Basil Chulev

• ∘ ⊕ ∘ •

Ancient Macedonia

THE RISE OF MACEDON

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2014

The intention of this essay is to provide simple and easy to understand overview of periods from

ancient Macedonian history and culture. It avoids substantial and detailed explanations that

consider wider historical background of the events and persons described below, and is written

primarily for those approaching the topic for the first time. It also avoids complex explanatory

comments or insightful footnotes on the citations from the sources. The given explanatory notes

are prevalently etymological.

The introduction comprises the early periods of Macedonian history and presents a brief overall

retrospective of prehistoric Macedonia. The time-frame elaborated as a main theme of this essay

ranges from the beginning of the 4th century BCE and establishing of the rule of Filip II of

Macedon in 360 BCE, until his death in 336 BCE. The interpretations given here are meant to

enhance our understanding and appreciation of a kingdom that became a superpower of the

ancient world. They are focused strictly on the Macedonian aspect of the story disregarding the

wider socio-political perspective.

All the dates and references to centuries are „BCE“ except where indicated otherwise.

Throughout this essay, Macedonia/Macedonians generally refer to the area of the Macedonian

peninsula mainland north of Mount Olymp, southeast of the Mount Shar (lat. Scardus) and west of

the Rhodope Mountains. Macedonian peninsula refers to what is called „Balkans“ as of the 19th

century, occupying the part of southeastern Europe that lies south of the Danube and Sava rivers

and forms a peninsula bounded by the Adriatic and Ionian seas in the west, the Aegean and Black

seas in the east, and the Mediterranean Sea in the south.

Latinized/Anglicized names are given in parenthesis, some names and technical terms are

transliterated and these will be obvious when they appear. All terms and titles (e.g. Iliad/Ilion,

Odyssey/Odi-sé, etc.) have been transliterated directly from their original ancient forms with as

few changes as possible: thus river Strumon rather then Strymon (ancient "Y" was readen "U", not

"i").

The terminology and concepts that are modern inventions (like 'Hellenistic' or 'Greek') are

altogether avoided. Such empirically wrong terms used by modern historiography were unknown

to the ancient world and their continued use perpetuates misleading assumptions.

The modern-historiography 'privileged moments' are largely avoided too. For historians today

one such a privileged moment (of places and monuments as 'clasical') is 'Clasical Athens', the

Athens of the 5th

and 4th

centuries BCE. But when and why it is so regarded? Was 'Clasical Athens

regarded as 'Clasical' already in antiquity? By whom?

The definitions, current meanings and related concepts of the words in English are taken from

the Oxford American Dictionary and Thesaurus (Mac OsX version 1.0.2 PowerPC) and/or

Meriam-Webster online dictionary. For the words in Macedonian are used the online

ENCYCLOPÆDIA MACEDONICA / MAKEDONSKA ENCIKLOPEDIJA Vol. 1 & 2,

makedonski.info and Idividi online Macedonian dictionaries.

The sources that were used are listed in the References at the end of this essay.

Like the Carthaginians and the Spartans, the Macedonians are among the silent

people of the ancient Mediterranean basin. Almost everything that we know about

them derives from the written accounts of others, and – as in the case of the

Carthaginians and the Spartans – those written accounts were either not well-

informed or they were hostile, and occasional - E.N. Borza

Contents:

Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 7

Ancient Macedonia in the IV century BCE ..................................................................................... 18

The rise of Macedon ........................................................................................................................ 21

Seize of Halkidiki, peace with Athens and the end of the Holy War ……………………………... 33

Macedonia from the Aegean to Danube and from Ionian to Black Sea .......................................... 37

The fall of the city-states: Battle at Ironea ....................................................................................... 40

References ........................................................................................................................................ 48

Introduction

In book 4, Erodot (lat. Herodotus) distinguishes between three different warring parties in the

Peloponnesian War (431-404 BCE): the Peloponnesian City-states (Athens, Thebes, Sparta, etc.),

the Gaul/Illyrian barbarians, and the Macedonians, whom he judges at least in one passage to be

neither part of the city-states world nor barbarians. The new scholarly emphasis on Macedonia

developed in part out of the many linguistic and genealogical researches, and in part from

archaeological findings being revealed almost on a daily basis. Much of our new appreciation of

Macedonian culture and society came from the numerous recently excavated tombs of prominent

Macedonians of the Aegead (Ægead; lat. Argead) dynasty, and the following Antigonid, Ptolem

and Seleukid dynasties of the 3-1 centuries BCE, but also from the modern DNA-Genealogical and

Linguistic researches that had also made a remarkable progress and helped notably our

understanding of the ancient European populations and their origin.

In the Rosetta Stone middle text from the early 2nd century BCE we find a syllable ligature from

that time with the oldest known written name of Macedonians and how they used to describe

themselves in plain Macedonian: "DeTsa-Mo-Dea" [pronounced: Detsa-Mô-Deah] - Children of

the (goddess) Mō, or with yet another simpler name: "Mo-Gya" - the People of Mo [eng. Mo-ther,

mom; mkd. (Lu)gya - folks]. They are still known under this same name until today. This name

remained preserved in Hindi, one of the oldest live languages on the planet earth, where

Makedoniya literally translates: “the world of mother”.1

Macedonians have emerged from the substratum of prehistoric tribes belonging to the huge family

of Pelasgians, Aeols/Boreans2 and Hyperboreans (Anti, Brygii, Danuni, Kiti, Hittiti, Lapiti,

Macedoni, Minyi, Misiani, Mosiniki, Pelasgi, Pelagoni, Paioni, Tiroi, Tyrseni, etc.) that lived and

contributed the creation of archetypical cultures of the second millennium BCE in the central

regions of Macedonian Peninsula and Asia Minor.3 During their migrations these ancestral Aryan-

Macedonic tribes brought with them their culture and contributed to the creation of the civilization

centers in antiquity,4 especially in the region of lower Danube and further toward Ukraine/Russia

(as 'Aryans') and in Central Europe (as 'Veneti' and/or 'Gaul').5 As a result of the progressive

1 https://translate.google.com/#en/hi/world%20of%20mother 2 In Macedonian mythology, Boreas*, was the god of the North Wind of river Vardar, who had a

serpent-shaped tail. The house of Boreas was located north of the river Struma and its protector was

Ophion (mkd. Afion, now name for a poppy). In Macedonia the north wind is the strongest of all winds

and blows across the Hema (lat. Haemus) mountain and along the Strymon and Vardar valleys, causing

storms in the Aegean Sea.

