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    Annotated Bibliography

    Primary Sources

    Colonial Government/Provincial Government

    Early Vital Records of Essex County, Massachusetts to about 1850. Vols. 1-3. Salem: Newcomb

    & Gauss. Discusses the hiring practices conducted by cod merchants and the contracts

    and payment methods agreed upon. Also covers the risky nature of cod fishing as

    schooners went out to deeper waters and further time was spent offshore than closer to

    land. The winter season was especially hard on cod merchants and the fisherman, since

    the chances of smaller profits and death went up dramatically due to winter storms and

    the inability to navigate as efficiently through icebergs and other impediments.

    Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, 1762-1779. Vols. 38-55. Boston:

    Massachusetts Historical Society, 1968-1990. Entails the hiring practices of the cod

    merchants in New England and the working conditions. For instance, the majority of the

    fishermen went fishing to the offshore banks in spring, summer, and fall. In the winter,

    the fishermen usually worked for the same cod merchants but usually worked along

    constricted trade routes that entailed the West Indies and the southern U.S. mainland.

    Usually this happened because techniques for catching and curing cod resulted in

    disproportionately more refuse cod being processed in the winter period (hence the

    increase in traffic to slave markets since it was a cheap commodity), and a marked

    increase in traffic to Newfoundland and the Iberian Peninsula when it was not in the

    wintery season.

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    Lincoln, William, The Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and

    1775, and of the Committee of Safety, ed. Boston: Dutton and Wentworth, 1838.

    Commodore Palliser saw the New England cod industry as an unmitigated threat to the

    interests of Royal Navy recruiting and the three fisheries in the West Country. To

    Palliser, he saw the American colonists not as British subjects with rights, but rather as an

    industry subverting the commercial rights and entitlements of the British entrepreneurs.

    He went as far as calling it piracy in Volume 43, Part II, page 257.

    Marblehead Town Records. November 15, 1772. Abbott Hall, office of the town clerk,

    Marblehead, Massachusetts. Based on interactions among fish merchants, who held a

    town meeting after Parliament renewed the tea act. The Committee of Safety in

    Marblehead, which was the foremost commercial fishing port in New England, discussed

    the willingness of merchants to not supply the British with any cod as a source of food.

    Also, the fish merchants were part of a commercial consortium that agreed to boycott

    manufactured goods from Britain for two years. They were able to get other commercial

    ports to join in the boycott, and by 1769, they had formed an inspection committee in

    Boston that enforced the trade embargo.

    U.S. Department of State. Report of the Secretary of State, on the Subject of the Cod and Whale

    Fisheries, Made Conformably to an Order of the House of Representatives of the United

    States, Referring to Him the Representation of the General Court of the Commonwealth

    of Massachusetts on Those Subjects. February 1, 1791, by Thomas Jefferson (Francis

    Childs and John Swaine, 1791), p.14. Hancock to Jefferson. October 25, 1790. N.B. the

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    quantity of fish consumed in the United States being inconsiderable the Committee have

    made no allowance for that consumption, but have considered the whole quantity taken as

    Exported. Boyd, Butterfield, et. al (1950 to date), volume 19, p. 223 n. Jefferson already

    had a report enclosed to him from Governor Hancock. Hancock had prepared a

    committee of the Massachusetts legislature chaired by Peleg Coffin Jr. Jefferson decided

    to have his own reports published covering 1765-1790. In his report he analyzes the

    export of cod to the West Indies and Europe. He also details the average annual number

    of vessels employed in the Massachusetts cod fishery, and their tonnage and their crews.

    Letters

    Jefferson, Thomas, Secretary of State. Report on the State of the Cod Fisheries, 1791.

    American State Papers: Commerce and Navigation, Series I: General Correspondence,

    1651-1827, Vols. 13-60, Manuscript Division, LC. As Secretary of State under

    Washington, Jefferson calculated that between the years 1765 to 1775, the New England

    cod industry was exporting equal amounts of cod between the West Indies and Southern

    Europe. However, recent scholarship has suggested a greater volume of exports went to

    the West Indies and Jefferson had overestimated the amount that went to Southern

    Europe.

