,

illustrated by numerous textual examples and short notes on phonology and some grammar

aspects.

V. Bunu (proper; Baonao; Numao).

Meng 2001 = 蒙朝吉. 瑤族布努語方言研究 [Meng Chaoji. Yao zu bunu yu fangyan

yanjiu] [Meng Chaoji. Research on the dialects of the Bunu language of the Yao

nationality]. Beijing: Minzu chubanshe. // Detailed analysis of the phonology and word

structure of several closely related dialects of the Bunu cluster.

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VI. Jiongnai (Longhua; Liuxiang).

Mao & Li 2002 = 毛宗武, 李云兵. 炯奈語研究 [Mao Zongwu, Li Yunbing. Jiongnai yu

yanjiu] [Mao Zongwu, Li Yunbing. Research on the Jiongnai language]. Beijing:

Zhongyang minzu daxue chubanshe. // Detailed analysis of the phonology, lexicon, and

grammar of the Jiongnai dialect cluster.

VII. Younuo (Xiaozhai; Huangluo).

Mao & Li 2007 = 毛宗武, 李云兵. 优诺語研究 [Mao Zongwu, Li Yunbing. Younuo yu

yanjiu] [Mao Zongwu, Li Yunbing. Research on the Younuo language]. Beijing: Minzu

chubanshe. // Detailed analysis of the phonology, lexicon, and grammar of the Younuo dialect

cluster.

VIII. Pa-Hng (Northern; Southern); Hm-Nai.

Mao & Li 1997 = 毛宗武, 李云兵. 巴哼語研究 [Mao Zongwu, Li Yunbing. Baheng yu

yanjiu] [Mao Zongwu, Li Yunbing. Research on the Pa-Hng language]. Beijing: Minzu

chubanshe. // Detailed analysis of the phonology, lexicon, and grammar of the Bahengic

languages, including Northern Pa-Hng, Southern Pa-Hng, and Hm-Nai.

IX. She (Lianhua; Luofu).

Mao & Meng 1986 = 毛宗武, 蒙朝吉. 畲語簡志 [Mao Zongwu, Meng Chaoji. She yu

jianzhi] [Mao Zongwu, Meng Chaoji. A brief description of the She language]. Beijing:

Minzu chubanshe. // Detailed analysis of the phonology, lexicon, and grammar of the She

language, concentrating on the Lianhua (Western) and Luofu (Eastern) dialects.

Hiroki 2003 = Nakanishi Hiroki. A She Vocabulary. Haifeng Dialect. Kyoto University:

Institute for Research in Humanities. // A large classified Chinese-language vocabulary of the

Haifeng dialect of She, collected by the author. This dialect is lexically closer to Lianhua She than

to Luofu She.

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X. Pa-Na.

Taguchi 2001 = 田口善久. 巴那語詞匯集. [Taguchi, Yoshihisa. A vocabulary of Pana]. In:

Tasaku Tsunoda (ed.). Basic Materials in Minority Languages 2001 (ELPR Publication Series

2001). // A 200-item wordlist for Pana, personally collected by the author.

Chen 2001 = 陳其光. 巴那語概況. [Chen Qiguang. Banayu gaikuang] [Chen Qiguang. A

general description of the Pana language]. Minzu yuwen 2001(2): 69-81. // A brief

description of the phonology and grammar of Pa-Na, with a representative accompanying

vocabulary.

NOTES

I. Xiangxi Hmong.

General.

Xiangxi Hmong may be considered a "macro-language", with close to a million

speakers, most of which are assumed to be speakers of its "Western" variety. The precise

number of individual lects that could be thought of as individual languages is not easy

to ascertain: based on [Yang 2004], so far the most detailed account on the dialectal

variety of this cluster, even lects spoken in geographically closed locations may have up

to 10% lexicostatistical discrepancies between them (although much of this has to do

with stronger/weaker influence of colloquial and literary Chinese on specific dialects).

Although in practice, due to the availability of [Yang 2004] it is technically possible to

compile separate wordlists for as many as six different varieties (Jiwei, Yangmeng,

Zhongxin dialects of Western Xiangxi; Danqing, Xiaozhang, Dengshang dialects of

Eastern Xiangxi), we have not used this option, because it is not clear to what extent the

actual vocabularies in [Yang 2004] are semantically accurate, and we would not want to

confuse potential semantic inaccuracies with real historical distinctions. Therefore, for

the sake of extra safety we have adopted the following strategy:

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(a) For Western Xiangxi, our default source is [Xiang 1992], a special detailed dictionary

of just one dialectal variety, with the data in [MYYFY 1987] and in [Yang 2004] used as

control sources.

(b) For Eastern Xiangxi, where the only usable source is [Yang 2004], we have selected

the Danqing dialect as the one that seems the least infiltrated with Chinese borrowings

(although that does not mean that it is entirely free of them, either). Data from the other

two dialects (Xiaozhang, Dengshang) are given in the notes section.

Transliteration.

Although the Xiangxi vocabularies in [Xiang 1992] and [MYYFY 1987] are almost

identical from a lexical standpoint (with just a few minor discrepancies in the choice of

desemanticized classifiers, etc.), the IPA-based transcription in [MYYFY] and Xiang

Rizheng's alphabetic notation for Xiangxi sometimes reflect different phonetics,

probably due to their describing different subdialects. In particular:

(1) Xiang's initial clusters of nasals + unaspirated / aspirated stops (nd, np, etc.) are

consistently transcribed as voiced unaspirated / aspirated consonants (d, bʰ, etc.) in

[MYYFY];

(2) Those finals in -n which, according to Xiang's conversion tables, represent nasalized

vowels (e. g. Xiang's en = our ), are consistently transcribed in [MYYFY] without

nasalization (i. e. simply as ɛ, etc.).

Transcription in [Yang 2004] is IPA-based and largely the same as in {MYYFY].

The basic conventions for transliteration of [Xiang 1992] are as follows:

[Xiang 1992] UTS transliteration Notes

b p

bl pɹ

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c cʰ

d t

g k The sequence k - is transcribed as ɕ- [IPA c-] in

MYYFY, reflecting palatalization. In fact, k-

before front vowels in [Xiang 1992] seems to

generally correspond to c- in [MYYFY].

gh q

h x

hl The sequence - is transcribed as ʎ - in MYYFY.

hm

hn

j ɕ

kh qʰ

l l The sequence l - is transcribed as ʎ- in MYYFY.

m m

ml mɹ

n n The sequence n - is transcribed as ɲ- in MYYFY.

nb mp Transcribed as b in MYYFY.

nd nt Transcribed as d in MYYFY.

ngh nq Transcribed as ɢ in MYYFY.

nh ɲ

nj ɲɕ Transcribed as ʓ (dʑ) in MYYFY.

np mpʰ Transcribed as bʰ (bh) in MYYFY.

nq ɲɕʰ Transcribed as ʓʰ (dʑh) in MYYFY.

p pʰ

q ɕʰ

r ʐ

s s

sh ʂ

w w

x ʆ

y ʑ

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z c

zh ʈ

a a

an Transcribed as ɛ in MYYFY.

ang aŋ

ao ɔ

e e

ea ä Transcribed as a in MYYFY.

ei ei

en en

eu ɤ

i i

ia a

ian Transcribed as iɛ in MYYFY.

iao ɔ

iea ä

in in

io o

o o Transcribed as ɔ in MYYFY.

ong oŋ

ou ɯ

u u

ue e

uou ɯ

-b 1 Tone 1 is described as mid-rising (35).

-x 2 Tone 2 is described as mid-falling (42).

-d 3 Tone 3 is described as high level (44).

-l 4 Tone 4 is described as low level (22).

-t 5 Tone 5 is described as high-to-mid-falling (54).

-s 6 Tone 6 is described as mid-to-low-falling (31).

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II. Qiandong Hmong.

Transliteration.

There are very few transcriptional differences between the orthographic system used in

[Zhang 1989] and the IPA-based transcription in [MYYFY 1987]. Both sources represent

the same dialect of Qiandong Hmong: Northern Qiandong, spoken in the Yanghao

village and other locations.

[Zhang 1989] UTS transliteration Notes

b p

c cʰ

d t

dl ɬ

f f

g k

gh q

h h

hf fʰ

hl

hm

hn

hs sʰ

hv xʰ

hx ʃʰ

j ɕ

k kʰ

kh qʰ

l l

m m

n n

ng ŋ

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p pʰ

q ɕʰ

r z

s s

t tʰ

v ɣ

w v

x ʃ

y ʑ

z c

a a

ai ɛ

ang aŋ

ao ao

e əu Transcribed simply as ə in [MYYFY 1987].

ee e

ei ei

en en

i i

ia ia

iang iaŋ

iao iao

ie iə

iee ie

in in

io io

iong ioŋ

iu iu

o o

ong oŋ

u u

10


ua ua

uai uɛ

uang uaŋ

ui ui

un un

-b 1 Tone 1 is described as mid-level (33).

-x 2 Tone 2 is described as ultrahigh-level (55).

-d 3 Tone 3 is described as mid-rising (35).

-l 4 Tone 4 is described as low-level (11).

-t 5 Tone 5 is described as high-level (44).

-s 6 Tone 6 is described as low-rising (13).

-k 7 Tone 7 is described as high-falling (53).

-f 8 Tone 8 is described as mid-falling (31).

III. Chuanqiandian Hmong, Diandongbei Hmong.

General.

There are two varieties of Hmong speech, covered in [MYYFY 1987], that both belong to

the so-called "Chuanqiandian cluster": "Chuanqiandian proper" is spoken in Xùyǒng

(敘永), in the southeast of Sichuan, and "Diandongbei Hmong", also known as "Large

Flowery Miao" (dà-huā-miáo 大花苗), is spoken in Shíménkǎn (石門坎), in west Guizhou.

Since these two dialects are quite close, and data for them comes from the same unified

source, we discuss them together.

Transliteration.

The phonetic systems of Chuanqiandian and Diandongbei are relatively close (although

the former is significantly more rich), and their phonetic representation in [MYYFY

1987], based on the IPA, has only minor differences from the UTS transliteration. Some

general notes:

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1. Chuanqiandian proper has phonologically relevant voiced (b, d, ʒ, etc.) and

prenasalised voiced (mb, nd, nʒ, etc.) initials that are missing in Diandongbei.

2. Chuanqiandian proper has initial consonantal clusters of labial and alveolar stops

with -l- (pl-, tl-), whereas Diandongbei generally transforms both of these series into

lateral affricates (ƛ-), etc. In terms of transcription, therefore, [MYYFY 1987] tl = UTS tl,

but [MYYFY 1987] tɬ = UTS ƛ, tɬh = UTS ƛʰ.

3. Both dialects, like most Hmong varieties, have 8 tones, but their phonetic realization

varies. According to [MYYFY 1987], the system is as follows:

Tone number Phonetic realisation

in Chuanqiandian

Phonetic realisation

in Diandongbei

1 High-falling (43) High-falling (53)

2 Mid-falling (31) Mid-rising (45)

3 High level (55) High level (55)

4 Low-falling (21) Low level (11)

5 Low level (44) Mid level (22)

6 Low-rising (13) Mid-falling (31)

7 Mid level (33) Low level (11) [merged with

Tone 4]

8 Mid-rising (24) Low-falling (21)

IV. Hmong Daw.

Transliteration.

The transliteration of E. Heimbach's transcriptional system into UTS is based on his

own phonetic commentary, which is sometimes approximate, and may not be 100%

adequate. However, all the phonological oppositions (consonantal, vocalic, and tonal)

have been carefully preserved.

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[Heimbach 1979] UTS transliteration Notes

c ɕ

ch ɕʰ

d ʼd Preglottalized articulation.

dh ʼtʰ

f f

g ŋ

h h

hl

hm

hn

hnl l

hny ɲ

k k

kh kʰ

l l

m m

n n

nc ɲʓ

nch ɲɕʰ

nk ŋg

nkh ŋkʰ

nl ml

np mb

nph mpʰ

npl mbl

nplh mb

nq nq

nqh nqʰ

nr ɳɖ

nrh ɳʈʰ

nt nd

nth ntʰ

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nts nǯ

ntsh nčʰ

ntx nʒ

ntxh ncʰ

ny ɲ

p p

ph pʰ

pl pl

q q

qh qʰ

r ʈ

rh ʈʰ

s š

t t

th tʰ

ts č

tsh čʰ

tx c

txh cʰ

v v

x s

xy ʆ

y y

z ž

a a

ai ay

au ɔw

aw əw

e e

ee ɤ

i i

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ia a

o ɔ

on

oo õ

u u

ua ə

w ɨ

ww

x s

xy ʆ

-b 1 Tone 1 is described as high-level (55).

-j 2 Tone 2 is described as high-falling (53).

-v 3 Tone 3 is described as mid-rising (34).

-0 (unmarked) 4 Tone 4 is described as mid-level (33).

-s 5 Tone 5 is described as low-level (11).

-g 6 Tone 6 is described as low-falling (21).

-m 7 Tone 7 is described as low-level checked

(11).

-d 8 Tone 8 is described as low-rising (13).

Notes:

1. Word-initial vowels are automatically preceded by a glottal stop; it is not marked in

Heimbach's transcriptions and is not reproduced in our transliteration either.

2. Tone 8 (Heimbach's -d) is described as a rare variant of tone 7 (Heimbach's -m) that

"appears only on a certain class of words". We still mark it separately in the only word

on the Swadesh list where it appears ('that').

3. It should be noted that, since the system of word-initial consonants and clusters in

Hmong Daw is so complex, many of these elements do not appear in the database at all.

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Nevertheless, we offer a complete transliteration system for a better understanding of

the phonological oppositions in this language.

V. Hmong Njua.

Transliteration.

Like most early researchers of Hmong languages, Th. Lyman uses a rather idiosyncratic

transcriptional notation in his dictionary. For simplicity's sake, we list his entire system

as transcoded to UTS.

[Lyman 1974] UTS transliteration Notes

ʔ ʔ The glottal stop is automatic before an initial

vowel; it also sometimes replaces velar and

uvular consonants in the specific "children's

speech" variants of certain words.

c č Postalveolar affricate.

ch čh Postalveolar affricate.

č Retroflex affricate.

čh Retroflex affricate.

ȼ c Alveolar affricate.

ȼh cʰ Alveolar affricate.

f f

h h

hl ɬ

hs sʰ

hy ʆ

k k

kh kʰ

l l

m m

mb mb -b- in this nasal cluster is an allophone of -p-.

mph mpʰ

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kh kʰ

n n

ñ ɲ

ñch ɲčʰ

ñd ɲʓ -ʓ- in this nasal cluster is an allophone of -ɕ-.

ñj ɲǯ -ǯ- in this nasal cluster is an allophone of -č-.

ɲƫh ɲɕʰ

ň ɳ

ňčh ɳ

ňǰ ɳᶚ -ᶚ- in this nasal cluster is an allophone of - -.

ŋ ŋ

ŋg ŋg -g- in this nasal cluster is an allophone of -k-.

ŋɣ ŋɢ -ɢ- in this nasal cluster is an allophone of -q-.

ŋkh ŋkʰ

ŋqh ŋqʰ

p p

ph pʰ

q q

q qʰ

s s

š š

t t

th tʰ

ƫ ɕ Palatal affricate.

ƫh ɕʰ Palatal affricate.

v v

y y

ž ž

a a

ai ay

aŋ aŋ

ao ao

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au au

aw aʉ

e e

eŋ eŋ

i i

ɨ ɨ

oŋ oŋ

u u

ua a

w ʉ

wŋ ʉŋ

Ỻ 1 Tone 1 is described as high-level (55 or 54).

V̌ 2 Tone 2 is described as mid-rising (35).

V 3 Tone 3 is described as mid-level (33, long).

Ỽ 4 Tone 4 is described as low-level (22).

5 Tone 5 is described as high-falling (41).

V 6 Tone 6 is described as low-level (11) + breathy.

V+ 7 Tone 7 is described as low-rising (214), with

additional length and glottal stop.

VI. Bunu.

Transliteration.

The transcription system used in [Meng 2001] to transcribe the three dialectal varieties

of Bunu is generally based on the IPA, and consequently requires only cosmetic change

when transliterated to UTS. Below we give an exhaustive list of such changes, without

printing out the entire inventory of Bunu initials or finals.

[Meng 2001] UTS transliteration Notes

ph, th... pʰ, tʰ... Aspirated initials.

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[Meng 2001] UTS transliteration Notes

nts nc

tɕ, tɕh, ɕ ɕ, ɕʰ, ʆ Palatal affricates and fricatives.

tl, tlh, ntl ƛ, ƛʰ, nƛ These initials are also transcribed in [Meng 2001]

as tɬ, tɬh, ntɬ for the Bunu proper dialect.

However, the difference between tɬ and tl seems

to be purely graphical, without any underlying

phonetic reality.

pj, kj... p , k ... We interpret the "softened" (palatalized) initials

of Bunu as combinations with the medial glide - -

and transcribe them accordingly.

ai, ei ay, ey

Tones. All Bunu dialects have an 8-tonal system; additionally, some of the tones (1-4 in

Bunu proper; 1-3, 6, 8 in Numao; none in Baonao) undergo further binary splits under

certain conditions, usually through active or "fossilized" tonal samdhi (however, very

few examples of this tonal split are encountered in the Swadesh list). The precise

phonetic realisations, according to [Meng 2001], are as follows:

Tone Bunu proper Baonao Numao

1 33 42 33

2 13 24 55

3 43 33 24

4 232 44 43

5 41 32 44

6 221 31 31

7 32 32 55

8 21 54 32

1a 55 422

2a 35 424

3a 54 53

4a 454

6a 423

8a 52

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The "split" variants of the tones (1a, 2a, etc.) are marked as 1 ́, 2 ́, etc. in [Meng 2001].

VII. Jiongnai.

Transliteration.

The transcription used in [Mao & Li 2002] to render the forms in the Longhua and

Liuxiang dialects of the Jiongnai language is generally consistent with the IPA, and

requires only the usual IPA > UTS transliteration elements (the same as outlined above

for Bunu).

It must be mentioned that Mao & Li mark the Jiongnai tones in accordance with their

register/contour characteristics rather than with a general abstract scheme from 1 to 8.

The standard eight tones of Jiongnai are marked as follows: (1) = 44; (2) = 33 (Longhua),

31 (Liuxiang); (3) = 53 (Longhua), 35 (Liuxiang); (4) = 31 (Longhua), 53 (Liuxiang); (5) =

35 (Longhua), 22 (Liuxiang); (6) = 22 (Longhua), 21 (Liuxiang); (7) = 43; (8) = 32.

VIII. Younuo.

Transliteration.

The transcription used in [Mao & Li 2007] to render the forms in the Xiaozhai and

Huangluo dialects of the Younuo language is generally consistent with the IPA, and


for Bunu and Jiongnai).

As in the case of Jiongnai, tones in [Mao & Li 2007] are marked in accordance with their

register/contour characteristics rather than with any general abstract scheme from 1 to

8. The eight-tonal scheme is reduced to six tones in the Xiaozhai dialect and to five tones

in the Huangluo dialect. The correlations between the "ideal" eight tones and the actual

phonetic values in both dialects are as follows: (1) = 33; (2) = 13; (3) = 22; (4) = 22; (5) = 35

(Xiaozhai), 53 (Huangluo); (6) = 31 (Xiaozhai), 22 (Huangluo); (7) = 53; (8) = 31.

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IX. Pa-Hng and Wunai.

1. General.

Data on the closely related Pa-Hng (= Bāhēng) and Hm-Nai (= Wúnài) languages are

drawn here from the most detailed and up-to-date source on both of them, [Mao & Li

1997]. According to this source, Pa-Hng shows a primary division into Northern and

Southern dialects, represented in Mao & Li's description by the lects spoken

respectively in Gundong (滚董) (Liping County, Guizhou) and Wenjie (文界) (Sanjiang

County, Guangxi). Hm-Nai is represented in the monograph with the lect spoken in

Huxingshan (虎形山), Longhui County, Hunan. Although Wunai is usually described

as a separate language, the data in Mao & Li 1997 clearly show that it is very closely

related to Pa-Hng.

2. Transliteration.

The transcription used in [Mao & Li 1997] is generally consistent with the IPA, and


for Bunu, Jiongnai, and Younuo).

It should be mentioned that Mao & Li treat the "voiced" simple and prenasalized initials

of Pa-Hng as combinations of a voiceless initial with voiced aspiration (pɦ, tɦ, mpɦ, ntɦ,

etc.). We preserve their transcription in this matter.

Tones in [Mao & Li 1997] are marked in accordance with their register/contour

characteristics rather than with any general abstract scheme from 1 to 8. The eight-tonal

scheme is reduced to seven tones in Northern Pa-Hng, six tones in Southern Pa-Hng,

and seven in Wunai; however, Proto-Bahengic definitely had a complete eight-tone

system, as is evident from the correspondences.

The correlations between the "ideal" eight tones and the actual phonetic values in both

dialects are as follows: (1) = 35; (2) = 33; (3) = 22 (Northern Pa-Hng), 31 (Southern Pa-

Hng), 13 (Hm-Nai); (4) = 22 (Northern Pa-Hng, Wunai), 31 (Southern Pa-Hng); (5) = 55;

(6) = 44 (Pa-Hng), 31 (Wunai); (7) = 53; (8) = 31.

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X. She.

1. General.

Our main source on the She language, once thought of as possibly forming its own

(third) branch of the Hmong-Mien family, but now definitively established as a

divergent branch of the Hmong group, is [Mao & Meng 1986], a stereotypical Chinese

language description of the phonology and grammar of She, accompanied with an

extensive vocabulary for two idiolects: Lianhua (蓮花) and Luofu (羅浮), respectively

representing the Western and Eastern dialects of the language, although lexical

discrepancies between the two varieties are absolutely minimal anyway.

As a control source, we also use [Hiroki 2003], a large classified dictionary of the

Haifeng (海豐) variety of the She language that seems most close to Lianhua (and is

therefore quoted in the notes section on the Lianhua dialect), despite a few important

phonetic discrepancies (for instance, Lianhua n regularly corresponds to Haifeng l).

2. Transliteration.

The transcription used in [Mao & Meng 1986] is generally consistent with the IPA, and


for Bunu, Jiongnai, Younuo, and Pa-Hng).

Tones are marked in [Mao & Meng 1986] according to the schematic 1-8 notation.

Actual phonetic values are as follows: (1) = 22; (2) = 53; (3) = 33; (4) = 42; (5) = 31; (6) = 35;

(7) = 21; (8) = 54. In [Hiroki 2003], register/contour characteristics are chosen as the basis

for the numeric index instead.

XI. Pa-Na.

1. General.

Pa Na, a language spoken by 1,000 to 3,000 native speakers in Southwest Hunan, is

22

closely related to She, but has not been as thoroughly described due to the significantly

smaller number of speakers. Our main source for the original wordlist has been Taguchi

2001; unfortunately, although the author uses a diagnostic 200-item wordlist, it is not

based on Swadesh and, therefore, contains a large number of gaps. These had to be

filled in with data taken from the brief description of the language given in Chen 2001;

fortunately, despite some transcriptional differences and occasional morphological

discrepancies (e.g. Chen more often gives nominal roots in conjunction with

desemanticized prefixes, while Taguchi often sticks to "bare" roots), in most situations

the data agree with each other.

2. Transliteration.

[Taguchi 2001] uses a simplified transcription for the language, much of which has to be

reconverted. [Chen 2001] is closer to IPA, but still uses certain idiosyncrasies of his own.

(a) aspirated consonants: Taguchi's, ph, th, etc. = Chen's ph, th, etc. = UTS pʰ, tʰ, etc.;

(b) coronal affricates: Taguchi's ts, tsh, dz = Chen's ts, tsh, dz = UTS c, cʰ, ʒ;

(c) lateral affricates: Taguchi's tl, tlh, dl = Chen's tɬ, tɬh, dl = UTS ƛ, ƛʰ, Ł;

(d) Taguchi's ng = Chen's ŋ = UTS ŋ;

(e) Taguchi's q = Chen's ʔ = UTS ʔ;

(f) Taguchi's nasalized vowels i~, u~, o~ = UTS ĩ, ũ, õ.

Additionally, Chen postulates a separate series of palatal initials for the language,

which usually correspond to Taguchi's combinations of coronal initials with a medial

glide: Chen's tɕ, tɕh, dʑ, ʑ, ɕ = UTS ɕ, ɕʰ, ʓ, ʑ, ʃ (= Taguchi's tsj, tshj, dzj, zj, sj).

Tones are marked in [Taguchi 2001] according to the schematic 1-8 notation. Actual

phonetic values are as follows:

23

(1) = 24 (Taguchi), 13 (Chen); (2) = 12 (Taguchi), 313 (Chen); (3) = 44; (4) = 21 (Taguchi),

31 (Chen); (5) = 35; (6) = 22; (7) = 45 (Taguchi), 55 (Chen); (8) = 42 (Taguchi), 53 (Chen).

Database compiled and annotated by: G. Starostin (Last update: June 2017).

24

1. ALL

Western Xiangxi sa5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi xa31 (3), Qiandong sɛ4 (1), Chuanqiandian təu1

(2), Diandongbei tu5 (2), Hmong Daw hu3 (3), Hmong Njua cɨ6 (4), Bunu tu5 (2), Baonao

kou5 (5), Numao tey4 (6), Longhua Jiongnai tu44 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai tu44 (2), Xiaozhai

Younuo tou33 (2), Huangluo Younuo tu33 (2), Northern Pa-Hng tɔ33 (2), Southern Pa-Hng

tɦɔ33 (2), Hm-Nai k ei55 (7), Lianhua She s i6 (8), Luofu She i1 (9).

References and notes:

Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 49; MYYFY 1987: 42. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 370]: Jiwei sa54, Yangmeng sa35, Zhongxin sa31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 370. Cf. xa22 in Dengshang. Differently in Xiaozhang: ɲ24=ʑaŋ35.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 362; MYYFY 1987: 42. Polysemy: 'to end, finish / all'.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 42.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 42.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 56. Meaning glossed as 'all, altogether'. Cf. also hu3-ši4 id. Possible synonyms include: (a) ti1-ši4 'all,

altogether' [Heimbach 1979: 316], derived from ti1 'single, one only'; (b) čõ7 [Heimbach 1979: 356], only in the expression čõ7 žɤ2 or žɤ2

čõ7 'all people'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 105. Meaning glossed as 'all, each, every'. Examples show that this is the default equivalent for 'all' when

applied to a group of objects without distributive semantics; čʰua3 is the more appropriate equivalent for the meaning 'each (of

several)' [Lyman 1974: 112]. Cf. also hu2-hu2 'completely, all (of a number), every single one' [Lyman 1974: 123].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 233; MYYFY 1987: 42. Additional synonym: ɕo1 [Meng 2001: 233]. We select the variant represented in both

sources.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 233.

Numao: Meng 2001: 233.

Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 303.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 303.

Xiaozhai Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 298.

Huangluo Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 298.

Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 2007: 313.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 2007: 313.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 313.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 132. Quoted as si35 in [Hiroki 2003: 329].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 132.

Pana: Not attested.

2. ASHES

Western Xiangxi ʆi3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi pʰi55 (2), Qiandong ʆʰu3 (1), Chuanqiandian c̢ʰəu3

(1), Diandongbei c̢ʰao3 (1), Hmong Daw čʰɔw3 (1), Hmong Njua čʰau2 (1), Bunu ka3=sʰa3

(1), Baonao s a3 (1), Numao ʆu3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai tau31=θe53 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai

ču35=θey35 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo cʰɔ22 (1), Huangluo Younuo cʰɔ22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng

qa22=si22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng qa31=ʆe31 (1), Hm-Nai ʆi13 (1), Lianhua She si3 (1), Luofu She

si3 (1), Pana p o44 # (2).