* in plain Macedonian: Bura [pronounced „boura‟] – storm. 3 M.Gimbutas "Old Europe"

4 Lepenski Vir, Vinča, Tripole, Polabia, Pomerania, Sorabia, Sarmatia, etc.

5 Other nations also claimed their Macedonic roots. The Saxons and Frisians traced their origin to

Macedonia and Alexander the Great, survivors of Alexander the Great's army who fled the conquered

lands after the death of their leader. In the 1699 book “The History of the Works of the Learned”,

according to the authors of this book, before they settled among the other peoples in what is now

“Germany”, they used to call themselves Macedonians. The author says that they came from Macedonia

to northern Europe as remains of the Macedonian army of Alexander the Great. Furthermore, he

connects the name „Frisians‟ to „Phrygians‟, also known as Brygians/Bryges - an ancient Macedonic

tribe, ethnically close to the Macedonians. Martin Luther (1483-1546) himself was descendant from the

Macedonic stock of the tribe of Lutići. His ancestral name was Luyt (meaning strong, harsh, tough in

plain Macedonian). Predecessors were forced to Germanize the name to Lutyr, then Luthyr, and finally

to Luther. Born in Lower Saxony in a place which is today called Einsleben, earlier known by its

expansion of the early Macedonians during the archaic period all the other regional tribes fused

together into a larger unit of Macedonians. At the beginning the Orestians (modern Mkd. Gorani;

Eng. 'highlanders', mountainers)6 from Argo (today Kostur region, Aegean Macedonia), in western

Lower Macedonia, together with other neighboring Macedonic tribes living in Eordaia, Elimeia

(Kožani and Grevena), northern Timfaia (Hasia), Lynkestia, Desaretia (Lerin-Prespa-Ohrid

region), Elimiotia, Pelagonia and Paionia (in Upper Macedonia) began to form the Macedonian

state, the first entity of that kind and extent on the European soil.

Passages in the works of leading ancient geographers show their difficulties in describing this

historical process in determining Macedonia as a geographic entity and in defining Macedonia‟s

borders to its neighbors, let alone in defining Macedonian ethnic identity on the basis of a cultural

geography of Macedonian tribes. But it has been convincingly demonstrated by modern scholars

that the independent kingdom of Macedonia – as well as the Roman provincia Macedonia in

republican times (cf. J. Vanderspoel, chapter 13) – essentially remained a clearly distinguished

political (or military) concept, while from a geographical point of view it was almost permanently

a changing entity with unclear borders, but roughly north of Mt. Olymp, spaning to the Shar (Lat.

Scardus) Mountain massive on the northwest, and on east until the Mt. Rodope range.

When we are concerned with the ethnographical conclusions, they are based on linguistic and

archaeological evidence, and here too, as in the case of the discussion on the chronology, we must

adopt a working assumption. This assumption is that Aryan-speaking tribes entered Thessaly and

Peloponnesus from the north or northeast about 2000 BCE, and that the differentiation of the

dialects occurred either outside their northern frontiers, just before the entry, or within the

frontiers immediately after it. Now the frontier is taken to be Mt.Olymp, so that the country

outside (north) is Macedonia and the country inside (south) is Thessaly and Peloponnesus. We

have to enquire therefore whether archaeology and linguists can find traces of a possible Aryan-

speaking tribe or tribes, settled in Macedonia just before that date and in Thessaly just after. As we

have seen, the only civilization which was in fact just north of Mt. Olymp before that date and just

south of it after is the Anatolian-Macedonian civilization of the Neolithic (10,000 BCE) and Early

Bronze Age, which (establishing itself in Chalcidice аround about 2600 BCE) spread gradually in

every direction and, filtering into Thessaly, reached there its limit of expansion about 2000 BCE.

Can this civilization, which to judge from its pottery was primarily Macedonic/Anatolian in

character, have been Aryan?

The answer is yes. The mere fact that it started from Macedonia does not disprove its Aryan

character, and moreover, as Childe has shown, there is very good reason to conclude that there

was a strong Aryan element in Troy II, with the culture of which the Macedonian Early Bronze

Age culture, especially in its later phase, is closely connected. Diacritics of Aryans7 are held to be

high-handled cups, the possession of the horse (in a herding fashion like the Reindeers today), and

finally, after their arrival in Thessaly and Peloponnesus, Minyan pottery. But certainly in its later

phase the Macedonic/Anatolian civilization possesses all these diacritics, except the last and that it

would have possessed of itself, had not the further internal development of Proto-Minyan been in

one case interrupted by other influences, and in the other overlaid by the influx of the new-

developed southern ware. The 'Proto-Minyan' elements (which Childe was also the first to

Macedonic name, Šibenica, which is retained even today in the name of the 'old town' district called

Siebenhitze. By a different genealogical route, the Šwabians also claimed a Macedonian origin. 6 See also Orography - the branch of physical geography dealing with mountains. Macedonian: Orman -

„woods up in the mountain‟. 7 Compare to “Barbarians” i.e. “Barb-Aryans”- „Blubbering Aryans‟ in plain Koine*.

* “Koine”- ancient Macedonic „Esperanto‟, a common language shared by various peoples of the

antiquity; as a lingua franca it was introduced at the close of the classical period, and spread in the

wider Mediterranean area by Filip II and Alexander III of Macedon.

recognize) in the pottery of the 4th Thessalian Period can also now be accounted for as of

Macedonian origin. On the whole the strongest argument for identifying the Macedonian

infiltration into Thessaly with the entry of Aryan-speaking people into Thessaly and Peloponnesus

is that there are no traces of any other civilization which in time and place fulfill the requirements

of the problem, unless we suppose the Aryans passed through Macedonia in a single momentary

wave, leaving no traces.

This initial Aryan element in the Macedonian race would be subsequently reinforced on three

occasions, first by the returning' Minyans' in Chalcidice; next by the foundation of Mycenaean

settlements, and finally by the Lausitz people, who were perhaps Veneti or Gaul and would

reintroduce a fresh Aryan strain into the already Aryanized or Aryan stock.8 This is logical

conclusion based on the archaeological artifacts which proved the communication and economic

migrations along the ancient trading routs, as the Amber Road, and as far as today Anglia (eng.

England).