    Report enclosed in a letter from governor John Hancock, at Boston, to Secretary of State Thomas

    Jefferson, at Philadelphia, October 25, 1789, Massachusetts archives Collection, volume

    289. Letters, 1786-1792, Massachusetts Archives, Boston, Massachusetts. A report was

    put together by a committee of the Massachusetts legislature chaired by Peleg Coffin Jr.,

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    at the request of Governor Hancock in response to a letter sent to him by Secretary of

    State Jefferson. In the report is detailed information covering 21 ports tied to the New

    England cod fisheries from 1765-1790. The average annual exports of codfish to the two

    major markets, Europe, and the West Indies, are analyzed and recorded.

    Merchant Records

    American Archives, Series 4-5, Vols. 1-9, Washington, D.C.: M. St. Clair Clarke and Peter

    Force, 1837-1853. Entails further information regarding the cod industry from witnesses

    called forth to testify in Parliament. One witness, for instance, is called forth to enlighten

    Parliament on the state of the New England cod industry. The witness talked about

    Marblehead being the greatest exporter, followed by Salem and Gloucester. The market

    of the cod industry is explored, showing that the cod industry enjoyed a sizable share

    from Catholics (for dieting purposes due to Lent and other religiously observed days),

    and to slaves (because of how cheap refuse grade cod was). Also covered are the curing

    processes of the different grades (merchant or refuse) and that the fisherman were

    involved not merely with catching, but also processing and curing the fish as well.

    A Calculation of the State of the Cod and Whale Fishery, Belonging to Massachusetts in 1763:

    Copied from a Paper Published in 1764. Collections of the Massachusetts Historical

    Society, Series 1, Vol. 3, 1802: 202-203. Primary documents entail a collection of cod

    merchant records from Marblehead, Boston, and Salem. These records show the different

    prices cod merchants were selling their cod at, which was based usually on the season

    and what type of cod (merchant or refuse grade).

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    Clark, William Bell, et al., eds.Naval Documents of the American Revolution. 11 vols.

    Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1964-Present. Discusses the

    inception of the American Navy, which was in part due to the valiant efforts of the New

    England cod industry. Also, Clark further shows that the West Indies and Newfoundland

    markets were of equal importance to New England cod industry. Clark points out that

    once the New England cod industry continued to recruit labor from Newfoundland, the

    Royal Navy grew concerned that their potential labor pools would suffer as a result.

    Thus, the British began to adopt a more hostile attitude towards the New England cod

    industry.

    Rules and Regulations of the Committee for Encouraging Trade & Commerce. Ezekiel Price

    Papers, 1754-1785. Massachusetts Historical Society. Covers the average cost for

    outfitting a fishing vessel, the typical supplies brought on board (including rum and cider,

    i.e.). Also entails how much fish had been caught on an annual basis in Massachusetts,

    where the fish was sold, and the type of fish that was to be cured (whether merchant or

    refuse). Chronicles the anxieties of the cod merchants when it came to the mere threat of

    the Sugar Act being passed, which would have detrimental effect on the cost of curing

    cod.

    Smith, Adam.An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. Ed. Max Lerner.

    New York: the Modern Library, 1937; originally published in 1776. The scale of the New

    England cod industry made quite an impression on Adam Smith. He even took note of it

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    in his work before the Revolutionary War began (pages 544-545): The New England

    fishery, in particular was, before the late disturbances, one of the most important,

    perhaps, in the world.

    Parliament

    6 Anne c. 37, Great Britain. Statutes at Large from the Tenth Year of King William the Third to

    the End of the Reign of Queen Anne 4 (London, 1769): 336. The Sixth of Anne formally

    stated: That no mariner, or other person, who shall serve on board, or be retained to

    serve on board, any privateer, or trading ship or vessel that shall be employed in any part

    of America, nor any mariner, or other person, being on shore in any part thereof, shall be

    liable to be impressed or taken away by any officer or officers of or belonging to any of

    her Majesty's ships of war, empowered by the Lord High Admiral, or any other person

    whatsoever, unless such mariner shall have before deserted from such ship of war

    belonging to her Majesty, at any time after the 14th day of February 1707, upon pain that

    any officer or officers so impressing or taking away, or causing to be impressed or taken

    away, any mariner or other person, contrary to the tenor and true meaning of this act,

    shall forfeit to the master, or owner or owners of any such ship or vessel, 20 for every

    man he or they shall so impress or take, to be recovered with full costs of suit, in any

    court within any part of her Majesty's dominions.

    An Act to Encourage the Trade to Newfoundland. London: Printed by Charles Bill, 1699. By

    law, migratory fishing vessels departing from England were supposed to carry at least

    one Fresh Man that was never at Sea before. This Fresh Man is further defined as

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    not a Seaman, or having ever been at Sea before. Thus, the law enabled a steady labor

    pool from which the Royal Navy could draw upon.