25


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 90; MYYFY 1987: 170. Cf.: ʆi3 tɤ4 'wood ashes' [ibid.]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 245]: Jiwei ʆi44, Yangmeng ʆi44,

Zhongxin ʆi33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 245. This seems to be an innovation; the old Hmong root for 'ashes' is, however, still preserved in

Xiaozhang be55=sɨ55 and Dengshang sɨ44.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 241; MYYFY 1987: 170. Also used in conjunction with a desemanticized classifier: qa3=ʃʰu3 id.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 364.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 87. Mass noun.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 194. Quoted as ka1=nƛa6 in [MYYFY 1987: 170]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier.



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 256. The first morpheme is 'fire' q.v.




Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 251. Initial qa22= is a desemanticized classifier.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 251. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 251.



Pana: Chen 2001: 76. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary.

3. BARK

Western Xiangxi qo1=k ɔ5-ntu5 (1), Qiandong qa1=liu5-təu5 (2), Hmong Daw təw3-ntõ4 (3),

Hmong Njua taʉ2-ndoŋ3 (3), Longhua Jiongnai ntɔuŋ35=k eu35 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai

ntaŋ22=k eu22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng qa22=l u55-t a35 (2), Southern Pa-Hng qa31=l ʉ55-p a35 (2),

Hm-Nai qʰau35-ca35 (4).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 203. Literally 'skin of tree'. The main root is the same as in 'skin' q.v. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized

classifier; ntu5 = 'tree' q.v.

Eastern Xiangxi: Not attested.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 149. Literally 'skin of tree'. The main root is the same as in 'skin' q.v. Initial qa1= is a desemanticized

classifier; təu5 = 'tree' q.v.

Chuanqiandian: Not attested.

Diandongbei: Not attested.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 312. Literally 'skin of tree'. The main root is the same as in 'skin' q.v.; ntõ4 = 'tree' q.v.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 317. Literally 'skin of tree' (see 'skin', 'tree').

Bunu: Not attested.

Baonao: Not attested.

Numao: Not attested.

26

Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 265. Literally 'skin of tree'.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 265. Literally 'skin of tree'.

Xiaozhai Younuo: Not attested.

Huangluo Younuo: Not attested.

Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 265. Literally 'skin of tree'. Initial qa22= is a desemanticized classifier.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 265. Literally 'skin of tree'. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 265. Literally 'skin of tree'.

Lianhua She: Not attested in [Mao & Meng 1986]. Cf. tɔŋ11=kʰɤ11 'bark', literally 'tree-skin', in [Hiroki 2003: 46].

Luofu She: Not attested in [Mao & Meng 1986].

Pana: Not attested.

4. BELLY

Western Xiangxi qo1=ɕʰi1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu53=pi53 (2), Qiandong ɕʰu1 (1),

Chuanqiandian plaŋ1 (3), Diandongbei a3=ɕʰao1 (1), Hmong Daw pla1 (3), Hmong Njua

plaŋ1 (3), Bunu ka3=ƛəŋ1 (3), Baonao ɲau3 (4), Numao ɲuŋ3 (4), Longhua Jiongnai tʰe44 (5),

Liuxiang Jiongnai tʰey44 (5), Xiaozhai Younuo ta31-tu33 (6), Huangluo Younuo ta31-tu33 (6),

Northern Pa-Hng a33= 22 (4), Southern Pa-Hng a44= 31 (4), Hm-Nai naŋ35= n13 (4),

Lianhua She ɔ3-ka3 (4), Luofu She ɔ3-ka3 (4), Pana c o1 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 51; MYYFY 1987: 118. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 254]: Jiwei qo35=ɕʰi35,

Yangmeng qo54=ɕʰi54, Zhongxin o55=ɕʰi55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 254. Cf. in Dengshang: tɔ54=pi22. Different equivalent in Xiaozhang: či21=tʰi53.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 359; MYYFY 1987: 118.


Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 118. Initial a3= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 247. Polysemy: 'stomach / abdomen'. Used with the classifier lu1.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 275. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach / abdomen'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ka1=ƛaŋ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 118]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier.





Xiaozhai Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 240. Internal structure of the word is unclear.

Huangluo Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 240. Internal structure of the word is unclear.

Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as ŋiɔk44-ka44 in [Hiroki 2003: 187]. The first component is ɔ3 'intestines' [Mao & Meng

1986: 102].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. The first component is ɔ3 'intestines' [Mao & Meng 1986: 102].

Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Quoted as la44=ɕʰo13 in [Chen 2001: 77].

5. BIG

27

Western Xiangxi l o2 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ʎ ɔ53 (1), Qiandong iə1 (1), Chuanqiandian lo2

(1), Diandongbei o1 ~ a3=laɯ4 (1), Hmong Daw lɔ2 (1), Hmong Njua lu5 (1), Bunu laŋ8 (2),

Baonao l uɔ1 (1), Numao lo8 (2), Longhua Jiongnai eu44 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai eu44 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo liu33 (1), Huangluo Younuo liu33 (1), Northern Pa-Hng o35 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng o35 (1), Hm-Nai o35 (1), Lianhua She vɔŋ2 (2), Luofu She vɔŋ2 (2), Pana

liw1 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 37. Transcribed as ʎɔ2 in [MYYFY 1987: 104]. The former source additionally lists ʈä2 and mi4 as

synonyms (illustrated by such examples as "big (strong) wind" for the former and "big (wide) river" for the latter), but they seem to

have more specific applications ('strong' and 'wide' respectively). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 321]: Jiwei ʎɔ42, Yangmeng ʎoŋ31, Zhongxin ʎɯ35.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 321. Cf. Xiaozhang ʎ ɤ53, Dengshang ʎɔ44 id.



Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 104. The two variants may be subdialectal.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 114. Meaning glossed as 'large, great (of quantity, area, or status)'. Illustrating examples include such

expressions as "a large house", "person of large frame", "great authority". Cf. also n a6 'large, great, major' [Heimbach 1979: 140], with

illustrating examples such as "capital city", "large river", "large house", "great enemies", etc. It seems that the primary difference

between these two words is close to English big vs. great, but the issue requires further scrutiny.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 172. This seems to be the most frequent and basic equivalent of the required meaning; cf. also ɬu1 'to be

large, to increase in size, to grow up, grow big, become mature, adult' [Lyman 1974: 127], sometimes translated as 'big' (e. g. in 'big

wind' = 'increased wind'). There is also a bound augmentative prefixal morpheme na7- 'big, large, great' [Lyman 1974: 196].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 226; MYYFY 1987: 104. Also ɬɔ1 id. [Meng 2001: 226]; we choose as default the variant that is represented in both

sources.



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 294. Also pɔ43 id. (semantic difference is unclear).

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 294. Also pɔ43 id. (semantic difference is unclear).



Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 302. Also pɛ44 id. (semantic difference is unclear).

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 302. Also pɦ 44 id. (semantic difference is unclear).

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 302.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 124. Quoted as vɔŋ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 269].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as l eu13 in [Chen 2001: 81].

6. BIRD

Western Xiangxi ta1=nu6 (1), Eastern Xiangxi nɔ11 (1), Qiandong nəu6 (1), Chuanqiandian

noŋ6 (1), Diandongbei nao6 (1), Hmong Daw nõ6 (1), Hmong Njua noŋ6 (1), Bunu naŋ6 (1),

Baonao nuɔ6 (1), Numao nou6 (1), Longhua Jiongnai nɔuŋ22 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai nɔ21 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo noŋ31 (1), Huangluo Younuo noŋ22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng taŋ35=moŋ44

28

(1), Southern Pa-Hng t 35=mõ44 (1), Hm-Nai taŋ35=nuŋ31 (1), Lianhua She nɔ4-taŋ1 (1),

Luofu She nɔ4-taŋ1 (1), Pana la6=nu6 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 154; MYYFY 1987: 86. Initial ta1= is a classifier for animals. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 269]: Jiwei ta35=nu31,

Yangmeng ta54=nu11, Zhongxin ta55=nu11.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 269. Cf. Xiaozhang noŋ24, Dengshang nõ22 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 326. Transcribed as nə6 in [MYYFY 1987: 86].



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 142. Used with the classifier tu5.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 204. Used with the classifier tu6.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 198; MYYFY 1987: 86.







Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 257. The original meaning of the first component is 'man, male' q.v.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 257. The original meaning of the first component is 'man, male' q.v.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 257. The original meaning of the first component is 'man, male' q.v.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 98. Quoted simply as lɔ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 26].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as nu22 in [Chen 2001: 77].

7. BITE

Western Xiangxi to4 (1), Eastern Xiangxi tɔ35 (1), Qiandong tə8 (1), Chuanqiandian to8 (1),

Diandongbei so5-so5 (2), Hmong Daw tɔ7 (1), Hmong Njua tu7 (1), Bunu tɔ8 (1), Baonao

tuɔ8 (1), Numao tɑu8 (1), Longhua Jiongnai tu32 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai tu32 (1), Northern

Pa-Hng ta31 (1), Southern Pa-Hng tɦa31 (1), Hm-Nai tʰa31 (1), Lianhua She tʰɤ6 (1), Luofu

She tʰu6 (1), Pana tau53 # (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 259. Transcribed as tɔ4 in [MYYFY 1987: 64]. Applied to animals (quoted examples in both sources

include "tiger bites pig" and "cat bites mouse"). 'To bite / sting' of insects (e. g. mosquitoes) is expressed differently, with the verb qä1

[Xiang 1992: 259]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 364]: Jiwei tɔ22, Yangmeng tɯ33, Zhongxin tɯ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 364. Cf. Xiaozhang tɤ24, Dengshang dɯ22 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 60; MYYFY 1987: 64. Judging by textual examples, applied to animals (dogs) as well as insects (mosquitoes).



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 322. Meaning glossed as: 'to bite, to sting (of animal and human bites and stings from vegetation but

not of insect stings)' (the meaning 'to sting' is expressed with the verb ple3 [Heimbach 1979: 250]).

29

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 326. Polysemy: 'to bite / to sting'. Distinct from saw3 'to chew, bite on, bite down on' [Lyman 1974: 293]

(this seems closer in basic semantics to 'chew' rather than 'bite').

Bunu: Meng 2001: 224; MYYFY 1987: 64.



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 282. Also ŋa43 id. (semantic difference unclear).




Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 287. Polysemy: 'to bite / to gnaw'.


Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 287.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Quoted as tʰɤ35 in [Hiroki 2003: 192].


Pana: Chen 2001: 81. Not attested in Taguchi 2001.

8. BLACK

Western Xiangxi q e1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qwe53 (1), Qiandong ɬɛ1 (1), Chuanqiandian tlo1

(1), Diandongbei ƛu1 (1), Hmong Daw ʼdu1 (1), Hmong Njua ƛu1 (1), Bunu ƛuŋ1 (1),

Baonao ƛ ɔ1 (1), Numao ƛ uŋ1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai klaŋ44 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai klã44 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo kuŋ33 (1), Huangluo Younuo ku33 (1), Northern Pa-Hng kwaŋ33 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng kɦw 33 (1), Hm-Nai quŋ31 (1), Lianhua She k aŋ1 (1), Luofu She k aŋ1 (1),

Pana ƛõ1 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 82. Quoted as ma2=q e1 in [MYYFY 1987: 100]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 323]: Jiwei qwe35, Yangmeng qwe54,

Zhongxin qwe55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 323. Cf. Xiaozhang qwei53, Dengshang kwi54-nɤ44 id.





Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 156.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 229; MYYFY 1987: 100.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 304.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 126. Quoted as kiaŋ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 273].


30

Pana: Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as ƛon13 in [Chen 2001: 81].

9. BLOOD

Western Xiangxi ɲɕʰin3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi cʰe55 (1), Qiandong ʃʰaŋ3 (1), Chuanqiandian

nc̢h aŋ3 (1), Diandongbei ɳc̢aɯ3 (1), Hmong Daw nčʰa3 (1), Hmong Njua ɲčʰaŋ2 (1), Bunu

ncʰəŋ3 (1), Baonao ncʰɒ3 (1), Numao nc ɑn3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai θi53 (1), Liuxiang

Jiongnai θi35 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo cʰun22 (1), Huangluo Younuo cʰun22 (1), Northern Pa-

Hng ɲei22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng ɲɕe31 (1), Hm-Nai ɲɕʰei13 (1), Lianhua She s i3 (1), Luofu

She si3 (1), Pana biŋ3 (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 253. Transcribed as ʓʰen3 in [MYYFY 1987: 128]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 254]: Jiwei ʓʰen44, Yangmeng ʓʰoŋ44,

Zhongxin ʓi33. Same word as 'red' q.v.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 254. Cf. Xiaozhang cʰi55, Dengshang cʰe22 id. Same word as 'red' q.v.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 207. Used with the classifier ɕɔ3.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 232. Used with the classifier ɕaw2.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ncʰɤŋ2 in [MYYFY 1987: 128].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 269.



Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as biŋ44 in [Chen 2001: 77].

10. BONE

Western Xiangxi qo1=soŋ3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu31=sɤ55 (1), Qiandong po3=sʰoŋ3 (1),

Chuanqiandian cʰaŋ5 (1), Diandongbei a5=cʰaɯ5 (1), Hmong Daw pɔ1=cʰa4 (1), Hmong

Njua cʰaŋ3 (1), Bunu ka1=θʰɔŋ3 (1), Baonao kə3=tθʰɒ3 (1), Numao soŋ3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai

θaŋ53 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai θaŋ35 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo tʰəŋ22 (1), Huangluo Younuo

tʰaŋ22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng qa22=soŋ22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng qa31=sõ31 (1), Hm-Nai

naŋ35=suŋ13 (1), Lianhua She suŋ3-kɔ3 (1), Luofu She suŋ3-kɔ3 (1), Pana ƛʰoŋ3-ƛʰoŋ3 (1).

31


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 73; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 255]: Jiwei qo35=soŋ44,

Yangmeng qo54=soŋ44, Zhongxin o55=saŋ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 255. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi21=saŋ55, Dengshang sã44=sã44 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 33. Transcribed as pɔ3=sʰoŋ3 in [MYYFY 1987: 14]. Initial po3= is a desemanticized classifier.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 231, 388. Initial pɔ1= is a desemanticized classifier (usually preceding "round" or "bulky" objects).

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 109. Also paw1=cʰaŋ3 id. (with the same fossilized classifier as in Hmong Daw).

Bunu: Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ka1=θoŋ36 in [MYYFY 1987: 14]. Initial ka1= is a desemanticized classifier.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 203. Initial kə3= is a desemanticized classifier.









Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as sɤŋ44 ~ sɤŋ44-kɔ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 178].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as ƛʰuŋ44-ƛʰuŋ44 in [Chen 2001: 77].

11. BREAST

Western Xiangxi qo1=moŋ2=l 2 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ʆuŋ55-pʰu31 (-1), Qiandong kaŋ1-kəu7 (2),

Chuanqiandian həu3=ɳʈao1 (3), Diandongbei fao3=hi5=ɳto1 (3), Hmong Daw hɔw3=š a1 (4),

Hmong Njua hau2=ša1 (4), Bunu fa3=mp au6 (5), Baonao pey3=nƛɒ2 (6), Numao t e6 (7),

Longhua Jiongnai mplay33 (5), Liuxiang Jiongnai mplɛ31 (5), Xiaozhai Younuo

fɔ33=sən35=lau35 (5), Huangluo Younuo fɔ33=sən33=lau53 (5), Northern Pa-Hng a33=ɕaŋ53 (8),

Southern Pa-Hng a44=ɕ 53 (8), Hm-Nai naŋ35=ɕuŋ53 (8), Lianhua She h uŋ3-pʰu5-kɔ (-1),

Luofu She h uŋ3-piu4-kɔ3 (-1), Pana dai22=bo22 # (9).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 251 (translates Chinese 胸 xiōng 'chest (male)'). Cf. also 胸膛 xiōng táng 'chest cavity, thorax' = Xiangxi

pɔ5=l 2. The same word, transcribed as po5=lɛ2, is glossed in [MYYFY 1987: 142] as 胸脯 xiōng pú, also 'chest, thorax'. In both cases the

main invariant is represented by the morpheme l 2: qo1=moŋ2= is 'heart' q.v., and pɔ5 is 'shell, cover'. The word is quite distinct from

ma1 'female breast' [Xiang 1992: 182]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 253]: 胸脯 xiōng pú 'chest, thorax' = Jiwei pɔ54=lɛ42; however, two other dialects

have a different equivalent, cf. Yangmeng poŋ35=ɖaŋ33, Zhongxin o55=po33=ɖuŋ55 id.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 253. Borrowed from Chinese 胸脯 xiōng pú 'chest'. Distinct from nɛ35-nɛ53 'female breast' [ibid.]. Cf.

Xiaozhang ʆoŋ53-kʰɯ35, Dengshang ʆõ44-kʰɯ44 id. (judging by the first component, both these forms are also Chinese borrowings,

although the second morpheme is unclear). Additionally, Xiaozhang ʓɛ21 and Dengshang ʓã54 are also listed in the same meaning.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 124; MYYFY 1987: 142. A compound of kaŋ1, which may also mean 'breast' on its own [Zhang 1990: 123],

32

with kəu7 'hard, tough' [Zhang 1990: 132]. Distinct from vəu4 'female breast' [Zhang 1990: 399].

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 142. Internal structure of the compound is unclear.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 142. Internal structure of the compound is unclear.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 297. Literally: 'inside' + 'liver' q.v. Distinct from lu1=mi5 'female breast' [Heimbach 1979: 128].

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 120. Literally: 'high point' + 'liver / heart' q.v. Distinct from mi6 'female breast' [Lyman 1974: 182].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as fa3=ncau6 in [MYYFY 1987: 142]. Distinct from kɔŋ5 'female breast' [Meng 2001: 203]. Internal

structure of the compound is unclear.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 203. Distinct from vuɔ8 'female breast' [Meng 2001: 203]. Internal structure of the compound is unclear.

Numao: Meng 2001: 203. Distinct from n ɑ3 'female breast' [Meng 2001: 203].

Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 267. Also mplay33-ðaŋ44 id. Distinct from niŋ22 'female breast' [ibid.].

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 267. Distinct from ni21-ʑa43 'female breast' [ibid.].

Xiaozhai Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 240. Distinct from mɔ33 'female breast' [ibid.].

Huangluo Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 240. Distinct from mou33 'female breast' [ibid.].

Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from mei35 'female breast' [ibid.].

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from a44=me35 'female breast' [ibid.].

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from naŋ35=ne35 'female breast' [ibid.].

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Seems to be borrowed from Chinese 胸脯 xiōng pú 'chest'. Cf. ka22=pʰɔ31 'breast' in [Hiroki 2003:

186], where only the second component of this borrowing (preceded by a desemanticized classifier) is present. Distinct from uŋ3

'female breast' [Mao & Meng 1986: 102].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Seems to be borrowed from Chinese 胸脯 xiōng pú 'chest'. Distinct from uŋ3 'female breast'

[Mao & Meng 1986: 102].

Pana: Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary. Distinct from la44=me35 'female breast' [Chen 2001: 77].

12. BURN TR.

Western Xiangxi ɔ1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɔ53 (1), Qiandong tio3 (2), Chuanqiandian fau3 (2),

Diandongbei ƛao3 (2), Hmong Daw əw3 (2), Hmong Njua ɬaʉ2 (2), Bunu ʈa3 (2), Baonao

ɕa3 (2), Numao t u3 (2), Longhua Jiongnai va53 (3), Liuxiang Jiongnai hwa35 (3), Xiaozhai

Younuo tʰou22 (2), Huangluo Younuo tʰou22 (2), Northern Pa-Hng pʰo22 (4), Southern Pa-

Hng pʰo31 (4), Hm-Nai t aŋ35 (5), Pana k a44 # (3).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 61. Transcribed as o1 in [MYYFY 1987: 54]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 356]: Jiwei o35, Yangmeng o54, Zhongxin

o55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 356. Cf. Xiaozhang o53, Dengshang ɔ44 id.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 62. Cf. also təw5 'to burn, to use as fuel' [Heimbach 1979: 312], a verbal correlate of the nominal stem

təw5 'firewood, fuel'; applied only to words denoting fuel ('oil', 'torch', etc.).

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 125. Transitive verb. Distinct from the intransitive verb ku1 'to be hot; to burn' [Lyman 1974: 140].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 221; MYYFY 1987: 54.





33



Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 2007: 293. Transitive verb (as in 'to burn wood'). Distinct from qaŋ35 'to burn' (intransitive).

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 2007: 293. Transitive verb (as in 'to burn wood'). Distinct from q 35 'to burn' (intransitive).

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 293. Transitive verb (as in 'to burn wood'). Distinct from qaŋ35 'to burn' (intransitive).

Lianhua She: Not attested in [Mao & Meng 1986]. Cf. fa4 'to burn' in [Hiroki 2003: 19].

Luofu She: Not attested in [Mao & Meng 1986].

Pana: Chen 2001: 80. Not attested in [Taguchi 2001].

13. CLAW(NAIL)

Western Xiangxi po5=ʈei5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi kʰɔ53=tei55-bʋ55 (1), Qiandong ken5 (2),

Chuanqiandian ʈəu5-de4 (1), Diandongbei ki5=ʈao5 (1), Hmong Daw ʈɔw4-te5 (1), Hmong

Njua au3-te6 (1), Bunu kwa5-pe4 (3), Baonao k wa5-pey4 (3), Numao kuɑ5 (3), Longhua

Jiongnai ča31=čway35 (4), Liuxiang Jiongnai ntey35=tθway22 (4), Xiaozhai Younuo tʰou22=kʰɔ53

(5), Huangluo Younuo hou22=kʰɔ53 (5), Northern Pa-Hng qa44=vi55-pu22 (6), Southern Pa-

Hng qa31=vi55 (6), Hm-Nai qʰau35=ŋkwi55 (6), Lianhua She kʰwa4=t e4=k i6 (7), Luofu She

kʰwa4=t e4=ki6 (7), Pana ko35-da44 # (3).


Western Xiangxi: MYYFY 1987: 136. Not attested in [Xiang 1992]. This form corresponds to the general meaning 'nail'; for the more

specific 'fingernail', the extended form po5=ʈei5-tɯ4 may be used instead (where tɯ4 = 'hand' q.v.). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 257]: Jiwei

pa54=ʈei54-tɯ22, Yangmeng po31=ʈei35-tɯ33, Zhongxin po31=ʈe31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 257. The final component (-bʋ55) is 'hand' q.v. Differently in Xiaozhang: ɕi21=kʰo53-bu55, and still

differently in Dengshang: dɯ35=cɨ44-ɕa22 (where the first component is 'hand', and the other two syllables represent a borrowing from

Chinese 指甲 zhǐjiǎ 'nail').

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 135; MYYFY 1987: 136. Polysemy: 'claw / nail'.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 136. The main morpheme here is ʈəu5 'nail'; de4 = 'hand' q.v. Cf. also ʈəu5-ten5 'toenail'. Additionally,

the same source also lists the compound nti3-de4 in the simple meaning 'nail' (Chinese 指甲), without further semantic specification;

this lexeme has no external parallels and remains unclear.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 136. Initial ki5= is a desemanticized classifier. The word is simply glossed as 'nail'; cf. also ki5=ʈao5-ti4

'fingernail', ki5=ʈao5-toey5 'toenail'.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 275. The main morpheme here is ʈɔw4 'claw / nail'; te5 = 'hand' q.v. Cf. also ʈɔw4-təw4 'toenail' (təw4 =

'foot' q.v.).

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974:93. The main morpheme here is au3 'claw / nail'; te6 = 'hand' q.v.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 202. Quoted as ka1=kwa5 in [MYYFY 1987: 136].

Baonao: Meng 2001: 202. The main morpheme here is kwa5; pe4 = 'hand' q.v.

Numao: Meng 2001: 202. The main morpheme here is k wa5; pey4 = 'hand' q.v.

Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 267. The first component is 'hand' q.v.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 267. The first component most likely means 'finger' (cf. ntey53-tã44 'finger').



Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial qa44= is a desemanticized classifier. The final morpheme pu22 = 'hand' q.v.


Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 267. The first component qʰau35= = 'skin' q.v.

34

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. The first component is kʰwa4 'hand' q.v. Quoted as ti54=ki35 in [Hiroki 2003: 185].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. The first component is kʰwa4 'hand' q.v.

Pana: Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary. Cf. ton13=da44 'finger' [ibid.].

14. CLOUD

Western Xiangxi k a3=tu5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ʑü31-dɯ31 (-1), Qiandong ten5=en5 (2),

Chuanqiandian hua1 (3), Diandongbei haɯ3-po7 (3), Hmong Daw h ə1 (3), Hmong Njua

f a1 (3), Bunu ka3=hu3 (3), Baonao tei3=ɔŋ1-ŋkɔ2 (4), Numao ou1 (4), Longhua Jiongnai t ɔŋ35

(5), Liuxiang Jiongnai t aŋ22 (5), Xiaozhai Younuo hau33 (3), Huangluo Younuo hau33 (3),

Northern Pa-Hng qa33=toŋ55 (5), Southern Pa-Hng qa31=tõ55 (5), Hm-Nai ho35 (3), Lianhua

She fɤ1 (3), Luofu She fu1 (3).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 271. Initial k a3= is a desemanticized classifier. Quoted simply as tu5 (without the classifier) in [MYYFY

1987: 58]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 243]: Jiwei ɕa44=tu54, Yangmeng ka54=tu35, Zhongxin o55=ʈu33-to31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 243. Borrowed from Chinese 雲頭 yún-tou (Middle Chinese ɦün-dɤw) 'cloud'. Also Xiaozhang ʑün33,

Dengshang ʑin22 id. (same borrowing, but without the desemanticized nominal suffix of the second syllable).

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 64. The main lexical morpheme is en5, also attested by itself in the same meaning [Zhang 1990: 113]; ten5 is a

modifier root with the meaning 'sky'. Quoted as such in [MYYFY 1987: 58], with an additional equivalent glossed as tɛ1=ə1 id. (but

not confirmed in [Zhang 1990]).



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 56. Used with the classifier tɔw3 or tɨ3.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 115. Used with the classifier tʉ2.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 193. Quoted as ka1=hɤu3 in [MYYFY 1987: 58]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 248.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Additional synonym: cɔŋ1-ɔŋ2 id. Quoted as hɤ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 11].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Additional synonym: cɔ1-ɔŋ1 id.

Pana: Not attested.

15. COLD

Western Xiangxi c 4 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ʒɛ35 (1), Qiandong sei4 (1), Chuanqiandian ʒa6

(2), Diandongbei ɕie4 (1), Hmong Daw c a5 (1), Hmong Njua ca6 (1), Bunu θəŋ4 (1),

Baonao tθey4 (1), Numao ncɑn6 (2), Longhua Jiongnai naŋ35 (3), Liuxiang Jiongnai naŋ22

35

(3), Xiaozhai Younuo naŋ35 (3), Huangluo Younuo naŋ53 (3), Northern Pa-Hng ɲaŋ55 (3),

Southern Pa-Hng ɲ 55 (3), Hm-Nai ɲaŋ55 (3), Lianhua She k ɔŋ5 (4), Luofu She k ɔŋ5 (4),

Pana guŋ35 # (4).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 271. Transcribed as cɛ4 in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. This is the default adjective as applied to objects, i. e.

'water'. For 'cold weather', a different word is employed: noŋ5 [Xiang 1992: 127; MYYFY 1987: 40]. The latter is also the only

equivalent for Chinese 冷 lěng 'cold' in [Yang 2004: 325]: Jiwei noŋ54, Yangmeng noŋ35, Zhongxin naŋ31. However, there is also a

separate equivalent for Chinese 涼 liáng 'cool, chilly', glossed as Jiwei cɛ22, Yangmeng cɛ33, Zhongxin cɛ33-tɯ33 [ibid.].

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 325. Cf. Xiaozhang ze55 id. The Dengshang equivalent is quoted as nã35 (cf. the entry for Western

Xiangxi).