But, the Macedonic-Aryan homeland remained distinctive unit throughout the Bronze and Iron

Age as well. Archaeologist Antonis Kotsonas in his paper "Why was there no Dark Age in

Macedonia?" explains this fact very clear: "For most of the 20th century, the transition from the

Bronze to the Iron Age over much of Greece and the Aegean was widely referred to as the „Dark

Age‟. Interpretations of the period in Macedonia, as elsewhere, were often colored by stories of

migrations and invasions. Nonetheless, the terminological consensus over the labeling of this

uneasy period as a „Dark Age‟ did not extend to Macedonia; the term Early Iron Age was

systematically – and emphatically – preferred instead. The reasons for this idiosyncratic choice

are not explicitly referred to in relevant literature, but will be shown to depend on: the conceptual

load of the two terms; disciplinary constructs concerning the prehistory of Macedonia; and the

different historical trajectories of Macedonia and the southern Greek mainland in the Late Bronze

Age." 9

The autochthonous Aryan nature of these people was undoubtedly confirmed by the recent genetic

researches. Geneticists, studying the human DNA note that a Y-Chromosome genetic marker

which they named, according to Y Chromosome Consortium, Haplogroup R1a1 (HG3 according

to Rosser 2000 nomenclature), is the most common among the Macedonic-(Barb)Aryan

populations in Europe and Indo-Aryans in India, at 47% and 30% respectively. If we do the math,

using the published statistics, we see that in Europe 61 million Macedonic-speaking males have

this genetic marker, but on the Indian sub-continent, the number is almost four times higher, at

240 million males.

Some may argue that this genetic and linguistic affinity is due to the more recent arrival of the

Vedic Aryans from India into Central Europe, Eastern Europe and to the Macedonian peninsula.

However, such a recent migration from the Southeast Asia would have also picked up and brought

a Finno-Ugric genetic marker Haplogroup N3 (HG16 of Rosser‟s nomenclature) to the

Macedonian peninsula, since it is widely distributed in Russia and Ukraine, between the Black Sea

and the Baltic Sea (Rosser et al. 2000). But that‟s not the case. Haplogroup N3 genetic marker has

not been found either south of the Carpathian Mountains, central Europe nor in the Macedonian

peninsula. More than 20,000 years old Paleolithic Haplogroup I genetic marker was found instead.

The highest frequencies of this even older gene have been found in the Macedonian peninsula, and

is a likely signature of a prehistoric population flourishing after the Last Glacial Maximum

(Marjanović et al. 2005, Peričić et al. 2005). This indicates that the Macedonic populations

carrying the Haplogroup R1a1 have been present in the Macedonian peninsula from at least

8 Walter A. Heurtley: “Prehistoric Macedonia - An Archaeological reconnaissance of Greek Macedonia

(West of the Struma) in the Neolithic, Bronze, and Early Iron Ages” 9 "Why was there no Dark Age in Macedonia?" Antonis Kotsonas, Solun Archaeological Museum.

10,000 years ago, long before the Finno-Ugric or any other known population spread into

Northeastern Europe, Russia and Ukraine.

On the grounds of an overall chronological analysis, in Macedonia have been identified three

stages of the Neolithic era, classified as Early, Middle and Late Neolithic Ages. They are in

relation with the cultural horizons in the Macedonian Peninsula at large, above all with the first

Balkan-Anatolian agricultural communities: Anzabegovo-Vršnik, Porodin, and Zelenikovo, rather

than with the later Starčevo, i.e. Vinča-Tordoš compounds and the compounds at Karanovo, Proto-

Sesklo, Sesklo and Dimini. Each of the second-mentioned cultural compounds has been classified

as later sub-groups, according to their specific development of stylistic features and chronological

definitions.

Nonetheless, worth to mention is, that, along with their ethno-genetic evolution and development

one factor remained always the same for Macedonians – their own ancestral ethnonym and the

ethnonym of their ancestral homeland Macedonia, a name that has endured the ravages of time and

remained unchanged to this day. It is recorded in the Old Testament10

and in all the ancient

sources, spanning across the last 3 millennia, something that cannot be said for any other of

today‟s modern nations or countries.

10

The oldest books of the Old Testament were written in the 5-3 centuries BCE, and they mention the

kingdom of Macedon and its navy, thus testifying the developed Macedonian civilization as from the

1st Millennium BCE.

Macedonia itself was seen in antiquity as divided roughly between the northern highlands, referred

to as Upper Macedonia11

, and coastal plain of the northern Aegean, commonly referred to as

Lower Macedonia12

. It was a land of many natural resources, including rich farmland, abundant

pastoral wealth, large deposits of basic and precious metals, and especially abundant supplies of

timber and its by-products which were in short supply in the southern Aegean.

Its often rugged terrain, continental climate, and its location, „the node of connections between

both north/south and east/west‟, made Macedonia a land that produced a „tough people‟. Already

in the so-called „Classical‟ period the country had an infrastructure of roads and fortresses,

administrative and religious centers in Bela (lat. Pella)13

, Egej (lat. Aegae), and Dion (or Dium),

and a brisk trade in timber and pitch. According to K. Dahmen coinage first appeared in archaic

period Macedonia (800-480 BCE), representing different tribes, myths and cities, and showing

wide-ranging influence on the Peloponnesian, Persian, and Thracian city-states. As from

Macedonia‟s earliest history these resources made the land a target for its neighbors. Macedonia

was surrounded by numbers of often hostile populations, whose frequent incursions were certainly

part of the chemistry that made the Macedonians a „tough people‟.

11

Roughly today Republic of Macedonia. 12

Aegean Macedonia 13

Voicing Assimilation. The /b/ and /p/ are identical in pronunciation (both are bilabial stops), differing

only in their Voice-parameter; /b/ is Voiced, while /p/ is Voiceless (describe/description). In Russian,

for example, it's Regressive Assimilation - the Voice parameter of the final consonant in a cluster

becomes the parameter of the whole cluster. So the Russian preposition в (v), meaning 'in', is

pronounced /f/ when its object starts with a voiceless consonant (example: v‟hotele).

To the east of Macedonia were the Thracians, whose resources and lifestyle paralleled those of the

Macedonians in many ways. The Thracians appear in Homer's Iliad as allies of Ilion. Thracians

were not different from the other Macedonic tribes, and their historiography is just another post

factum genealogical construct, meant to account for historic divisions among the populations of

later period. Mythology gives us the answer of their origin through their mythical ancestor named

Thrax, son of the war-god Ares, which was of clear Macedonic origin. This was clearly

emphasized in the Alexander III of Macedon‟ proclamation inscribed on stone plate after

subjugating Athens: "If thy strength had only been equal to thy purposes, Demosthenes, never

would the Athens have been ruled by a Macedonian Ares.”

