iii

Preface ixNew to This Edition ixStudent and Instructor Supplements xiAcknowledgments for the 2009–2010 Edition xiiAcknowledgments for Earlier Editions xiii

CHAPTER 1TExAs HisToRy And CulTuRE 1Politics and Government: The Early Years 2

Joining the Union 3Early Statehood and Secession: 1846–1864 3Post–Civil War Texas: 1865–1885 4

Politics and Government: 1886–1945 5

Governor Hogg 5Farmer Jim: 1914–1918 6World War I, the Twenties, and the Return of Farmer Jim: 1919–1928 7Civil Rights 8The Great Depression: 1929–1939 9“Pass the Biscuits, Pappy”: 1938–1945 10

Politics and Government since World War II 11

Lyndon B. Johnson Enters Center Stage 11Civil Rights Revisited 12

The 1950s: Shivercrats and the Seeds for a Republican Texas 13The 1960s: Texas Has a First President and Discovers the Equal Protection Clause 15The 1970s: Scandal and Reform 17The 1980s: Education Reform 18The 1990s: Texas Elects a Woman Governor and Becomes a Two–Party State 18The 2000s: Texas Becomes a Republican State 19

Texas Culture and Regions 21

Political Culture 21Moral, Traditional, and Individualistic Cultures 21Political Culture and Political Participation 22Texas Cultural Regions 22Essay: The Chamizal Dispute, by Laura De La Cruz 27

Politics and Diversity 29

Cultural Diversity 29

opoChapter Summary 35How Texas Compares 36Key Terms 36Review Questions 36Logging On 36

Essay: Indian Policy in Texas, by Milo Lone-Eagle Colton 38

ConTEnTs

iv Contents vContents

CHAPTER 2THE TExAs ConsTiTuTion in PERsPECTivE 41The National Constitution and the States:

Federalism 43

Division of Powers 43Limits on States 43

The Texas Constitution 45

The Texas Constitution in History 46The Texas Constitution Today 49Bill of Rights and Fundamental Liberty 49Separation of Powers 50Legislative Branch 51Executive Branch 53Courts 55Local Government 55Suffrage 57Amending the Texas Constitution 57Attempts to Revise the Texas Constitution 58 opoChapter Summary 60How Texas Compares 61Key Terms 61Review Questions 62Logging On 62Essay: Governor E. J. Davis and His Legacy for Texas, by Lynn R. Brink and Charlotte A. Rike 63

Essay: “America Only More So”: Texas in the United States Supreme Court, by Timothy Hoye 65

CHAPTER 3voTing And ElECTions 67Political Participation 68

The Participation Paradox 68

Who Votes? 69

The Practice of Voting 70Voter Turnout in the United States and in Texas 71Reasons for Low Voter Turnout in Texas 74

Elections in Texas 78

Primary Elections 79General Elections 84Special Elections 85The Conduct and Administration of Elections 86

Election Campaigns in Texas 95

Who Gets Elected 95The General Election Campaign 96Money in Political Campaigns 98 opoChapter Summary 102How Texas Compares 102Key Terms 102Review Questions 103Logging On 103

Essay: Electronic Voting: Savior or Destroyer of American Democracy?, by Gina Ulbert 104

CHAPTER 4PoliTiCAl PARTiEs 107Functions of Political Parties 109

Characteristics of American Political Parties 109

Pragmatism 109Decentralization 110Two-Party System 111

Development of the Texas Party System 112

The One-Party Tradition in Texas 112Ideological Basis of Factionalism: Conservatives and Liberals 112Conservative and Liberal Factions in the Democratic Party 113

Rise of the Republican Party 115

Conservative and Moderate Factions within the Republican Party 118

Organizational Basis of Party Machinery in Texas 118Temporary-Party Organization 119Permanent-Party Organization 122

A New Era of Republican Dominance 123

Can the Democrats Still Be Competitive? 125Dealignment 126

opoChapter Summary 126How Texas Compares 127Key Terms 127Review Questions 127Logging On 127Essay: Who Killed the Texas Yellow-Dog Democrat?, by Robert Glen Findley 128

Essay: Presidential Primaries or Caucuses? Texas’s Choices and the Outcomes, by Lynn Salas 130

CHAPTER 5inTEREsT gRouPs 133Constitutional Guarantees 136

What Interest Groups Are 136

What Interest Groups Do 137

Direct Means of Influencing Government 138

Lobbying the Legislative and Executive Branches 138Filing Suit in Court 139Advising and Serving the State 140Organizing Public Demonstrations 140

Indirect Means of Influencing Government 140

Electioneering 140Educating the Public 141Socializing 141

Why People Join Interest Groups 141

Types of Interest Groups 142

Economic Interest Groups 142Noneconomic Interest Groups 143Mixed-Interest Groups 143

Factors That Affect Interest Group Power 144

Culture of Nonparticipation 144Party Competition 144Part-Time Legislature 145Decentralization of Executive Branch Power 146Law 146The Media 146Constituent Influence 147Interest Groups as Checks on Interest Groups 147Campaign Contributions 148

Conclusions about Balance in the Political System 151

The Regulation of Lobbying 152

Who Must Register and Report Lobbying Costs? 152What Does a Lobbyist Report? 153What Is Not Reported as Lobbying That Affects Lobbying? 154Access to the Reports of Lobbyists 155Reporting to Clients 155

The Craft of Lobbying 155

Before the Legislature 155Before Administrative Agencies 156Before the Courts 157

Which Interests Are Powerful? 158

Interest Group Dynamics and Power 159

opoChapter Summary 162How Texas Compares 162Key Terms 163Review Questions 163Logging On 163

Essay: The School Bus Chronicles, by Betin Bilir Santos 164

CHAPTER 6THE lEgislATuRE: oRgAnizATion And sTRuCTuRE 167Geographic Districts 168

Qualifications for Membership 173

Formal Qualifications 173Informal Qualifications 175

Organization of the Texas Legislature 180

Presiding Officers 180Legislative Committees 182Legislative Staff 185Citizen Legislators 187Terms 187

vi Contents viiContents

Compensation 187The Limited Session 188 opoChapter Summary 190How Texas Compares 190Key Terms 191Review Questions 191Logging On 191

Essay: Anatomy of a Gerrymander: The Election of Veronica Gonzáles, by David Branham 192

CHAPTER 7THE lEgislATivE PRoCEss 195Powers of the Presiding Officers 196

Procedural Tools of Leadership 197Institutional Tools of Leadership 210

Restraints on the Powers of the Presiding Officers 212

Personality 212The Team 212The Lobby and Bureaucracy 212The Governor 212Political Climate 213Political or Economic Ambition 213Other Legislators 213 opoChapter Summary 214How Texas Compares 214Key Terms 214Review Questions 214Logging On 215

Essay: Sexual Assault in Texas Prisons: The Texas Legislature Responds, by Adolfo Santos 216

Essay: Politics and Climate Change: The Texas Legislature Grapples with the Environment, by Adolfo Santos 217

CHAPTER 8THE govERnoR 219Qualifications, Tenure, and Staff 221

Formal Qualifications 221Informal Criteria 221Tenure, Removal, and Succession 222Compensation 222Staff 222

Tools of Persuasion 224

Legislative Tools of Persuasion 225Executive Tools of Persuasion 229Governor as Party Chief 234 opoChapter Summary 235How Texas Compares 235Key Terms 236Review Questions 236Logging On 236

Essay: Perry Muscle Flexing Falls Flat, by R. G. Ratcliffe 237

CHAPTER 9THE BuREAuCRACy 239The Texas Administration 240

Elected Executives 240Appointed Executives 244Boards and Commissions 245

Characteristics of Bureaucracy 247

Size 247Neutrality 249Hierarchy 251Expertise 251

The Bureaucracy and Public Policy 251

Clientele Groups 252The Legislature, the Lieutenant Governor, and the Speaker 253The Governor 254The Iron Texas Star 254Public Support 255

Expertise 256Information 256Administration of the Law 256Accountability 256

opoChapter Summary 260How Texas Compares 260Key Terms 261Review Questions 261Logging On 261