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 366; MYYFY 1987: 2, 40. No difference between 'cold' (of objects) and 'cold' (of weather); in [MYYFY 1987:

40], 'cold (of weather)' is transcribed as sen4 instead of sei4, but this looks like a misprint.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 2. Applied to 'water', etc. For 'cold weather', a different word is employed: nao5 [MYYFY 1987: 40].

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 2. Applied to 'water', etc. For 'cold weather', a different word is employed: no5 [MYYFY 1987: 40].

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 381. Also with tonal change as c a6, e. g. in ʼde2 c a6 "cold water'=". This is the default adjective as

applied to objects. For 'cold weather', a different word is employed: no4 [Heimbach 1979: 141].

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 101. Applied to 'water' as well as various other objects. Distinct from nao3 'to be cool, cold (of personal

sensation or weather)' [Lyman 1974: 199].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 227. Meaning glossed as 'cool' (Chinese 涼 liáng), opposed to ta3=nuŋ5 'cold' (Chinese 冷 lěng), but attestation of

the expression 'cold water' aŋ1 θɤŋ4 'cold water / cool water' in [MYYFY 1987: 2] shows that this is most likely an inaccurate attempt

at rendering the lexical difference between 'cold' (of objects) and 'cold' (of weather), typical of all other varieties of Hmong.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 227. Meaning glossed as 'cool' (Chinese 涼 liáng), opposed to nau5 'cold' (Chinese 冷 lěng); see notes on Bunu.

Numao: Meng 2001: 227. Meaning glossed as 'cool' (Chinese 涼 liáng), opposed to sɑn4 'cold' (Chinese 冷 lěng); see notes on Bunu.

Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 297. Distinct from l aŋ33 'cool'.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 297. Distinct from l aŋ31 'cool'.





Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 306.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 127. Quoted as kiɔŋ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 265]. Distinct from kʰye4-nyeu2 'cool'.

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 127. Distinct from kʰye4-niu2 'cool'.


16. COME

Western Xiangxi lo4 (1), Eastern Xiangxi lɔ33 (1), Qiandong ta2 (2), Chuanqiandian tua2

(2), Diandongbei ta2 (2), Hmong Daw t ə2 (2), Hmong Njua t a5 (2), Bunu lɔ4 (1) / tɔ2 (2),

Baonao tuɔ2 (2), Numao lɑu4 (1) / tɑu2 (2), Longhua Jiongnai lɔu31 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai

lo53 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo tɔ13 (2), Huangluo Younuo tɔ13 (2), Northern Pa-Hng tei33 (2),

Southern Pa-Hng tɦe33 (2), Hm-Nai te33 (2), Lianhua She nɤ4 (1), Luofu She nu4 (1), Pana

ta2 (2).

36


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 124. Transcribed as lɔ4 in [MYYFY 1987: 66]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 348]: Jiwei lɔ22, Yangmeng loŋ33,

Zhongxin lɯ55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 348. Cf. Xiaozhang lɤ55, Dengshang lɔ44.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 328. Meaning glossed as: 'to come (to a place other than one's home, to come to a place where one

does not reside or belong)'. Cf. lɔ5 'to return, to come (back to a place where you reside)' [Heimbach 1979: 115], not eligible for

inclusion due to the semantics.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 327. Meaning glossed as: 'to come (in a direction away from one's residence, home area, or temporary

staying point; to come up)'. Distinct from lu6 [Lyman 1974: 173], glossed as 'to come (strictly, in a direction toward one's residence,

home area, or temporary staying point)'. Analysis of examples shows that the semantics of the latter word is indeed closer to 'come

back, return', than the required Swadesh meaning.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 218. Quoted as lo4 in [MYYFY 1987: 66].Meng 2001: 218. Semantic difference from lɔ4 is unclear; we list both forms

as technical synonyms.


Numao: Meng 2001: 218.Meng 2001: 218. Semantic difference from lɑu4 is unclear; we list both forms as technical synonyms.







Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 298.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 121. Quoted as lɤ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 310].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 92. Quoted as ta313 in [Chen 2001: 80].

17. DIE

Western Xiangxi ta6 (1), Eastern Xiangxi da11 (1), Qiandong ta6 (1), Chuanqiandian dua6

(1), Diandongbei nta6 (1), Hmong Daw t ə6 (1), Hmong Njua t a6 (1), Longhua Jiongnai

ta22 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai ta21 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo tɔ22 (1), Huangluo Younuo tɔ22 (1),

Northern Pa-Hng tei44 (1), Southern Pa-Hng tɦe44 (1), Hm-Nai te31 (1), Lianhua She tʰa4

(1), Luofu She tʰa4 (1), Pana ta6 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 208; MYYFY 1987: 66. With tonal variation, cf. ta5 'to kill' q.v. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 357]: Jiwei tɑ31,

Yangmeng ta11, Zhongxin ta11.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 357. Cf. Xiaozhang dɑ24, Dengshang da22.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 326. With tonal variation, cf. t ə4 'to kill' q.v.

37

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 328. Cf. also the euphemistic expression tu3 ša2 'to die' [Lyman 1974: 300], literally 'to break life'.

Bunu: Not attested in [Meng 2001]. Cf., however, to6 'die' in [MYYFY 1987: 66].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 301.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 123. Quoted as tʰa54 in [Hiroki 2003: 209].



18. DOG

Western Xiangxi ta1=q ɯ3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qʋ55 (1), Qiandong ɬa3 (1), Chuanqiandian

tle3 (1), Diandongbei ƛa3 (1), Hmong Daw ʼde3 (1), Hmong Njua ƛe2 (1), Bunu ƛe3 (1),

Baonao ƛey3 (1), Numao ƛ ɑ3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai kla53 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai kla35 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo kou22 (1), Huangluo Younuo kou22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng qa22=l aŋ53 (2),

Southern Pa-Hng qa35=l 53 (2), Hm-Nai l aŋ53 (2), Lianhua She k a3 (1), Luofu She k a3 (1),

Pana la6=ƛa3 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 71; MYYFY 1987: 102. Initial ta1= is a classifier for animals. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 266]: Jiwei ta35=qwɯ44,

Yangmeng ta54=qwɯ44, Zhongxin ta55=qwɯ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 266. Cf. Xiaozhang qo53, Dengshang ku44 id.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 34. Used with the classifier tu5. Cf. also a rare dialectal synonym: ɔw1 [Heimbach 1979: 1].


Bunu: Meng 2001: 197; MYYFY 1987: 102.








Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 255. Also ŋ3̩1=l 53 id.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 255.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 97. Quoted as kia44 in [Hiroki 2003: 31].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as ƛa44 in [Chen 2001: 77].

38

19. DRINK

Western Xiangxi xu3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi xɔ35 (1), Qiandong həu7 (1), Chuanqiandian heu7

(1), Diandongbei hao7 (1), Hmong Daw hɔw5 (1), Hmong Njua hau4 (1), Bunu hu7 (1),

Baonao hau7 (1), Numao xɤ7 (1), Longhua Jiongnai xɔ43 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai həu43 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo hɔ31 (1), Huangluo Younuo hɔ31 (1), Northern Pa-Hng hɔ53 (1), Southern

Pa-Hng hɔ53 (1), Hm-Nai hau53 (1), Lianhua She hɔ6 (1), Luofu She hɔ6 (1), Pana ho7 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 81; MYYFY 1987: 176. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 343]: Jiwei xu44, Yangmeng xu44, Zhongxin xu33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 343. Cf. Xiaozhang fu35, Denghshang xɔ44.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 199. Polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke'. Transcribed as hə7 in [MYYFY 1987: 176].




Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 121. Polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 226. Quoted as hɤu7 in [MYYFY 1987: 176].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 287.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Quoted as hɔ35 in [Hiroki 2003: 192].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as ho55 in [Chen 2001: 80].

20. DRY

Western Xiangxi qʰä3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qʰɛ55 (1), Qiandong ŋa6 (2), Chuanqiandian

qʰua3 (1), Diandongbei nqʰa1 (1), Hmong Daw q ə3 (1), Hmong Njua q a2 (1), Bunu

ŋkʰen3 (1), Baonao ɕẽ5 (3), Numao ŋkʰɑn3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ŋkʰey44 (1), Liuxiang

Jiongnai ŋkay44 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo kʰey22 (1), Huangluo Younuo kʰey22 (1), Northern Pa-

Hng qʰei22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng qʰe31 (1), Hm-Nai qʰe13 (1), Lianhua She kʰui1 (1), Luofu

She kʰui1 (1), Pana gay1 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 65; MYYFY 1987: 148. Distinct from nqʰä1 'dried up, evaporated' (e. g. of 'water') [Xiang 1992: 65]. Cf.

39

in [Yang 2004: 322]: Jiwei qʰa44, Yangmeng qʰa44, Zhongxin qʰɛ55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 322. Cf. Xiaozhang qʰe55, Dengshang kʰa44.



Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 148. Alternate synonym: nɕi6 [ibid.].

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 272. Polysemy: 'dry, arid / alone / free (without payment)'. Distinct from nq ə1 'to dry up (as a

stream, pond)' [Heimbach 1979: 172].

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 291. Verbal stem: 'to be dry'. Distinct from ža1 'to dry in the sun; to be exposed, dried (as in the sun)'

[Lyman 1974: 368].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 229. Different word listed in [MYYFY 1987: 148]: ɕi5.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 305.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 127.


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as kʰai44 in [Chen 2001: 81].

21. EAR

Western Xiangxi ʈoŋ2=mɹɯ2 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu53=m ɯ31 (1), Qiandong nɛ2 (1),

Chuanqiandian c̢e2 (1), Diandongbei a5=mpə2 (1), Hmong Daw nǯe2 (1), Hmong Njua ɲǯe5

(1), Bunu mp e2 (1), Baonao kə3=mpce2 (1), Numao mp ey2 (1), Longhua Jiongnai mp a33 (1),

Liuxiang Jiongnai mp a31 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo kə33=m e13 (1), Huangluo Younuo

kə33=muy13 (1), Northern Pa-Hng a33=kʰoŋ22=n o33 (1), Southern Pa-Hng a44=qʰõ31=mpɦ ɔ33 (1),

Hm-Nai qʰuŋ13=mp au31 (1), Lianhua She ka2=kʰuŋ3 (2), Luofu She ka2=kʰuŋ3 (2), Pana

ka1=b a2 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 55; MYYFY 1987: 84. The main root morpheme is =mɹɯ2; ʈoŋ2= is a partially desemanticized classifier

with the general meaning 'vessel', 'container', etc. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 251]: Jiwei ʈoŋ42=mɹɯ42, Yangmeng ʈoŋ31=mɹɯ31, Zhongxin

o55=ɕʰi55=mɹɯ35.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 251. Cf. Xiaozhang qʰa55=di21=mɯ21, Dengshang myɯ44.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 319; MYYFY 1987: 84. Also attested in the bisyllabic form as qa1=nɛ2 [Zhang 1990: 151], with a

desemanticized classifier.




Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 238. Used with the classifier lu1 or ʆaŋ1.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 202. Quoted as ka1=nce26 in [MYYFY 1987: 84].

40





Xiaozhai Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 238. Initial kə33= is a desemanticized classifier.

Huangluo Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 238. Initial kə33= is a desemanticized classifier.

Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier. The component =kʰoŋ22= is also encountered in the

Bahengic word for 'nose' q.v.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier. The component =qʰõ31= is also encountered in the

Bahengic word for 'nose' q.v.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 266. The component qʰuŋ13= is also encountered in the Bahengic word for 'nose' q.v.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as ka31=kʰɤŋ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 181].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as ka13=b a313 in [Chen 2001: 77].

22. EARTH

Western Xiangxi lu5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu53=la11 (1), Qiandong ta1 (2), Chuanqiandian

lua2 (1), Diandongbei a5=la2 (1), Hmong Daw a3 (3), Hmong Njua ʔaŋ2 (3), Bunu ka3=te1 (2),

Baonao kə3=tei1 (2), Numao tɑ1 (2), Longhua Jiongnai ta44 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai ta44 (2),

Xiaozhai Younuo kə33=tou33 (2), Huangluo Younuo kə33=tou33 (2), Northern Pa-Hng

qa22=lei33 (4), Southern Pa-Hng qa31=lɦe33 (4), Hm-Nai ai13 (4), Lianhua She ta1 (2), Luofu

She ta1 (2), Pana ti53 # (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 226; MYYFY 1987: 162. This syllable renders Chinese monosyllabic 土 tǔ 'earth (soil)' in both sources.

For the colloquial binome 土地 tǔ-dì 'earth (ground)', the adduced equivalent in [Xiang 1992: 226] is ʑi1=lu5 ʑi1=la6; in [MYYFY 1987:

160] it is qo1=lu5 qo1=la6. Both of these are really compounds of lu5 'earth' with la6 'field' [Xiang 1992: 219]; the main morpheme

remains the same in both the monosyllabic and the tetrasyllabic forms. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 245]: Jiwei lu54, Yangmeng lu35, Zhongxin

la11.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 245. Also Xiaozhang la24, Dengshang la22 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 46, 138; MYYFY 1987: 162. Also attested in a variant with a desemanticized classifier: qa1=ta1 id.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 1. Polysemy: 'earth / ground / mud'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 70. Polysemy: 'ground / soil / earth'. Distinct from te1 'land, earth' [Lyman 1974: 319].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 194. Renders Chinese 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'. Distinct from laŋ5 'earth = land, surface' (Chinese 地 dì) [ibid.]. Quoted as

ka1=te1 in [MYYFY 1987: 162]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 194. Renders Chinese 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'. Distinct from lɔŋ5 'earth = land, surface' (Chinese 地 dì) [ibid.]. Initial

kə3= is a desemanticized classifier.

Numao: Meng 2001: 194. Renders Chinese 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'. Distinct from lou5 'earth = land, surface' (Chinese 地 dì) [ibid.].

Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 255. Renders Chinese 干土 gān-tǔ 'earth = soil'. Distinct from la22 'earth = land, surface'.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 255. Renders Chinese 干土 gān-tǔ 'earth = soil'. Distinct from la21 'earth = land, surface'.

Xiaozhai Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 234. Renders Chinese 地 dì 'land'. Initial kə33= is a desemanticized classifier.

Huangluo Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 234. Renders Chinese 地 dì 'land'. Initial kə33= is a desemanticized classifier.

41

Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 250. Renders Chinese 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'. Initial qa22= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from

a33=to35 'earth = land, surface' (Chinese 地 dì) [Mao & Li 1997: 249].

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 250. Renders Chinese 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from

a31=to35 'earth = land, surface' (Chinese 地 dì) [Mao & Li 1997: 249].

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 250. Renders Chinese 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'. Distinct from kuŋ35=le33 'earth = land, surface' (Chinese 地 dì) [Mao

& Li 1997: 249].

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Renders both Chinese 地 dì 'land' and 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'. Quoted as ta22 in [Hiroki 2003: 14].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Renders both Chinese 地 dì 'land' and 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'.


23. EAT

Western Xiangxi noŋ2 (1), Eastern Xiangxi naŋ31 (1), Qiandong noŋ2 (1), Chuanqiandian

nao2 (1), Diandongbei na2 (1), Hmong Daw nɔ2 (1), Hmong Njua nao5 (1), Bunu nɔŋ2 (1),

Baonao nɒ2 (1), Numao nou2 (1), Longhua Jiongnai naŋ33 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai naŋ31 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo naŋ13 (1), Huangluo Younuo naŋ13 (1), Northern Pa-Hng naŋ33 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng nɦɔ33 (1), Hm-Nai naŋ33 (1), Lianhua She nuŋ2 (1), Luofu She nuŋ2 (1),

Pana noŋ2 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 27; MYYFY 1987: 174. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 334]: Jiwei noŋ42, Yangmeng noŋ31, Zhongxin naŋ35.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 334. Cf. Xiaozhang naŋ21, Dengshang nã35.





Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 199. Polysemy: 'to eat / to suckle / to take medicine'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 220.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 287.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Quoted as lɤŋ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 192].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as nuŋ313 in [Chen 2001: 79].

24. EGG

Western Xiangxi nɯ6-qä1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu11 (3), Qiandong ki5 (2), Chuanqiandian

qe5-qay1 (3), Diandongbei qa5-qay1 (3), Hmong Daw qe4 (3), Hmong Njua qay3 (3), Bunu

42

k e5 (2), Baonao ɕe5 (2), Numao k ey5 (2), Longhua Jiongnai k a35 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai k a22

(2), Xiaozhai Younuo ke33=kou35 (3), Huangluo Younuo ke33=kou53 (3), Northern Pa-Hng

qo55 (3), Southern Pa-Hng qo55 (3), Hm-Nai qo55 (3), Lianhua She ka5 (2), Luofu She kia55

(2), Pana k a5 (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 95. Transcribed as nɯ6-qa1 in [MYYFY 1987: 136]. The main root for 'egg' is nɯ6; qä1 means 'chicken', cf.

nɯ6-nu1 'duck egg', etc. [MYYFY 1987: 136]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 281]: Jiwei qo35-nɯ31, Yangmeng qo54-nɯ11, Zhongxin o55-nɯ11 'egg'

(with a desemanticized classifier in prefixal position) vs. Jiwei nɯ31-qa35, Yangmeng nɯ11-qa54, Zhongxin o55=nɯ11-qɛ55 'chicken egg'

(same as in [Xiang 1992] and [MYYFY 1987]).

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 281. Cf. Xiaozhang qɯ35-qa53 id. Different equivalent in the Dengshang dialect: nõ22 (cognate with

Western Xiangxi).

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 183; MYYFY 1987: 136. More often found in compound formations, such as ki5-qei1 'chicken egg', etc.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 136. The main root for 'egg' is qe5; qay1 means 'chicken', cf. qe5-ʔo7 'duck egg', etc. [MYYFY 1987: 136].

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 136. The main root for 'egg' is qa5; qay1 means 'chicken', cf. qə5-wo7 'duck egg', etc. [MYYFY 1987: 136].

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 261. Used with the classifier lu1.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 279. Used with the classifier lu1.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 198. Quoted as ɕe5 in [MYYFY 1987: 136].





Xiaozhai Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 250. The main root for 'egg' is kou35; ke33 means 'chicken'.

Huangluo Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 250. The main root for 'egg' is kou53; ke33 means 'chicken'.



Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 259.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 99. Quoted as ka11 in [Hiroki 2003: 26].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 86.

25. EYE

Western Xiangxi lɤ3=qe1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qʰa35=me11 (2), Qiandong mɛ6 (2),

Chuanqiandian mua6 (2), Diandongbei a3=ma6 (2), Hmong Daw qʰɔ3=m ə6 (2), Hmong

Njua qʰao2=m a6 (2), Bunu kʰi3=mɔŋ6 (2), Baonao laə1=kɒ3 (1), Numao moŋ6 (2), Longhua

Jiongnai mɔ22-čen44 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai mu21-wɛ21 (2), Xiaozhai Younuo kin53=mɔ31 (2),

Huangluo Younuo ki53=mɔ22 (2), Northern Pa-Hng qoŋ55=mi44 (2), Southern Pa-Hng

a44=qõ55=mɦı44 (2), Hm-Nai naŋ35=me31 (2), Lianhua She ka1=kʰɔ3 (3), Luofu She ka1=kʰɔ3 (3),

Pana ke2 (3).


43

Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 256; MYYFY 1987: 82. Initial lɤ3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 252]: Jiwei lɤ44=qe35,

Yangmeng le54=qe54, Zhongxin le55=qe55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 252. Cf. Xiaozhang qa55=mi24, Dengshang ka35=me22.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 305. Polysemy: 'face / eye'. Glossed as nioŋ6=mɛ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 82], but the semantics of the first member

of this compound is quite unclear (possibly an error).



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 271. Initial qʰɔ3= is a desemanticized classifier attached to words with the general semantics of 'hole'.

Without this classifier, the simple root stem m ə6 is glossed as 'face' [Heimbach 1979: 132].

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 186, 288. Initial qʰao2= is a desemanticized classifier attached to words with the general semantics of

'hole'. Without this classifier, the simple root stem m a6 usually has the meaning 'face'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 202. Polysemy: 'eye / face'. Quoted as ka1=moŋ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 82].


Numao: Meng 2001: 202. Polysemy: 'eye / face'.

Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 266. The first morpheme by itself means 'face'.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 266. The first morpheme by itself means 'face'.



Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial qoŋ55= is a desemanticized classifier.



Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as ka22=kʰɔ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 180].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as pi44=ke313 in [Chen 2001: 77].

26. FAT N.

Eastern Xiangxi sɛ53 (1), Hmong Daw ʈɔ2 (2), Hmong Njua ao5 (2), Northern Pa-Hng

you33 (3), Southern Pa-Hng 35=yɦɤ33 (3), Hm-Nai you33 (3), Lianhua She zɔ2 (4), Luofu She

zɔ2 (4).


Western Xiangxi: Not attested in our main sources. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 281]: Jiwei ʆɛ35, Yangmeng ʆɛ54, Zhongxin u55=ʆe55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 281. Cf. Xiaozhang u53=se53, Dengshang sɛ54.

Qiandong: Not attested.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 279. Polysemy: 'oil / grease / fat / resin'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 92. Polysemy: 'fat / grease / oil / essence (fig.)'.

Bunu: Not attested.



Longhua Jiongnai: Not attested. Cf. ʑɔ33 'oil' [Mao & Li 2002: 275].

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Not attested. Cf. ʑəu31 'oil' [Mao & Li 2002: 275].



Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 2007: 277. Applicable to all sorts of 'fat', solid animal or liquid etc.

44

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 2007: 277. Applicable to all sorts of 'fat', solid animal or liquid etc. Initial 3 5= = 'water' q.v.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 277. Applicable to all sorts of 'fat', solid animal or liquid etc.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 107. Meaning glossed as 'oil'; however, in [Hiroki 2003: 178] it is explicitly stated that zɔ31 means

'solid fat' (Chinese 脂肪) as well.


Pana: Not attested.

27. FEATHER

Western Xiangxi qo1=pi1-qo1-pi3 (1), Qiandong ɬiu1-nəu6 (1), Hmong Daw plɔw1 (1),

Hmong Njua plau1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ple44 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai pley44 (1), Northern

Pa-Hng ti35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng pi35 (1), Hm-Nai pi35 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 269. The first two syllables are the same word as 'hair' q.v.; the second two syllables are unclear

(formally, they coincide with the word for 'fruit, seed' [Xiang 1992: 77], but such derivation would be strange). In any case, the head

word is 'hair'.


Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 96. A compound of 'hair' q.v. + 'bird' q.v.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 249. Polysemy: 'hair / fur / feathers' (see 'hair'). The singulative form 'feather' is translated as i1 tu6

plɔw1, where i1 = 'one' q.v., and tu6 is a classifier. Cf. also ti5 'a wing; a feather (from the wing or tail or body)' [Heimbach 1979: 318]

(this word seems to bear the semantics of 'wing' rather than 'feather', so we do not currently include it on the main list).

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 276. Polysemy: 'hair / fur / feather'. Cf. plau1 qa1 'chicken feathers', etc.

Bunu: Not attested.



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 262. Polysemy: 'hair (on body) / fur / feather'.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 262. Polysemy: 'hair (on body) / fur / feather'.



Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 261. Same word as 'hair' q.v.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 261. Same word as 'hair' q.v.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 261. Same word as 'hair' q.v.

Lianhua She: Not attested.

Luofu She: Not attested.

Pana: Not attested.

28. FIRE

Western Xiangxi pi3=tɤ4 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ʎɔ31=da35 (1), Qiandong tu4 (1),

Chuanqiandian deu4 (1), Diandongbei toey4 (1), Hmong Daw ə3=təw5 (1), Hmong Njua

taʉ6 (1), Bunu to4 (1), Baonao tiu4 (1), Numao to4 (1), Longhua Jiongnai tau31 (1), Liuxiang

Jiongnai tɔ53 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo to22 (1), Huangluo Younuo tou22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng

45

qa22=tou22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng a44=tɦɤ31 (1), Hm-Nai tou22 (1), Lianhua She tʰɔ4 (1), Luofu

She tʰɔ4 (1), Pana to4 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 93; MYYFY 1987: 74. Initial pi3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 245]: Jiwei pi44=tɤ22,

Yangmeng pei44=tɤ33, Zhongxin pi55=to33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 245. Also Xiaozhang po35=da55, Dengshang ka35=tʰe22 id. (all three dialects seem to feature different

fossilized classifiers).




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 65, 312. The literal meaning of the compound, if derived synchronically from its constituents, is ə3

'coals' + təw5 'firewood'; however, təw5 is also found in the meaning 'fire' in several idiomatic expressions (e. g. ci7 təw5 'sparks', etc.),

and also means 'to burn (fuel)', so it may be considered the "main" morpheme in this word. Cf. also ɕu1 'a fire; fire confined to one

place' [Heimbach 1979: 17].

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 318. Used with the classifier ɕu1, or as the second morpheme in the bisyllabic compound š a2=taʉ6. With

a different classifier, č a6, the same word has the meaning 'firewood'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 194. Also ka1=to4 id. Quoted as tu4 in [MYYFY 1987: 74].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 251.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 94. Quoted as tʰɔ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 19].



29. FISH

Western Xiangxi ta1=mɹɯ4 (1), Eastern Xiangxi myɯ33 (1), Qiandong nəu8 (1),

Chuanqiandian ɳᶚe4 (1), Diandongbei mpə4 (1), Hmong Daw nǯe5 (1), Hmong Njua ɲǯ̌e6

(1), Bunu mp e4 (1), Baonao mpci4 (1), Numao mp ey4 (1), Longhua Jiongnai mp a31 (1),

Liuxiang Jiongnai mp a53 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo m e22 (1), Huangluo Younuo muy22 (1),

Northern Pa-Hng n o22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng 31=mpɦ o31 (1), Hm-Nai mp o22 (1), Lianhua

She p a4 (1), Luofu She p a4 (1), Pana b a4 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 268; MYYFY 1987: 86. Initial ta1= is a classifier for animals. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 273]: Jiwei ta35=mɹɯ22,

Yangmeng ta54=mɹɯ33, Zhongxin ta55=mɦɹɯ33.

46

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 273. Cf. Xiaozhang mɤ55, Dengshang myɯ44 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 323. Transcribed as nə8 in [MYYFY 1987: 86].





Bunu: Meng 2001: 198. Quoted as nce4 in [MYYFY 1987: 87].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 258.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 98. Quoted as pia54 in [Hiroki 2003: 39].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 87. Quoted as b a31 in [Chen 2001: 78].

30. FLY V.

Western Xiangxi ʑen5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɛ31 (1), Qiandong ʑaŋ5 (1), Chuanqiandian ʑaŋ5

(1), Diandongbei ʑaɯ5 (1), Hmong Njua yaŋ3 (1), Bunu ʑəŋ5 (1), Baonao yey5 (1), Numao

jɑn5 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ʑi35 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai ʑi22 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo ɲi35 (1),

Huangluo Younuo ɲi53 (1), Northern Pa-Hng yei55 (1), Southern Pa-Hng yı55 (1), Hm-Nai

yei55 (1), Lianhua She ŋi5 (1), Luofu She ŋi5 (1), Pana yiŋ5 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 59. Transcribed as ʑi5 in [MYYFY 1987: 132]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 340]: Jiwei ʑi54, Yangmeng ʑoŋ35,

Zhongxin yi31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 340. Cf. Xiaozhang ʑe33, Dengshang ʑe22 id.




Hmong Daw: Not attested.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 359. Meaning glossed as 'to fly, soar'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 216. Quoted as yɤŋ5 in [MYYFY 1987: 132].









47

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 301.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 123. Quoted as ŋi11 in [Hiroki 2003: 122].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as ʑiŋ35 in [Chen 2001: 80].