Until the time of Filip II the only wars fought by Macedonians had been to beat off inroads of the

forest folks from along the lower Danube (Scordisci, Triballi, Getae), or raids of the equally wild

Gaul-Illyrians and Scythian horsemen. Northwestern frequent hostility between the collective

group of tribesmen, called in Latin „Gaul-Illyrians‟ by the Romans (these tribes never called

themselves “Gauls” nor “Illyrians” whatsoever), and the Macedonians was not the result of any

long-standing animosity but rather the consequence of periodical proximity. First Gaul-Illyrian

pillaging incursions in Macedonia were noted already in the 9th century BCE. In the 4th century

with the growth of Macedonian power, the Gaul-Illyrians were repeatedly and heavily defeated

several times, and from the vicinity of Macedonia they retreated further northward. Moving back

from Matia and beyond the lake Skadar (Skutari, Scodra) they dwelled into Dalmatia and nearby

regions along the Adriatic coast, thus named as Illiricum by Romans, and spread further northwest

until the Alps, in the region known as Gallia Cisalpina.

On the relations of Macedonians with their southwestern neighbors, the Epirote tribes, little is

known until the 4th century BCE, when it became the policy of the Macedonian kings to ally with

these closest neighbors, especially with the Molossians, in part to forge a common defense policy

from external raids. Olympia, originally named Poliksena (Lat. Polyxena), the mother of

Alexander III of Macedon, was a Molossian princess, daughter of the king Neoptolem (Lat.

Neoptolemus), showing very close relations between Molossians and Macedonians.

In the south Thessalian elite society also maintained close connections both to the Macedonian

kings and to individual Macedonian aristocrats, endowing these relations rooted in the immemorial

times of their ancestral Aryan/Hyperborean/Pelasgian origin. This region, called Magnesia in

archaic times, to the ancient historians was known as part of Macedonia long before the rule of

Filip II and Alexander the Great. The tribe of Magnets (of non-Danaan origin!) was mentioned by

Homer as well.14

The Danaan settlers (later named by the Romans Graecus, i.e. Greex), when they

14 Nelson in “Homer and Mycenae” (London,1933, 58), and Thomson (1954,134), trace the origin of

Magnets somewhere north, from where they came to Thessaly - from the river Vardar by crossing the

Mt. Olymp; while being protected by „Poseidon from the Macedonian city of Petra in Pieria“. They

appear in central Balkans together with Macedoni, Minyi (Miničevo), Lapiti (Lapovo), Tiroi

(Sirakovo), or Flegriti. Blegen (AJA,1897, 32,146), as well as Papastavrou (1972,18), dated them

between 3200-2600 BCE, under the common ethnonym Eols (or Æols, meaning movable, motley,

multiethnic).*

* Macedonians and the Æolian tribes in Æolis (later named Thessaly of which Magnesia was part)

belonged to the one and same Upper Neolithic substratum of so-called Chalcolithic Culture (6500-

3100 BCE), a period of Copper Age, also known as the Eneolithic/Æneolithic, which is a phase of the

earliest Bronze Age, before the time when metallurgists discovered that by adding tin to copper they

can form the harder bronze.

first came from Afrika to Macedonian Peninsula in the second millennium BCE they thought that

the forebears of Macedonians were Kentaurs, men above and horse beneath. Renown horse herders

even in the time of Filip II, the Royal Companions who accompanied and advised him in all

campaigns, were no more than the owners of the biggest horse herds.

According to popular tradition, mythological Macedonian king Karan (Lat. Caranus), the brother

of Fidon, gave a beginning to that first great European kingdom which some politic and warlike

rulers at length rendered so illustrious. Before his time the most numerous and prosperous

Macedonic tribes were the Paiones and Brygians (later Phrygians in Asia Minor), but they were

still a nation disunited by quarrels between the local chelniks15

. He was the one who founded

Aegei, the first capital of Macedon.

After some obscure reigns (Coenus, Tyrimmas) Perdika I (Lat. Perdiccas) mounted the throne.

He is said to have been a brave, able, and fortunate king. But of the particulars of his reign we are

not informed. Argei (Lat. Argaeus), and his son Filip I (Lat. Philipos), were embroiled with the

Gaul-Illyrian invaders from northwest; and the latter prince lost his life in a battle with those

tribes. Macedonians were also severely harassed by Tribalian-Thracian hostilities, but they did not

despair of future success. After another defeat from the Gaul-Illyrians, they carried their infant

king Evrop I (Lat. Aeropus) into the battlefield in a cradle, and were so animated by his presence,

that they routed the enemy with great slaughter, and for the next few centuries these marauding

tribes stayed at large from Macedon.

Alket (Lat. Alcetas) apparently enjoyed a peaceful reign. Thenafter, at the beginning of the late

sixth century and lasting until 479 BCE, Macedonia had been an appendage and tributary of the

Persian Empire, and Macedonian troops had even fought alongside those of Persia during the

Great Persian War (480–479 BCE). This old Macedonic-Persian symbiosis remained very alive in

the fourth century BCE during the Macedonian campaign in Asia: - Alexander‟s own prayer at

Opis in 324 BCE clearly decrees the established coalition between the two ruling classes of 15

“Chelnik” - a „chieftain‟ or „leader‟, literary „frontman‟ in plain Macedonian.

Europe and Asia: Macedonians and Persians.

However, it‟s not until the late 6th century BCE that the first truly historical monarch, Amynta I,

appears, but it is this monarch‟s son, Alexander I, who truly inaugurates Macedonian history. In

the period after this early Alexander, Macedonia is disrupted by internal conflicts, power struggles

between various members of the royal Aegead (Lat. Argead) clan, and was often ravaged by

external forces ranging from the southern Peloponnesian city-states to Asian Persians and

Macedonia‟s tribal neighbors on the north.

Above: the appearance of the Macedonic light cavalry from the region of Paionia (Upper Macedonia)

Alket II (Lat. Alcetas), brother of Perdika II involved himself in a contest with the Athenians, by

encouraging the revolt of Potida; and the Athenians, in response, instigated the Thracian king

Sitalk (Lat. Sitalces) to invade Macedon. Success attended the first efforts of the Thracians; but,

after they had repeatedly experienced the valor of the Macedonians, and the policy of Perdika II

averted the storm. He stipulated a truce with part of Tribali-Thracians, and gave his sister in

marriage with an ample dowry to Sent (Lat. Senthes), a relative of Sitalk, and, employing him as a

mediator, procured the retreat of the Tribali-Thracians. His nephew Aminta II, who had joined the

enemy in the hope of obtaining the crown, was driven into the obscurity of retirement, and did not

again attempt the dethronement of the reigning prince.

Next capable ruler of Macedon was the grand-grandfather of Filip II, Arhelai I (Lat. Archelaus,

413-399).