Essay: Governors and Texas Agencies, by Patricia Caperton Parent 262

CHAPTER 10THE JudiCiARy 264Civil and Criminal Cases 266

Original and Appellate Jurisdiction 267

Court Organization 268

Municipal Courts 268Justices of the Peace 270County Courts 272District Courts 274Courts of Appeals 274Court of Criminal Appeals 275Supreme Court 278

Juries 278

Grand Jury 279Petit (Trial) Jury 280

Selection of Judges 281

The Politics of Judicial Selection in Texas 282

opoChapter Summary 286How Texas Compares 286Key Terms 287Review Questions 287Logging On 287

Essay: Conviction And Sentencing in The Texas Courts: Judicial Selection, Public Opinion, and the Death Penalty, by Brent Boyea 288

CHAPTER 11lAw And duE PRoCEss 291Civil Law 293

Types of Civil Law 293Issues in Civil Law 295

The Elements of Crime 296

The Crime 296The Criminal 298The Victim 300

Law Enforcement 301

State Agencies 301Local Agencies 301Prevention of Crime 302Detection of Crime 303Enforcement of Law 303Gathering Evidence 303Arrest 304Detention 304

The Courts 305

Pretrial Court Activities 306Formal Charges 308Pretrial Hearings 309Plea Bargaining 309The Trial 310Post-Trial Proceedings 311The Special Case of Juvenile Courts 312

Rehabilitation and Punishment 313

Texas Department of Criminal Justice 313Clemency 315Texas Youth Commission 316Jails 316 opoChapter Summary 317How Texas Compares 317Key Terms 317Review Questions 318Logging On 318

Essay: The Other War: Texas-Mexico Border Security, by Ray Leal 319

viii ixPolitics and Government: The Early YearsContents

Essay: The Poison Debate in Death Penalty Cases: The U.S. Supreme Court Reconsiders the Eighth Amendment Prohibition against Cruel and Unusual Punishment, by Neal Coates 321

CHAPTER 22TAxing And BudgETing 324Revenues 325

Taxation 326The Politics of Taxation 328Other Revenues 334

The Budgetary Process 336

Budget Planning 336The Appropriations Process 336The Politics of State Spending 337Reforms 337 opoChapter Summary 338How Texas Compares 339Key Terms 339Review Questions 339Logging On 339

Essay: Federal Funds for State Programs: The Impact of National Budget Cuts on Texas, by Sherri Mora and Pam Tise 340

Essay: Taxes, Social Services, and the Economic Impact of Illegal Immigrants, by Brian K. Dille 342

CHAPTER 13sPEnding And sERviCEs 346Education in Texas 349

Elementary and Secondary Schools 349The Politics of Public Education 351Higher Education 357The Politics of Higher Education 358

Health and Human Services 360

Income Support 360Health Programs 362Unemployment Programs 363The Politics of “Welfare”: Myths and Realities 365

Transportation 366

Highway Programs 366The Politics of Transportation 367

opoChapter Summary 369How Texas Compares 370Key Terms 370Review Questions 370Logging On 371

Essay: Texas and California: Do Their Dissimilar Policies Produce Similar Outcomes?, by Gary Tshoepe 372

CHAPTER 14loCAl govERnmEnT 374Municipalities 376

General-Law and Home-Rule Cities 377Forms of Government 378Municipal Election Systems 381Revenue Sources and Limitations 384Issues and Trends 386

Counties 390

Functions of Counties 392Structure and Organization of Counties 392Issues and Trends 396Special-District Governments 397Issues and Trends 400Councils of Government 401 opoChapter Summary 401How Texas Compares 402Key Terms 402Review Questions 403Logging On 403

Essay: Cities Defining Their Future, by Allan Saxe 404

Essay: Does Ethnicity Still Matter in At-Large Elections? Evidence from Corpus Christi, by Robert R. Bezdek and Juan Carlos Huerta 406

Index 421

PREFACEAlthough intelligent, well-meaning Texans may strongly disagree about public policies, the fact remains that the policies of Texas state and local governments dramatically affect each of our lives—every day. Political conflict is, after all, only a difference of opinion as to the substance and direction of the rules that govern us. The only real losers in this game are those who do not play. Those who refuse to participate relinquish their role in our democracy and their natural right to control their own futures.

We contend that human beings are political by their very nature and that understanding government is necessary for an intelligent development of a political ideology and for accep-tance of conflicting ideologies as legitimate. We hope that the discussion of recent controver-sial issues will engage student interest and that the explanation of ongoing principles of Texas politics will help students understand opposing views in context.

Developed by an established authorial team representing varying regions and ideas along with fresh voices from guest essayists, Texas Politics Today is an invitation to join the dynamic conversation about politics in the Lone Star State. We hope students will be impressed neither by what the authors know nor by what their professors know, but by what they themselves must know to be able to contribute in this political world of ours.

The 2009–2010 edition of Texas Politics Today is designed to meet the needs of both students and instructors for introductory college and university-level courses. This reader-friendly text will be useful for courses specializing in Texas government as well as those that integrate state and national politics.

Along with public policy, the book explains the background, rules of the game, politi-cal players, and framework of political institutions that give birth to public policies. Major historical, demographic, political, and cultural trends are explored and the role of political interest groups is covered throughout the text. Vignettes, figures, tables, diagrams, and pho-tos provide visual representations of and commentary on Texas’s political system. Cartoons by Pulitzer Prize–winning Ben Sargent not only provide a bit of humor but also illustrate important issues in Texas politics.

Student-centered learning aids augment the engaging style of the text. Key terms and con-cepts are set in boldfaced print, listed at the end of each chapter, and defined in the Glossary. Review questions focus on main themes. Each chapter includes an outline at the beginning and a summary at the end to highlight its most important elements.

ix

x Preface xiPreface

nEw To THis EdiTionAlthough this edition continues to incorporate the most effective elements of previous edi-tions, it has also been transformed by the most comprehensive revision in the textbook’s his-tory. The text analyzes the latest available data and discusses current issues, recent legal and structural changes, as well as contemporary demographic and political changes. In addition, nearly all essays in the book have been revised or replaced. Here is some of the enticing new material in the 2009–2010 edition:

e   A compelling new emphasis on getting students involved in politics includes fresh Get Ac-tive! sections that are rich in new online resources. These sections offer hints on consum-ing state services and linking up with activist groups in Texas politics. They also provide tools to sample liberal, conservative, and libertarian opinion and to help students decide where they stand on the ideological spectrum in Chapters 2, 4, 10, 12, and 13. Chapter 13 offers resources that enable students to tap into Texas’s “think tanks.”

e   New pedagogical features include marginal definitions and learning objectives that conveniently guide students as they read through the text. Expanded chapter sum-maries bullet important points covered in the text, and How Texas Compares sections put some of the main chapter themes into perspective by summarizing how other states compare with Texas. Provocative Join the Debate features at the end of each essay raise broad questions that stimulate class discussion and engage students in debating and researching contemporary political issues.

e   New comparative material “How Does Texas Compare?” features appear in every chap-ter. Chapter 1 presents material on “How Texas Ranks among the Fifty States,” and the new essay following Chapter 13 compares Texas political culture and state services to those of California.

e   “Logging On” sections present relevant, updated Internet research activities that have been made even more user-friendly to make students’ surfing as streamlined as possible.

e   2008 election results are incorporated in the political chapters, especially Chapters 3 and 4.

e   Border and immigration issues are featured in Chapter 1 (Chamizal border dispute) and in the essays following Chapters 11, 12, and 13.

e   Consumer issues are the focus of discussion of energy deregulation and electric utility rates in Chapter 7, and an exciting new feature gives students important “Tips on Becom-ing a Smart Consumer of State Services” inside the back cover.

e   Articles following Chapters 10 and 11 focus on capital punishment by showing the link between election of judges and the death penalty and by discussing the latest legal developments in the debate about whether lethal injection is cruel and unusual.

e   Articles following Chapters 5 and 7 discuss how Texas policy makers deal with environ-mental issues.

e   New material highlighting Texas’s ethnic diversity is presented in Chapters 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 12, 13, and 14.

e   On the companion website at www.cengage.com/politicalscience/maxwell/texas politicstoday14e, you will find a contribution from our student essay contest winner. If you are an instructor who would like to participate in future student essay contests, please contact an editorial team member through the Meet the Team link on www .cengage.com/politicalscience.