31. FOOT

Western Xiangxi qo1= ɔ1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu53=ta33 (2), Qiandong lo1 (1),

Chuanqiandian teu44 (2), Diandongbei toey5 (2), Hmong Daw kɔ4=təw4 (2), Hmong Njua

taʉ3 (2), Bunu lau1 (1), Baonao tou5 (2), Numao to5 (2), Longhua Jiongnai ey44 (1),

Liuxiang Jiongnai ay44 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo tu35 (2), Huangluo Younuo tou53 (2),

Northern Pa-Hng qa44=lu35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng tɦɤ33=lʉ35 (1), Hm-Nai haŋ35 (3), Lianhua

She tɔ5 (2), Luofu She tɔ5 (2), Pana tu5 (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 104. Quoted as ɔ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 96], without the classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 255]: Jiwei o35,

Yangmeng o54, Zhongxin o53= o55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 255. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi21=ta21. Differently in Dengshang (a form cognate with Western Xiangxi): lɔ54 'foot'.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 85, 310. Initial kɔ4= is a desemanticized classifier; in various compound expressions ("to drag the feet",

"to stamp the feet", "ankle", "toe", etc.), only the root morpheme təw4 is used.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 317. Also qʉ3=taʉ3 id. (with a desemanticized prefix). Used with the classifier cʰay4.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ta1=lau1 in [MYYFY 1987: 96]. Additional synonym: to5 [Meng 2001: 203]. We list lau1 as the

primary synonym, since it is the one that is confirmed in both sources.








Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial tɦɤ33= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 268.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Polysemy: 'foot / leg'. Quoted as tɔ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 189]; the same source also lists kʰa31 as a

synonym, but the meaning 'leg' only corresponds to the equivalent kʰa31, not tɔ11.

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Polysemy: 'foot / leg'.

Pana: Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as la44=tu35 in [Chen 2001: 77].

32. FULL

Western Xiangxi pe3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi pe55 (1), Qiandong pɛ3 (1), Chuanqiandian po3

(1), Diandongbei pu3 (1), Hmong Daw pu3 (1), Hmong Njua pu2 (1), Bunu puŋ3 (1),

48

Baonao lay6 (2), Numao puŋ3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai paŋ53 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai pã35 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo puŋ22 (1), Huangluo Younuo pou22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng paŋ22 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng p 31 (1), Hm-Nai paŋ13 (1), Lianhua She paŋ3 (1), Luofu She paŋ3 (1),

Pana pon44 # (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 140; MYYFY 1987: 8. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 325]: Jiwei pe44, Yangmeng pe44, Zhongxin pe33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 325. Cf. Xiaozhang pi55, Dengshang pei44.





Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 266. Meaning glossed as 'to be full, reach ultimate capacity'. Cf. also maŋ4 'to be complete, full' [Lyman

1974: 178]; ɲǯaŋ3 'to be full (of the moon)' [Lyman 1974: 245].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 226. Different word listed in [MYYFY 1987: 8]: ɳʈo6.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 304.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 126. Quoted as paŋ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 276].



33. GIVE

Western Xiangxi kaŋ6 (1), Eastern Xiangxi gɯ31 (1), Qiandong pɛ1 (2), Chuanqiandian saŋ5

(3), Diandongbei saɯ5-tʰao5 (3), Hmong Daw pu1 (2), Hmong Njua pu1 (2), Xiaozhai

Younuo haŋ33 (4), Huangluo Younuo haŋ33 (4), Northern Pa-Hng ɕu44 (5), Southern Pa-

Hng ɕɦʉ44 (5), Hm-Nai kuŋ31 (1), Pana põ1 (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 69; MYYFY 1987: 8. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 342]: Jiwei kaŋ31, Yangmeng kaŋ11, Zhongxin kaŋ11.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 342. Cf. Xiaozhang gaŋ35, Dengshang gã22.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 234. Meaning glossed as: 'to give (free of charge), to hand to'. Also used as a compound: pʰu7 pu1

[Heimbach 1979: 245]; the author notes that "this word is used in this sense in Laos but is seldom so used among Thailand Hmong".

49

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 266. Polysemy: 'to give / to feed (animals)'. Cf. also m a1 with the basic meaning 'to hold, take, seize', but

occasionally used in the meaning 'to give, offer' [Lyman 1974: 185].

Bunu: Not attested.



Longhua Jiongnai: Not attested.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Not attested.




Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 296. Also p 35 id. (semantic difference is unclear).

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 296.

Lianhua She: Not attested. Cf., however, paŋ22 'to give' in [Hiroki 2003: 252].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 90. Quoted as pon13 in [Chen 2001: 80].

34. GOOD

Western Xiangxi ʐu5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ʋ31 (1), Qiandong ɣu5 (1), Chuanqiandian ʐoŋ5

(1), Diandongbei zao5 (1), Hmong Daw žõ4 (1), Hmong Njua žoŋ3 (1), Bunu ɣaŋ5 (1),

Baonao ɣɔŋ5 (1), Numao ɣou5 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ŋɔuŋ35 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai ŋɔ22 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo ŋ̩35 (1), Huangluo Younuo ŋ5̩3 (1), Northern Pa-Hng nɛ44 (2), Southern

Pa-Hng ntɦɛ44 (2), Hm-Nai yaŋ55 (1), Lianhua She ŋɔŋ5 (1), Luofu She ŋɔŋ5 (1), Pana n u5

(1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 80; MYYFY 1987: 154. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 323]: Jiwei ʐu54, Yangmeng ʐu35, Zhongxin ʐu31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 323. Cf. Xiaozhang ɯ33, Dengshang wu22 id.






Bunu: Meng 2001: 229; MYYFY 1987: 154.







Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 305. Said of people (as in 'good person'). The meaning 'good = beautiful, pretty' is expressed with

the word ya55.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 305. Said of people (as in 'good person'). The meaning 'good = beautiful, pretty' is expressed with

the word y 55.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 305.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 127. Quoted as ŋɔŋ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 279].

50


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as ɲu35 in [Chen 2001: 81].

35. GREEN

Western Xiangxi l o4 (-1), Eastern Xiangxi ʎɔ35 (-1), Qiandong niu4 (1), Chuanqiandian

ncu̢a1 (1), Diandongbei nca1 (1), Hmong Daw nǯ ə1 (1), Hmong Njua ɲǯ a1 (1), Bunu

mp u2 (1), Baonao mpcau2 (1), Numao mp ɤ2 (1), Longhua Jiongnai mpʰɔ44 (1), Liuxiang

Jiongnai wo21-hu43 (2), Xiaozhai Younuo l e31 (-1), Huangluo Younuo l u31 (-1), Northern

Pa-Hng n o35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng mp o35 (1), Hm-Nai mp o35 (1), Lianhua She ka6=pʰɤ4

(1), Luofu She ka6=pʰu4 (1), Pana l o31 # (-1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 137; MYYFY 1987: 82. Borrowed from Chinese (綠 l ǜ 'green'). The old word mɹo1 is still preserved in

some idiomatic combinations, e. g. nu2 mɹo1 'green leaves' [Xiang 1992: 137]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 325]: Jiwei ʎɔ22, Yangmeng ʎoŋ33, with

the old word still preserved in Zhongxin: mɹɯ55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 325. Borrowed from Chinese (綠 l ǜ 'green'). The older equivalent still seems to be preserved in the

Xiaozhang dialect: myɤ53. Cf. also Dengshang ã22=nɤ44.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 339; MYYFY 1987: 82. Polysemy: 'green / raw / alive'.


Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 82. Additionally, the compound mi1-sie1 (internal structure unclear) is also listed in the same meaning

[ibid.].

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 204. Polysemy: 'green / greenish blue'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 240. Polysemy: 'green / blue / azure'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 227. Quoted as ncɤu2 in [MYYFY 1987: 82].




Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 296. Cf. hu43 'dark green' [ibid.].





Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 304.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 126. Quoted as ka35=pʰɤ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 273].



36. HAIR

Western Xiangxi pi1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɭa31=pɹei55=pɹei53 (1), Qiandong ɬiu1-fʰu3 (1),

Chuanqiandian pləu1-həu5 (1), Diandongbei ƛao1-fao5 (1), Hmong Daw plɔw1-hɔw4 (1),

Hmong Njua plau1-hau3 (1), Bunu ƛa1-fa3 (1), Baonao ƛ a1-vɦ a3 (1), Numao ƛ u1-kʰɑn1 (1),

Longhua Jiongnai ŋkau53=ple44 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai ŋkɔ35=pley44 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo

51

ha31=p a33 (1), Huangluo Younuo ha22=p a33 (1), Northern Pa-Hng ti35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng

pi35 (1), Hm-Nai pi35 (1), Lianhua She kaŋ6=kʰɤ5=pi1 (1), Luofu She kaŋ6=kʰu5=pi1 (1), Pana

p o1-p o1 # (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 225; MYYFY 1987: 100. Polysemy: 'head hair / body hair'. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 252]: Jiwei pi35, Yangmeng

pei54, Zhongxin o55=pi55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 252. The first two morphemes are 'head' q.v. Differently in Xiaozhang: noŋ53=fi53 'hair', where =fi53 is

'head' q.v. Still differently in Dengshang: dɯ35=xwa22 'hair', which seems to be a borrowing from Chinese 頭髮 tóu-fā 'head hair'.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 96; MYYFY 1987: 100. Literally: ɬiu1 'hair (gen.)' + fʰu3 'head' q.v.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 100. Literally: pləu1 'hair (gen.)' + həu5 'head' q.v.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 100. Literally: ƛao1 'hair (gen.)' + fao5 'head' q.v.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 249. Literally: plɔw1 'hair (gen.)' + hɔw4 'head' q.v.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 277. Literally: plau1 'hair (gen.)' + hau3 'head' q.v.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 202; MYYFY 1987: 100. Literally: ƛa1 'hair (gen.)' + fa3 'head' q.v.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 202. Literally: ƛ a1 'hair (gen.)' + vɦ a3 'head' q.v.

Numao: Meng 2001: 202. Literally: ƛ u1 'hair (gen.)' + kʰɑn1 'head' q.v.

Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 266. The first morpheme is 'head' q.v.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 266. The first morpheme is 'head' q.v.



Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 261, 265. Polysemy: 'head hair / animal hair / feather'.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 261, 265. Polysemy: 'head hair / animal hair / feather'.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 261, 265. Polysemy: 'head hair / animal hair / feather'.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 101. The first two components are 'head' q.v. Quoted as kuaŋ35=kʰɤ11=pi22 in [Hiroki 2003: 180].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 101. The first two components are 'head' q.v.

Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Meaning glossed as 'body hair'; however, since no alternate synonym is attested for 'head hair', we

tentatively include the word on the list. Quoted as fo44=p o13 'head hair' in [Chen 2001: 77], where fo44 = 'head' q.v.

37. HAND

Western Xiangxi qo1=tɯ4 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu53=bʋ55 (2), Qiandong pi4 (1),

Chuanqiandian dʰe4 (1), Diandongbei ti4 (1), Hmong Daw te5 (1), Hmong Njua te6 (1),

Bunu pe4 (1), Baonao pey4 (1), Numao pɑ4 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ča31 (1), Liuxiang

Jiongnai ča53 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo tʰou22 (1), Huangluo Younuo tʰou22 (1), Northern Pa-

Hng qa44=pʋ22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng tɦɤ33=pɦʉ31 (1), Hm-Nai pu22 (1), Lianhua She kʰwa4

(1), Luofu She kʰwa4 (1), Pana la6=kwa4 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 200; MYYFY 1987: 8. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 256]: Jiwei qo35=tɯ22,

Yangmeng qo54=tɯ33, Zhongxin o55=tɯ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 256. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi21=bu55 id. Differently in Dengshang: dɯ35 'hand' (cognate with Western Xiangxi).


52



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 313. Meaning glossed as: 'the lower arm and hand, pertaining to the lower arm, the hand or the

fingers'. The word is used with the classifier cʰay5 in the meaning 'arm, hand', and with the classifier tu5 in the meaning 'finger'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 320. Used with the classifier cʰay4.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 202. Quoted as ta1=pe4 in [MYYFY 1987: 8].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 267.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as kʰua54 in [Hiroki 2003: 184]. Polysemy: 'arm / hand'.

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Polysemy: 'arm / hand'.

Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as la44=kwa31 in [Chen 2001: 77]. Distinct from ka13=ʆi13 'arm' [ibid.].

38. HEAD

Western Xiangxi ko3=pɹei3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɭa31=pɹei55 (1), Qiandong qʰo1 (2),

Chuanqiandian həu5 (1), Diandongbei fao3 (1), Hmong Daw tɔw1=hɔw4 (1), Hmong Njua

tau1=hau3 (1), Bunu fa3 (1), Baonao vɦ a3 (1), Numao kʰɑn1 (3), Longhua Jiongnai ŋkau53 (2),

Liuxiang Jiongnai ŋkɔ35 (2), Xiaozhai Younuo ha31=kʰɔ53 (2), Huangluo Younuo ha22=kʰɔ53

(2), Northern Pa-Hng a33=toŋ33=ti22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng a44=ɕʉ55=pi31 (1), Hm-Nai

naŋ35=ci13 (1), Lianhua She kaŋ6=kʰɤ5 (2), Luofu She kaŋ6=kʰu5 (2), Pana fo3 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 225; MYYFY 1987: 176. Initial ko3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 251]: Jiwei pɹei44,

Yangmeng pɹei44, Zhongxin to55=pɹei33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 251. Cf. Xiaozhang la21=fi55, Dengshang tɔ44=pei44.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 277; MYYFY 1987: 176. Secondary synonym: fʰu3 [Zhang 1990: 203]; in [MYYFY 1987: 176], listed alongside

with qʰo1, but actually the word is more frequently used in more abstract meanings ('top', 'summit', 'leader' etc.).



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 49, 308. Initial tɔw1= is a desemanticized classifier with the original meaning 'gourd, pumpkin'

[Heimbach 1979: 307]. In various compound expressions ("forehead", "bald-headed", etc.), only the root morpheme hɔw4 is used.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 120. Initial tau1= is a desemanticized classifier with the original meaning 'pumpkin, turban squash'

[Lyman 1974: 315]. In various compound expressions, only the root morpheme hau3 is used.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 202; MYYFY 1987: 176.






53





Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as kuaŋ35=kʰɤ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 179]. The word kɔ44 is also listed there as a separate

equivalent for 'head'.


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as la44=fo44 in [Chen 2001: 77].

39. HEAR

Western Xiangxi toŋ5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi tʰɤ53 (1), Qiandong coŋ1-nɛ2 (2), Chuanqiandian

noŋ6 (3), Diandongbei nao6 (3), Hmong Daw ɔ3 (3), Hmong Njua nao2 (3), Bunu ɕəŋ5 (4),

Baonao a3 (3), Numao ey3 (3), Longhua Jiongnai aŋ53 (3), Liuxiang Jiongnai aŋ35 (3),

Xiaozhai Younuo ɲuy35 (3), Huangluo Younuo ɲuy53 (3), Northern Pa-Hng oŋ22 (3),

Southern Pa-Hng 31 (3), Hm-Nai ma55 (5), Lianhua She kuŋ5 (6), Luofu She kuŋ5 (6),

Pana naŋ44 # (3).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 221; MYYFY 1987: 40. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 359]: Jiwei toŋ54, Yangmeng toŋ35, Zhongxin taŋ31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 359. Cf. Xiaozhang tʰaŋ53, Dengshang tʰã54.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 437; MYYFY 1987: 40. The second morpheme of this compound formation is nɛ2 'ear' q.v.; the first

component is the proper verbal root 'hear', also used by itself in occasional contexts.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 70. Cf. mlõ6 'to listen' [Heimbach 1979: 157].

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 198. Polysemy: 'to hear / to smell / to feel / to be aware'. Distinct from noŋ6 'to listen / to smell / to feel'

("to initiate the functioning of one's senses") [Lyman 1974: 204].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 218. Quoted as ɕɤŋ5 in [MYYFY 1987: 40].



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 282. Distinct from aŋ35 'to listen'.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 282. Distinct from aŋ22 'to listen'.



Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 2007: 287. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen'.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 2007: 287. Distinct from ma55 'to listen'.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 287. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen'.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Quoted as kɤŋ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 192].


Pana: Chen 2001: 81. Probably not attested in [Taguchi 2001: 89], where the word toŋ5, corresponding to the Chinese character 聽,

means 'to listen' = tuŋ35 id. in [Chen 2001: 81].

40. HEART

54

Western Xiangxi qo1=moŋ2 (1), Eastern Xiangxi sen53-caŋ31 (-1), Qiandong ɬiu3 (2),

Chuanqiandian ʂa43=ɳcu̢7 (3), Diandongbei ƛoey3 (2), Hmong Daw pləw3 (2), Hmong Njua

plaʉ2 (2), Bunu pi3=so1 (4), Baonao ƛou3 (2), Numao ɲuŋ3 (5), Longhua Jiongnai pa22=ʑɔuŋ33

(6), Liuxiang Jiongnai pa21=ʑaŋ31 (6), Xiaozhai Younuo fɔ22=sən33= in33 (7), Huangluo

Younuo in33 (7), Northern Pa-Hng a33=noŋ35 (5), Southern Pa-Hng a44=ɕ 53 (8), Hm-Nai

naŋ35=ɕuŋ53 (8), Lianhua She san1 (9), Luofu She fun1 (10), Pana saŋ1-taw2 (11).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 249; MYYFY 1987: 100. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 254]: Jiwei

qo35=moŋ42, Yangmeng qo54=moŋ31, Zhongxin qo31=maŋ35.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 254. Borrowed from Chinese 心臟 xīn-zàng. Two other dialects seem to preserve older terms: Xiaozhang

tu53=ʆin53, Dengshang kɯ54=ɕʰi22.


Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 100. Internal structure of this compound is not quite clear.


Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 249. Polysemy: 'heart / in the midst of'. Used with the classifier lu1.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 277. Used with the classifier lu1. Polysemy: 'heart (as a bodily organ) / core, center, middle'. Distinct

from ša1 'liver / heart (fig.), mind, seat of emotion' [Lyman 1974: 299].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 203. Initial pi3= is a desemanticized classifier. Different equivalent listed in [MYYFY 1987: 100]: θin3=tau4.










Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Differently in [Hiroki 2003: 186]: cu22-li31 'heart'. Not clear if this is a borrowing from Chinese

心 xīn.

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Same word as 'liver' q.v.


41. HORN

Western Xiangxi qo1=k e1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu53=kɯ53 (1), Qiandong ki1 (1),

Chuanqiandian qəu7 (2), Diandongbei ku1 (1), Hmong Daw ku1 (1), Hmong Njua ku1 (1),

Bunu k uŋ1 (1), Baonao ɕɔ1 (1), Numao kuŋ1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai k aŋ44 (1), Liuxiang

Jiongnai k 44 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo kə33=kuŋ33 (1), Huangluo Younuo ku33=ku33 (1),

Northern Pa-Hng qaŋ35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng tɦɤ33=q 35 (1), Hm-Nai qaŋ35 (1), Lianhua

She kaŋ1 (1), Luofu She k aŋ1 (1), Pana k 1 (1).

55


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 104. Transcribed as qo1=ɕe1 in [MYYFY 1987: 134] (with a dialectal palatalized articulation variant of

the initial consonant). Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 267]: Jiwei qo35=ɕe35, Yangmeng qo54=ɕe54, Zhongxin

o55=ɕe55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 267. Cf. Xiaozhang ɲ21=ɕi53=ɕi53, Dengshang ki54.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 88. Used with the classifier tu5 (for a single horn) and cɨ7 (for a pair).

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 140. Both sg. and pl. meanings.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 199. Quoted as ɕuŋ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 134].






Huangluo Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 248. Either a reduplication, or assimilated from kə33=ku33, where kə33= is a desemanticized

classifier.



Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 261.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 99. Quoted as kaŋ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 23].



42. I

Western Xiangxi we4 (1), Eastern Xiangxi we55 (1), Qiandong vi4 (1), Chuanqiandian ko3

(2), Diandongbei ku3 (2), Hmong Daw ku3 (2), Hmong Njua ku2 (2), Bunu ɕuŋ3 (3),

Baonao kou3 (2), Numao ɕuŋ3 (3), Longhua Jiongnai va31 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai wa53 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo vɔ22 (1), Huangluo Younuo vɔ22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng vaŋ22 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng vɦ 31 (1), Hm-Nai waŋ22 (1), Lianhua She vaŋ4 (1), Luofu She vaŋ4 (1),

Pana wa6 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 236; MYYFY 1987: 32. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 317]: Jiwei we22, Yangmeng we33, Zhongxin we33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 317. Cf. Xiaozhang wei55, Dengshang wei35.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 89; Mottin 1978: 44.


Bunu: Meng 2001: 232; MYYFY 1987: 32.



56







Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 311.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 130. Quoted as vaŋ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 323].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 92. Quoted as va22 in [Chen 2001: 79].

43. KILL

Western Xiangxi ta5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ta31 (1), Qiandong ta5 (1), Chuanqiandian tua5

(1), Diandongbei ta5 (1), Hmong Daw t ə4 (1), Hmong Njua t a3 (1), Bunu tɔ5 (1), Baonao

tu5 (1), Numao puŋ6 (2), Longhua Jiongnai ta35 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai ta22 (1), Xiaozhai

Younuo tɔ35 (1), Huangluo Younuo tɔ53 (1), Northern Pa-Hng ta55 (1), Southern Pa-Hng

ta55 (1), Hm-Nai ta55 (1), Lianhua She ta5 (1), Luofu She ta5 (1), Pana ta5 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 186; MYYFY 1987: 66. Applicable to people. In the meaning 'to kill (small animals)', the word pɤ2 is

used instead ([Xiang 1992: 186]; [MYYFY 1987: 50]); 'to kill (large animals, like cows)' is bo3 [Xiang 1992: 186]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 355]:

Jiwei ta54, Yangmeng ta35, Zhongxin ta31 'to kill (gen.)', opposed to Jiwei pɤ42, Yangmeng pɤ31, Zhongxin pʰo35 'to kill (e. g. pigs)'.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 355. Applied to people and animals alike. Cf. Xiaozhang ta21, Dengshang ta22.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 58. Secondary synonym: ma8, glossed as 'to cut, hack; to kill' in [Zhang 1990: 304].


Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 66. Additional synonym: o5 [ibid.].

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 326. With tonal variation, cf. t ə6 'to die' q.v.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 327. Polysemy: 'to kill / to extinguish / to hunt / to shoot'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 221. Quoted as to5 in [MYYFY 1987: 66].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 293.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 117. Quoted as ta11 in [Hiroki 2003: 254].



44. KNEE

Western Xiangxi pi3=ɕɔ6 (1), Eastern Xiangxi pi35=ʓɔ11 (1), Qiandong po3=qo8=ɕu6 (1),

57

Chuanqiandian hau3=ʒəu6 (1), Diandongbei fao3=ɕao6 (1), Hmong Daw hɔw3=ɕɔw6 (1),

Hmong Njua hau2=ɕau6 (1), Bunu fa3=ɕa6 (1), Baonao vɦ a3=ɕa6 (1), Numao kön3=ɕou6 (1),

Longhua Jiongnai ð eu53-ŋkau53 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai hɔ35=l eu35 (2), Xiaozhai Younuo

fɔ33=ti22=ku22 (3), Huangluo Younuo tou53=kʰuy31 (4), Northern Pa-Hng pɔ35=ɕi44 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng a44=qɦɔ31=ɕɦi44 (1), Hm-Nai kʰɯŋ55=ɕi31 (1), Pana fo44=ɕu22 # (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 239; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial pi3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 255]: Jiwei pi44=ɕo31,

Yangmeng pei44=ɕo11, Zhongxin pi33=ɕo11.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 255. Differently in Xiaozhang: po55-po55-ta33 (where the last morpheme is 'foot, leg' q.v.) and in

Dengshang: lɔ35=gã22=pʰɔ22-pʰɔ22 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 33. Transcribed as po3=qə8=ɕu6 in [MYYFY 1987: 14]. The main root morpheme is ɕu6 'knee' [Zhang 1990: 265],

rarely used autonomously; po3= is a desemanticized classifier, and qo8 is a root meaning 'joint; hook' [Zhang 1990: 171].

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 14. See notes on Hmong Daw for morphemic structure.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 14. See notes on Hmong Daw for morphemic structure.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 9, 51. Initial hɔw3= is a desemanticized classifier with the basic meaning of 'within, inside;

underneath; stump, base, basis' (ultimately from 'head' q.v.). The root morpheme ɕɔw6 is encountered on its own in compound

expressions ("to kneel, etc.).

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 120. Meaning glossed as 'knee-cap, knee'. The first component is 'head' q.v.; the second component may

also be used on its own with the meaning 'knee' [Lyman 1974: 341].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 203; MYYFY 1987: 14. The first component is 'head' q.v.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 203. The first component is 'head' q.v.

Numao: Meng 2001: 203. The first component is 'head' q.v.

Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 268. The first component is 'head' q.v.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 268. The second component is cognate with Longhua Jiongnai eu53 id.; the first one is unclear.


Huangluo Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 241. The first component is 'foot' q.v.



Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 268.



Pana: Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary. The first component is 'head' q.v.

45. KNOW

Western Xiangxi n 4 (1), Eastern Xiangxi pi53 (2), Qiandong pu1 (2), Chuanqiandian pəu1

(2), Diandongbei pao1 (2), Hmong Daw pɔw1 (2), Hmong Njua pau1 (2), Bunu pa1 (2),

Baonao p a1 (2), Numao pu1 (2), Longhua Jiongnai pe44 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai pey44 (2),

Xiaozhai Younuo tou22=pɔ33 (2), Huangluo Younuo tou22=pɔ33 (2), Northern Pa-Hng

ko53=pi35 (2), Southern Pa-Hng pı35 (2), Hm-Nai pi35-to13 (2), Lianhua She pe1 (2), Luofu She

pe1 (2), Pana taw5=po1 (2).

58


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 281. Transcribed as ɲɛ4 in [MYYFY 1987: 16]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 367]: Jiwei ɲɛ22, Yangmeng ɲɛ33,

Zhongxin ɲɛ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 367. Cf. Xiaozhang pi53-to33. Differently in Dengshang: ŋɛ35 (cognate with Western Xiangxi).





Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 261. Polysemy: 'to know / to understand'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 219; MYYFY 1987: 16.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 297.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 121. Quoted as pe22 in [Hiroki 2003: 261].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 90. Quoted as tau35=po13 in [Chen 2001: 81].

46. LEAF

Western Xiangxi qo1=nu2 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu53=nu31 (1), Qiandong qa1=nəu2 (1),

Chuanqiandian mploŋ2 (1), Diandongbei a5=nƛao2 (1), Hmong Daw mblõ2 (1), Hmong

Njua mbloŋ5 (1), Bunu nƛaŋ2 (1), Baonao nƛɔŋ2 (1), Numao ƛ ou2 (1), Longhua Jiongnai

mplɔŋ33 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai mplaŋ31 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo m oŋ13 (1), Huangluo Younuo

m oŋ13 (1), Northern Pa-Hng qa22=n aŋ33 (1), Southern Pa-Hng qa31=mpɦ o33 (1), Hm-Nai

nuŋ33 (1), Lianhua She p ɔŋ2 (1), Luofu She p ɔŋ2 (1), Pana Ł 2-Ł 2 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 261; MYYFY 1987: 162. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 274]: Jiwei qo35=nu42, Yangmeng qo54=nu31, Zhongxin o55=nu35.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 274. Cf. different equivalents in Xiaozhang ɕi21=mɯ53, Dengshang myɯ44-myɯ44 id. (same root as 'ear'

q.v.?).

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 152. Transcribed as qa1=nə2 in [MYYFY 1987: 162]. The root morpheme 'leaf' is nəu2, also attested by itself

[Zhang 1990: 326].




Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 193. Used with the classifier ƛay7.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 200. Quoted as nƛaŋ26 in [MYYFY 1987: 162].



59







Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 265.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as piɔŋ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 47].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 87. Quoted as Ł uŋ313-Ł uŋ313 in [Chen 2001: 78].