Arhelai II, a natural son of Perdika II, murdered his legitimate brother and seized the throne.16

He

also put to death his uncle Alketa II and his cousin, from whose pretensions he apprehended

disturbance. The stain of these enormities he endeavoured to remove by attending to the general

welfare of his subjects, and by patronising literature and genius. He studiously provided for the

military defense of the kingdom, and did not neglect the concerns of naval equipment, to which his

predecessors had paid little regard. According to his contemporary Thukydides, historian who

knew the Northern Aegean well, “Arhelai built castles, forths and straight roads, and he invested

in war equipment, horses, armor and other weapons, more then all of his predecessors put

16

This part of the Macedonian history is differently related. Some writers have spoken of two princes of

the name of Archelaus, father and son, but, as far as we may judge from Diodorus, this is an

unauthorised division of one into two. The Archelaus of this historian appears to have been the prince

who is mentioned by Plato.

together.” Having given offence to a favorite courtier, he suffered that fate to which he had

subjected his unoffending relatives. His son Ortse (Lat. Orestes) succeeded to the throne; but

Evrop II not content with the dignity of guardian or protector, assumed the sovereignty.

Pavsanij (Lat. Pausanias), son of the usurper filled the throne for only one year, before he was

assassinated by Aminta III (descendant of the first Alexander), who did not, however, long enjoy

the crown in peace, being driven into exile by the joint efforts of the reappearing Gaul-Illyrian

invaders and the malcontent of the Macedonians under lead of Argei II (Lat. Argaeus), the brother

of Pavsanij. After the usurper had reigned for two years, he was attacked by the Thessalians, who

restored the throne of Macedon to Aminta III.

Below is the list of the Macedonian kings from the Aegead (Lat. Argead) dynasty, spanning from

9th to 4th century BCE:

Macedonian kings from the Legendary Period:

Karan (Lat. Caranus) 808-778 BCE

Koen (Lat. Coenus) 778-? BCE

Tirima (Lat. Tyrimmas) around 700 BCE

Perdika I (Lat. Perdiccas) ?-678 BCE

Argej I (Lat. Argaeus) 678-640 BCE

Filip I (Lat. Philipos) 640-602 BCE

Evrop I (Lat. Aeropus) 563-533 BCE

Alket I (Lat. Alcetas) 533-503 BCE

Aminta I (Lat. Amyntas) 503-498 BCE

Macedonian kings from the Historical Period:

Alexander I “Philhellene”, 498-454 BCE

Perdika II, 454-413 BCE

Alket II ruled 411 BCE

Arhelaj I (Lat. Archelaus) “Philhellene”, 413-399 BCE

Krater (Lat. Craterus), 399 BCE

Ortse (Orestes), 399-397 BCE

Evrop II, regent 399-397 BCE; king 397-395 BCE

Arhelaj II, 395-394 BCE

Aminta II (Lat. Amyntas) “the Small One”, 394-393 BCE

Pavsanij (Lat. Pausanias), 392 BCE

Argej II, 392-391 BCE

Aminta III, 390-370 BCE

Alexander II (Philhellene), 370-368 BCE

Ptolem Alor (Lat. Ptolemy Alorus), 367/6-366/5 BCE

Perdika III, 365-360 BCE

Aminta IV “the Horse-breeder”, 360-359 BCE

Filip II, 359-336 BCE

Alexander III (the Great), 336-323 BCE

Filip III Aridej (Lat. Arideus), 323-317 BCE

Alexander IV, 317-309 BCE

…

For much of its history Macedonia was a land dominated by aristocratic elites. Nevertheless, the

role of the women was emphasized and important, reflecting the past prehistoric ages and the

worship of the female Mother-Goddess Mō(Ma), that left deep traces in the later patriarchal

Macedonian society. Examples of the strong female influence in Macedonian society of the

antiquity was drastically shown through personalities like Evridika I (lat. Eurydike, Euridice, Filip

II‟s mother)17

, Olympia (i.e. Polyxena, Alexander‟s mother) or Kleopatra VII (lat. Cleopatra) the

Queen of Egypt. Macedonian Queens of ancient times with their executive power had no equal

among the female figures in the rest of the ancient world. For comparison, the city-states and later

Roman women had no property, no rights to vote, nor rights to decide in any of the public affairs

and social structures, and were treated as mere slaves.

17

Evridika I (lat. Eurydike, Euridice) Linkestian princess, wife of the Macedonian king Aminta III,

mother of Filip II of Macedon. She fell in love with her son-in-law Ptolem of Alor (lat. Ptolemy

Aloros, her daughter‟s husband) and killed her own daughter to keep him for herself. She is the main

suspect in the death of her husband Aminta III (poisoned). Then she eliminated her son Alexander II

too, who became the king at the place of his assassinated father.

ANCIENT MACEDONIA IN THE FOURTH CENTURY BCE

Macedonia was rich area with vast plains filled with grain, with herds spread across the pastures,

gold and silver mines, and its population in the first millennium BCE was increasing very

rapidly. The Macedonianс wеre soldiers and furnished with physical strength and courage

chiefly, despising the cunning Danaans and Persians, who did the trade work and who returned

the contempt with interest. But its military power at the beginning of the 4th century BCE was

still far from corresponding to Macedonian demographic size and overall capabilities. This

discrepancy was partly due to the backward social structure, where the noble cavalry was quite

numerous and well trained, while the bourgeoisie peasants in Macedonia still played a

supporting role because of their disproportionally smaller numbers within the army (unlike the

ancient city-states on the Peloponnese where they formed the core of the hoplite armies), and

partly because of the king and nobles who neglected their military significance.

The weakness of Macedonia was also due to its internal divisions and quarrels - smaller local

dynasties from Upper Macedonia (those in Timfaia, Elimiotia, Lynkestia, Paionia, Pelagonia,

Antigona, etc.) often refused to obey the authority of the Aegead (lat. Argead) dynasty from the

capital in Aegae and later in Bela (lat. Pella), as well as Aegead‟s themselves who suffered from

frequent dynastic quarrels. The history of Macedonia until the rise of Filip II (lat. Philip) is

described as random shift of periods of unity and periods of anarchy. When a king from the

powerful Aegead (lat. Argead) dynasty will succeed to eliminate or overcome all his rivals and

quelle the power of dynasties in Upper Macedonia - the country experienced higher stability,

progress and increasing development. Then it had a greater impact on neighboring and distant

regions of Macedonia, the Macedonian coast, and the entire Macedonian Peninsula. But when the

powerful king would‟ve die, often killed, many candidates fought for the throne and weakened the

power of Macedonia, which in such situations was threaten and frequently ridded by external

marauders.