Each chapter contains important new contents: Chapter 1 Expanded history of the civil rights movement in Texas and the drive for eth-nic minority political power. A new essay about Native American policies in Texas and their outcomes.Chapter 2 Decisions about the constitutional right to keep and bear arms and the gun control debate. An essay that links Texas political culture with legal developments in consti-tutional rights.Chapter 3 Latest data on 2008 election turnout. New feature that focuses on “Should Texas Require Voter Identification?” The most recent data on elections, including the 2008 presidential election, and on campaign spending, as well as information on changes in election law. Comparative features that put voter turnout, term limits, and early voting into perspec-tive. “Get Active!” and “Logging On” features that also have been updated to incorporate websites that call students to action. Chapter 4 Expanded list of differences in the party positions of Democrats and Republi-cans. Coverage of the 2008 Democratic caucuses. Feature comparing political party competi-tion in the fifty states. Article about 2008 presidential primary—the state’s unique “prima-caucus” system.Chapter 5 Comparative material in the chapter showing how legislators’ campaign con-tributions in Texas measure up against the other states. Essay by a citizen lobbyist about environmental issues facing the state legislature and another essay about the “revolving door” of the Texas legislature. Chapter 6 Discussion of developments at the Texas Ethics Commission and examination by women in Texas in the political process. Essay about how redistricting serves as a case study in the practical effects of gerrymandering in south Texas.Chapter 7 Public accountability for legislators’ votes. Essays about how the Texas legisla-ture grapples with climate change and prison conditions.Chapter 8 Essay about Governor Perry’s attempt to expand the power of the chief execu-tive’s office.Chapter 9 Data comparing the bureaucratic centralization in the fifty states and the relative size of the public sector (state and local government) in all of the states.Chapter 10 Essay explaining the linkage between judicial selection and the death penalty.Chapter 11 Feature comparing crime and imprisonment rates in Texas with the rest of the nation. Capital punishment data and recent U.S. Supreme Court decisions on the death penalty. An essay about crime and border security solutions, and another concerning the latest developments in the debates over the death penalty and lethal injection.Chapter 12 “Get Active!” section featuring policy websites offered as tools to help students to decide where they fit on the liberal/conservative spectrum. Comparative features about state taxes, revenue sources, and progressive taxation. Essay about illegal immigration and its effect on state services and revenues.

xii Preface xiiiPreface

Chapter 13 “Get Active!” section featuring tips on linking up with liberal and conservative policy websites and how to access state services. Comparative material on state spending, edu-cation, health care, and public policy. An essay arguing that demographics rather than ideology determine policy outcomes in Texas and California. Chapter 14 An essay about metroplex growth strategies and the controversy about using public funds to subsidize benefits to private sports team owners. Another essay about the ef-fects of single-member city council districts.

sTudEnT And insTRuCToR suPPlEmEnTsA variety of student and instructional aids are available separately. Contact your Cengage sales representative for details about the following products and more print and online re-sources.

e   The Companion Website for Texas Politics Today at www.cengage.com/political science/maxwell/texaspoliticstoday14e offers a wealth of free student resources, includ-ing tutorial quizzes, chapter outlines, Web links, key term flash cards, and more.

e   Mexican American Politics Supplement by Fernando Pinon of San Antonio College is a 32 page booklet that can either be bound in or bundled with the purchase of a new text.

e   PowerLecture for Texas Politics Today offers a selection of useful materials for instruc-tors on one convenient CD. It contains a Test Bank in Word and ExamView® computer-ized testing, an Instructor’s Manual, PowerPoint® Lecture Outlines, and digital images from the book.

e   Texas Political Theater DVD enables instructors to integrate current and historically poignant ABC News footage into classroom presentations, offering real-world applica-tion to the concepts studied in Texas Politics Today and serving to spark class discus-sion.

ACknowlEdgmEnTs FoR THE 2009–2010 EdiTionThe authors wish to thank the following reviewers for their useful suggestions toward this revision:

Laura De La Cruz, El Paso Community CollegeFrank J. Garrahan, Austin Community CollegeGlen David Garrison, Collin County Community College–Spring CreekTimothy Hoye, Texas Woman’s UniversityCasey Hubble, McLennan Community College J. D. Phaup, Texas A&M University–KingsvilleAllan Saxe, The University of Texas–Arlington

Leading Political Scientists throughout Texas contributed current and engaging end-of-chapter essays to this edition. The authors would like to express their gratitude to these essay contributors:

Robert R. Bezdek, Texas A&M University–Corpus ChristiBrent Boyea, University of Texas–ArlingtonDavid Branham, University of Houston–DowntownLynn R. Brink, North Lake CollegePatricia Caperton Parent, Texas State University–San MarcosNeal Coates, Abilene Christian CollegeMilo Lone-Eagle Colton, St. Mary’s UniversityLaura De La Cruz, El Paso Community CollegeBrian K. Dille, Odessa CollegeRobert Glen Findley, Odessa CollegeTimothy Hoye, Texas Women’s UniversityJuan Carlos Huerta, Texas A&M University–Corpus ChristiRay Leal, St. Mary’s UniversitySherri Mora, Texas State University–San MarcosR. G. Ratcliffe, The Houston ChronicleCharlotte A. Rike, North Lake CollegeLynn Salas, El Paso Community CollegeBetin Bilir SantosAllan Saxe, The University of Texas–ArlingtonPam Tise, Texas State University–San MarcosGary Tshoepe, University of HoustonGina Ulbert

ACknowlEdgmEnTs FoR EARliER EdiTionsThe following reviewers also contributed greatly through feedback on recent past editions of Texas Politics Today:

Larry E. Carter, University of Texas–TylerNeil Coates, Abilene Christian CollegeCharles R. Knerr, University of Texas–ArlingtonDennis B. Martinez, University of Texas–San AntonioJalal K. Nejad, Northwest Vista CollegeJo Marie Rios, Texas A&M University–Corpus ChristiCharles Vernon Wilder, Texarkana College

Learning OBJeCTiVeS

• Describe the general cultural characteristics of Texas’s regions. Does the description fit your home area?

• Describe the Texas political system before the Civil War.• Describe the Progressive period in Texas politics. What roles did James Stephen Hogg

and James E. and Miriam A. Ferguson play?• What role did the Ku Klux Klan play in Texas politics in the 1920s?• Describe the politics of W. Lee O’Daniel.• What was Texas politics like in the 1950s, and how did the Shivercrats lay the ground-

work for the current success of Republican candidates?• What are the predictions concerning Texas’s population growth and its future ethnic

makeup?

Politics and Government: The Early YearsJoining the UnionEarly Statehood and Secession: 1846–1864Post–Civil War Texas: 1865–1885

Politics and Government: 1886–1945Governor HoggFarmer Jim: 1914–1918World War I, the Twenties, and the Return of Farmer Jim:

1919–1928Civil RightsThe Great Depression: 1929–1939“Pass the Biscuits, Pappy”: 1938–1945

Politics and Government since World War II Lyndon B. Johnson Enters Center Stage Civil Rights RevisitedThe 1950s: Shivercrats and the Seeds for a Republican

TexasThe 1960s: Texas Has Its First President and Discovers

the Equal Protection Clause

The 1970s: Scandal and ReformThe 1980s: Education ReformThe 1990s: Texas Elects a Woman Governor and

Becomes a Two-Party StateThe 2000s: Texas Becomes a Republican State

Texas Culture and RegionsPolitical CultureMoral, Traditional, and Individualistic CulturesPolitical Culture and Political ParticipationTexas Cultural RegionsEssay: The Chamizal Dispute, by Laura De La Cruz

Politics and DiversityCultural Diversity

Chapter Summary • How Texas ComparesKey Terms • Review Questions Logging On

Essay: Indian Policy in TexaSby Milo Lone-Eagle Colton

COnTenTS•••

Chapter 1Texas History and Culture

3Politics and Government: The Early Years

2 Chapter 1 Texas History and Culture

Almost a hundred years before the Mayflower dropped anchor off Plymouth Rock, Núñez Cabeza de Vaca set foot on what was to become Texas. During the next

three centuries, land-hungry settlers pushed the Cherokees and the Caddos from the eastern pine forests; the Karankawas from the sands of the coast; and the Comanches, Apaches, and Kiowas from the western plains. Texas culture and history have been made under thirty-seven Spanish governors, fifteen Mexican governors, five presidents of the Republic of Texas, and forty-eight state governors.