    Lord Camdens Speech on the New-England Fishing Bill. Newport, RI: S. Southwick, 1775.

    Early American Imprints, Series I: Evans #42788. Lord Camden was one of the few men

    in the House of Lords that dissented with the Restraining Act. His alarm can be easily

    discerned in his dissenting speech, in which he states, [the bill] was at once declaring

    war [against the colonies], and beginning hostilities in Great Britain [i.e., the British

    Empire].

    Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revolutionary War, Secretary of the Commonwealth,

    comp. vols. 1-17. Boston: Wright and Potter Printing Co., 1896-1908. The Royal Navy

    actively went after fishermen that traded with the French (outside the bounds of British

    mercantilism) and punishment included confiscated property and sentences of

    banishment. Also, George III encouraged Commodore Hugh Palliser, a British naval

    officer who rule Newfoundland with an iron fist, to come up with methods for enacting

    mercantilist policies on Newfoundland and to ensure that the Newfoundland labor pool

    would not be encroached upon by the New England cod industry.

    Simmons, R.C. and P.D.G. Thomas, eds.Proceedings and Debates of the British Parliaments

    Respecting North America, 1754-1783. Vols. 1-5. Millwood, NY: Kraus International

    Publications, 1982-1986. These records are eyewitness accounts narrated by those who

    have firsthand knowledge of the New England cod industry. For instance, several sailors

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    talk about how many ships and quintals of merchant and refuse grade cod New England

    ports bring in each year. It also entails colonial merchants differentiated between

    merchant and refuse grade cod and also about how much merchant and refuse grade cod

    being exported to the West Indies, Newfoundland, and the Iberian Peninsula.

    Treaties

    United States Department of State. 1763 Treaty of Paris. Treaty document. 115-20.

    Washington, GPO, 2013. Print. Britain ratified the Treaty of Paris in 1763 for the

    following reasons: Parliament wanted to further constrict the available Atlantic markets

    that the French were able to compete in, and Parliament wanted to further expand

    Atlantic markets for Britain and New England. Thus, Parliament ratified the treaty as a

    mercantilist and protectionist measure against French competition and further expanded

    available fishing waters for British and New England fisheries to draw upon.

    United States Department of State. 1783 Treaty of Paris. Treaty document. 134-42.

    Washington, GPO, 2013. Print. Probably one of the greatest spoils of war that

    Continental Congress successfully negotiated is in Article III of the treaty. This is in

    regards to the fishing rights on the banks and coasts of Newfoundland. In particular,

    Continental Congress was able to negotiate the rights for access to the Grand Banks, the

    richest source of cod in the Atlantic Ocean.

    Secondary Sources

    Books

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    Bailyn, Bernard. The New England Merchants in the Seventeenth Century, 3rd

    edition. New

    York: vintage books, 1968. Bailyn discusses the origins of the New England cod

    industry. The New England commercial fishery had several advantages over other

    regions. This includes its temperate climates and proximity to fertile lands, allowing it to

    be a mixed agricultural and maritime economy. Also, the warmer water temperatures

    yielded longer fishing seasons along the northern seaboard of North America compared

    to the same water around Newfoundland.

    Cole, Arthur. Wholesale Commodity Prices in the United States, 1700-1861. Harvard University

    Press 2 (1938): 35-68. Covers the monthly observations of 46 commodities, including

    cod. The period of price indexes is from January 1700 to December 1861. The cities in

    the panel include Boston, Philadelphia, New York, Charleston, Cincinnati, and New

    Orleans. Many of these goods are further broken down into varieties, such as merchant or

    refuse grade cod, thus culminating into 549 varieties recorded.

    Cutting, C.Fish Saving: A History of Fish Processing from Ancient to Modern Times. New

    York: Philosophical Society, 1956. Cutting creates the authoritative history of the

    different methods of preserving fish from the earliest of primary records up to the

    publication date. He also analyzes the evolution of preservation over the years.

    Preservation includes drying, salting, smoking, canning, chilling, and freezing is dealt

    with in historical and social context.

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    Hornsby, Stephen.British Atlantic, American Frontier: Space of Power in Early Modern British

    America. University Press of New England, 2005. The cod industry in New England had

    become the fourth most valuable export from the Western Hemisphere, right behind

    grain, tobacco, and sugar. He also observes the abysmal lack of money that colonial

    agents received to represent New England in comparison to the amounts of money that

    colonial agents received to represent the interest of the West Indies.