Macedonia proper, same as today (only with different invaders), in the 4th century BCE was under

threat from all four sides: from Getiae and Triballian Gauls from north, by the Thracians led by

king Berisad from the east, the Gaul-Illyrians from the north/west, and the Peloponnesian city-

states from the south. Since the death of Archelai the Decisive in 399 BCE until the rise of Filip II,

Macedonia experienced a very gloomy period of its history, marked by internal instability and

frequent attacks from external enemies. The biggest immediate threat was from the northwest,

when the Gaul-Illyrians united under the rule of king Bardil (lat. Bardilis). To repeal the Gaul-

Illyrians, who repeatedly managed to take large chunks of his kingdom, the father of Filip, Amynta

III, in 393 and 383 BCE had to seek assistance from the neighboring Halkidian Alliance, led by the

city of Olint (lat. Olynthus). But that proved as unwise and temporary solution, given that in 383

BCE the Halkidians wanted to keep a part of liberated territory. Amynta III managed to unite his

kingdom again only thanks to the help of the then leading force, Sparta, which was unhappy with

the growing power of Olint. After the death of Amynta III of Macedon, in 373 BCE, the Halkidian

Alliance supported the pretender from the other branch of the dynasty, so Alexander II, the elder

brother of Filip, defeated his opponent only thanks to the help of Ifikrat, strategist-in-law of

Thracian king Kote (lat. Cotys). Alexander II then believed that he‟s strong enough to intervene in

Thessaly, but collided with Thebes, the new driving force in the south of the Macedonian

peninsula. The famous Theban warlord Pelopida halted the military advance of Alexander II of

Macedon and demanded from him hostages as warranty, especially the young Filip, who at his age

of 14 to 18 years had in this way an opportunity to observe and learn directly the political and

military skills in Thebes. In 386 BCE Alexander II was killed by his brother-in-law Ptolem Alor

(lat. Ptolemy Aloros), who was also lover of the queen-mother Evridika (lat. Eurydice). Ptolem

became governor, but he was killed too when Perdika II, the second son of Amynta and Evridika,

reached maturity in 365 BCE. In 363 BCE Athens strategist Timotey occupied several fortified

places in the Thermaic gulf, especially Pidna and Metone, very close to the Macedonian capital

Bela (lat. Pella). Perdika was forced to accept peace-treaty that dwindled his kingdom. But he

partly revenged by supporting the city of Amfipolion (lat. Amphipolis) against Athens, and

managed to introduce a stationary Macedonian military detachment in this town. However, the

most imminent danger still remained the Gaul-Illyrians from northwest. In 360 BCE the

Macedonian army was beaten by king Bardil (lat. Bardyllis) in a battle in which some 4,000

Macedonian soldiers were killed together with their king Perdika II.

Filip, then 23 years old, at the urgent General Assembly of the Macedonians Under Аrms was

proclaimed king and protector of his nephew Aminta IV.

THE RISE OF MACEDON

Filip II at the beginning of his reign had to face a particularly difficult situation, as the very survival

of the kingdom of Macedon was threatened. All the neighbors were eager to gain benefit from this

moment of Macedonia's weakness: the Gaul-Illyrians from northwest already held parts of

Macedonian territory under their occupation, from north the Geti (lat. Getiae) and Triballians

started to pour thrugh the valley of river Morava toward Macedonia, the Thracian king Kote (lat.

Kotis) of Odrisia threatened Eastern Macedonia, Halkidian city-states flanked by Athens throw an

eye on Amfipoliton (lat. Amphipolis) and supported Argej, opponent of Filip, who had promised

them to hand over the city.

But Filip exhibits exceptional resourcefulness and astonishing diplomatic skills, and in this

extremely desperate situation immediately introduces urgent military reforms. Faced with several

external threats he realizes that first he‟ll need time, in order to fix the internal conflicts within his

own kingdom, and then to face the external hazards. He begins with the rapid removal of all its

opponents, including his very dangerous mother Evridika I (who previously assassinated his sister

and brother Alexander II, and presumably his father Aminta III), and Argej II (lat. Argaeus), the

most direct opponent for the Macedonian throne (which was also supported by Athens with a

detachment of mercenaries). And most importantly – he immediately approached the gathering and

training of new units for the Macedonian army. His ultimate purpose was to weld them into a

professional military force, without attachment of race or domicile, and loyal to himself alone. He

was able to create an army that was not restricted to campaigning seasons, and could operate and

train all-year round. For his men this meant many miles of forced marches and extensive drilling.

The transformation of the Macedonian Army with its regionally based units could not have been

more complete.18

At the centre of his army was a Macedonian core fired by nationalism and

personal loyalty to the monarch. This was one of Filip's greatest ambitions (and successes) -

organizing an army that was loyal to the king, and not to the Macedonian aristocrats. To achieve

this, he took several measures. In the first place, he created new noblemen, so that the privileges

became more common and less prestigious. The old aristocrats were compensated with dubious new

privileges and land. This land was typically given in one of the newly conquered parts of

Macedonia, so that the nobleman could no longer spend all his time in his native county, and

loosened the ties with his own people. Thus, Filip created and surrounded himself with military

aristocracy of the soil, a nation that is an army, an army that is of one nation - his own.

Among the privileges of the noblemen was the right to send one's sons to the royal court, where

they would serve as pages of the king. The boys received an excellent education and learned to

know people from all over Macedonia. At the same time, they served as „hostages‟ and guaranteed

the loyalty of their fathers. He used these well-trained men for frontal attacks. In a wedge-shaped

formation ("like a flight of cranes", in the words of Polyaenus), they fiercely attacked their enemies.

The commander was always in the first rank, and casualties among Macedonian officers were much

higher, and it is no coincidence that Filip was lame at the end of his life. On the other hand, the

cavalry men were inspired by this type of leadership and fought better. These noblemen („Royal

Companions‟) were to serve as cavalry men, and these army units were called Itaeroi19

, i.e. "fast-

heroes" (lat. Hetairoi). When Filip became king, there were about 600 royal companions of Itaeroi;

when he died, more than 3,000. From these devoted noblemen Filip appointed seven „Royal

Bodyguards‟, who acted as the army‟s senior staff officers. These most trusted men were drawn

from the elite unit of personal „bodyguards‟, who aside from guarding the king‟s tent, also appear to

have served as the general staff of the army. They were probably what we call today the “Deep

State” of ancient Macedonia, the closest advisers and decision-making personal associates of Filip.