The successful end of the Texas Revo-lution in 1836 saw the English/Scotch-Irish culture, as it had evolved in its migration through the southern United States, be-come the dominant culture of the state. Anglo Americans were the most numerous population group and controlled most of the political and economic systems in Tex-as. Anglo American Protestant sects also became the dominant religious groups in Texas. As evidence of the dominance of this culture, all the presidents of the Re-public and the governors of the state have been Protestant and had surnames linked to the British Isles.

Learn more about your own culture. Talk

to grandparents, parents, and uncles and

aunts to learn what they know about your cul-

ture and family history. Record as much oral

history as you can about their personal lives,

experiences, and political recollections, as

well as family myths and traditions. You may

find this information priceless as you talk to

your own children and grandchildren about

their culture.

Broaden your cultural and political expe-

riences. Participate in activities and organi-

zations of ethnic, religious, and ideological

groups that are different from your own. This

will help you better understand and appreci-

ate the rich diversity of modern American

life.

Go to the library and log onto the Internet

to research the background and richness of

your family culture. Pick a hero who shares

your culture. Here are a few reliable sources:

b Institute of Texan Cultures:

www.texancultures.utsa.edu/public/

b Texas State Library and Archives

Commission: www.tsl.state.tx.us (click on “Online Exhibits”).

b Houston Institute for Culture:

www .houstonculture.org.

b Texas State Historical Association and

Center for Studies in Texas History:

www.tsha.utexas.edu.

b Texas Beyond History:

www.texasbeyondhistory.net.

Sam Houston about 1850. ☛

Libr

ary

of C

ongr

ess P

rint

s and

Pho

togr

aphs

Div

ision

W

ashi

ngto

n, D

.C. 2

0540

[LC

-USZ

62-1

1002

9]

geT aCTiVePolitics and Government: The Early YearsPolitics in the Republic of Texas was simpler than poli-tics in Texas today. There were no political parties, and conflict revolved around pro-Houston and anti- Houston policies. Sam Houston, the hero of the battle of San Jacinto (1836), advocated peaceful relations with the eastern Native Americans and U.S. statehood for Texas. The anti-Houston forces were led by Mirabeau B. Lamar, who believed that Native American and Anglo American cultures could not coexist. He also envisioned Texas as a great nation extending from the Sabine River to the Pacific.1

Joining THE unionTexas voters approved annexation to the United States in 1836, almost immediately after Texas achieved independence from Mexico. The slavery controversy in the United States, however, delayed final annexation until pro-annexation Democrat James K. Polk was elected president. On December 29, 1845, Texas officially became the twenty-eighth state in the Union.

Several articles of annexation were more or less peculiar to Texas. Most important was that Texas retained ownership of its public lands because the U.S. Congress refused to accept them in exchange for payment of the republic’s $10 million public debt. Although many mil-lions of acres were eventually given away or sold, the remaining public lands continue to pro-duce hundreds of millions of dollars in state revenue, mostly in royalties from the production of oil and natural gas. Today, this revenue primarily benefits the Permanent University Fund and the Permanent School Fund. The annexation articles also granted Texas the privilege of “creating . . . new states, of convenient size, not exceeding four in number, in addition to said State of Texas.” 2

EARly sTATEHood And sECEssion: 1846–1864The politics of early statehood immediately began to revolve around pro-Union and seces-sionist forces. Sam Houston, a strong Unionist alarmed at the support for secession in Texas, resigned his seat in the U.S. Senate and in 1857 ran for the office of governor of Texas. He was defeated, primarily because secession forces controlled the dominant Democratic Party. He was elected governor two years later, however.

After Abraham Lincoln was elected president of the United States in 1860, a Texas seces-sionist convention voted to secede from the Union. Branded as illegal by Sam Houston, the convention was nevertheless upheld as legitimate by the Texas legislature. Although Houston strongly opposed secession, he refused an offer from President Lincoln of five thousand fed-eral troops to force Texas to remain in the Union. Texas then seceded from the United States and was admitted into the Confederate States of America.

SecessionThe separation of a territory from a larger political unit. Specifically, the secession of southern states from the Union in 1860 and 1861.

AnnexationThe incorporation of a territory into a larger political unit, such as a country, state, county, or city.

1The information in this and subsequent sections depends heavily on Seymour V. Connor, Texas: A History (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1971); Rupert N. Richardson, Texas: The Lone Star State, 3rd ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1970); and T. R. Fehrenbach, Lone Star: A History of Texas and the Texans (New York: Collier Books, 1980).2The Annexation of Texas, Joint Resolution of Congress, March 1, 1845, U.S. Statutes at Large, Vol. 5, pp. 797–798. This document can be found online at www.pbs.org/weta/thewest/resources/archives/two/ texannex.htm.

Sam Houston, David Crockett, Jim Bowie, and others were of Scotch-Irish descent and culture. Scotch-Irish immigrants from the Scots-English border, by way of Northern Ireland, led the Anglo American movement west and had a major impact in modern mid-American culture.

•★ ★

What are the politics of Sam Houston?

4 Chapter 1 Texas History and Culture 5Politics and Government: 1886–1945

Texas politics during the Civil War primarily concerned the military. Besides supplying large numbers of troops to the conflict (primarily Confederate but also Union), Texas was responsible for the defense of the frontier and the Mexican

border. Thus, the state—not the central Confederate government—filled the military vac-uum created by the withdrawal of federal troops.

PosT–Civil wAR TExAs: 1865–1885Following the collapse of the Confederacy, relative anarchy existed in Texas until it was oc-cupied by federal troops on June 19, 1865. Only then were government functions and stability restored to the state.

Even before the end of the hostilities, a disagreement had arisen between radical and mod-erate Republicans in the U.S. Congress over Reconstruction policies for the defeated southern states. Some of these states, including Texas, provided ammunition to congressional radicals (called Radical Republicans) in this intraparty conflict by electing to office former Confeder-ate officials and by passing Black Codes. Radical Republicans in Congress reacted by enact-ing legislation that strictly limited both voter registration and eligibility to hold public office for former Confederate soldiers and officials. This restriction even included former mayors and school board members.

The Reconstruction of Texas under E. J. Davis From 1865 through 1869, Texas govern-ment was under the military rule of the U.S. Army. Following the adoption of the constitu-tion of 1869, E. J. Davis, a Texan and Radical Republican who had fought for the Union in the Civil War, was elected governor of Texas in an election in which the former slaves could vote—but the former leaders of the state could not. Texas was then readmitted to the Union and governed by civilian authority under Davis, who served for one four-year term from 1870 through 1873. Under the 1869 Texas Constitution, political power was centralized in the office of the governor, and the state police and the militia were placed under his direct control.

Charges of corruption were common during the Davis administration, and state indebted-ness drastically increased. Republican domination of Texas politics was “a world turned up-

side down” for most white Texas citizens.

The Fall of Governor Davis The percep-tion of the Davis administration as a gov-ernment imposed on a defeated people in itself made it unpopular and prompted a strong anti-Republican reaction. In 1873, former Confederates were allowed to vote, and in 1874, Democrat Richard Coke was overwhelmingly elected governor in a vi-cious and hotly contested campaign. The Texas Supreme Court, handpicked by Davis, invalidated the election based on a technicality.

Davis locked himself in the capitol, sur-rounded it with the state police, requested the support of federal troops from President

Ulysses S. Grant, and refused to leave office. In the predawn hours of January 13, 1874, however, Democratic legislators managed to gain access to the unoccupied legislative chambers, declared a quorum present, and officially validated the election of Coke as governor of Texas. Despite Grant’s refusal to send in troops and with tension mount-ing, Davis still refused to leave the capitol. Only when serious violence seemed immi-nent between the state police and the nu-merically superior Coke forces did Davis withdraw.