    Magra, Christopher. The Fishermans Cause: Atlantic Commerce and Maritime Dimensions of

    the American Revolution. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Magra laments

    the lack of available historiographical research related to the New England cod industry.

    His book entails the science of cod and the importance of cod as a commodity in the New

    England region. His book successfully proves that by the 18th

    century, the New England

    cod industry had become independent from the West Country fisheries.

    McCusker and Russell R. Menard. The Economy of British America, 1607-1789. University of

    North Carolina Press, 1985. The cod industry is considered by economic historians to be

    an extractive industry similar to lumber and mining. Entrepreneurs invested capital and

    hired workers in order to extract a resource from the ocean for processing and marketing.

    Out of the 581,000 people living in New England in 1770, about 10,000 were employed

    in the cod industry.

    McCusker, John. How Much Is That in Real Money? A Historical Commodity Price Index for

    Use as a Deflator of Money Values in the Economy of the United States , 2nd

    edition.

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    Worcestor, MA: American Antiquarian Society, 2001. McCusker catalogues the

    commodity price indexes between the U.S. and Great Britain. He covers the years 1665-

    1860. From 1763-1789, the U.S. had a commodity price index between 75 and 100,

    while Great Britain experienced an index of between 50-70. In addition, Vickers

    describes the clothing the fishermen typically wore. On pages 35 and 35 he describes

    them wearing heavy boots and woolen outerclothing.

    Purvis, Thomas.Revolutionary America, 1763-1800. New York: Facts on File, 1995. Purvis

    shows that the New England region supplied more men on average than either the Middle

    or Southern regions on a consistent yearly basis. In addition, three out of the four major

    generals under George Washington (at the start of the war) and seven out of eight

    brigadier generals came from New England.

    Smith, Joshua.Borderland Smuggling: Patriots, Loyalists, and Illicit Trade in the Northeast,

    1783-1820. University Press of Florida, 2006. Lines drawn in peace treaties were not so

    easy to see on the ocean, and when the Royal Navy tried to punish French colonists for

    encroaching on British held waters, the colonists did not commit the crime on purpose.

    The same issue came to light when the Royal Navy tried to inhibit the trade routes that

    were open, especially between New England and Newfoundland, since the British

    thought that New England was conducting business operations that were outside the

    bounds of the British Empire.

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    Sosin, Jack.Agents and Merchants: British colonial Policy and the Origins of the American

    Revolution, 1763-1775. University of Nebraska Press, 1965. Although there were five

    colonial agents representing North America colonial interests, Sosin maintains that two of

    these agents were more concerned with their positions as Members of Parliament rather

    than their position as lobbyists. Thus, in all likelihood, there were only three agents who

    acted as lobbyists trying to represent the New England cod industry. In addition, fish was

    not as valuable an export as sugar, which limited the amount of access the New England

    colonial agents had to lobby effectively.

    Warren, George, Frank Pearson, and Herman Stoker. Wholesale Prices for 213 Years, 1720 to

    1932. Cornell University, Agricultural Experiment Station, Memoir 412, 1932. The

    primary aim of Warren and Pearson was to present monthly comprehensive index

    numbers of the 19th

    century corresponding to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. It is a

    monograph researching the determinants in commodity price trends, including the price

    of merchant and refuse grade cod in the American Revolutionary Era.

    Journals

    Bell, Herbert. The West India Trade Before the American Revolution. The American

    Historical Review 22 (1917): 272-287. Accessed February 8, 2013.

    http://www.jstor.org/stable/1834961. Professor Bell discusses the trade between the

    North America colonies and the West Indies before the American Revolution. He notes

    the regional specialization that occurred, as certain colonies were dominant in specific

    resources, such as New England with merchant and refuse cod. Every continental colony

    http://www.jstor.org/stable/1834961http://www.jstor.org/stable/1834961http://www.jstor.org/stable/1834961
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    had something of value to export to the West Indies, and Bell is showing the importance

    of trade and the commercial ties fostered between the two markets.

    Carrington, Selwyn. The American Revolution and the British West Indies Economy. The

    Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1987): 823-850. Accessed February 8, 2013.

    http://www.jstor.org/stable/204655. Selwyn analyzes the adverse impact the American

    Revolution had on the trade routes between New England and the West Indies. Despite

    the inflated prices of cod due to shortage, the New England merchants were able to use it

    to their advantage to trade the cod for weapons and gunpowder in exchange. Thus, the

    cod industry helped provide the weapons and part of the 1.5 million pounds of

    gunpowder that was provided for the Continental Army.