47. LIE

Western Xiangxi pɤ5 (1), Qiandong pi5 (1), Chuanqiandian pu5 (1), Diandongbei pü5 (1),

Hmong Daw pɨ3 (1), Hmong Njua pʉ3 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 215; MYYFY 1987: 8. The same source also lists qɔ6 as a synonym; considering, however, that the latter

word also means 'to fall' [Xiang 1992: 42], it probably at best reflects dynamic action ('to lie down'), whereas the basic equivalent for

the static 'to be lying (on a bed, etc.)' is pɤ5 (also confirmed by numerous derived idiomatic expressions, etc.).


Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 29; MYYFY 1987: 8. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 8. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 8. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 239. The verb expresses both static ('to be lying') and dynamic ('lie down') action, depending on the

context.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 269. Meaning glossed as 'to lie down, recline; (loosely) to sleep'. Examples show that this verb is freely

used in the static meaning ('to be lying') as well, and that most of the specific terms denoting various manners of lying down are

compound formations that contain pʉ3 as the primary morpheme.

Bunu: Not attested. Possibly the same word as 'sleep' q.v.

Baonao: Not attested. Possibly the same word as 'sleep' q.v.

Numao: Not attested. Possibly the same word as 'sleep' q.v.

Longhua Jiongnai: Not attested. Possibly the same word as 'sleep' q.v.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Not attested. Possibly the same word as 'sleep' q.v.



Northern Pa-Hng: Not attested.

Southern Pa-Hng: Not attested.

Hm-Nai: Not attested.



Pana: Not attested.

48. LIVER

Western Xiangxi ʂ 1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ʆi53 (1), Qiandong fʰu3=nɛ6-ɕoŋ5 (2),

Chuanqiandian ʂa1 (1), Diandongbei a3=si1 (1), Hmong Daw š a1 (1), Hmong Njua ša1 (1),

60

Bunu mp au6 (3), Baonao ɕey3=mpcə6 (3), Numao mpü6 (3), Longhua Jiongnai ŋkʰeŋ44 (1),

Liuxiang Jiongnai heŋ44 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo sən33 (1), Huangluo Younuo sən33 (1),

Northern Pa-Hng a33=h eŋ35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng a44=hĩ35 (1), Lianhua She hin1 (1), Luofu

She fun1 (4), Pana s 1 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 65. Transcribed as ʂɛ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 32]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 254]: Jiwei ʂɛ35, Yangmeng ʂɛ54,

Zhongxin ʂɛ55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 254. Cf. ʆe53 id. in Xiaozhang. The Dengshang equivalent is kã54, most likely borrowed from Chinese 肝

gān.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 204. Quoted as fʰu5=nɛ6-ɕoŋ5 in [MYYFY 1987: 32] (with a different tonal characteristics of the first syllable).

The structure of this trisyllabic compound is not quite clear. The bisyllabic formation fʰu3=nɛ6 is a generic term for several internal

organs (translated as 'liver and lungs' in [Zhang 1990]); -ɕoŋ5 is an additional lexical modificator for 'liver', probably = ɕoŋ5 'tight;

hard' [Zhang 1990: 261]. The initial fʰu3 may be a desemanticized classifier (cf. fʰu3 as the old equivalent for 'head' q.v.), which leaves

nɛ6 as the main root morpheme denoting certain internal organs including the liver.




Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 299. Used with the classifier lu1. Polysemy: 'liver / heart, mind, seat of emotion (fig.)'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ka1=ncau6 in [MYYFY 1987: 32].

Baonao: Meng 2001: 203. Initial ɕey3= is a fossilized classifier.








Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 269.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as hin22 in [Hiroki 2003: 187].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as ʆi13 in [Chen 2001: 77].

49. LONG

Western Xiangxi ntɯ3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi du55 (1), Qiandong ta3 (1), Chuanqiandian nte3

(1), Diandongbei nti3 (1), Hmong Daw nte3 (1), Hmong Njua nde2 (1), Bunu nte3 (1),

Baonao ntey3 (1), Numao ntɑ3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ða53 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai la35 (2),

Xiaozhai Younuo nou22 (3), Huangluo Younuo nau22 (3), Northern Pa-Hng to22 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng to31 (1), Hm-Nai to13 (1), Lianhua She ka1=ta3 (1), Luofu She ka1=ta3 (1),

Pana da3 (1).


61

Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 23. Transcribed as dɯ3 in [MYYFY 1987: 66]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 321]: Jiwei dɯ44, Yangmeng dɯ44,

Zhongxin dɯ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 321. Cf. Xiaozhang dɯ55, Dengshang dɯ35 id.






Bunu: Meng 2001: 227; MYYFY 1987: 66.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 302.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 125. Quoted as ka22=ta44 in [Hiroki 2003: 269].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as da44 in [Chen 2001: 81].

50. LOUSE

Western Xiangxi ta1=te3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi te55 (1), Qiandong kaŋ1=ɕhu3 (1),

Chuanqiandian to3 (1), Diandongbei ɳc̢ʰao3 (1), Hmong Daw nčʰɔw3 (1), Hmong Njua

ɲ au2 ~ ɲčʰau2 (1), Bunu ka1=tuŋ3 (1), Baonao ɕey1=tɔ3 (1), Numao tuŋ3 (1), Longhua

Jiongnai taŋ53 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai tã35 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo ma53=tuŋ22 (1), Huangluo

Younuo ma53=tou22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng naŋ22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng ŋ̩31=n 31 (1), Hm-Nai

ntaŋ13 (1), Lianhua She taŋ3 (1), Luofu She taŋ3 (1), Pana tõ3 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 197. A different form is recorded in [MYYFY 1987: 140]: ta1=ʓʰi3. (This can hardly be a dialectal

difference in pronunciation). Initial ta1= is a classifier for animals. In [Yang 2004: 271], two different items are recorded: (a) 'louse'

(Chinese 虱子 shīzi) = Jiwei ta35=ʓʰi44, Yangmeng ta54=ʓʰi44, but Zhongxin ta55=te33 id. and (b) 'head louse' (Chinese 頭虱 tóu-shī) = Jiwei

ta35=ʓʰi44, Yangmeng ta54=ʓʰi44, Zhongxin ta55=ʓi33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 271. Meaning glossed as 'louse' (Chinese 虱子 shīzi) = Xiaozhang te55 id., but Dengshang sɛ22=cɨ22 id. (the

latter is borrowed from Chinese). The equivalent for 'head louse' is no different from regular 'louse' in Xiaozhang and Dengshang,

but is different in Danqing: mei53=cʰɯ55.

Qiandong: MYYFY 1987: 140. Not attested in [Zhang 1990]. The classifier is kaŋ1 'insect'.


Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 140. Alternate synonym: tu3 [ibid.]. Semantic difference is not stated, but external data (see notes on

Hmong Daw) suggest that ɳc̢ʰao3 is the word for 'head louse', and tu3 for 'body louse'.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 207. Meaning glossed as 'head lice'. Used with the classifier tu5. Distinct from tu3 'body lice'

[Heimbach 1979: 326].

62

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 243. Used with the classifier tu6. Cf. also tu2 'louse; flea' in [Lyman 1974: 324] (probably = 'body louse', as

in Hmong Daw; cf. tu2-qa1 'chicken-lice').

Bunu: Meng 2001: 199. Quoted as ka1=tuŋ36 in [MYYFY 1987: 140]. Initial ka1= is a desemanticized classifier.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 199. Initial ɕey1= is a desemanticized classifier.







Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 260. Initial ŋ3̩1= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 260.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 99. Quoted as taŋ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 36].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 87. Quoted as ton44 in [Chen 2001: 78] (although the same source also adds b o44 as an additional synonym with

the meaning of 'head louse').

51. MAN

Western Xiangxi qo1=ni5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qei35=ɲi32 (1), Qiandong tia4 (2),

Chuanqiandian ʑeu6 (3), Diandongbei a1=ʑoey6 (3), Hmong Daw ci3-nɤ2 (4), Hmong Njua

q a4=qʉ2 (5), Bunu po3=ɕəŋ6 (6), Baonao tɔ1=ɕey6 (6), Numao nu2=ɕɑn6 (6), Longhua

Jiongnai nči22=nay33 (7), Liuxiang Jiongnai nči21=nɛ31 (7), Xiaozhai Younuo te31-tuŋ33-nɔ13

(2), Huangluo Younuo te31-kin22-nɔ13 (2), Northern Pa-Hng qo22=taŋ35-n ɛ33 (8), Southern

Pa-Hng qo31=t 35 (8), Hm-Nai qa53=taŋ35-nai33 (8), Lianhua She ne2=pɤ3 (9), Luofu She

ne2=pu3 (9), Pana ton13-na313 # (8).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 151. Transcribed as qo1=ɲi5 in [MYYFY 1987: 52]. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang

2004: 261]: Jiwei qo35=ɲi54, Yangmeng qo54=ɲoŋ35, Zhongxin o55=ɲi31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 261. Cf. Xiaozhang te53=nen21, Dengshang ten44=ɕʰi22 id. (the last item is a different root).

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 69; MYYFY 1987: 52. Polysemy: 'man / elder brother'.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 378. Meaning glossed as 'male, a male individual, man'. The first part of the compound (ci3) has the

semantics of 'male, father, husband, male relative'; the second morpheme is a tonal variant of nɤ6 'person' q.v.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 286. The first morpheme is a "generic designator for people" (see also 'woman'); the second has the

meaning 'male (person)' all by itself.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 204. Quoted as pu1=ɕɤŋ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 52].


Numao: Meng 2001: 204. The modifier nu2 = 'person' q.v.

Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'woman' q.v.); the

second is the same word as 'person' q.v.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'woman' q.v.); the

second is the same word as 'person' q.v.

63



Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'woman' q.v.); the

third one is 'person' q.v.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'woman' q.v.).

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'woman' q.v.).

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 103. The first morpheme is 'person' q.v. Quoted as le31=pɤ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 235].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 103. The first morpheme is 'person' q.v.

Pana: Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary. The second morpheme is 'person' q.v.

52. MANY

Western Xiangxi o1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɕɯ53 (3), Qiandong no5 (2), Chuanqiandian ntəu5

(2), Diandongbei ɕao1 (3), Hmong Daw ndɔw4 (2), Hmong Njua ndau3 (2), Bunu ntau5 (2),

Baonao ntaə5 (2), Numao ntöy5 (2), Longhua Jiongnai ntey35 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai ntay22

(2), Xiaozhai Younuo tʰeŋ33=au35 (4), Huangluo Younuo au53-au53 (4), Northern Pa-Hng

ɕaŋ35 (3), Southern Pa-Hng ɕ 35 (3), Hm-Nai ɕuŋ35 (3), Lianhua She u5 (5), Luofu She vu5

(5), Pana gau35 # (5).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 52. Transcribed as ʎ ɔ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 88]. Secondary synonym: ʑu1 [Xiang 1992: 52], transcribed as

ɕu1 in [MYYFY 1987: 88]. Judging by the examples in [Xiang 1992], o1 may be used with countable objects ('people') and ʑu1 with

uncountable ones ('a lot of speech'), but this is not certain. In [Yang 2004: 321], only the second equivalent is listed in the meaning

'many': Jiwei ɕu35, Yangmeng ɕu54, Zhongxin ɕu55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 321. Xiaozhang: tʸɯ53, Dengshang ɕɯ54.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 184. Cf. also ɕõ1 'many, numerous, crowded' [Heimbach 1979: 17].

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 212. Meaning glossed as 'to be much, many, a lot of; very, a lot'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 226. Additional synonym: ŋk ɯ6. Different form listed in [MYYFY 1987: 88}: tu1.




Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 295. Also hoŋ53 id. (semantic difference unclear).





Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 303.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 125. Quoted as u11 in [Hiroki 2003: 322].



53. MEAT

64

Western Xiangxi n ä2 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ŋa31 (1), Qiandong ŋi2 (1), Chuanqiandian nqa2

(1), Diandongbei qay2 (1), Hmong Daw nqay2 (1), Hmong Njua ŋɢa5 (1), Bunu ŋka2 (1),

Baonao ŋk a2 (1), Numao ŋkɑ2 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ŋkay33 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai ŋkɛ31

(1), Xiaozhai Younuo pe33 (2), Huangluo Younuo pe33 (2), Northern Pa-Hng ŋɛ33 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng ɴqɦɛ33 (1), Hm-Nai ɴqai33 (1), Lianhua She kwei2 (1), Luofu She kwe2 (1),

Pana ge2 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 182. Transcribed as ɲa2 in [MYYFY 1987: 146]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 257]: Jiwei ɲa42, Yangmeng ŋa31,

Zhongxin ɲe35.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 257. Cf. Xiaozhang ŋa21, Dengshang ŋa35 id.





Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 254. Mass noun. Cf. the "children speech" variant ʔa5 [Lyman 1974: 69].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 213; MYYFY 1987: 146.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 278.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 108. Quoted as kɔi31 in [Hiroki 2003: 178].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as ge313 in [Chen 2001: 78].

54. MOON

Western Xiangxi qe1= a4 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɭ a31 (1), Qiandong a5 (1), Chuanqiandian ɬi5

(1), Diandongbei i7 (1), Hmong Daw i4 (1), Hmong Njua ɬi3 (1), Bunu po3=ɬo5 (1), Baonao

vei3=lʰou5 (1), Numao o5 (1), Longhua Jiongnai e35 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai ei22 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo ha31=la35 (1), Huangluo Younuo kwən22=la53 (1), Northern Pa-Hng

a33= a55-qa22=ma22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng a44= a55 (1), Hm-Nai naŋ35= a55 (1), Lianhua She ne5

(2), Luofu She ne5-kʰui2 (2), Pana la3=la5 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 271. Quoted as a5 in [MYYFY 1987: 106], without the desemanticized classifier qe1=. Cf. in [Yang 2004:

65

243]: Jiwei qe35= a54, Yangmeng qe54= a35, Zhongxin qe55= a31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 243. The respective equivalents in Xiaozhang (ʑye33-ɭaŋ35) and in Dengshang (ʑe35-ʎã22) seem to be rather

transparent loans from Chinese 月亮 yuè-liàng 'moon'; only Danqing preserves the inherited term.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 206; MYYFY 1987: 106. Polysemy: 'moon / month'.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 62. Polysemy: 'moon / month'. Used with the classifier lu1.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 126. Polysemy: 'moon / month'. Used with the classifier lu1.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 193. Quoted simply as ɬu5 in [MYYFY 1987: 106]; in [Meng 2001: 193], simple stem ɬo5 is only listed in the meaning

'month'. The same classifier as in 'sun' q.v.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 193. Cf. the simple stem lʰou5 as 'month' in [Meng 2001: 195]. The same classifier as in 'sun' q.v.

Numao: Meng 2001: 193. Polysemy: 'moon / month'.





Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier. Literally = 'luminary-night' (the first bisyllabic

component is the same as in 'sun' q.v., whereas the second one = 'night' q.v.).



Lianhua She: Meng & Mao 1986: 93. Same root, but with additional modifiers in [Hiroki 2003: 9]: paŋ44=kɔ44=le11.

Luofu She: Meng & Mao 1986: 93.

Pana: Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as la44=la35 in [Chen 2001: 76].

55. MOUNTAIN

Western Xiangxi pi3=qɤ4 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu53=ʑe31 (2), Qiandong pi4 (3),

Chuanqiandian tao2 (4), Diandongbei ʈao2 (4), Hmong Daw ʈõ1 (4), Hmong Njua oŋ1 (4),

Bunu θau2a (4), Baonao ɣey6 (5), Numao ɣɑn6 (5), Longhua Jiongnai ŋk ɔŋ53 ~ k ɔŋ33 (6),

Liuxiang Jiongnai či43 (7), Xiaozhai Younuo kə33=koŋ13 (6), Huangluo Younuo koŋ13 (6),

Northern Pa-Hng tei33=kɛ55 (1), Southern Pa-Hng a44=y 31 (8), Hm-Nai yuŋ13 (8), Lianhua

She k e6 (9), Luofu She k e6 (9), Pana pa4 (10).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 187; MYYFY 1987: 8. Initial pi3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 246]: Jiwei pi44=qɤ22,

Yangmeng pi44=qɤ33, Zhongxin to53=qo33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 246. Differently in Xiaozhang: ɕi21=ye55 id., and still differently in Dengshang: ka35=cʰu22 id.






Bunu: Meng 2001: 193. Quoted as fa3=θau2 in [MYYFY 1987: 8]. Two additional forms, kan2 and fa3=pe4 are also listed in [Meng 2001:

193] as additional synonyms. We provisionally select the root that is confirmed in two independent sources.



66


Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 254. Also ʑaŋ35 id. (although only či43 is frequently used in compound formations, such as 'foot of

the mountain', etc., as well as independently).





Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 249.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 94. Additional synonym: hɔ1 (semantic difference unclear). Differently in [Hiroki 2003: 14]: ca22

'mountain'.

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 94. Additional synonym: hɔ1 (semantic difference unclear).

Pana: Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as pa31 in [Chen 2001: 76].

56. MOUTH

Western Xiangxi qa3=lo5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi pa35=ɳɔ31 (2), Qiandong lo5 (1),

Chuanqiandian nɕəu2 (2), Diandongbei a5=ɕao2 (2), Hmong Daw qʰɔ3=ɲʓɔw2 (2), Hmong

Njua ɲʓau5 (2), Bunu nɕu2 (2), Baonao kə3=ɲɕau2 (2), Numao lɑu5 (1), Longhua Jiongnai

nt ɔ33 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai nt eu31 (2), Xiaozhai Younuo pə31=l o33 (1), Huangluo Younuo

pə31=l o33 (1), Northern Pa-Hng a33=la55 (1), Southern Pa-Hng a44=la55 (1), Hm-Nai naŋ35=la55

(1), Lianhua She t ɔ2 (2), Luofu She t ɔ2 (2), Pana law5 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 292. Initial qa3= is a desemanticized classifier. Completely different form listed in [MYYFY 1987: 98]:

pa3=ɲo2, not confirmed in [Xiang 1992]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 250]: Jiwei pa44=ɲo42, Yangmeng pa54=ɲo31, Zhongxin pa31=ɲo35. The

equivalent found in Xiang's dictionary apparently shares the same root with 'lip' in [Yang 2004: 250]: Jiwei co54=lɔ54, Yangmeng

co35=loŋ35, Zhongxin o55=co31=lɯ31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 250. Cf. a different equivalent in two other dialects: Xiaozhang qa55=lɤ33, Dengshang ka35=lɔ22 id. They

seem to have the same root as the Western Xiangxi terms for 'lip' q.v., but the situation is made even more confusing by the fact that

'lip' in Eastern Xiangxi is glossed as Xiaozhang po21=ɲu21, Danqing pa35=ɲɔ31-ʆei33, i. e. with the same root as 'mouth' (!).




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 145, 271. Initial qʰɔ3= is a desemanticized classifier attached to words with the general semantics of

'hole'. Without this classifier, the root morpheme ɲʓɔw2 is frequently used in various compounds ('lips', 'to curse', etc.).

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 233. Used with the classifier lu1. Also qʰao2=ɲʓau5 id. (lit. 'mouth hole', 'mouth orifice').

Bunu: Meng 2001: 202. Quoted as ka1=ɲɕɤu26 in [MYYFY 1987: 98]. Additional synonym: lɔ5, also glossed as 'mouth' in [Meng 2001:

202].









67


Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as tiɔ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 182].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as lau35 in [Chen 2001: 77].

57. NAME

Western Xiangxi mpu5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi bu31 (1), Qiandong naŋ2=pi5 (1),

Chuanqiandian mpe5 (1), Diandongbei nci5 (1), Hmong Daw mbe4 (1), Hmong Njua mbe3

(1), Bunu mpe5 (1), Baonao mpey5 (1), Numao mpɑ5 (1), Longhua Jiongnai mpa35 (1),

Liuxiang Jiongnai mpa22 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo mu35-hou31 (1), Huangluo Younuo mu53 (1),

Northern Pa-Hng a33=mu55 (1), Southern Pa-Hng a44=mpo55 (1), Hm-Nai naŋ35=m aŋ33 (2),

Lianhua She mui2 (1), Luofu She mui2 (1), Pana bo5 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 147. Transcribed as bu5 in [MYYFY 1987: 86]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 300]: Jiwei bu54, Yangmeng bʰu35,

Zhongxin bu31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 300. Cf. Xiaozhang bu24, Dengshang bu22 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 321; MYYFY 1987: 86. The main lexical root is pi5 'name' [Zhang 1990: 29]; naŋ2 is a modifier with the

original meaning 'to sound; to shout'.





Bunu: Meng 2001: 211. In [MYYFY 1987: 86], the Chinese borrowing men2-ncu5 (< Chinese 名字 míng-zì) is listed instead.










Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 112. Quoted as mui31 in [Hiroki 2003: 221].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as la44=bo35 in [Chen 2001: 79].

58. NECK

Western Xiangxi soŋ3=nqoŋ3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qɔ55=qɯ55 (1), Qiandong qa1=qoŋ3 (1),

Hmong Daw ɕa2=ʼda1 (2), Hmong Njua kaʉ3=ƛaŋ1 (1), Bunu kuŋ1=ƛəŋ1 (1), Baonao kɔ1=ƛɒ1

(1), Numao ƛ ɑn1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai kaŋ53 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai kaŋ35 (1), Xiaozhai

Younuo kə53=kaŋ33 (1), Huangluo Younuo kə53=kaŋ33 (1), Northern Pa-Hng a33=ŋɔŋ22 (1),

68

Southern Pa-Hng a44= 31 (1), Hm-Nai naŋ35=ɴquŋ13 (1), Lianhua She ka1=kin1-ka3 (1),

Luofu She ka1=k en1 (1), Pana ka13=ƛaŋ13 # (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 15. Initial soŋ3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 253]: Jiwei soŋ44= ɢoŋ44, Yangmeng

so44= ɢoŋ44, Zhongxin saŋ33= ɢaŋ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 253. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi21=qaŋ55, Dengshang gã22-gã22 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 143. Initial qa1= is a desemanticized classifier. Polysemy: 'neck / throat'.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 7, 29. Initial ɕa2= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 152. Probably = 'neck in general' or 'back of neck', as opposed to ɕe5=ƛaŋ1 'neck, throat' [Lyman 1974:

342]. Original semantics of the first components is not quite clear, but ƛaŋ1 is a morpheme common to both words and,

consequently, the primary bearer of the meaning 'neck' in general.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 202.










Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as ka22=kin22 ~ ka22=kin22-ka44 in [Hiroki 2003: 184].



59. NEW

Western Xiangxi ʆ 1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi se53 (1), Qiandong xhi1 (1), Chuanqiandian c̢h a1

(1), Diandongbei a3=c̢ʰie1 (1), Hmong Daw č a1 (1), Hmong Njua čʰa1 (1), Bunu sʰiŋ1 (1),

Baonao sʰay1 (1), Numao ʆi1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ši22=ŋkʰeŋ44 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai heŋ44

(1), Xiaozhai Younuo sən33 (1), Huangluo Younuo ən53 (1), Northern Pa-Hng seŋ35 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng sẽ35 (1), Hm-Nai ʆiŋ35 (1), Lianhua She tɤ6=hin1 (1), Luofu She tu6=fun1

(1), Pana ta44=ʆin13 # (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 249. Transcribed as ʆɛ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 148]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 329]: Jiwei ʆɛ35, Yangmeng ʆɛ54,

Zhongxin ʆe55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 329. Cf. Xiaozhang si53, Dengshang se54 id.



69




Bunu: Meng 2001: 228. Quoted as ʆiŋ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 148].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 305.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 127. Quoted as tɤ35=hin22 in [Hiroki 2003: 277].



60. NIGHT

Western Xiangxi aŋ5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi xuŋ53= aŋ31 (1), Qiandong aŋ5 (1), Hmong

Daw ɔ4 (1), Hmong Njua mao3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai nčaŋ22 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai nčã21

(2), Northern Pa-Hng qa22=ma22 (3), Southern Pa-Hng qa31=mɦa31 (3), Hm-Nai qa31=ma22 (3),

Lianhua She kaŋ4 (4), Luofu She kaŋ4 (4).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 261. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 302]: Jiwei aŋ54-ɕo31, Yangmeng aŋ35-ɕo11, Zhongxin aŋ31-ɕo11.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 302. Cf. Xiaozhang aŋ33-sɨ53, Dengshang mã22-ʓɔ22-ɲã44 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 211. Polysemy: 'evening / night'.

Chuanqiandian: Not attested. Cf., however, ao5-nto2 'evening' in [MYYFY 1987: 26].

Diandongbei: Not attested. Cf., however, o5-ntu2 'evening' in [MYYFY 1987: 26].



Bunu: Not attested.



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 258. Attested in compounds, such as ɔ44-nčaŋ22 "at night, in the night / in the evening", etc.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 258. Attested in compounds, such as əu44-nčã21 "at night, in the night / in the evening", etc.




Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 254. Also qa31= 35 id. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 254. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 96. The listed forms, corresponding to the Chinese equivalent 夜里 yè-lǐ 'in the night, at night' are

mɔ1=kaŋ4-cʰi2 and nɔk7=kaŋ4, allowing to isolate the basic root kaŋ4 'night'. Cf. also Chinese 夜間 yè-jiān 'in the night' glossed as

lɔk32=kaŋ54-cʰi31 and mɤŋ11=kaŋ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 298].


Pana: Not attested. Cf. do5=ya8 'nighttime' [Taguchi 2001: 92].

70

61. NOSE

Western Xiangxi pa3=mɹɤ6 (1), Eastern Xiangxi duŋ55=m a11 (1), Qiandong po3=nɛ6 (1),

Chuanqiandian ci5=ɳᶚu6 (1), Diandongbei a1=mpü6 (1), Hmong Daw nǯɨ6 (1), Hmong Njua

ɲǯʉ6 (1), Bunu kʰi3=mp au6 (1), Baonao kə3=mpcə6 (1), Numao mpü6 (1), Longhua Jiongnai

mp au22 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai mp ɔ21 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo kʰə33=muy31 (1), Huangluo

Younuo kʰə33=muy22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng a33=n ɔ44 (1), Southern Pa-Hng a44=qʰõ31=mpɦ ɔ44

(1), Hm-Nai kei55=mp au31 (1), Lianhua She kʰuŋ3=piu4 (1), Luofu She huŋ3=piu4 ~ ŋ̩ŋ3=piu4

(1), Pana kʰoŋ3=bei6 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 11; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial pa3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 253]: Jiwei pa44=mɹɤ31,

Yangmeng pa44=mɹɤ11, Zhongxin mɹɯ11 (also Zhongxin pa55=dɯ55, with the same classifier but apparently a different root).

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 253. Cf. Xiaozhang qʰa35=mya24, Dengshang kʰu22=mɤ22 id. (same root, different prefixes).

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 33; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial po3= is a desemanticized classifier.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial ci5= is a desemanticized classifier.


Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 206. Also used with the desemanticized classifier qʰɔ3 (formerly 'hole'): qʰɔ3=nǯɨ6 'nose, nostril'.


Bunu: Meng 2001: 202. Quoted as pi36=ncau6 in [MYYFY 1987: 14].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 266. Quoted as kʰɤŋ44=piu54-kʰɤŋ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 182].



Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as kʰuŋ44=bei22 in [Chen 2001: 77].

62. NOT

Western Xiangxi ɕe2 (1), Eastern Xiangxi a35 (2), Qiandong a2 (2), Chuanqiandian c̢i5 (1),

Diandongbei hi5 (3), Hmong Daw či5 (1), Hmong Njua čɨ3 (1), Bunu ma2 (4), Baonao maə2

(4), Numao moŋ2 (4), Longhua Jiongnai ŋ̩53 (4), Liuxiang Jiongnai m3̩5 (4), Xiaozhai

Younuo mɔ22 (4), Huangluo Younuo mɔ22 (4), Northern Pa-Hng ŋ3̩5 (4), Southern Pa-Hng

ŋɦ̩33 (4), Hm-Nai a53 (2), Lianhua She ha6 (2), Luofu She a6 (2).