The exact status of these „bodyguards‟ is unclear, since on occasions they are mentioned as a 18

“Conquest and Empire” by A.B. Bosworth, p. 273. 19

“Ita” – fast pass, „running‟ in plain Macedonian; Eroi – heroes.

fighting unit in some actions. Moving further down the hierarchy from the Royal Bodyguards, we

come across the Strategoi (generals), who commanded individual units and, on occasion, divisions.

Finally, there is mention of the Hegemones, who act as subdivisional officers. All of the above were

explicitly recruited from the Macedonian nobility. Then after there were the Hyparchs (commander

of a brigade of two, three or four Ile squadrons; from 400 to 1000 men), Ilarch (commander of 200

horsemen “Ile” squadron), Tetrarchs (commander of 49 horsemen unit), Lochagos (commander of

512 men company, or 1 Falanka), Dekas (16 men - one file of foot-soldiers in the Falankas), until

the very sole units of the common infantry soldiers - Peshetairoi.20

But, Filip needed time to conclude his army preparations. Thus his first international move was a

peace treaty that he was forced to conclude with Athens. The peace treaty from 359 BCE

acknowledged Athens supremacy over the two major harbors on the Macedonian coast, and gave to

Athens full freedom to expand into Thrace and the possibility to retake their ex-colony Amfipoliton.

This diplomatic move freed the Macedonian king from immediate major threat from south, despite

the temporary loss of Pidna and Metone, two strategically very important cities. Especially Metone,

only twenty kilometers from the old Macedonian capital Egei, on the road that connects Macedonia

and Thessaly. This unfair treaty shows the overall weakness of Macedonia in that moment. But this

uneven deal will not be honored for long...

The pace of restoring of the Macedonian power under Fillip's command was incredibly fast and

efficient. For two years he gathered and trained exhaustively his new-model army with the best

equipment and the best training of that time. The Pesheitairoi (literary "feet-runners" in plain

Macedonian), which were founded by Filip's brother Alexander II, had been rearmed with a long

spear with a length of up to 6 meters - Zarissa, a sword, light shield (Pelta), helmet, shin guards,

and armor. The sheer offensive power of the six battalions of 1500 men was the unit's best defense.

The falankas derived all it‟s efficacy from concentration. They fought in close battle arrays, which

could not be defeated in any way, as long as they kept their formation intact.

20

“Pesh” - 'on feet' in plain Macedonian; “Peshadia”- 'infantry' in modern Macedonian.

Filip improved their force further by simply making it deeper with more rows and wider by more

files. Then he introduced the dreaded Zarisa, a 5 to 6 meters long lance, that had to be carried with

two hands, and therefore, the Macedonian shield was inevitably less heavy. The body armor could

be lighter too, because the Zarissa, being longer than anything the enemy would present, offered

protection through its length. However, in a sense the Zarissa restricted offensive action as well.

Obviously, a 5-6 meter pike could not be held in an overarm position and thrust downwards at the

enemy. Rather, the Macedonian Falankas advanced at a steady walking pace with the aim of

forcing back the enemy with a cohesive hedge of spearheads. These substantial changes in

equipment required a much tighter and more disciplined falankas formation. On its own, the

Macedonian Falanka was a relatively slow-mowing inadequately armored and vulnerable

formation. But, as an integral part of a combined arms army it was an impenetrable iron wall, a

grinding war-machine ideally suited to its task.

With these essential modifications Filip created an undefeatable tool of war of the Macedonian

military power - the Macedonian Falankas (lat. Phalanx), a military formation composed by

professionally trained elite infantry corps that will represent and will be the backbone of

Macedonian empire in the next two centuries.21

Nonetheless, Filip, for the first time in history, saw

the great potential of joint and coordinated action of infantry and cavalry, and introduced new

auxiliary military units, such as the engineering and communication corps. Many of these

specialized units were formed of allies and neighboring tribesmen, tributaries to Macedon. The

armies of Macedon were in fact a composite army, with a strong Macedonian core and trained

auxiliary units, a much more complex and versatile force than any of the armies before. Still,

Macedonian Army was tactically anchored around the Falanka‟s elite infantry formation, which

was complemented and assisted with cavalry and various types of light infantry, light cavalry,

engineering, communication units, etc.

21

At the beginning the soldiers of Macedon were equipped with a Phrygian helmet, painted in the colors

of the ilè (i.e. squadron, a 200 men unit). The elite cavalry was called „Agema‟, and counted also 200

men per squadron. Only the Agema under the direct command of Alexander counted 400 units. Later,

they were equipped with a more simple Boeotian helmet, a shield, a double ended lance, the xyston, and

a curved asymetric sword, the Kopis or Machaira.

Much of the historical literature places a great deal of emphasis on the use of the heavy cavalry

(the „Royal Companions‟) as the instrument of decision in battle. Whilst it is true that it was the

cavalry that would penetrate the enemy‟s line, and thereby inflict the killing blow, it is simply

inaccurate to describe just one force as the instrument of decision in combined arms operations.

The instrument of decision was the Filip‟s superb army in its entirety, not just one section of it.

The revolutionary measures taken at the beginning of his reign changed fundamentally the overall

situation and total combat level of the Macedonian Army. What he achieved in the first months of

his reign Filip II could put to test already in the spring of 358 BCE, when he penetrated along the

valley of the river Vardar in Upper Macedonia (then again an independent kingdom of Paionians).

This first consolidating move of Filip secured the northern borders, and significantly strengthened

the Macedonian Army with numerous and excellent Paionian cavalry from the cities of Belazora,

Antigona and Belagonia (i.e. Pelagonia). Upper Macedonians, which after the death of the king

Agis for practical reasons of defensive alliance were eager again to accept the centralized rule of

Aegead (lat. Argead) dynasty and re-unite with Lower Macedonia with capital in Bela (lat. Pella).

Until the 8-7 centuries BCE Paionians were the major Macedonic tribe, and rulers of the whole

central Macedonia and Thermaic Gulf, with their homeland along the river Vardar valley. But, 5th

century Persian invasion drastically weakened their independent Paionian kingdom and favored

more southwestern Orestians instead.

Thus, after the first step of reuniting the Upper and Lower Macedonia, Filip moved toward west, to

even his personal debt with the Gaul-Illyrians. As reported by the ancient sources, in a terrible and

bloody battle that ensued afterwards, Filip had won decisively, and the king Bardil was killed on

the battlefield. Gaul-Illyrians very tight, but passively-defensive square formation, was no match

for the perfected war-machine that Filip unleashed on them. Under tremendous impact of

disciplined Macedonian Falankas the Gaul-Illyrian front lines crumbled, and whole detachments

on their side were annihilated. It is said that some 7,000-9,000 Gaul-Illyrian soldiers remained

slaughtered on the battlefield together with their king.