The End of Republicanism The new Texas officials immediately began to re-move the last vestiges of radical Repub -licanism. One of the first steps was to rewrite the state constitution. A consti-tutional convention of ninety members was elected (seventy-five Democrats and fifteen Republicans) that included many former officials of both the Union and Confederate governments. Forty members of the 1875 convention also belonged to the Grange, at that time a nonpartisan organization of farm-ers. Ratified in 1876, the new constitution cut expenditures, decen tralized state govern-ment, and strictly limited the flexibility of elected officials. Although often amended, it is still in use. Davis established a law practice in Austin and continued to head the Republican Party and control patronage from Washington until his death in 1883. He remained unpopular with most Texans, and his death created a racial division between black and white Republicans. The African American forces, under Norris Wright Cuney of Galveston, gained control of both the state party machinery and party patronage from Washington. The political consequence of Reconstruction and the policies of E. J. Davis was one-party dominance by an all-white Democratic Party with the numerically smaller, predominantly black Republican Party in opposition.

Politics and Government: 1886–1945After 1886, increasing demands for change forced the Democratic Party to make political adjustments. Many reform measures were enacted and enforced in Texas in the 1880s, espe-cially antitrust legislation. The election of James Stephen Hogg as attorney general in 1886 ensured the vigorous enforcement of the new laws against abuses by insurance companies, railroads, and other corporate interests.

govERnoR HoggHogg, who had strong support among small East Texas farmers, played an important reform-ist role in Texas politics and rapidly developed a reputation as a champion of the common people. Feeling that he needed more power to regulate the railroad interests that dominated many state governments, Hogg ran for governor. The 1890 Democratic state convention had

Juneteenth, or Emancipation Day, long celebrated by Texas African-Americans, only became an official state holiday in 1979.

Black CodesState laws passed after the Civil War that severely restricted the rights of freed slaves.

Reconstruction Governor E. J. Davis. ☛

Edm

und

J. D

avis

1989

. 16;

Cou

rtes

y St

ate

Pres

erva

tion

Boar

d;

Aus

tin; T

X; P

hoto

grap

her:

Bill

Ken

nedy

8/3

1/92

pre

con

serv

atio

n

Prin

ts a

nd P

hoto

grap

hs C

olle

ctio

n, N

orri

s Wri

ght C

uney

file

, The

Cen

ter f

or

Am

eric

an h

istor

y, Th

e U

nive

rsity

of T

exas

at A

ustin

; CN

010

74.

Norris Wright Cuney gained control of the Texas Republican party after 1883.

Antitrust legislationLegislation directed against economic monopolies.

☛

What are the politics of Governor E.J. Davis?

What are the politics of Norris Wright Cuney?

6 Chapter 1 Texas History and Culture 7Texas Culture and Regions

PoliTiCAl CulTuRE And PoliTiCAl PARTiCiPATionElazar considered Texas a mix of traditional and individualistic cultures. The traditional overrides the individualistic in East Texas, which was initially settled by immigrants from the Upper Old South and Mexican border areas, where the patron system dominated early Texas. The individualistic supersedes the traditional throughout the rest of the state. As a result, in Texas participation in politics is not as highly regarded as in those states with a moralistic culture. Voter turnout in Texas is in fact well below the national average. Texans see politics largely as the domain of economic interests, and most tend to ignore the significance of their role in the political process and how it might benefit them.15

TExAs CulTuRAl REgionsD. W. Meinig found that the cultural diversity of Texas was more apparent than its homo-geneity and that no unified culture has emerged from the various ethnic and cultural groups that settled Texas. He believed that the “typical Texan,” like the “average American,” does not exist but is an oversimplification of the more distinctive social, economic, and political characteristics of the state’s inhabitants.16

Both Meinig and Elazar see modern regional political culture as largely determined by mi-gration patterns, for people take their culture with them as they move geographically. Meinig believed that Texas had evolved into nine fairly distinct cultural regions. However, whereas political boundaries are distinct, cultural divisions are often blurred and transitional. For example, the East Texas region shares political culture with much of the Upper South, while West Texas shares a similar culture with eastern New Mexico, and so forth. (See Figure 1.1.)

The effects of mass media, the mobility of modern Texans statewide and beyond, and immigration from Mexico also blur the cultural boundaries within Texas, between its bor-dering states, and with Mexico. Although limited because they do not take into account these modern-day realities, both Meinig’s and Elazar’s explanations are useful guides to understanding contemporary Texas culture, attitudes, and beliefs.

East Texas East Texas is a social and cultural extension of the old South. It is basically rural and biracial. In spite of the changes brought about by civil rights legislation, black “towns” still exist alongside white “towns,” as do many segregated social and economic institutions, such as churches, fraternal lodges, and chambers of commerce.

East Texas counties and towns are often dominated by old families, whose wealth is usu-ally based on real estate, banking, construction, and retail merchandising. Cotton—once “king” of agriculture in the region—has been replaced by beef cattle, poultry, and timber. Owing to a general lack of economic opportunity, young East Texans migrate to metropoli-tan areas, primarily Dallas–Fort Worth and Houston. The region is dominated spiritually by fundamentalist Protestantism, which permeates its political, social, and cultural activities.

The Gulf Coast Before 1900, Texas was an economic colony; it sold raw materials to the industrialized North and bought northern manufactured products. In 1901, however, an oil well named Spindletop was drilled near Beaumont, and the Texas economy began to change. Since Spindletop, the Gulf Coast has experienced almost continuous growth, especially dur-

ing World War II, the Cold War defense buildup, and the various energy booms of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.

In addition to being an industrial and petrochemical center, the Gulf Coast is one of the most important shipping centers in the nation. Spindletop was backed by out-of-state inves-tors, largely from the northeastern states, and its success stimulated increased out-of-state investment. Local wealth was also generated and largely reinvested in Texas to promote long-range development. Nevertheless, much of the economy is still supported by the sale of raw materials.

A Boom Based in Houston Through boom and bust, the petrochemical industry, which is concentrated on the Gulf Coast, has experienced unprecedented growth, producing a boom-town psychology. Rapid growth has fed real estate development and speculation throughout the region. The Houston area especially has flourished, and Harris County (Houston) has grown to become the third most populous county in the United States.

There continues to be extensive migration to Texas from the Frost Belt (Great Lake and Mid-Atlantic states), which is still undergoing economic difficulty because of the metamorphosis of the U.S. economy from an industrial to a service base and the impact of the North American Free Trade Treaty (NAFTA). This migration includes large numbers of well-educated young executives and professionals, as well as skilled and unskilled laborers. The Gulf Coast economy also continues to attract heavy immigration from the Americas, Africa, and Asia.

The influx of job seekers from East Texas and other rural areas of the state after World War II tended to give Gulf Coast the flavor of rural Texas in an urban setting. This ru-ral flavor has diminished, however, with the arrival of many migrants and immigrants from outside the state. Houston’s culture is now as international as that of Los Angeles or

P

WN

SGC

SW

N

GHC

Crystal City

LaredoCorpus Christi

Brownsville

TheValley

Rio Grande City

Victoria

Houston

Fort Worth

Brenham

San Antonio

Austin

Brazoport

Texas City

Baytown PortArthur

OrangeBeaumont

Lufkin

Tyler

LongviewDallas

Wichita Falls

Midland

Odessa San Angelo

Big Spring

Lubbock

Amarillo

El Paso

100

miles

200

PWNECGCSSWGHC

PanhandleWestNorthEastCentralGulf CoastSouthSouthwestGerman Hill Country

Traditional-individualisticIndividualistic-traditional

C E

Del Rio

1

Figure 1.1Texas Political Culture: Maxwell’s original figure based on Elazar and Meinig concepts.

14Daniel J Elazar, American Federalism: A View from the States, 3rd ed. (New York: Harper & Row, 1984.)15Ibid. 16Information for this section is adapted from D. W. Meinig, Imperial Texas: An Interpretive Essay in Cultural Geography (Austin and London: University of Texas Press, 1969).

Spindletopwas a major oil discovery in 1901

near Beaumont that began the

industrialization of Texas.

What was the purpose of Maxwell's figure?

8 Chapter 1 Texas History and Culture

Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo León, and Tamaulipas. It can be argued that the Texas Border and the Mexico Border are two parts of an economic, social, and cultural region with a sub-stantial degree of communality that sets it off from the rest of the United States and Mexico. The region, which is expanding in size both to the north and to the south, has a binational, bicultural, and bilingual subculture in which internationality is commonplace and the peo-ple, economies, and societies on both sides constantly interact.18

German Hill Country The Hill Country was settled primarily by immigrants from Germany but also by immigrants who were Czech, Polish, and Norwegian. Although they mixed with Anglo Americans, Central European culture and architecture was dominant well into the twentieth century. Skilled artisans were common in the towns; farms were usually moderate in size, self-sufficient, and family owned and operated. Most settlers were Lutheran or Roman Catholic, and these remain the most common religious affiliations for modern residents.