71


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 16. Transcribed as ɕe2 ~ ɕi3 in [MYYFY 1987: 4]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 369]: Jiwei ɕe42 ~ ɕi44, Yangmeng ɕu54,

Zhongxin ɕe35 (also nɛ35 id.).

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 369. Differently in Xiaozhang: kaŋ55-m55, and still differently in Dengshang: cɨ44.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 353; Mottin 1978: 84. Cf. also pəw3, used among the Hmong of North Thailand, especially children

[Heimbach 1979: 226; Mottin 1978: 84].


Bunu: Meng 2001: 233; MYYFY 1987: 4.








Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 2007: 313. Also a31 id., although examples in the grammar section show that the latter form is probably

the prohibitive '(do) not!' than the indicative negation.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 313.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 132. Quoted as ha35 in [Hiroki 2003: 338].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 132. Also ŋ6 ~ m6 id.

Pana: Not attested.

63. ONE

Western Xiangxi a3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi a55 (1), Qiandong i1 (1), Chuanqiandian ʔi1 (1),

Diandongbei i1 (1), Hmong Daw i1 (1), Hmong Njua ʔi1 (1), Bunu i1 (1), Baonao i1 (1),

Numao ɕü1 (2), Longhua Jiongnai i53 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai i35 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo ʑe22

(3), Huangluo Younuo ʑe22 (3), Northern Pa-Hng yi22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng yɦʉ31 (1), Hm-

Nai i13 (1), Lianhua She i6 (1), Luofu She i6 (1), Pana a4 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 261; MYYFY 1987: 2. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 308]: Jiwei a44, Yangmeng a44, Zhongxin a33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 308. Cf. Xiaozhang a21, Dengshang a44 (also ta35 id.).






Bunu: Meng 2001: 230. Quoted as i16 in [MYYFY 1987: 2].




72






Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 307.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 129. Quoted as i35 in [Hiroki 2003: 314]; the same source also adds the Chinese borrowing zit11.


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 92. Quoted as ʔa31 in [Chen 2001: 79].

64. PERSON

Western Xiangxi ne2 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ne31 (1), Qiandong nɛ2 (1), Chuanqiandian nen1

(1), Diandongbei tɯ1=nɯ1 (1), Hmong Daw nɤ6 (1), Hmong Njua neŋ5 (1), Bunu no2 (1),

Baonao nou2 (1), Numao nu2 (1), Longhua Jiongnai nay33 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai nɛ31 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo nɔ13 (1), Huangluo Younuo nɔ13 (1), Northern Pa-Hng n ɛ33 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng a44=mɦ ɛ33 (1), Hm-Nai nai33 (1), Lianhua She ne2 (1), Luofu She ne2 (1),

Pana na2 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 179; MYYFY 1987: 84. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 259]: Jiwei ne42, Yangmeng ne31, Zhongxin ne35.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 259. Cf. Xiaozhang nen21, Dengshang nei44.



Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 84. Initial tɯ1= is a classifier.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 137. Used with the classifier tu5; also within the compound ti1-nɤ6, literally 'single person' [Heimbach

1979: 315].

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 202. Polysemy: 'human being / mankind / existence, being'. Mass noun. Cf. also the bound morpheme

tu1=, used in the meaning 'person, man' to form compound terms designating various kinds of people, e. g. tu1=žu6 'worker', etc.

[Lyman 1974: 324]; on its own, the word actually means 'son' rather than 'person'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 204. Quoted as nu2 in [MYYFY 1987: 84].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 270.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 103. Quoted as le31 in [Hiroki 2003: 237].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 90. Quoted as na313 in [Chen 2001: 76].

65. RAIN

73

Western Xiangxi noŋ6 (1), Eastern Xiangxi naŋ35 (1), Qiandong noŋ6 (1), Chuanqiandian

naŋ6 (1), Diandongbei naɯ6 (1), Hmong Daw na6 (1), Hmong Njua naŋ6 (1), Bunu aŋ1=nɔŋ6

(1), Baonao nɒ6 (1), Numao noŋ6 (1), Longhua Jiongnai naŋ22 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai naŋ21

(1), Xiaozhai Younuo ləŋ33=ŋa31 (1), Huangluo Younuo lə33=ŋa22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng

aŋ35=moŋ44 (1), Southern Pa-Hng 35=mõ44 (1), Hm-Nai nuŋ31 (1), Lianhua She nuŋ4 (1),

Luofu She nuŋ4 (1), Pana noŋ6 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 269; MYYFY 1987: 88. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 243]: Jiwei noŋ31, Yangmeng noŋ11, Zhongxin naŋ11.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 243. Also Xiaozhang naŋ24, Dengshang nã22 id.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 135. Used with the classifier kɔ1 for "showers", pʰɔw4 for "a period of rain".


Bunu: Meng 2001: 193. Quoted simply as noŋ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 88]; aŋ1 = 'water' q.v.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 248.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Quoted as lɤŋ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 11].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as nuŋ22 in [Chen 2001: 76].

66. RED

Western Xiangxi ɲɕʰin5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi cʰe31 (1), Qiandong ʃo7 (2), Chuanqiandian la1

(3), Diandongbei lie1 (3), Hmong Daw l a1 (3), Hmong Njua la1 (3), Bunu ləŋ1 (3), Baonao

lɒ1 (3), Numao lɑn1 (3), Longhua Jiongnai θi35 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai θi22 (1), Xiaozhai

Younuo cʰun35 (1), Huangluo Younuo cʰun53 (1), Northern Pa-Hng tai44 (4), Southern Pa-

Hng tɦɤ44 (4), Hm-Nai tai31 (4), Lianhua She s i5 (1), Luofu She si5 (1), Pana biŋ5 (5).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 84. Transcribed as ʓʰen5 in [MYYFY 1987: 124]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 323]: Jiwei ʓʰen54, Yangmeng ʓʰoŋ35,

Zhongxin ʓi33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 323. Cf. Xiaozhang cʰei33, Dengshang cʰe22 id.


74





Bunu: Meng 2001: 229. Quoted as lɤŋ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 125].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 304.



Pana: Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as biŋ13 in [Chen 2001: 81].

67. ROAD

Western Xiangxi ne3=kɯ3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi mɔ31=kʋ55 (1), Qiandong ki3 (1),

Chuanqiandian ke3 (1), Diandongbei ɕi3 (1), Hmong Daw ke3 (1), Hmong Njua ke2 ~ ki2

(1), Bunu k e3 (1), Baonao ɕe3 (1), Numao k ey3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai k a53 (1), Liuxiang

Jiongnai k a35 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo kou22 (1), Huangluo Younuo kou22 (1), Northern Pa-

Hng qo22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng qo31 (1), Hm-Nai qo13 (1), Lianhua She ka3 (1), Luofu She

k a3 (1), Pana la6=k a3 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 42; MYYFY 1987: 134. Initial ne3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 246]: Jiwei ne44=kʋ44,

Yangmeng e21=kɯ44, Zhongxin o55=ne33=kɯ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 246. Also Xiaozhang kɯ55, Dengshang mɔ35=kɯ44 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 177. Secondary synonym: koŋ4 id. [Zhang 1990: 187; MYYFY 1987: 134] (the difference between the two

words is not clear).




Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 137. Polysemy: 'road / path / way'. Used with the classifier cu5.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 212. Quoted as nte6=ɕe3 in [MYYFY 1987: 134].









75

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 284.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 110. Quoted as ka4 in [Hiroki 2003: 127].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as k a44 in [Chen 2001: 76].

68. ROOT

Western Xiangxi pa3=ɕoŋ2 (1), Eastern Xiangxi gɯ33-gɯ33 (2), Qiandong ɕoŋ2 (1),

Chuanqiandian ɕaŋ2 (1), Diandongbei a1=ɕaɯ1 (1), Hmong Daw ɕa6 (3), Hmong Njua ɕaŋ6

(3), Bunu ka3=ɕɔŋ2 (1), Baonao kə3=ɕo2 (1), Numao ɕoŋ2 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ka44 (4),

Liuxiang Jiongnai čaŋ31 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo fɔ33=kə33=t aŋ13 (1), Huangluo Younuo

fɔ33=tə33=t aŋ13 (1), Northern Pa-Hng koŋ33-t a35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng q 33-p a35 (1), Hm-Nai

kuŋ33-ca35 (1), Lianhua She tɔŋ5=k uŋ2 (1), Luofu She tɔŋ5=k uŋ2 (1), Pana ɕʰuŋ313-ɕʰuŋ313 #

(1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 69. Quoted as qo1=ɕoŋ2 in [MYYFY 1987: 114], with a different classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 274]: Jiwei

qo35=ɕoŋ42, Yangmeng pa44=ɕoŋ31, Zhongxin o55=ɕaŋ55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 274. Cf. Dengshang dɯ35=gã54-gã54 id. (the first morpheme is 'tree' q.v.). Different equivalent in

Xiaozhang: ɕi21=sɛ53 id.





Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 338. Also as a bisyllabic compound: ɕaŋ6-ndoŋ3 (where ndoŋ3 = 'tree' q.v.).

Bunu: Meng 2001: 200. Quoted as ka1=ɕoŋ2 in [MYYFY 1987: 114]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier.





Xiaozhai Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 252. Literally 'tree-root'. Initial kə33= is a desemanticized classifier.

Huangluo Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 252. Literally 'tree-root'.



Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 265.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 100. Literally 'tree-root'. Quoted as tɔŋ11=kʰiŋ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 46].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 100. Literally 'tree-root'.


69. ROUND

Western Xiangxi ʑ 4 (1), Qiandong ɬen2 (2), Chuanqiandian kʰun2 (3), Diandongbei qo3=lo8

(4), Hmong Daw kʰɤ2 (3), Hmong Njua qʰeŋ5 ~ kʰeŋ5 (3), Bunu θu6=luŋ1 (5), Baonao tɒ2 (6),

Numao pu2 (7), Longhua Jiongnai klwey33 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai klwey31 (2), Xiaozhai

76

Younuo lun33 (5), Huangluo Younuo lun33 (5), Northern Pa-Hng qa33=laŋ33 (5), Southern

Pa-Hng q 35=lɦ 31 (5), Hm-Nai lai35 (5), Lianhua She zin2 (1), Luofu She zin2 (1), Pana

ƛuŋ313 # (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 270. Quoted as ʑɛ4 in [MYYFY 1987: 100]. Possible secondary synonym: pei3-pei1 [Xiang 1992: 270]

(expressive? semantic difference is unclear).




Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 100. Internal morphemic structure is not quite clear.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 97. Applied to "balls", "heads", etc. Synonym: yɤ2 [Heimbach 1979: 97]; this last word is probably

borrowed from Chinese yuán.


Bunu: Meng 2001: 229. Different word listed in [MYYFY 1987: 101]: ɳʈon1.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 302.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 125. Quoted as zin54 in [Hiroki 2003: 270].



70. SAND

Western Xiangxi qo1=cʰä5 (1), Qiandong qa1=sʰa5 (1), Chuanqiandian sua1-ci3 (-1),

Diandongbei a3=va1-sa7 (2), Hmong Daw õ3-že1 (3), Hmong Njua hu5=š a1 (1), Longhua

Jiongnai ta44=ŋk a44 (4), Liuxiang Jiongnai ʑa44 (4), Xiaozhai Younuo sɔ33-tay35 (-1),

Huangluo Younuo sɔ33-tey53 (-1), Northern Pa-Hng qa22=sa35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng

qa31=sa35 (1), Hm-Nai sa35 (1), Lianhua She h a1 (5), Luofu She h a1 (5), Pana ʆa13 # (5).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 186. Transcribed as qo1=cʰa5 in [MYYFY 1987: 160]. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier.


Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 146; MYYFY 1987: 160. Initial qa1= is a desemanticized classifier.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 160. Probably borrowed from Chinese 沙子 shāzi 'sand'.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 160. Initial a3= is a desemanticized classifier; internal structure of the remaining bisyllabic combination

is not quite clear.

77

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 67, 436. Literally: 3 'powder, dust, flour' + že1 'rock, stone' q.v.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 123. Meaning glossed as 'sand, sandy'. Cf. also s a1 že1 'sand' [Lyman 1974: 372], where že1 = 'stone' q.v.;

a misprint for š a1?

Bunu: Not attested.



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 255. Literally = 'earth' + 'stone' q.v.






Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 250.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 94. Quoted as hia22 in [Hiroki 2003: 14].



71. SAY

Western Xiangxi pʰu3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɕʰe35 (2), Qiandong ho5 (2), Chuanqiandian hay7

(2), Diandongbei hi7 (2), Hmong Daw hay5 (2), Hmong Njua ha4 (2), Bunu tɯ2 (3), Baonao

ɕi4 (4), Numao ɕou6 (5), Longhua Jiongnai čɔuŋ22 (5), Liuxiang Jiongnai čaŋ21 (5), Northern

Pa-Hng kaŋ22 (6), Southern Pa-Hng k 31 (6), Hm-Nai kuŋ13 (6), Lianhua She kuŋ3 (6),

Luofu She kuŋ3 (6).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 207; MYYFY 1987: 26, 178. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 357]: Jiwei pʰu44, Yangmeng pʰu21, Zhongxin pʰu33-tu33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 357. Also mɔ31 id. Different equivalents in Xiaozhang: gu35, and in Dengshang: bya22.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 216; MYYFY 1987: 178. In [MYYFY 1987: 26], a5 is also listed as a synonym; in [Zhang 1990: 211], this

word is given in the meaning 'to say, to explain', i. e. 'to tell' rather than 'to say', used to introduce direct speach.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 48. Polysemy: 'to speak / to say'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 118. Polysemy: 'to say / to speak / to utter'. Distinct from qʰa3 'to say, inform; to indicate; to teach, advise'

[Lyman 1974: 288] and from ta4 'to say, state; to tell, inform' [Lyman 1974: 310].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 221. Quoted as tɤu2 in [MYYFY 1987: 178]. Additional synonym: vaŋ6 [Meng 2001: 221], semantic difference

unclear.



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 282. Also kɔ43 id. (semantic difference unclear).






Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 287.

78



Pana: Not attested.

72. SEE

Western Xiangxi q 6 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ʆaŋ31=ca55 (4), Qiandong poŋ8 (2),

Chuanqiandian po8 (2), Diandongbei po8 (2), Hmong Daw pɔ7 (2), Hmong Njua pu7 (2),

Bunu pɔ8 (2), Baonao puɔ8 (2), Numao pəu8 (2), Longhua Jiongnai leŋ35=pu32 (2), Liuxiang

Jiongnai leŋ22=pu32 (2), Xiaozhai Younuo maŋ35=cʰu22 (3) / tə33=pu31 (2), Huangluo Younuo

maŋ53=cʰo22 (3), Northern Pa-Hng pa31 (2), Southern Pa-Hng pɦa31 (2), Hm-Nai pʰa31 (2),

Lianhua She mɔ6=pʰɤ6 (2), Luofu She mɔ6=pʰu6 (2), Pana pu53 # (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 101. Quoted as qɛ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 16]. Secondary synonym (semantic difference is unclear): cä3

[Xiang 1992: 101]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 347]: Jiwei qɛ31, Yangmeng qɛ11. The second root is also listed for Yangmeng as ca44, and as the

sole equivalent for Zhongxin: cɛ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 347. Cf. Xiaozhang pʰɤ55=ca55, Dengshang be35=ʓa22 id. (the first morpheme in both these cases is the verb

'to look').






Bunu: Meng 2001: 222. Quoted as po8 in [MYYFY 1987: 16].



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 282. Literally = 'to look-see'; the simple predicate pu32 may also be used in some contexts.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 282. Literally = 'to look-see', as in Longhua Jiongnai.

Xiaozhai Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 282. Literally = 'to look-see'.Mao & Li 2007: 282. Attested as a synonym of maŋ35=cʰu22, with no

comments on the semantic difference between the two.

Huangluo Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 282. Literally = 'to look-see'.



Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 287.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Literally = 'to look-see'.

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Literally = 'to look-see'.

Pana: Chen 2001: 80. Not attested in [Taguchi 2001]: the verb 'to see' is listed there on p. 89 as mo8, but its Chinese equivalent is given

as 看 kàn 'to look' (= mo53 'to look' in [Chen 2001: 80]); likewise, external data confirms that 'to look' is the more probable meaning of

this word.

73. SEED

Western Xiangxi qo1=ɳu1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɲɯ53 (1), Qiandong iu1 (1),

Chuanqiandian noŋ1 (1), Diandongbei ca̢ɯ3 (2), Hmong Daw nõ1 (1), Hmong Njua noŋ1

79

(1), Bunu aŋ1 (1), Baonao ɲuɔ1 (1), Numao ɲɑu1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai nɔuŋ44 (1),

Liuxiang Jiongnai nɔ44 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo pən35 (3), Huangluo Younuo pən13 (3),

Northern Pa-Hng e53=ɲoŋ35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng ɲõ35 (1), Hm-Nai ɲuŋ35 (1), Lianhua She

ka1=nɔ1 (1), Luofu She ka1=nɔ1 (1), Pana niw1-niw1 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 284. Quoted as qo1=ɖu1 in [MYYFY 1987: 90]. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier (in both cases).

Cf. in [Yang 2004: 278]: Jiwei qo35=ɖu35, Yangmeng qo54=ɳu54, Zhongxin o55=ɳu55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 278. Cf. Xiaozhang noŋ53, Dengshang nõ54.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 214; MYYFY 1987: 90. Also attested as qa1= iu1 in [Zhang 1990: 145].





Bunu: Meng 2001: 201; MYYFY 1987: 90.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 265.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 100. Quoted as ka22=lɔ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 46].



74. SIT

Western Xiangxi ɕoŋ5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi tʰɛ55-pya35 (5), Qiandong niaŋ1 (2),

Chuanqiandian ɲao1 (2), Diandongbei nio1 (2), Hmong Daw žɔw7 (3), Hmong Njua ɲao3

(2), Bunu ɲi1 (2), Baonao ɲa1 (2), Numao ɲe1 (2), Longhua Jiongnai ɲaŋ44 (2), Liuxiang

Jiongnai ɲaŋ44 (2), Xiaozhai Younuo t aŋ35 (4), Huangluo Younuo t aŋ53 (4), Northern Pa-

Hng ɲoŋ35 (2), Southern Pa-Hng ɲõ35 (2), Hm-Nai ɲɕo31 (2), Lianhua She uŋ1 (2), Luofu

She uŋ1 (2), Pana n oŋ1 (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 293; MYYFY 1987: 80. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 369]: Jiwei ɕoŋ54, Yangmeng ɕoŋ35. Differently in Zhongxin:

ɲi33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 369. Differently in Xiaozhang: aŋ53 and ɕaŋ33 (difference unclear), and still differently in Dengshang: ɲi54.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 330. Polysemy: 'to be (somewhere) / to dwell / to sit'. In [MYYFY 1987: 80], the equivalent for the meaning

80

'to sit' is given as niaŋ1-ta1, where ta1 = 'earth' q.v.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 434. Cf. also žɔw7 nd ə4 'to sit down' [ibid.] (nd ə4 is a "post-verbal intensifier").


Bunu: Meng 2001: 218; MYYFY 1987: 80.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 289.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 116. Quoted as ŋiŋ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 202].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as ɲuŋ13 in [Chen 2001: 81].

75. SKIN

Western Xiangxi qo1=k ɔ5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɕɔ31-ɕɔ31 (1), Qiandong tu3 (2),

Chuanqiandian teu5 (2), Diandongbei pi5=toey3 (2), Hmong Daw təw3 (2), Hmong Njua

taʉ2 (2), Bunu ka3=ƛau5 (1), Baonao kə3=ƛaə5 (1), Numao ƛü5 (1), Longhua Jiongnai k eu35

(1), Liuxiang Jiongnai k eu22 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo ku35 (1), Huangluo Younuo ku53 (1),

Northern Pa-Hng qa22=l u55 (1), Southern Pa-Hng qa31=l ʉ55 (1), Hm-Nai qʰau35 (1),

Lianhua She kʰɤ5 (1), Luofu She kʰu5 (1), Pana ƛ u5-ƛ u5 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 161. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Differently in [Yang 2004: 257]: Jiwei qo35=tɤ44,

Yangmeng qo54=tɤ44, Zhongxin o55=to33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 257. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi21=ɕo33, Dengshang ɕɔ22-ɕɔ22 id.



Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 74. Initial pi5= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 312. Polysemy: 'skin / leather / bark' (see also under 'bark').

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 317. Polysemy: 'skin / hide / bark / rind / peel / leather' (see also under 'bark'). Used with the classifier

ƛay7.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 199, 203. Additional synonym: ka3=to3 id. (semantic difference unknown). Quoted simply as ƛau5 in [MYYFY 1987:

74]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 203. Glossed as Chinese 皮膚 'human skin'. The simple root ƛaə5 is glossed as Chinese 皮 'skin (generic term)'

[Meng 2001: 199]. Initial kə3= is a desemanticized classifier.

Numao: Meng 2001: 199, 203.




81




Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 268.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as kʰɤ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 90].



76. SLEEP

Western Xiangxi pɤ5=nq e1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi pa31 # (2), Qiandong pi5 (2),

Chuanqiandian pu5 (2), Diandongbei pu5 (2), Hmong Daw ndu1 (3), Hmong Njua čau6-žu6

(4), Bunu pau5 (2), Baonao paə5 (2), Numao puey5 (2), Longhua Jiongnai pau35 (2), Liuxiang

Jiongnai pɔ22 (2), Xiaozhai Younuo puy35 (2), Huangluo Younuo puy53 (2), Northern Pa-

Hng vaŋ35 (5), Southern Pa-Hng pɤ55 (2), Hm-Nai pei55 (2), Lianhua She pɔ5 (2), Luofu She

pɔ5 (2), Pana pu5 (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 206. Transcribed as pɤ5= ɢwe1 in [MYYFY 1987: 8]. Literally = "to lie (in) sleep" (see under 'lie' for more

details). Lexicostatistical calculations should be based on nq e1 as the main morpheme carrying the meaning 'sleep'. Cf. in [Yang

2004: 357]: Jiwei pɤ54, Yangmeng pɤ35, Zhongxin po31 as glosses for the Chinese meaning 睡 shuì 'sleep' (but really transcribing the

verb 'to lie'?). However, in [Yang 2004: 354], the Chinese verb 入睡 rù-shuì 'to go to sleep' is given as Jiwei ɢwe35, Yangmeng

dʰɤ35= ɢwe31, Zhongxin ɢwe55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 357. Dubious, since the word glosses the same Chinese meaning 睡 shuì 'sleep' that in the case of

Western Xiangxi (see notes on W.X.) is most likely inaccurate. Nevertheless, this is the only known equivalent for this particular

dialect. Cf. also Xiaozhang pʰu53, Dengshang po22 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 29; MYYFY 1987: 8. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'. In the meaning 'to sleep', also encountered in a compound

formation: pi5-ta1 'to sleep', literally 'to lie-earth' [Zhang 1990: 30].

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 8. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 8. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'. An additional synonym in the meaning 'to lie' is listed as ə1 [ibid.].

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 192. Also as a compound: ə4 ʼda1 ndu1, where ə4 = 'to do, make' [Heimbach 1979: 5] and ʼda1 =

'drowsy, drowsiness' [Heimbach 1979: 28], i. e. literally 'to make drowsy-sleep'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 77. Meaning glossed as 'to sleep, to be sleepy; to soften up one's energy; to relax one's strength'. The

idiomatic expression literally means "to be lacking in strength" (žu6 = 'strength'). Other potential candidates for the same meaning

include pʉ3 'to lie down' (see 'to lie'); and kʰao7 'to rest; (loosely) to sleep' [Lyman 1974: 146]. However, textual examples show that

the most straightforward equivalent for 'to sleep' is indeed the listed idiomatic expression.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 221; MYYFY 1987: 8. The latter source also lists liŋ5 as an additional synonym.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 290.

82

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 116. Differently in [Hiroki 2003: 208]: ŋiŋ35 or ŋiŋ35-ka22-kʰɔ44.


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as pu35 in [Chen 2001: 80].

77. SMALL

Western Xiangxi ʆu1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɲa35 (6), Qiandong ʑu5 (1), Chuanqiandian ʑəu5

(1), Diandongbei ʂao1 (2), Hmong Daw me4 (3), Hmong Njua mi2 (3) / yau3 ~ yau6 (1),

Bunu vi3 (3), Baonao yau5 (1), Numao yəŋ3 (4), Longhua Jiongnai ʑu35 (1), Liuxiang

Jiongnai ʑu22 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo e53 (5), Huangluo Younuo e53 (5), Northern Pa-Hng

yu55 (1), Southern Pa-Hng yʉ55 (1), Hm-Nai yu55 (1), Lianhua She sɔŋ1 (1), Luofu She sɔŋ1

(1), Pana yu5 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 246; MYYFY 1987: 132. The former source also lists as quasi-synonyms the words ʐaŋ5 (rather 'tender,

young, small (of child)') and te1 (rather 'young (of animals), infant'). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 329]: Jiwei ʆu35, Yangmeng ʆu54, Zhongxin ʆu55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 329. Cf. Xiaozhang ɲaŋ55 id. Different equivalent in Dengshang: sɯ54.





Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 182.Lyman 1974: 362. The forms mi2 and yau3 are listed as complete synonyms in Lyman's dictionary,

and listed contexts give no clue as to what the semantic difference is; we have to treat both as technical synonyms.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 228; MYYFY 1987: 132.



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 294. Also ne44 id. (semantic difference is unknown).





Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 302. Also t 35 and ŋı55 id. (semantic difference is unknown).

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 302.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 124. Quoted as sɔŋ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 269].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as ʑu35 in [Chen 2001: 81].

78. SMOKE

Western Xiangxi qo1=ɲɕʰo5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɕɔ35-kʰa55 (1), Qiandong əu1=i1 (2),

Chuanqiandian paŋ5=nɕʰo5 (1), Diandongbei paɯ5=nɕʰo5 (1), Hmong Daw ɲɕʰɔ4 # (1),

Hmong Njua paŋ3-taʉ6 (3), Bunu ka3=pɔŋ5-to4 (3), Baonao pɒ5-tiu4 (3), Longhua Jiongnai

tau31=ɔ43 (4), Liuxiang Jiongnai tɔ53=nəu22 (5), Xiaozhai Younuo to22=ʑin33 (6), Huangluo

83

Younuo ʑin33 (6), Northern Pa-Hng qa22=u35 (4), Southern Pa-Hng qa31=ʉ35 (4), Hm-Nai

u35-tou22 (4), Lianhua She tʰɔ4-ka1-nɔ1 (7), Luofu She tʰɔ4-ka1-nɔ1 (7).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 255. Transcribed as qo1=ʓʰɔ5 in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang

2004: 248]: Jiwei qo35=ʓʰɔ54, Yangmeng qo54=ʓʰoŋ35, Zhongxin ʓɯ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 248. Cf. Xiaozhang kʰa33-ɕʰɔ21, Dengshang kʰa22 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 111. Transcribed as ə1=i1 in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. Literally = 'bitter water'; əu1 'water' q.v. here functions as a

desemanticized classifier.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 2. Initial paŋ5= is a classifier.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 2. Initial paɯ5= is a classifier.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 150. Listed only in the verbal meaning: 'to produce smoke, to smoke', but no separate nominal stem is

listed in the dictionary; considering the external evidence, it may be assumed that the word may be used as a noun as well.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 259. The main root morpheme paŋ3 is glossed with polysemy: 'vapor / mist / steam / breath / smoke'; the

specific meaning 'smoke (of fire)' is generated by joining up with taʉ6 'fire' q.v.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 194. Quoted as ka1=poŋ5 in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier; to4 = 'fire' q.v.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 194. The modifier tiu4 = 'fire' q.v.


Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 256. The first morpheme is 'fire' q.v.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 256. The first morpheme is 'fire' q.v.

Xiaozhai Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 235. The first morpheme is 'fire' q.v.




Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 251. The second component tou22 = 'fire' q.v.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 94. The first component is tʰɔ4 'fire' q.v. Quoted as ka22-lɔ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 20].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 94. The first component is tʰɔ4 'fire' q.v.

Pana: Not attested.

79. STAND

Western Xiangxi ʆɤ3 (1), Qiandong ʃʰu3 (1), Hmong Daw šəw3 (1), Hmong Njua šaʉ2-ɲǯu6

(1), Bunu sʰo3 (1), Baonao sʰou3 (1), Numao sɑu6 (1), Longhua Jiongnai θ au53 (1), Liuxiang

Jiongnai θɔ35 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo so22 (1), Huangluo Younuo so22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng

ɕa44 (2), Southern Pa-Hng ɕɦa44 (2), Hm-Nai ʆou13 (1), Lianhua She sɤ3 (1), Luofu She su3

(1), Pana s u3 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 276.


Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 241.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 290. This stem by itself is glossed as a dynamic action verb: 'to arise, to stand up'. The static 'be

84

standing' is expressed by compounds: šəw3 nǯe6 'to stand erect, to stand upright' (nǯe6 = 'erect, vertical, steep (of a roof)' [Heimbach

1979: 199]); šəw3 ɳʈʰɤ3 'to stand straight up' (ɳʈʰɤ3 = restricted post-verbal intensifier [Heimbach 1979: 182]), etc.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 304. The first morpheme by itself is glossed with the meaning 'to rise, arise, get up, wake up (intrans.)'; it

forms several compound verbs, including the static 'to stand' by joining up with the "modifier" ɲǯu6 that has no independent usage

in Hmong Njua.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 220.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 289.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 115. Quoted as sɤ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 202].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as ʆu44 in [Chen 2001: 81].

80. STAR

Western Xiangxi te1=qe1- a5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qei53 (1), Qiandong tɛ1=qɛ1 (1),

Chuanqiandian o1=qo1 (1), Diandongbei u1=qu1 (1), Hmong Daw u1=qu1 (1), Hmong

Njua nu1=qu1 (1), Bunu ɕe1=kuŋ1 (1), Baonao tɔ1=kɔ1 (1), Numao kuŋ1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai

ka44=ntaŋ44 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai ka44=ntaŋ44 (2), Xiaozhai Younuo in33-tay35 (3),

Huangluo Younuo lin33-tay53 (3), Northern Pa-Hng a33=qaŋ35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng a44=q 35

(1), Hm-Nai naŋ35=qaŋ35 (1), Lianhua She ne5-taŋ1 (2), Luofu She ne5-taŋ1 (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 250; MYYFY 1987: 36. Literally: "infant-moon" (see under 'moon'). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 243]: Jiwei

te35=qe35- a54, Yangmeng te54=qe54- a35, Zhongxin te55=te55=qe55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2000: 243. The Danqing dialect preserves the original root; however, the Xiaozhang equivalent (tʰɛ53=sen53-cɨ35)

and the Dengshang equivalent (ʆĩ44-ʆĩ44) for this Swadesh meaning seem both to be loanwords from Chinese 星(子) xīng(zi) 'star'.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 50. Quoted as cɛ1=qɛ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 36]; this transcription is probably erroneous (c instead of t).

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 36. The first component of this compound is o1 'sun' q.v.; the second component is the original root

morpheme for 'star'.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 36. The first component of this compound is u1 'sun' q.v.; the second component is the original root

morpheme for 'star'.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 71. The first component of this compound is u1 'sun' q.v.; the second component is homonymous

with 'old', but the homonimity may be accidental if this is really the original root morpheme for 'star'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 204. Polysemy: 'star / planet'. Explained by Lyman as literally 'old sun', where nu1 'sun' q.v. and qu1 =

'old' [Lyman 1974: 284]. The homonymity with 'old' may, however, be accidental.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 193. Quoted as ta1=kuŋ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 36].



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 254. Collective form ('stars').

85

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 254. Collective form ('stars'). Also θ ɔ44 id.



Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 248. Collective form ('stars'). Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 248. Collective form ('stars'). Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 248. Collective form ('stars'). Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Literally: "moon-child" (taŋ1 = 'child'). Quoted as le11-taŋ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 9].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Literally: "moon-child" (taŋ1 = 'child').

Pana: Not attested.

81. STONE

Western Xiangxi qo1=ʐɯ1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu53=ʋ53 (1), Qiandong po3=ɣi1 (1),

Chuanqiandian ʐe1 (1), Diandongbei a1=və1 (1), Hmong Daw pɔ1=že1 (1), Hmong Njua že1

(1), Bunu fa3=ɣe1 (1), Baonao ɣey1 (1), Numao ɣey1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ŋk a44 (1),

Liuxiang Jiongnai ʑa44 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo ha22=v e33 (1), Huangluo Younuo ha22=vey33

(1), Northern Pa-Hng qa22=yo35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng qa31=yo35 (1), Hm-Nai nt ou33=ci13=yo35

(1), Lianhua She ŋa1-kɔ3 (1), Luofu She za1-kɔ3 (1), Pana pei5 (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 197; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 247]: Jiwei qo35=ʐɯ35,

Yangmeng qo54=ʐɯ55, Zhongxin o55=ʐɯ55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 247. Also Xiaozhang ci21=xɯ53 id.; Dengshang ɣɤ54=pɔ22 seems to represent a different root.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 34; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial po3= is a desemanticized classifier.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 436. The first part of the compound is the fused classifier pɔ1, denoting 'roundness' or 'bulkiness'

[Heimbach 1979: 231]; the second part is the root morpheme.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 372. Used with the classifier lu1. Cf. also pao1 'stone, rock' [Lyman 1974: 260], said to be an

interchangeable synonym; the two morphemes may also be joined together in a single compound formation pao1-že1 'stone, rock'

[ibid.].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 194; MYYFY 1987: 14.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 250. The root morpheme =yo35 is the same as in Pa-Heng, but the first two components are unclear.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 94. Quoted as ŋa22 ~ ŋa22-kɔ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 14].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as pei35 in [Chen 2001: 76].

86

82. SUN

Western Xiangxi e1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qʰa35= e53 (1), Qiandong ɛ1 (1),

Chuanqiandian o1 (1), Diandongbei lu1= u1 (1), Hmong Daw u1 (1), Hmong Njua nu1

(1), Bunu po3= ɔŋ1 (1), Baonao vei3= ɒ1 (1), Numao tau2=ŋkau1 (2), Longhua Jiongnai ntoŋ22

(1), Liuxiang Jiongnai ntoŋ21 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo ha31=nɔ33 (1), Huangluo Younuo

ha31=nɔ33 (1), Northern Pa-Hng a33= a55=qa22= ei35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng a44= 35= e35 (1),

Hm-Nai naŋ35= e35 (1), Lianhua She nɔ1-kɔ3 ~ nɔk7-kɔ3 (1), Luofu She nɔ1-kɔ3 (1), Pana ni1

(1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 214; MYYFY 1987: 90. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 243]: Jiwei e35, Yangmeng e54, Zhongxin ci31= e55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 243. Also Xiaozhang qʰa35= e53, Dengshang kʰu35=nei54.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 212; MYYFY 1987: 90. Polysemy: 'sun / day'.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 90. The bisyllabic form čʰaŋ3-nto2 is also listed as a synonym.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 90. Initial lu1= is a classifier.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 71. Polysemy: 'sun / day / age, time'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 204. Polysemy: 'sun / day'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 193. Quoted as mi3= oŋ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 90]. Same classifier as in 'moon' q.v.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 193. Same classifier as in 'moon' q.v.






Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier. Formally, this is a double compound that consists of

a33= a55 'moon; luminary (gen.)' (q.v.) and qa22= ei35 'sun, day' (the morpheme ei35 on its own has the primary meaning 'day').

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier; the morpheme = 35= probably = 'water, rain, sky',

and the proper root morpheme is = e35. Cf. also qa31-ha35 id.


Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Quoted as lɔk22-kɔ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 9].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as la44=ni13 in [Chen 2001: 76].

83. SWIM

Western Xiangxi naŋ3-u1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɳaŋ55-ʋ53 (1), Qiandong loŋ3-əu1 (1),

Chuanqiandian lua8 (1), Diandongbei la8-ao8 (1), Hmong Daw ə4=l ə7-ʼde2 (1), Hmong

Njua l a7-ƛe5 (1), Pana duŋ53-ʔŋ13 # (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 267. Literally = 'to swim (in) water', where naŋ3 is the verbal stem and u1 is 'water' q.v. Transcribed as

na3-u1 in [MYYFY 1987: 98] (the same source also adds nqu3-u1 as a synonym, but this expression is translated as 'to wash (in water)'

87

in [Xiang 1992: 239], so we do not include it). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 365]: Jiwei na44-u35. Differently in the two other dialects: Yangmeng

ɕi44-wa11-u54, Zhongxin ɕi33-wa11-u55 (with the same noun 'water', but a different verbal base).

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 365. Cf. Dengshang nõ35-wu54 id. Differently in Xiaozhang: ʓɯ21-u53.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 301. Transcribed as loŋ3-ə1 in [MYYFY 1987: 98]. Same morphological structure as in Xiangxi.


Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 98. The second morpheme is 'water' q.v.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 34, 121. Literally = 'to make swim-water', where the only morpheme whose meaning may be close to

'swim' on its own is l ə7 ( ə4 is the auxiliary verb 'do, make' and ʼde2 is 'water' q.v.).

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 176. The second morpheme is 'water' q.v. Also attested in trisyllabic form, with the addition of auxiliary

ʔ a3 'to do, make': ʔ a3=l a7-ƛe5 'to swim' [Lyman 1974: 73] = Hmong Daw ə4=l ə7-ʼde2.

Bunu: Not attested.



Longhua Jiongnai: Not attested.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Not attested.



Northern Pa-Hng: Not attested.

Southern Pa-Hng: Not attested.

Hm-Nai: Not attested.



Pana: Chen 2001: 81. Not attested in [Taguchi 2001]. The second morpheme means 'water' q.v.

84. TAIL

Western Xiangxi pi3=tɤ3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ti35=ta33 (1), Qiandong qa1=tɛ3 (1),

Chuanqiandian ku5=du3 (1), Diandongbei a3=caɯ4 (2), Hmong Daw kɔ4=tɨ4 (1), Hmong

Njua qʉ3=tʉ2 (1), Bunu tau3 (1), Baonao kə3=cə3 (1), Numao töy3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai

ðau53 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai lɔ35 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo kə33=te22 (1), Huangluo Younuo

kə33=te22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng tai33=tai22 (1), Southern Pa-Hng tɦɤ33=tɤ31 (1), Hm-Nai

tei33=tei13 (1), Lianhua She ka1=tɔ3 (1), Luofu She ka1=tɔ3 (1), Pana la44=t e44 # (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 234; MYYFY 1987: 162. Initial pi3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 268]: Jiwei pi44=tɤ44,

Yangmeng pei44=tɤ44, Zhongxin o55=pi33=to33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 268. Cf. Xiaozhang ti21=ta55, Dengshang ti44=tɔ44 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 139. Erroneously quoted as qa1=ta3 in [MYYFY 1987: 162]. Initial qa1= is a desemanticized classifier.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 162. Initial ku5= is a desemanticized classifier.


Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 330. Initial kɔ4= is a fused classifier with the original meaning 'handle' [Heimbach 1979: 85]. The root

morpheme may also be used on its own, with a classifier (tu5 tɨ4 'the tail').

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 329. The root morpheme tʉ2 is glossed with polysemy: 'tail / rump / buttocks'. The (sometimes) fused

classifier qʉ3= is glossed with the original meaning of 'stick, rod; handle' [Lyman 1974: 287].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 199. Quoted as ku16=tau3 in [MYYFY 1987: 162].


88






Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 261. Initial tai33= is a desemanticized classifier.


Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 261. Initial tei33= is a desemanticized classifier.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 99. Quoted as ka22=tɔ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 23].



85. THAT1

Western Xiangxi ä3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi tɛ55=ɛ55 (1), Qiandong i3 (1), Chuanqiandian ʔi3

(1), Diandongbei tʰao5 (2), Hmong Daw ndəw8 (2), Hmong Njua ndaʉ7 (2), Bunu uŋ1 (3),

Baonao ɔ1 (3), Numao yi4 (1), Longhua Jiongnai mi44 (9), Liuxiang Jiongnai mi44 (9),

Xiaozhai Younuo ni31 (5), Huangluo Younuo ni22 (5), Northern Pa-Hng ŋ5̩5 (10), Southern

Pa-Hng ŋ5̩5 (10), Hm-Nai wo55 (10), Lianhua She va4 (10), Luofu She va4 (10), Pana lõ1=tiŋ3

(11).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 150. Transcribed as a3 in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 318]: Jiwei a44, Yangmeng a44. According

to the specifications in [Yang 2004], this is the equivalent for 'that (closer)'. The dialect of Zhongxin, however, has a different

equivalent in this meaning: xo33=i55, an extension of the regular i55 'that (farther)'.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 318. Cf. Dengshang tei35=i44 id. Neither Danqing nor Dengshang show any distinction between 'that

(closer)' and 'that (farther)'. However, such a distinction is specified for the Xiaozhang dialect: e55-cʰa21 'that (closer)' vs. e55-e55 'that

(farther)'. The principal morpheme in both these stems is e55, cognate with Danqing ɛ55 and Dengshang i44.





Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 214. Meaning glossed as 'that (further away), yonder'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 233. Meaning glossed as 'that (further away)'.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 233. Meaning glossed as 'that (further away)'.

Numao: Meng 2001: 233. Meaning glossed as 'that (further away)'.







Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 312.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 131. Quoted as mɤ44 ~ ma54 in [Hiroki 2003: 324]. According to Hiroki, denotes an object that is near

to the listener, but far from the speaker.

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 131. See notes on Lianhua She for semantics.

89

Pana: Taguchi 2001: 93. Quoted as tiŋ44 in [Chen 2001: 79].

85. THAT2

Western Xiangxi ʑi1 (4), Qiandong nen3 (5), Diandongbei ɳc̢i7 (6), Hmong Njua hao2 (7),

Bunu kau2 (8), Baonao kə2 (8), Numao köy2 (8), Lianhua She ɤ3 (3), Luofu She u3 (3), Pana

ʑi4 # (4).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 150; MYYFY 1987: 2. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 318]: Jiwei ʑi35 id. According to the specifications in [Yang

2004], this is the equivalent for 'that (farther)'. A different equivalent for this meaning is attested in the other two dialects:

Yangmeng ei54, Zhongxin i55.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 325. According to the dictionary, refers to 'that (far away from the speaker, close to the listener)'.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 2. The difference between tʰao5 and ɳc̢i7 is not specified.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 119. Meaning glossed as 'that (close by), there (close by)' (i. e. = intermediate degree of proximity).

Bunu: Meng 2001: 232. Meaning glossed as 'that (intermediate)'.

Baonao: Meng 2001: 232. Meaning glossed as 'that (intermediate)'.

Numao: Meng 2001: 232. Meaning glossed as 'that (intermediate)'.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 131. Quoted as ɤ44 ~ ua54 in [Hiroki 2003: 324]. According to Hiroki, denotes an object that is

equidistant from the listener and the speaker.

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 131. See notes on Lianhua She for semantics.


86. THIS

Western Xiangxi nen3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ne55 (1), Qiandong noŋ3 (1), Chuanqiandian na3

(1), Diandongbei ni3 (1), Hmong Daw nɔ4 (1), Hmong Njua n a2 (1), Bunu nɔŋ3 (1),

Baonao naə3 (1), Numao ney3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ne53 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai ni35 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo no22 (1), Huangluo Younuo no22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng ŋ̩22 (1), Southern

Pa-Hng ŋ3̩1 (1), Hm-Nai ne13 (1), Lianhua She ne3 (1), Luofu She ni3 (1), Pana lõ1=ni6 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 278; MYYFY 1987: 88. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 318]: Jiwei nen44, Yangmeng noŋ44, Zhongxin nen33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 318. Cf. Xiaozhang nen55, Dengshang ne44 id.






Bunu: Meng 2001: 232. Quoted as nau3 in [MYYFY 1987: 88].




90






Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 312.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 131. Quoted as le44 ~ lia54 in [Hiroki 2003: 324].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 93. Quoted as ni22 in [Chen 2001: 79].

87. THOU

Western Xiangxi mɯ2 (1), Eastern Xiangxi mu31 (1), Qiandong moŋ2 (1), Chuanqiandian

ne2 (2), Diandongbei ɕü6 (3), Hmong Daw kɔ2 (4), Hmong Njua kao5 (4), Bunu kau2 (4),

Baonao kə2 (4), Numao köy2 (4), Longhua Jiongnai maŋ33 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai məŋ31 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo ŋ̩13 (1), Huangluo Younuo ŋ̩13 (1), Northern Pa-Hng mu33 (1), Southern

Pa-Hng mɦʉ33 (1), Hm-Nai m̩31 (1), Lianhua She muŋ2 (1), Luofu She muŋ2 (1), Pana ʔŋ3

(1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 152; MYYFY 1987: 24. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 317]: Jiwei mɯ42 ~ mɯ35, Yangmeng moŋ31, Zhongxin mɯ35.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 317. Cf. Xiaozhang m35, Dengshang mu35.





Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 135. The "children speech" variant of this pronoun is ʔao5 [Lyman 1974: 70].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 232. Different form listed in [MYYFY 1987: 24]: mi2 (actually = me2 'you (pl.)' in [Meng 2001: 232]).









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 311.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 131. Quoted as mɤŋ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 323].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 92. Quoted as ŋ44 in [Chen 2001: 79].

88. TONGUE

Western Xiangxi qo1=m a4 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu53=m a35 (1), Qiandong ni8 (1),

Chuanqiandian bla6 (1), Diandongbei a3=nƛay4 (1), Hmong Daw mblay6 (1), Hmong Njua

91

mblay6 (1), Bunu nƛa8 (1), Baonao nƛ a8 (1), Numao nƛ ey8 (1), Longhua Jiongnai mpli32

(1), Liuxiang Jiongnai mpli32 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo kə33=mi31 (1), Huangluo Younuo

kə33=mi31 (1), Northern Pa-Hng tai33=n ei31 (1), Southern Pa-Hng mpɦı31 (1), Hm-Nai

tei33=ntʰei31 (1), Lianhua She pi6 (1), Luofu She pi6 (1), Pana la44=Łi53 # (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 192. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Quoted as qo1=mɹa4 in [MYYFY 1987: 80]. Cf. in [Yang

2004: 251]: Jiwei qo35=mya22, Yangmeng qo54= ya21, Zhongxin o55=mya33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 251. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi21=mya35, Dengshang mya22.






Bunu: Meng 2001: 202. Quoted as ka1=nƛa8 in [MYYFY 1987: 80].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 266.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as pi35 in [Hiroki 2003: 182].



89. TOOTH

Western Xiangxi qo1=ʆ 3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu53=sɛ55 (1), Qiandong i3 (2),

Chuanqiandian na3 (2), Diandongbei ie3 (2), Hmong Daw a3 (2), Hmong Njua na2 (2),

Bunu fa3= iŋ3 (2), Baonao ay3 (2), Numao ɑy3 (2), Longhua Jiongnai ay53 (2),

Liuxiang Jiongnai ɛ35 (2), Xiaozhai Younuo fun22 (3), Huangluo Younuo fun22 (3),

Northern Pa-Hng qa44=ɲi22 (2), Southern Pa-Hng 31 (2), Hm-Nai tei33= iŋ13 (2), Lianhua

She mun3 (2), Luofu She mun3 (2), Pana moŋ3 (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 254; MYYFY 1987: 26. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 252]: Jiwei qo35=ʆɛ44,

Yangmeng qo54=ʆɛ44, Zhongxin o55=ʆe33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 252. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi21=se55, Dengshang se54 id.


92





Bunu: Meng 2001: 202; MYYFY 1987: 26.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 266.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as mun44 in [Hiroki 2003: 183].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as muŋ44 in [Chen 2001: 77].

90. TREE

Western Xiangxi qo1=ntu5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi dɔ31 (1), Qiandong təu5 (1), Chuanqiandian

ntoŋ5 (1), Diandongbei ntao5 (1), Hmong Daw ndõ4 (1), Hmong Njua ndoŋ3 (1), Bunu ntaŋ5

(1), Baonao ntɔŋ5 (1), Numao ntou5 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ntɔuŋ35 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai

ntaŋ22 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo fɔ33 (2), Huangluo Younuo fɔ33 (2), Northern Pa-Hng t a35 (3),

Southern Pa-Hng p a35 (3), Hm-Nai ca35 (3), Lianhua She tɔŋ5 (1), Luofu She tɔŋ5 (1), Pana

fa1 (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 203. Quoted as qo1=du5 in [MYYFY 1987: 62]. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang

2004: 274]: Jiwei qo35=du54, Yangmeng qo54=dʰu35, Zhongxin o55=du31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 274. Cf. XIaozhang ɕi21=du24, Dengshang dɯ35 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 65. Transcribed as tə5 in [MYYFY 1987: 62]. Polysemy: 'tree / wood'.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 191. Used with the classifier tu5. Polysemy: 'tree / wood'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 216. Polysemy: 'tree / wood / timber'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 200; MYYFY 1987: 62.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 261.

93

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 99. Quoted as tɔŋ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 46].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 87. Quoted as fa13 in [Chen 2001: 76].

91. TWO

Western Xiangxi ɯ1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ʋ53 (1), Qiandong o1 (1), Chuanqiandian ʔao1 (1),

Diandongbei a1 (1), Hmong Daw o1 (1), Hmong Njua ʔao1 (1), Bunu au1 (1), Baonao uɔ1

(1), Numao öy1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai u44 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai u44 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo

u33 (1), Huangluo Younuo u33 (1), Northern Pa-Hng va35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng va35 (1),

Hm-Nai wa53 (1), Lianhua She u1 (1), Luofu She u1 (1), Pana wu1 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 131; MYYFY 1987: 6. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 308]: Jiwei ɯ35, Yangmeng ɯ54, Zhongxin ɯ55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 308. Cf. Xiaozhang u53, Dengshang wu54.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 344; MYYFY 1987: 6. Also used as the personal pronoun 'we (dual)'.





Bunu: Meng 2001: 230; MYYFY 1987: 6.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 307.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 129. Quoted as u22 in [Hiroki 2003: 314]. The same source also adds the Chinese borrowing ŋi54 as

an alternate equivalent.


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 92. Quoted as ʔu13 in [Chen 2001: 79].

92. WALK (GO)

Western Xiangxi moŋ4 (1), Eastern Xiangxi maŋ33 (1), Qiandong moŋ4 (1), Chuanqiandian

moŋ4 (1), Diandongbei mao4 (1), Hmong Daw mu5 (1), Hmong Njua moŋ6 (1), Bunu muŋ4

(1), Baonao mu4 (1), Numao muŋ4 (1), Longhua Jiongnai 31 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai 53

(1), Xiaozhai Younuo ŋ̩22 (1), Huangluo Younuo ŋ2̩2 (1), Northern Pa-Hng ɲi33 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng ɲɦı33 (1), Hm-Nai m̩33 (1), Lianhua She ŋ̩ŋ4 (1), Luofu She ŋ̩ŋ4 ~ huŋ4 (1),

Pana ŋ4 (1).

94


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 176; MYYFY 1987: 24. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 354]: Jiwei moŋ22, Yangmeng moŋ33, Zhongxin maŋ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 354. Cf. Xiaozhang maŋ55, Dengshang mã35.



Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 24. Additional synonym: loey3 [ibid.].

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 132. Meaning glossed as 'to go, to depart'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 184. Polysemy: 'to go / to walk / thitherward, away, off / continuously' (the word is used as a verb or in

an adverbial function).

Bunu: Meng 2001: 226. Different word listed in [MYYFY 1987: 24]: cu7.








Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 2007: 298. Also ŋ3̩1 id.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 298.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 121. Quoted as ŋ̩ŋ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 310].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 92. Quoted as ŋ31 in [Chen 2001: 80].

93. WARM (HOT)

Western Xiangxi ʆo3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi kɯ53 (2), Qiandong ʃʰəu3 (1), Chuanqiandian ʂo3

(1), Diandongbei ʂo3 (1), Hmong Daw šɔ3 (1), Hmong Njua šu2 (1), Bunu ʆo3 (1), Longhua

Jiongnai k aŋ44 (3), Liuxiang Jiongnai k ã44 (3), Xiaozhai Younuo kʰuŋ33 (3), Huangluo

Younuo kʰu33 (3), Northern Pa-Hng nou55 (4), Southern Pa-Hng ntɤ53 (4), Hm-Nai wɯŋ55

(5), Lianhua She sɤ3 (1), Luofu She su3 (1), Pana k õ1 (3).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 156, 179. Quoted as ʆo3 in [MYYFY 1987: 126]. Polysemy: 'warm / hot'. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 329]: Jiwei ʆɔ44,

Yangmeng ʆoŋ44, Zhongxin ʆɯ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 326. Meaning glossed as 'warm (of water)'. Distinct from xwɛ53 'hot' [Yang 2004: 327]. Different

equivalents in Xiaozhang: ɭo55, and in Dengshang: wen44-sui54 (transparent borrowing from Chinese 溫水 wēn-shuǐ 'warm water').

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 236. Quoted as ʃʰə3 in [MYYFY 1987: 126].



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 299. Distinct from ku1 'hot' (also 'to be burned or scalded') [Heimbach 1979: 88].

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 307. Meaning glossed as 'to be warm, be warmed up'. Distinct from ku1 'to be hot' [Lyman 1974: 140].

Bunu: MYYFY 1987: 126. Not attested in [Meng 2001].

Baonao: Not attested. Cf., however, ɕʰɔ1 'hot (of weather)' in [Meng 2001: 228].

Numao: Not attested. Cf., however, ʆəu3 'hot (of weather)' in [Meng 2001: 228].

95

Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 297. Polysemy: 'hot / warm (of water)'.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 297. Polysemy: 'hot / warm (of water)'.

Xiaozhai Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 287. Meaning glossed as 'hot'; no separate word for 'warm' is attested.

Huangluo Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 287. Meaning glossed as 'hot'; no separate word for 'warm' is attested.

Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 306. Meaning glossed as 'warm (of water)'. Distinct from ɕaŋ35 'hot (of weather)' and from qaŋ35

'hot (of water)'.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 306. Meaning glossed as 'warm (of water)'. Distinct from vo55 'hot (of weather)' and from q 35 'hot

(of water)'.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 306. Meaning glossed as 'warm (of water)'. Unlike Pa-Heng, Wunai uses the same word for 'hot (of water)'

and 'hot (of weather)': qaŋ35.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 128. Quoted as sɤ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 265]. Distinct from kʰaŋ1 'hot' [Mao & Meng 1986: 127].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 128. Distinct from kʰaŋ1 'hot' [Mao & Meng 1986: 127].

Pana: Taguchi 2001: 90. Meaning glossed as 'hot (food)'. Distinct from s u3 'hot (weather)'.

94. WATER

Western Xiangxi u1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ʋ53 (1), Qiandong əu1 (1), Chuanqiandian tle2 (2),

Diandongbei ao1 (1), Hmong Daw ʼde2 (2), Hmong Njua ƛe5 (2), Bunu aŋ1 (1), Baonao ɔŋ1

(1), Numao ou1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ɔuŋ44 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai aŋ44 (1), Xiaozhai

Younuo ŋ3̩3 (1), Huangluo Younuo ŋ̩33 (1), Northern Pa-Hng aŋ35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng 35

(1), Hm-Nai aŋ35 (1), Lianhua She ɔŋ2 (1), Luofu She ɔŋ1 (1), Pana ʔŋ1 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 205; MYYFY 1987: 2. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 244]: Jiwei u35, Yangmeng u54, Zhongxin u55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 244. Also Xiaozhang u53, Dengshang wu54.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 110. Transcribed as ə1 in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. Polysemy: 'water / river'.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 2. Polysemy: 'water / river'.


Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 34. Used with the classifier tu5 "for streams and watercourses".


Bunu: Meng 2001: 193; MYYFY 1987: 2.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 248.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Quoted as ɔŋ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 15].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as ʔŋ13, with polysemy: 'water / river' in [Chen 2001: 76].

95. WE

96

Western Xiangxi pɯ1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi pʋ53 (1), Qiandong pi1 (1), Chuanqiandian pe1

(1), Diandongbei pi1 (1), Hmong Daw pe1 (1), Hmong Njua pe1 (1), Bunu pe1 (1), Baonao

pey1 (1), Numao pɑ1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai pa44 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai pa44 (1), Xiaozhai

Younuo pou33 (1), Huangluo Younuo pou33 (1), Northern Pa-Hng pu35 (1), Southern Pa-

Hng pʉ35 (1), Hm-Nai waŋ22-kaŋ13 (2), Lianhua She pa1 (1), Luofu She pa1 (1), Pana pa8 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 236; MYYFY 1987: 6. No clusivity. Cf., however, a special dual form ('we two') in [Xiang 1992: 236]:

pe1-le1. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 317]: Jiwei pɯ35, Yangmeng pɯ54, Zhongxin pɯ55 'we'; Jiwei pɯ35-le35, Yangmeng pɯ54-le54, Zhongxin pɯ55-

ɯ55-le55 'we two'.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 317. No clusivity, but cf. the dual form ('we two'): pʋ53-ʋ53-le53 [ibid.]. Cf. Xiaozhang pu53-dɤ35,

Dengshang pu35 'we'; Xiaozhang pu53-dʰɤ35-u53-ŋ55, Dengshang pu35-wu54-lei54 'we two'.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 27; MYYFY 1987: 6. No clusivity.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 6. No clusivity.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 6. No clusivity.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 227; Mottin 1978: 44. Cf. a special dual form ('we two'): ɨ1 [Heimbach 1979: 6; Mottin 1978: 44].

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 263. 1st p. plural pronoun. The corresponding dual form is ʔʉ1 ~ ʔe1 ~ ʔi1 [Lyman 1974: 73].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 232; MYYFY 1987: 6. Cf. a special dual form: a1 [ibid.].

Baonao: Meng 2001: 232. Cf. a special dual form: ey1 [ibid.].

Numao: Meng 2001: 232. Cf. a special dual form: ɕuŋ3-öy1-lu2 [ibid.].

Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 302. Also va31-kloŋ53 id. (derived from va31 'I' q.v.). Cf. a special dual form ('we two'): a44-na44

[ibid.], and the inclusive 'we': taŋ31-kloŋ53 [ibid.].

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 302. Cf. a special dual form ('we two'), also capable of functioning as the plural form: a44-na44

[ibid.]. The inclusive variant is pʰa31-ʑa53, and it is also said to be capable of functioning as the exclusive plural.



Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 311. Plural form; cf. also dual pu35-va53-lɛ33 [ibid.].

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 311. Plural form; cf. also dual vɦ 31-va53 [ibid.].

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 311. Plural form; cf. also dual waŋ22-wa53-nai33 [ibid.].

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 130. Also pa1-ne3-ti1 id. Quoted as pa22 ~ le31=pa22 in [Hiroki 2003: 323].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 130. Also pa1-ni3-ti1 id.

Pana: Taguchi 2001: 93. Quoted as pa53 in [Chen 2001: 79].

96. WHAT

Western Xiangxi qo1=ɳaŋ1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi mɛ55-yɤ31 (2), Qiandong qei2=ʃi3 (3),

Chuanqiandian lua6=ci̢5 (3), Diandongbei qa1=ši5 (3), Hmong Daw ʼda1=či4 (3), Hmong

Njua ƛaŋ1=čɨ3 (3), Longhua Jiongnai laŋ44-ða35 (4), Liuxiang Jiongnai ney53-ʑã31 (5),

Xiaozhai Younuo kə33-li33 (6), Huangluo Younuo hoŋ13-nən33 (7), Northern Pa-Hng ka55-

yaŋ53 (8), Southern Pa-Hng qa35-y 53 (8), Hm-Nai hou35=mpou33 (9), Lianhua She cʰa5-na1

(10), Luofu She ha5-na1 (10).


97

Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 193; MYYFY 1987: 154. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 319]: Jiwei qo35=ɳaŋ35, Yangmeng qo54=ʓɯ31, Zhongxin

o55=ʓɯ55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 319. Differently in two other dialects: Xiaozhang pe53=naŋ33, Dengshang ka35=nã22.


Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 154. The structure of the word is bimorphemic, but the morphemes have no individual meaning on

the synchronic level.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 154. The structure of the word is bimorphemic, but the morphemes have no individual meaning on the

synchronic level.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 29; Mottin 1978: 64. The structure of the word is bimorphemic, but the morphemes have no

individual meaning on the synchronic level.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 152. Also ƛaŋ1=q a4=čɨ3 id. Polysemy: 'what? / something, anything / where? / somewhere, anywhere /

how? why?'. The structure of the word is bimorphemic, but the morphemes have no individual meaning on the synchronic level.

Bunu: Not attested.



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 302. Also a44-ða35 id.






Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 312.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 131. Quoted as cʰa31-la54 or simply as cʰa31 in [Hiroki 2003: 326].


Pana: Not attested.

97. WHITE

Western Xiangxi q ɤ1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qwa53 (1), Qiandong ɬu1 (1), Chuanqiandian

tleu1 (1), Diandongbei ƛoey1-nci6-lie4 (1), Hmong Daw ʼdəw1 (1), Hmong Njua ƛaʉ1 (1),

Bunu ƛo1 (1), Baonao ƛou1 (1), Numao ƛ o1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai klau44 (1), Liuxiang

Jiongnai klɔ44 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo k e33 (1), Huangluo Younuo k u33 (1), Northern Pa-

Hng kɔ35 (1), Southern Pa-Hng (1), Hm-Nai kwau35 (1), Lianhua She k ɔ1 (1), Luofu She

k ɔ1 (1), Pana ƛu1 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 4; MYYFY 1987: 104. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 320]: Jiwei qwɤ35, Yangmeng qwɤ54, Dengshang qo55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 320. Cf. Xiaozhang qwa53, Dengshang kɔ54.




Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 32. Polysemy: 'white / clean'.


Bunu: Meng 2001: 226. Quoted as ƛu1 in [MYYFY 1987: 104].


98








Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 304.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 126. Quoted as kiɔ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 272].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as ƛu13 in [Chen 2001: 81].

98. WHO

Western Xiangxi ɕi3-le1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi pɛ55 (2), Qiandong tɛ4=ʃi3 (1), Chuanqiandian

lo1=ʔi5 (3), Diandongbei qa3=tɨ4 (4), Hmong Daw tɨ6 (4), Hmong Njua leŋ5=tʉ6 (4), Bunu

po3=tau6 (4), Baonao ey2=sey6 (5), Numao iu1=yi3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai a53 (6), Liuxiang

Jiongnai a35 (6), Xiaozhai Younuo a53-nɔ13 (7), Huangluo Younuo kə33-lou13 (8), Northern

Pa-Hng ti31-lɛ33 (4), Southern Pa-Hng ti44-lɦ 33 (4), Hm-Nai ti35-nai33 (4), Lianhua She pe2

(2), Luofu She pe2 (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 205. Quoted as ɕi1-le1 in [MYYFY 1987: 60]. -le1 is a classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 319]: Jiwei ɕi35-le35,

Yangmeng ɕi54-le54, Zhongxin ɕi55-le55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 319. Cf. Xiaozhang pɛ53-le55 id. Differently in Dengshang: c 35-ɕa44 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 409; MYYFY 1987: 60. Initial tɛ4 is a classifier for (generally) animate objects; =ʃi3 is the same nominal

interrogative morpheme as in 'what?' q.v.

Chuanqiandian: MYYFY 1987: 60. Initial lo1= is a classifier.

Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 60. Initial qa3= is a classifier.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 330; Mottin 1978: 64. This morpheme has a general interrogative meaning. The subject interrogative

pronoun 'who?' usually combines it with either the neutral classifier for persons and living things tu5 (tu5 tɨ6) or the "polite" classifier

for persons lɤ2 (lɤ2 tɨ6).

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 329. The main interrogative morpheme is tʉ6; leŋ5= is a classifier for people. An additional synonym is

sao2 'who?' [Lyman 1974: 293]; the difference between the two words remains unclear.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 233.





Xiaozhai Younuo: Mao & Li 2007: 295. The morpheme nɔ13 = 'person' q.v.


Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 2007: 312. The first morpheme is a general interrogative; the second is a generic classifier.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 2007: 312. The first morpheme is a general interrogative; the second is a generic classifier.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 312. The first morpheme is a general interrogative; the second is a generic classifier.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 131. Quoted as pe31 in [Hiroki 2003: 326].


99

Pana: Not attested.

99. WOMAN

Western Xiangxi qo1=mpʰa3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qei35=pʰa35 (1), Qiandong a3 (2),

Chuanqiandian po2 (3), Diandongbei a5=po2 (3), Hmong Daw pɔ2-n a7 (3), Hmong Njua

q a4=pu5 (3), Bunu po3=mpʰa7 (1), Baonao ɕey1=vey3 (4), Numao nu2=vɑ3 (4), Longhua

Jiongnai nči22=vɔ43 (4), Liuxiang Jiongnai nči21=wɔ43 (4), Xiaozhai Younuo mui31-tuŋ33-nɔ13

(5), Huangluo Younuo mə31-tou33-nɔ13 (5), Northern Pa-Hng qo22=tʰei53-n ɛ33 (1), Southern

Pa-Hng qo31=m 53 (1), Hm-Nai qa55=p ei53-nai33 (1), Lianhua She ne2=va3 (4), Luofu She

ne2=va3 (4), Pana va44-na313 (4).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 156. Transcribed as qo1=bʰa3 in [MYYFY 1987: 4]. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang

2004: 261]: Jiwei qo35=bʰa44, Yangmeng qo54=bʰa21, Zhongxin o55=ba33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 261. Cf. Xiaozhang te53=pʰa55-nen21, Dengshang ken35=pʰa22-nei44 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 1; MYYFY 1987: 4. Polysemy: 'woman / daughter / elder sister'.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 232. Polysemy: 'woman / wife'. The first component of the compound is pɔ2 'female (of birds or

humans)'; the second is n a7 'mother' [Heimbach 1979: 140].

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 267. Synonym: q a4-mau7 [Lyman 1974: 181]. In both cases, q a4= is a prefixal extension with the general

semantics of 'person' (see the word for 'man', where it is present as well). The difference between the two words is not quite clear,

but q a4=pu5 is more frequently found in text examples, and certain attestations suggest that q a4-mau7 could be more specifically

understood as 'female' (biological term), whereas q a4=pu5 is more of a social term.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 204. Quoted as pu1=mpʰa7 in [MYYFY 1987: 4].



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (same as in 'man' q.v.).

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (same as in 'man' q.v.).



Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'man' q.v.); the third

one is 'person' q.v.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'woman' q.v.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'man' q.v.); the third one is

'person' q.v.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 103. The first morpheme is 'person' q.v. Quoted as le31=va44 in [Hiroki 2003: 235].

Luofu She: Mao & Meng 1986: 103. The first morpheme is 'person' q.v.

Pana: Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary. The second morpheme is 'person' q.v.

100. YELLOW

Western Xiangxi q en2 (1), Eastern Xiangxi gwɛ31 (1), Qiandong faŋ2 (1), Chuanqiandian

100

tlaŋ2 (1), Diandongbei vaɯ2 (1), Hmong Daw ʼda2 (1), Hmong Njua ƛaŋ5 (1), Bunu kwen2

(1), Baonao kwa2 (1), Numao kuɑn2 ~ ʔpan2 (1), Longhua Jiongnai kwen33 (1), Liuxiang

Jiongnai kwan31 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo kwən13 (1), Huangluo Younuo kwən13 (1), Northern

Pa-Hng kwei33 (1), Southern Pa-Hng kɦwɤ33 (1), Hm-Nai kwei33 (1), Lianhua She kʰun2 (1),

Luofu She kʰun2 (1), Pana koŋ2 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 89; MYYFY 1987: 28. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 323]: Jiwei qwen42, Yangmeng kwoŋ31, Zhongxin kwei35.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 323. Cf. Xiaozhang gwe21, Dengshang gwe35 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 117; MYYFY 1987: 28. Polysemy: 'bright / yellow'.





Bunu: Meng 2001: 229; MYYFY 1987: 28.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 304.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 126. Quoted as kʰun31 in [Hiroki 2003: 126].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as kuŋ313 in [Chen 2001: 81].

101. FAR

Western Xiangxi qɯ1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi qu53 (1), Qiandong to4 (2), Chuanqiandian tle1

(1), Diandongbei ƛi1 (1), Hmong Daw ʼde1 (1), Hmong Njua ƛe1 (1), Bunu kwe1 (1),

Baonao kwey1 (1), Numao kuɑ1 ~ ʔpɑ1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai kwa44 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai

kwa44 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo k e33 (1), Huangluo Younuo k u33 (1), Northern Pa-Hng ko35

(1), Southern Pa-Hng ko35 (1), Hm-Nai ko35 (1), Lianhua She kwa5 (1), Luofu She kwa1 (1),

Pana kwa1 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 270; MYYFY 1987: 72. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 330]: Jiwei qɯ35, Yangmeng qɯ54, Zhongxin qɯ55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 330. Cf. Xiaozhang qɯ53, Dengshang kɯ54 id.



101




Bunu: Meng 2001: 229; MYYFY 1987: 73.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 303.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 125. Quoted as kua11 in [Hiroki 2003: 309].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 92. Quoted as k a13 in [Chen 2001: 81].

102. HEAVY

Western Xiangxi xen3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɲ e55 (1), Qiandong ioŋ3 (1), Chuanqiandian

ɲaŋ3 (1), Diandongbei iaɯ3 (1), Hmong Daw ɲa3 (1), Hmong Njua ɲaŋ2 (1), Bunu ɲɔŋ3

(1), Baonao ɲɒ5 (1), Numao ɣɤ1 (2), Longhua Jiongnai ɲe53 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai ɲi35 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo suŋ22 (3), Huangluo Younuo sou22 (3), Northern Pa-Hng ɲa22 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng ɲa31 (1), Hm-Nai a13 (1), Lianhua She i3 (1), Luofu She ŋi3 (1), Pana

n u3 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 284. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 330]: Jiwei xen44, Yangmeng ɲʰoŋ44, Zhongxin x en33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 330. Cf. Xiaozhang x oŋ55, Dengshang ɲe44 id.






Bunu: Meng 2001: 227. Quoted as ɲoŋ3 in [MYYFY 1990: 88].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 303.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 126. Quoted as ŋi44 in [Hiroki 2003: 275].


102

Pana: Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as ɲu44 in [Chen 2001: 81].

103. NEAR

Western Xiangxi ʐɯ5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi yu31 (1), Qiandong ɣi5 (1), Chuanqiandian ʐe4

(1), Diandongbei və5 (1), Hmong Daw že4 (1), Hmong Njua že3 (1), Bunu ɣe5 (1), Baonao

ɣey5 (1), Numao ɣey5 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ŋk a35 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai ʑa22 (1), Xiaozhai

Younuo v e35 (1), Huangluo Younuo vay53 (1), Northern Pa-Hng yo55 (1), Southern Pa-

Hng yo55 (1), Hm-Nai yo55 (1), Lianhua She ŋa5 (1), Luofu She za5 (1), Pana ya5 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 109; MYYFY 1987: 150. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 324]: Jiwei ʐɯ54, Yangmeng ʐɯ35, Zhongxin ʐɯ31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 324. Cf. Xiaozhang ɯ33. Different equivalent in Dengshang: kɔ22=te35 id.






Bunu: Meng 2001: 228; MYYFY 1987: 150.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 303.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 125. Quoted as ŋa11 in [Hiroki 2003: 309].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 92. Quoted as ya35 in [Chen 2001: 81].

104. SALT

Western Xiangxi ɲɕɯ3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ʒʋ55 (1), Qiandong ʃi3 (1), Chuanqiandian

nen3=ɳce̢3 (1), Diandongbei ɳc̢ə3 (1), Hmong Daw nǯe3 (1), Hmong Njua ɲǯe2 (1), Bunu nce3

(1), Baonao ncey3 (1), Numao nc ey3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai nča53 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai

ntθa35 (1), Xiaozhai Younuo ʑau22 (1), Huangluo Younuo ʑau22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng ɲo22

(1), Southern Pa-Hng ɲɕo31 (1), Hm-Nai ɲɕo13 (1), Lianhua She ca3 (1), Luofu She ca3 (1),

Pana ʓa44 # (1).


103

Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 255. Transcribed as ʓɯ3 in [MYYFY 1987: 118]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 281]: Jiwei ʓɯ44, Yangmeng ʓɯ44,

Zhongxin ʓɯ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 281. Cf. Xiaozhang zɨ55, Dengshang ʒɯ44.






Bunu: Meng 2001: 213; MYYFY 1987: 118.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 2007: 278.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 108. Quoted as ca44 in [Hiroki 2003: 76].



105. SHORT

Western Xiangxi le3 (1), Eastern Xiangxi li55 (1), Qiandong lɛ3 (1), Chuanqiandian lo5 (1),

Diandongbei lu8 (1), Hmong Daw lu3 (1), Hmong Njua lu3 (1), Bunu luŋ3 (1), Baonao lɔ3

(1), Numao luŋ3 (1), Longhua Jiongnai laŋ53 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai lã35 (1), Xiaozhai

Younuo luŋ22 (1), Huangluo Younuo lou22 (1), Northern Pa-Hng laŋ22 (1), Southern Pa-

Hng l 31 (1), Hm-Nai laŋ13 (1), Lianhua She naŋ3 (1), Luofu She naŋ3 (1), Pana lõ3 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 51; MYYFY 1987: 94. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 321]: Jiwei le44, Yangmeng le44, Zhongxin lɛ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 321. Cf. Xiaozhang li55, Dengshang lei44 id.





Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 172. Exact synonym: t a1 'short' [Lyman 1974: 326]. The two morphemes can also be joined together in a

bisyllabic compound: t a1-lu3 id.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 226; MYYFY 1987: 94.







104



Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 302.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 125. Quoted as laŋ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 269].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as lon44 in [Chen 2001: 81].

106. SNAKE

Western Xiangxi ta1=nen1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi nɛ53 (1), Qiandong naŋ1 (1), Chuanqiandian

naŋ1 (1), Diandongbei pi1=naɯ1 (1), Hmong Daw na1 (1), Hmong Njua naŋ1 (1), Bunu nəŋ1

(1), Baonao nɒ1 (1), Numao nɑn1 (1), Longhua Jiongnai nen44 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai nan44

(1), Xiaozhai Younuo kau35=ni33 (1), Huangluo Younuo ni33 (1), Northern Pa-Hng neŋ35

(1), Southern Pa-Hng ŋ̩31=nẽ35 (1), Hm-Nai n̩22=nɯŋ35 (1), Lianhua She tɔ4=ɔn2 (2), Luofu

She tɔ4=ɔn2 (2), Pana la6=gaŋ1 (3).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 192; MYYFY 1987: 86. Initial ta1= is a classifier for animals. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 272]: Jiwei ta35=nen35,

Yangmeng ta54=noŋ54, Zhongxin ta55=nei55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 272. Cf. Xiaozhang ne53, Dengshang ne54 id.



Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 86. Initial pi1= is a classifier.


Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 197. Also used as a generic term for various reptiles or non-reptiles that resemble a snake (eels, etc.).

Used with the classifier tu6.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 198. Quoted as nɤŋ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 86].








Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 258. Initial ŋ3̩1= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 258. Initial n̩22= is a desemanticized classifier.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 98. Quoted as tɔ54=uan31 in [Hiroki 2003: 36].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 87. Quoted as gaŋ13 in [Chen 2001: 78].

107. THIN

Western Xiangxi ʆu1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ʆi35 (1), Hmong Daw ɲ a5 (2), Hmong Njua ɲa6

(2), Bunu sʰaŋ1 (3), Baonao mə4 (4), Numao ncʰɑy3 (5), Longhua Jiongnai ɲiŋ31 (2),

105

Liuxiang Jiongnai ɲiŋ53 (2), Xiaozhai Younuo ɲi22 (2), Huangluo Younuo ɲi22 (2),

Northern Pa-Hng ɲi22 (2), Southern Pa-Hng ɲɦı31 (2), Hm-Nai n̩22 (2), Lianhua She ŋin4

(2), Luofu She ŋin4 (2), Pana n iŋ4 (2).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 242. Same word as 'small' q.v. However, a separate equivalent is found in [Yang 2004: 329]: Jiwei

maŋ22, Yangmeng maŋ33, Zhongxin maŋ33.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 329. Cf. Xiaozhang ʆi21, Denghshang ʆi35-ʆi35-nɤ44 id.

Qiandong: Not attested.



Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 219. Meaning glossed as 'thin, not thick, measuring relatively little between opposite surfaces'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 226. Meaning glossed as 'to be thin, sheer'. Cf. also the reduplication ɲe6-ɲe6 'to be thin (i. e. not thick)'.

Additionally, cf. nzau6 'to be thin', nzau6-nzau6 'to be skinny, emaciated' [Lyman 1974: 222].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 228.









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 303.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 125. Quoted as ŋin54 in [Hiroki 2003: 270].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as ɲiŋ31 in [Chen 2001: 81].

108. WIND

Western Xiangxi ki5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɕi31 (1), Qiandong ɕen5 (1), Chuanqiandian ɕua5

(1), Diandongbei ɕa5 (1), Hmong Daw ɕ ə4 (1), Hmong Njua ɕ a3 (1), Bunu ka3=ɕi5 (1),

Baonao ɕi5 (1), Numao ɕi5 (1), Longhua Jiongnai či35 (1), Liuxiang Jiongnai či22 (1),

Xiaozhai Younuo ki35 (1), Huangluo Younuo ki53 (1), Northern Pa-Hng aŋ35=ɕi55 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng 35=ɕi55 (1), Hm-Nai aŋ35=ɕi55 (1), Lianhua She ki1 (1), Luofu She ki5 (1),

Pana c i5 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 62. Transcribed as ɕi5 in [MYYFY 1987: 108] (with palatalization). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 243]: Jiwei ɕi54,

Yangmeng ɕi35, Zhongxin ɕi31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 243. Also Xiaozhang ɕi33, Dengshang ɕi22 id.

Qiandong: Zhang 1990: 255. Transcribed as ɕin5 in [MYYFY 1987: 108].


106


Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 18. Used with the classifier tɨ4 for 'gusts of wind'.


Bunu: Meng 2001: 193. Quoted as ka3=ɕi5 in [MYYFY 1987: 108]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier.







Northern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 248. A compound in which the first component is 'water' q.v.

Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 248. A compound in which the first component is 'water' q.v.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 248. A compound in which the first component is 'water' q.v.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Quoted as ki22 in [Hiroki 2003: 10].


Pana: Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as ɕi35 in [Chen 2001: 76].

109. WORM

Western Xiangxi ta1=kin1 (1), Eastern Xiangxi ɕi53 (1), Qiandong kaŋ1 (1), Chuanqiandian

kaŋ1 (1), Diandongbei pi1=kaɯ1 (1), Hmong Daw ɕ ə4-na1 (2), Hmong Njua kaŋ4 (1), Bunu

ka1=ɕɔŋ1 (3), Baonao ɕey1=ŋ a5 (2), Numao ŋkɑu4 (4), Longhua Jiongnai ka44=ʑaŋ44 (5),

Liuxiang Jiongnai kɛ44=ʑaŋ44 (5), Xiaozhai Younuo ki13=k aŋ33 (1), Huangluo Younuo

ki13=k aŋ33 (1), Northern Pa-Hng qa22=yoŋ35 (6), Southern Pa-Hng qɤ35=yõ35 (6), Hm-Nai

qei35=ɕuŋ35 (3), Lianhua She ka1=zuŋ1 (5), Luofu She ka1=zuŋ1 (5), Pana gaŋ13=ʑuŋ13 # (5).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 28. Transcribed as ta1=ɕen1 in [MYYFY 1987: 138] (with palatalization). Initial ta1= is a classifier for

animals. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 270]: Jiwei ta35=ɕen35, Yangmeng ta54=koŋ54, Zhongxin ta55=ɕi55.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 270. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕe53, Dengshang ke54 id.



Diandongbei: MYYFY 1987: 138. Initial pi1= is a classifier.

Hmong Daw: Heimbach 1979: 18. Meaning glossed as 'earthworm'. Used with the classifier tu5. The second component of the

compound is na1 'snake' q.v.; the first one is probably the old root morpheme of 'worm'.

Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 134. Polysemy: 'worm / maggot'. Cf. also ɕaŋ1 'worm' [Lyman 1974: 337].

Bunu: Meng 2001: 199. Initial ka1= is a desemanticized classifier.



Longhua Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 262. Initial ka44= is a desemanticized classifier.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: Mao & Li 2002: 262. Initial kɛ44= is a desemanticized classifier.




Southern Pa-Hng: Mao & Li 1997: 260. Initial qɤ35= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 260. Initial qei35= is a desemanticized classifier.

107

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 99. Quoted as ka22=zɤŋ22 in in [Hiroki 2003: 99].


Pana: Chen 2001: 78. Meaning listed as 'earthworm' (蚯蚓). Distinct from kiŋ1 [Taguchi 2001: 87] = keŋ13 in [Chen 2001: 78], listed

simply as 'worm' (虫).

110. YEAR

Western Xiangxi ɕu5 (1), Eastern Xiangxi cɔ31 (1), Qiandong iu5 (2), Chuanqiandian ʆoŋ5

(1), Diandongbei ʆao7 (1), Hmong Daw ʆõ4 (1), Hmong Njua ʆoŋ3 (1), Bunu saŋ5 (1), Baonao

sɔŋ5 (1), Numao c ou5 (1), Longhua Jiongnai ɲɔuŋ35 (2), Liuxiang Jiongnai ɲɔ22 (2),

Xiaozhai Younuo t uŋ35 (3), Huangluo Younuo t uŋ53 (3), Northern Pa-Hng ɕaŋ55 (1),

Southern Pa-Hng ɕ 55 (1), Hm-Nai ɕuŋ55 (1), Lianhua She ɔ5 (2), Luofu She ɔ5 (2), Pana

ɕo35 (1).


Western Xiangxi: Xiang 1992: 152; MYYFY 1987: 90. Secondary synonym: ɕ 1 [Xiang 1992: 152] (transcribed as ɕɛ1 in [MYYFY 1987:

80]). This word, however, is specified in both sources as Chinese 過年 guò nián 'next year', so it is clearly not eligible for inclusion.

Cf. in [Yang 2004: 305]: Jiwei ɕu54, Yangmeng ɕu35, Zhongxin ɕu31.

Eastern Xiangxi: Yang 2004: 305. Cf. Xiaozhang cu33, Dengshang cɯ22 id.





Hmong Njua: Lyman 1974: 131. Cf. also če1 'one-year period of time which has already passed' [Lyman 1974: 78], e. g. če1-n a2 'last

year'.

Bunu: Meng 2001: 195. Quoted as ʆaŋ5 in [MYYFY 1987: 90].









Hm-Nai: Mao & Li 1997: 252.

Lianhua She: Mao & Meng 1986: 95. Quoted as ɔ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 292]; the same source also lists ŋin35 as a synonym (a borrowing

from Chinese?).



Annotated Swadesh wordlists for the Hmong group (Hmong ... · lateral affricates (ƛ-), etc. In...

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