    Cole, Arthur, and Ruth Crandall. The International Scientific Committee on Price History.

    Journal of Economic History 24 (September 1964): 381-388. The International Scientific

    Committee on Price History sponsored the project that studied Massachusetts prices. The

    results of several of these studies were drawn together and showed that different

    hundredweights employed by the U.S. and Britain confused researchers and historians.

    Also, past historians had incorrectly adjusted the different weights employed, and the

    project was able to make the appropriate adjustments for the price indexes.

    Egnal, Marc, and Joseph Ernst. An Economic Interpretation of the American Revolution.

    William & Mary Quarterly 29 (January 1972): 21-23. Marc and Ernst cover the economic

    and political purposes of colonial non-importation. They also cover the list of Boston

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    merchants in violation of the non-importation agreement, and detail some of the

    agreements that were signed by Boston and Gloucester fish merchants. In particular, the

    non-importation agreements were aimed at the Townshend Revenue Act, passed in 1768.

    The effect of an earlier non-importation agreement led to the repeal of the Stamp Act in

    1765. The whole point of these agreements was to deny the customs offices in the

    colonies from collecting goods that either were denied access to shore or that were never

    sold at all.

    McCusker, John. Colonial Statistics in chapter EG ofHistorical Statistics of the United States,

    Earliest Times to the Present: Millennial Edition, edited by Susan B. Carter, Scott

    Sigmund Gartner, Michael R. Haines, Alan L. Olmstead, Richard Sutch, and Gavin

    Wright. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Accessed January 22, 2013. doi:

    10.1017/9780511132971.

    McCusker, John. Weight and Measures in the Colonial Sugar Trade: The Gallon and the Pound

    and Their International Equivalents, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd

    Series, 30

    (October 1973): 15. The wholesale price of codfish in the New England market was

    customarily quoted in terms of shillings Massachusetts currency per hundredweight (or

    quintal) of 100 pounds. Others have been misled by the complexities of European and

    North American weights and assumed that the hundredweight for fish could be used

    interchangeably with the long hundredweight (112 pounds) employed in Great Britain.

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    Crandall, Ruth. Wholesale Commodity Prices inBoston During the Eighteenth Century.

    Review of Economic Statistics 16 (June, September 1934): 182. Ruth culled data for the

    wholesale price of codfish by grade between 1750-1775. Her index is concerned only

    with what Jamaica was paying for refuse grade cod. On average, Jamaica was paying a

    slightly higher than average price for refuse at the time.

    Vickers, Daniel. A Knowen and Staple Commoditie: Codfish Prices in Essex Country,

    Massachusetts, 1640-1775.Essex Institute Historical Collections 124 (July 1988): 186-

    203. The price of cod, in relation to other commodities, can be quite tricky to gauge at

    times. Although Vickers has done quite an excellent job indexing merchant and refuse

    grade prices, it should be approached with some degree of caution. For instance,

    measurements were not standardized in the Atlantic world, and there were variations in

    coinage that was used throughout the early modern era.

    Vickers, Daniel. The Price of Fish: A Price Index for Cod, 1505-1892.Acadiensis: Journal of

    the History of the Atlantic Region/Rerevue dHistoir e de la Rgion Atlantique 25 (Spring

    1996): 92-104. Usually merchant grade cod sold at higher prices than refuse. Especially

    spring merchant grade cod, which was the best grade that applied to fish landed in season

    before July 1. Merchant grade cod was of better quality than refuse because of curing and

    processing techniques that enabled merchant grade to command a higher price. Vickers

    demonstrates that the pricing of codfish became more complex over time as the market

    matured. What once was two grades of cod fish grew into six grades or more, with the

    distinctions among them becoming less clear.

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    Trelawny Papers, edited by James Phinney Baxter, Collections of the Maine Historical Society,

    2nd

    Series,Documentary History of the State of Maine 3(Hoyt, Fogg, and Donham,

    1844): 43, 135, 162, 195, 199, 259, 321, 335, 349. Contains data on the wholesale price

    of codfish in New England by grade. Covering a period from 1634 to 1775, the shillings

    per hundredweight demonstrates that merchant grade was always superior in price to

    refuse grade cod.