The German Hill Country is still a distinct cultural region. Although its inhabitants have become “Americanized,” they still cling to many of their Central European cultural tradi-tions. Primarily a farming and ranching area, the Hill Country is socially and politically conservative and has long been a stronghold of the Texas Republican Party.

Migration into the region, primarily by Anglo Americans and Mexican Americans, is in-creasing. The most significant encroachment into the Hill Country is residential growth from rapidly expanding urban areas, especially San Antonio and Austin. Resorts, country homes, and retirement villages for well-to-do urbanites from the Gulf Coast and Dallas–Fort Worth area are also contributing to the cultural transformation of the German Hill Country.

West Texas The defeat of the Comanches in the 1870s opened West Texas to An-glo American settlement. Migrating primarily from the southern United States, these settlers passed their social and political attitudes and southern Protestant fundamentalism on to their descendants.

There are relatively few African Americans in modern West Texas, but Mexican Americans have begun to migrate into the region in significant numbers, primarily to the cities and the intensively farmed areas. West Texas is socially and politi-cally conservative, and its religion is Bible Belt fundamental-ism. West Texas voters traditionally supported conservative Democrats but today favor the Republican Party. Indeed, this is true of many conservative Texans throughout the state.

The southern portion of the area emphasizes sheep, goat, and cattle production. In fact, San Angelo advertises itself as the “Sheep and Wool Capital of the World.” Southern West

Texas, which is below the Cap Rock Escarpment, is the major oil-producing area of Texas. The cities of Snyder, Midland, and Odessa owe their existence almost entirely to oil and re-lated industries.

Northern West Texas is part of the Great Plains and High Plains and is primarily agricultural, with cotton, grain, and feedlot cattle production predominating. In this part of semiarid West Texas, the outstanding agricultural production is due to exten-sive irrigation from the Ogallala Aquifer. The large amount of water used for irrigation

Comfort, Texas, was settled by German “Freethinkers” seeking freedom from religion. They were both aboli-tionists and opponents of secession, and many were massacred by pro-Confederate raiders during the U.S. Civil War. A monument to these pioneers was erected in Comfort in 1998 but was removed in 2000 because of agitation by religious groups who saw the monument as honoring the antireligion sentiments of the settlers.

18John Sharp, Texas Comptroller of Public Accounts, “Bordering the Future: Challenge and Opportunity in the Texas Border Region,” July 1998, p. 3; Jorge Bustamante, “A Conceptual and Operative Vision of the Population Problems on the Border,” in Demographic Dynamics on the U.S.-Mexico Border, ed. John R. Weeks and Roberto Ham Chande (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1992), cited in Sharp, “Bordering the Future.”

9Texas Culture and Regions

The Chamizal DisputeLaura De La CruzEl Paso Community College

On September 25, 1964, U.S. President Lyndon B. John-son and Mexican President Adolfo Lopez Mateos met in El Paso, Texas to settle what had come to be known as “the Chamizal Dispute” – a hundred-year boundary dispute that threatened relations between the two neighbors. While the old saying “fences make good neighbors” is debatable, the fact is that clear boundaries make good neighbors.

In 1836, the area now known as Texas gained its independence from Mexico. Nine short years later (1845) Texas became the twenty-eighth state of the United States. The following year the Mexican-American War began (http://www.nps.gov/ archive/fosc/mexican.htm), a war that resulted in Mexico losing almost half its territory to the United States. The Chamizal Dispute began shortly thereafter.

The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (http://www.loc.gov/rr/hispanic/ghtreaty) was signed on February 2, 1848, establishing the boundary of the U.S. and Mexico as the middle of the deep-est channel of the Rio Grande, along a stretch more than 1,000 miles long. A section of the boundary went through El Paso, Texas, and Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua in Mexico, two heavily populated communities separated only by the Rio Grande. A survey of the river in 1852 helped clarify the exact location of the boundary. Unfortunately, rivers often change course, which the Rio Grande did in 1864 as a result of severe flooding. The shifts of the Rio Grande that year displaced many Mexicans, who sud-denly found themselves living in the United States!

In an attempt to clarify the boundary, particularly between El Paso and Ciudad Juarez, in 1884 a new treaty was ratified that

stated (1) the river would remain the boundary even if the river gradually changed course and (2) if the river suddenly changed course, the 1852 river bed would remain the international boundary.

By 1895, approximately 800 acres of land was in dispute— a parcel of land called “El Chamizal.” The basic question was whether the Rio Grande had changed course gradually or suddenly. Both Mexico and the United States saw the change differently, which caused the “Chamizal dispute.” All attempts at negotiation on the matter failed, and in 1910 the issue was sent to arbitration in front of the International Boundary and Water Commission (http://www.ibwc.state.gov/About_Us/About_Us.html). The finding of the Commission split the Chamizal, granting each side half the disputed area. The United States rejected the decision, citing legal concerns and thus, leaving the dispute to fester for another fifty years.

It was when U.S. president John F. Kennedy and Mexican president Adolfo Lopez Mateos committed to resolving the prob-lem in 1962 that efforts to end the dispute intensified. An agree-ment, signed in 1963, divided the Chamizal and gave Mexico an additional parcel of land east of the disputed area. Mexico received a net territorial gain of 437 acres, about the same it would have received in arbitration fifty years before.

One of the unique things about this agreement was the involvement of both the city of El Paso and the state of Texas in the negotiations. There were approximately 5,000 people living in the disputed area at this point and many established businesses. Based on concerns from El Paso leaders, the agree-ment included a 55-acre memorial park, a four-lane, high-speed “border highway” and relocation for those living in the disputed area. These concessions, along with the channelization of the Rio Grande, cost $44.3 million dollars.

The Chamizal Dispute, one of the longest-running bound-ary disputes in North America, was peacefully resolved through negotiation and careful consideration of interna tional, national, state, and local concerns. The Chamizal National Monument (http://www.nps.gov/cham/) stands as a tribute to the success of these negotiations.

is gradually depleting the Ogallala. This not only affects the present economy of the re-gion through higher costs to farmers but also serves as a warning signal for its economic future.

The Panhandle Railroads advancing from Kansas City through the Panhandle brought midwestern farmers into this region. Wheat production was developed largely by migrants from Kansas. Because the commercial and cultural focus of the region was, and still is, Kan-sas City rather than the developed areas of Texas, the Panhandle is basically midwestern in both character and institutions. The social and political conservatism of the area is more midwestern Republican than southern Democrat, and its Protestant churches are midwestern in philosophy and practice.

Economically, the Panhandle is similar to northern West Texas, with extensive irrigation of cotton and grains from the Ogallala Aquifer. Feedlots for livestock and livestock produc-tion are major economic enterprises. Effective conservation of the Ogallala Aquifer is critical to the economic future of both northern West Texas and the Panhandle.

BiculturalEncompassing two cultures..

BinationalBelonging to two nations.

InternationalityHaving family and/or business interests in two or more nations.

10 Chapter 1 Texas History and Culture 11Cultural Diversity

North Texas Located between East and West Texas, North Texas exhibits many char-acteristics of both regions. Early North Texas benefited from the failure of the French so-cialist colony of La Réunion, which included many highly trained professionals in med-icine, education, music, and science. (La Réunion was located on the south bank of the Trinity River, across from modern downtown Dallas.) The colonists and their descendants helped give North Texas a cultural and commercial distinctiveness. North Texas today is dominated by the Dallas–Fort Worth Metroplex. Dallas is a banking and commercial center of national importance, and Fort Worth is the financial and commercial center of West Texas.

When railroads came into Texas from the North in the 1880s, Dallas became a rail center, and people and capital from the North stimulated its growth. Fort Worth became a regional

POLITICS AND DIVERSITY IN TEXAS HispaniCs versus MexiCan aMeriCans In 2002, Democrat Tony Sanchez unsuccessfully chal-lenged Republican Rick Perry for the Texas governor’s seat. Sanchez sought to “make history” by becoming the first Hispanic governor of Texas. To that end, Sanchez, a wealthy businessman, put up almost $60 million of his own money.

Nevertheless, Sanchez received only 39 percent of the votes. This was lower than the 44 percent received in 1996 by Victor Morales, a Mexican American schoolteacher who ran for the U.S. Senate against incumbent Republican Phil Gramm. Unlike Sanchez, Morales campaigned on a shoe-string budget. Why, then, did Morales turn in a noticeably better performance than Sanchez?

THe probleM wiTH THe “HispaniC” labelOne possible answer is that Rick Perry may have been a more popular, less polarizing figure than Phil Gramm. Another answer, however, is that Morales was more effective than Sanchez in mobilizing Mexican Ameri-can voters. One problem with Sanchez’s approach was the very fact that he billed himself as the “Hispanic” candidate and as a direct descendant of the original Spanish settlers of Laredo, Texas. A majority of Latinos are not particularly fond of the Hispanic label and prefer to identify with their actual country of origin. Cuban Americans, for example, usually prefer to be called exactly that.

THe Meanings beHind THe labelsFernando Pinon, a professor at San Antonio College, argues that the two appellations—Hispanic and Mexican American—represent alternative frameworks by which Latinos in Texas view themselves in relation to the domi-nant Anglo population. The term Mexican American brings to mind resistance to the majority that “stole their land and ha[s] since then denied them their culture, sup-pressed their rights, and turned them into second-class citizens.” The word Hispanic, in contrast, brings to mind accommodation rather than confrontation. Hispan-ics have “made it” within the system. “Hispanic Texans

represent a Latinized version of Anglo Texan suburban-ites,” writes Pinon, “and, as such, do not connect with the mostly blue-collar Mestizo Mexican American of the barrio.”*

Given these considerations, it is easy to understand the greater success that Morales enjoyed in mobilizing the Latino vote. Morales presented himself as a cultural maverick fighting the establishment. He was able to tap into the historical grievances of the Mexican American population. Tony Sanchez, wealthy and successful, was unable to do the same.

laTinos, HispaniCs, Tejanos, and MexiCan aMeriCansPeople with Spanish surnames and descendants of people from Spain, Mexico, Central America, parts of the Caribbean and South America are popularly re-ferred to as “Latinos” or the feminine “Latinas.” The U.S. Census Bureau uses “Hispanics,” and both terms include the substantial numbers of Cuban Americans and Cen-tral Americans that have recently immigrated to Texas. On the other hand, the use of “Hispanics” sometimes overgeneralizes and ignores the specific contribution Americans of Mexican descent have made to the state’s history and culture. The term “Tejano” (or “Tejana”) is sometimes used to refer specifically to a Texan of Mexican descent. The term “Chicano” (or “Chicana”) was popular with Mexican American civil rights activists in the 1960s and 1970s but is less commonly used today.

FOR DEBATEIn the years to come, we can expect that the existing Mexican American population of Texas will become better educated, earn more, and be more completely integrated into the majority culture. What effect will these developments have on Mexican American political attitudes? Could continued high rates of immigration from Mexico have an effect on the political attitudes of Mexican Americans who are already here? If so, how?

Fernando Pinon, “The Political Culture of ‘Hispanics’ and ‘Mexican Americans’ in Texas,” Texas Politics Today, 11th ed. (Belmont, Calif.: Thomson Wadsworth, 2004), p. 27.

Table 1.1 Scenario 0.5 PoPulation* 1990 and 2000, and Projected PoPulation 2005–2040 (in thouSandS and PercentS** by race/ethnicity for State of texaS, 2004)

Anglo African Hispanic Year Total American % American % American % Other %

1990* 16,987 10,308 60.7 1,981 11.7 4,340 25.5 357 2.1

2000* 20,852 11,075 53.1 2,422 11.6 6,670 32.0 686(231)*** 3.3

2005 22,556 11,328 50.2 2,589 11.5 7,820 34.7 819 3.6

2010 24,331 11,534 47.4 2,755 11.3 9,080 37.3 961 4.0

2015 26,157 11,695 44.7 2,913 11.1 10,437 39.9 1,113 4.3

2020 28,006 11,796 42.1 3,052 10.9 11,883 42.4 1,274 4.5

2025 29,897 11,831 39.6 3,171 10.6 13,448 45.0 1,447 4.8

2030 31,831 11,789 37.0 3,269 10.3 15,140 47.6 1,633 5.1

2035 33,790 11,682 34.6 3,345 9.9 16,934 50.1 1,828 5.4

2040 35,761 11,525 32.2 3,403 9.5 18,804 52.6 2,029 5.7

* Census population.** Percent and population have been rounded.*** The 2000 census was the first with a “two or more races” category. This table includes these approximately 231,000 respondents in the “Other” classification with

Asians, Native Americans, Pacific Islanders and Middle Easterners.

Source: Adapted from “Projections of Texas and Counties in Texas by Age, Sex, and Race/Ethnicity for 1990–2040,” and U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Redis-tricting Data Summary File, http://txsdc.tamu.edu. Texas State Data Center and Office of the State Demographer; Institute for Demographic and Socioeconomic Research, College of Business, University of Texas at San Antonio, 6900 North Loop 1604 West, San Antonio, Texas 78249-0704. Copyright © 1998–2004. For more information contact txsdc@utsa.edu, phone (979) 845-5115, or fax (979) 862-3061.

Table 1.2 Scenario 1.0 PoPulation* 1990 and 2000, and Projected PoPulation 2005–2040 (in thouSandS and PercentS** by race/ethnicity for State of texaS, 2004)

Anglo African Hispanic Year Total American % American % American % Other %

1990* 16,987 10,308 60.7 1,981 11.7 4,340 25.5 357 2.1

2000* 20,852 11,075 53.1 2,422 11.6 6,670 32.0 686(231)*** 3.3

2005 23,277 11,428 49.1 2,650 11.4 8,294 35.6 905 3.9

2010 26,059 11,740 45.1 2,888 11.1 10,252 39.3 1,177 4.5

2015 29,214 12,011 41.1 3,130 10.7 12,560 43.0 1,512 5.2

2020 32,737 12,228 37.4 3,362 10.3 15,226 46.5 1,921 5.9

2025 36,682 12,375 33.7 3,580 9.8 18,308 49.9 2,419 6.6

2030 41,118 12,442 30.3 3,784 9.2 21,871 53.2 3,020 7.4

2035 46,106 12,437 27.0 3,971 8.6 25,960 56.3 3,737 8.1

2040 51,707 12,376 23.9 4,141 8.0 30,605 59.2 4,586 8.9

* Census population.** Percent and population have been rounded.*** The 2000 census was the first with a “two or more races” category. This table includes these approximately 231,000 respondents in the “Other” classification with

Asians, Native Americans, Pacific Islanders and Middle Easterners.

Source: Adapted from “Projections of Texas and Counties in Texas by Age, Sex, and Race/Ethnicity for 1990–2040,” and U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Redis-tricting Data Summary File, http://txsdc.tamu.edu. Texas State Data Center and Office of the State Demographer; Institute for Demographic and Socioeconomic Research, College of Business, University of Texas at San Antonio, 6900 North Loop 1604 West, San Antonio, Texas 78249-0704. Copyright © 1998–2004. For more information contact txsdc@utsa.edu, phone (979) 845-5115, or fax (979) 862-3061.

12 Chapter 1 Texas History and Culture 13Chapter Summary

CHAPTER SummARY• Originally part of Mexico, Texas was largely settled by mi-

grants from the American South. Texas declared its indepen-dence from Mexico in 1836 and joined the United States in 1845. Early politics revolved around the slavery issue and the possibility of secession from the Union, which was strongly opposed by Sam Houston, one of the founders of the Texas Republic and the hero of the battle of San Jacinto (1836). After the election of Abraham Lincoln as U.S. president, Texas left the Union and joined the Confederacy. The col-lapse of the Confederacy meant anarchy until Union troops occupied Texas in June 1865.

• After a period of military occupation, radical Republican E. J. Davis (1870–1873) became governor in an election in which African Americans could vote but many former Confederates could not. The Davis administration was enor-mously unpopular with the white majority in Texas, and after the former Confederates regained the franchise, Davis was swept from office. The Democratic Party was to control Texas politics for more than a hundred years.

• While conservatives normally dominated the Democratic Party, Texas experienced a degree of progressive reform with the election of several progressive governors between 1890 and 1939, including James Hogg (1891–1895) and both “Farmer Jim” and “Ma” Ferguson (1915–1917, 1925–1927, and 1933–1935). Another colorful governor was radio an-nouncer W. “Pappy” Lee O’Daniel, a popular figure who nonetheless had little legislative success.

• A key figure in the era following World War II (1939–1945) was governor Allan Shivers (1949–1957). A conservative Democrat, Shivers advocated voting for Republican presi-dents and conservative Democrats for all other offices. In 1960, Lyndon B. Johnson, U.S. senator from Texas and the Senate majority leader, became vice president under John F. Kennedy. In a special election in 1961, Republican John Tower filled Johnson’s seat. Tower was the first Republican since Reconstruction to be elected to an important position in Texas, but he would not be the last. In 1963, following

Kennedy’s assassination, Johnson became president of the United States.

• Civil Rights have always been an issue, and the primary pur-pose for both African Americans and Mexican Americans being in Texas was seen by the dominant Anglo Americans as sources of cheap labor. Modern Texans can take no pride in the historical treatment of both these groups, who, undereducated and exploited for their labor, lived under a state-enforced caste system. The enduring consequences of discrimination are still with us, as illustrated by lower levels of health care, education, and income.

• The election of Republican William Clements as governor in 1979 was a sign of the growing importance of the Republi-can Party. By 1994, Texas was clearly a two-party state. By 2002, the Republicans were in complete control of all levels of state government, including both chambers of the legislature. Texas seemed headed toward a one-party system again, but under a different party. In 2003, the Republicans consolidated their power by redistricting the U.S. House seats. As a result, in 2004 they gained control of the Texas delegation to the U.S. House.

• Texas can be divided into a series of cultural regions with differing characteristics and traditions: (1) East Texas, (2) the Gulf Coast, (3) South Texas, (4) Southwest Texas, (5) the German Hill Country, (6) West Texas, (7) the Panhandle, (8) North Texas, and (9) Central Texas. These regions display varying combinations of moral, tradi-tionalistic, and individualistic culture.

• Projections of population growth and immigration predict a gradual shift in Texas’s population away from an Anglo American majority toward a Hispanic American majority. Increased political clout can come with increased popula-tion, and Hispanic Americans could begin to challenge the political and economic dominance of Anglo Americans. Regardless of the political outcome of population shifts, Texas is becoming more culturally diverse and now has an opportunity to build on its already rich cultural pluralism.

How doEs TExAs ComPARE?How Texas ranks aMong THe 50 sTaTes (ConTinued)

State Taxes and Spending Texas’s Rank Did You Know . . .

Environment

Air pollution emissions 1st That Texas has the tenth largest economy in the world?

Pollution released by manufacturing plants 1st

Greenhouse gases released 1st

Toxic chemicals released into water 1st

Toxic chemicals released into air 4th

Known carcinogens released into air 1st

Known carcinogens released into water 7th

Clean-water-permit violations 1st

Amount of hazardous waste generated 1st

Energy consumption per capita 5th

Open-space protection 50th

Cost of Living

Homeowners’ insurance affordability 50th

Auto insurance affordability 39th

Residential electric bill affordability 50th

Home ownership 44th

Public Safety

Number of executions 1st That Texas spends $7,142 per public school student and $20,232 per prison inmate?

Number of gun shows 1st

Number of registered machine guns 1st

Total crime rate 6th

Violent crime rate 12th

Rate of murder and rape 14th

Firearm deaths per 100,000 population 22nd

Workers

Average hourly earnings 42nd That 17.6 percent of Texans live in poverty?

Income inequality between rich and poor 2nd

Workforce education 43rd

Percentage of workforce represented by a union 48th That only seven percent of Texas workers are covered by a union?

Number of job discrimination lawsuits 1st

How doEs TExAs ComPARE?How Texas ranks aMong THe 50 sTaTes (ConTinued)

For debaTeWhich of these rankings reflect Texas conservative, low-tax, low-spending, tough-on-crime political culture? Give examples of con-servative social views in Texas public policy. Which of these rankings best reflect Texans’ pro-business approach to public policy? What is the proper role of government in solving social and economic

problems? Should Texas strive to develop policies more like those in other states, or should Texas continue to implement policies based on self-reliance and limited government?

Source: Texas on the Brink, 2007: How Texas Ranks Among the 50 States. This publication can be accessed at the website of Senator Eliott Shapleigh (from El Paso), http://www.shapleigh.org/reporting_to_you.

••••

14 Chapter 2 Texas History and Culture 15Logging On

Recent study of French explorer Robert La Salle’s ship La Belle, sunk in 1686, has revealed new insights into the early European exploration of Texas. The Texas Historical Commis-sion has information about this state project at www.thc.state.tx.us/belle/

Look at the State of Texas home page for information on Texas history, early native populations, historical events and dates, historic sites, and population information, projections, and demographics: www.state.tx.us. A useful site for all purposes is the Texas State Library and Archives Commission (TSLAC) at www.tsl.state.tx.us.

The new Handbook of Texas is a great source for information on Texas history, culture, and geography. A joint project of the Texas State Historical Association and the University of Texas at Austin, it is an encyclopedia of all things Texan. It can be found online at www.tsha.utexas.edu/handbook/online.

Factual information and statistics can be found in the Texas Fact Book 2006, written by the Bob Bullock Texas State History Museum for the Legislative Budget Board: www.lbb .state.tx.us/Fact_Book/Texas_Fact_Book_2006_0106.pdf.

5. Describe the politics of W. Lee O’Daniel.

6. What was Texas politics like in the 1950s, and how did the Shivercrats lay the groundwork for the current success of Republican candidates?

7. What are the predictions concerning Texas’s population growth and its future ethnic makeup?

students all across Texas. To facilitate this new educational tech-nology, Wadsworth/Thomson Learning has developed a series of political science websites available at www.wadsworth.com/politicalscience_d/

1. Describe the general cultural characteristics of Texas’s re-gions. Does the description fit your home area?

2. Describe the Texas political system before the Civil War.

3. Describe the Progressive period in Texas politics. What roles did James Stephen Hogg and James E. and Miriam A. Fergu-son play?

4. What role did the Ku Klux Klan play in Texas politics in the 1920s?

Welcome to cyberpolitics in Texas. The rapid development of the World Wide Web on the Internet has created unprecedented opportunities for research, communication, and participation in Texas politics. Today, students can easily communicate with the authors of their textbooks, government leaders, and fellow

annexation antitrust legislation bicultural binational Black Codes Creole down-ticket internationality

item veto Ku Klux Klan (KKK) La Réunion maquiladora Mestizo Metroplex North American Free Trade

Agreement (NAFTA)

Ogallala Aquifer progressive movement Prohibition ranchero culture secession Shivercrat Spindletop tax abatement

tenant farmer tidelands The Valley (of the Rio Grande) Winter Garden

• Beginning in the 1820s Texas’s settlers came from the “An-glo” political culture of the old South, and Texas political history can best be compared to that of other former Con-federate states. Like other southern states, Texas political culture has been traditionalistic and individualistic.

• Like other southern states, Texas politics was dominated by mostly conservative Democrats between Reconstruction and the 1960s. As with other one-party states in the South during this period, politics revolved around personality as much as issues, and racial politics was a major undercurrent in campaigns and public policy.

• With the other southern states, Texas politics became more competitive in the later part of the twentieth century, and these states have now come to be Republican party strong-holds in the twenty-first century.

• Meanwhile, Texas public policies have remained conserva-tive. Per capita, only one state has lower taxes, and no state spends less on public services than Texas. The state has more business-friendly economic policies and culturally tradi-tional social policies than most states.

• Texas economy has become more industrialized than most states, and with less vigorous environmental limits than states like California, Texas ranks first among the states in emission of greenhouse gases released into the air and toxins released into the water.

• With three of America’s ten largest cities, Texas has become the second most populous state, and one of the most metro-politan. Texas ranks among the top ten states in population growth and today it has twice the percentage of Latinos in its population as the nation as a whole.

HOW TEXAS COmPARES

KEY TERmS

REVIEW QuESTIONS

LOGGING ON

••••