Right after this magnificent victory Filip II ordered the construction of two fortresses in Engeleia

and on the hilltop above Lychnid (today city of Ohrid). The remnants of the cyclopean walls of

these two strongholds can be seen even today in the recently excavated archaeological sites.

Long after this determining battle in the ancient sources there will be almost no notion of the Gaul-

Illyrians whatsoever. They practically retreated and disappeared from the close vicinity of the

Macedonian borders, and after this defeat resettled more northward, to Dalmatia and Istria.

Alexander the Great, for their misfortune, will have to deal with them pretty soon, when on the

notice of Filip‟s death once again they‟ll try to plunder in Macedonia. But, they discovered with

dire price that the Alexander was the real inheritor of Filip II. Gaul-Illyrians will actually reappear

only much later in the Roman sources, when the invading Romans from the west will came in

contact with them. With this great victory the old Macedonian western border was firmly re-

established along the mountain range west of the lake Ohrid, and Filip II manifested once again the

firm and undisputed rule of Macedon in the western parts of his kingdom.

In 358 BCE Filip already feels powerful enough to step-in south, in Thessaly. Macedonians entered

there in the autumn of 358 BCE, on the request of their Macedonian relatives and kin from the city

of Larisa, who asked assistance for defense from the warlords of Fere. Having solved the problems

in the relations between Larisa and Fere, Filip II retreated back to Macedonia. But during this short

stay in Thessaly he also married Filina of Larisa, and with her he got the son Arhidei.

Filip II of Macedon was indeed a great general, a visionary statesman, but also a very clever

diplomat. A man, who seems to have lived for his ambitions, and apparently had no real private life.

Except, perhaps, for his final marriage, every woman in his life served a political aim. His grand

strategy indistinctively encompassed all the instruments at the state‟s disposal: social, diplomatic,

intelligence, military, economic. At this juncture it is worth while to remind ourselves of Liddell

Hart‟s concise definition: “The role of grand strategy - higher strategy, is to coordinate and direct

all the resources of a nation, or band of nations, towards the attainment of the political object of the

war - the goal defined by fundamental policy.” The final result was the most powerful state Europe

had ever seen.

These were precisely the Filip‟s strengths and supreme virtues, as the first great European monarch

that knew how to combine all the resources at his disposal for achievement of the fundamental

policy. It‟s been altogether largely underestimated, and was quite amazing how seriously Filip took

his duties as supreme arbiter, or how strong was the tradition that the King of Macedon‟s subjects

had a right to an audience, at any time of day or night, when circumstances justified it. However, he

fulfilled these and other of his duties with vigor. And, like all Macedonians, he was also a ferocious

drinker, one of those dangerous drunks who doesn‟t show it on the surface one bit. Undoubtedly he

was all threat, he radiated danger as the sun radiates light, and everyone who stood near him knew

he was in danger of his life. That he was representing a very immediate danger for their bare

existence, the city-states on Peloponnesus saw this coming through their diplomats and spies,

because he was Filip, from whom nobody and nothing in the world was safe in that moment.

Above: the giant statue of Filip II of Macedon in the downtown of the modern Macedonian capital city of Skopje

Meanwhile Athenians have failed to retake Amfipolion, despite they had free hands because of the

peace agreement with Macedonia. Their calculation that they‟ll have enough time to take over the

city with long grueling war showed wrong. In 357 BCE an unforeseen war erupted with their allies

in the Peloponnese, so Athenians were forced to move their principal forces back in the south. Filip,

who had eliminated his immediate northern and western opponents, and who already had a sizable

and tempered army, sees the occasion and instantly crosses the river Strumon, takes the place of

Athenians and seizes the Amfipolion. Although it was well-fortified city, after persistent and

systematic siege Amfipolion could no longer resist the attacks of disciplined Macedonian Army.

Once freeing this Macedonian city Filip actually succeeds in expelling completely the foreign

occupiers from Macedonia, and gave all the land to his royal companions.

Adjacent and still independent cities of Halkidian Alliance saw what was happening and quickly-

quickly changed the side and folded pact with Macedonia. But Filip didn‟t had any intention to stop

there. Immediately after the liberation of Amfipolion he took further military action against Pidna in

the late 357 BCE, and by freeing it liberates completely the Macedonian coastal Pieria district from

Athenian presence.

Immediately after this attack Athens declared war to Macedonia, but Filip wasn‟t disturbed at all,

because he knew that it will remain just a declaration of war for a long time, since at that time

Athens wasn‟t able to assume any military action on the other side until it settles its accounts with

the warring neighbors. So, in just three years of effective ruling, already in 356 BCE Filip II of

Macedon was king of a powerful state, able to protect its borders and expand its influence on the

whole Macedonian Peninsula. Macedonia was united again under a capable ruler from the Aegead

(lat. Argead) dynasty, and in a short time became once again a world superpower.

In the early spring of 356 BCE relentless Filip makes siege and captures Potidea. When Athenians

saw what is happening they tried immediately to forge new alliance with the Triballians north of

Macedon, Odrisians in Thrace and the Gaul-Illyrians of king Grabej (lat. Grabeos), but in vain.

In 356/355 BCE Filip quickly and in one move defeats king Kersoblept of Western Thrace, the

Odrisians, Grabej, another king of the Gaul-Illyrians, and Lipej, king of the Tribalians. Also, at the

request of residents from Thasos and Krenide (lat. Crenides), he puts one Macedonian garrison in

the inland colony of Krenide, that was to became Fillipi,22

and immediately returns south to attack

the last Athens stronghold on the Macedonian coast – the city of Metone. In these actions comes to

the fore full professionalism, discipline and mobility of the Macedonian army, which already has

the capability to act fast and simultaneously on different locations. Years of training and marching

of his new model army have shown more than utile.

Filip did not limited his actions on rebuilding the natural boundaries of the Macedonian kingdom.

According to the traditions of Macedonian ruler he got involved in the affairs of its neighbors as far

as the south of Thessaly. Foreign interferences in Thessaly are frequent as of 369 BCE, and gain

22

Filip II of Macedon uses the extension of Macedonian administrative institutions, including the

application of the Macedonian as opposed to local calendars, as an indicator of true Macedonian

political consolidation in the region.

momentum and clear international dimension when the Third Holy War erupts in the spring of 355

BCE. The independent city-states on Peloponnese were divided in two major camps: on one side

were the Thebans, Lokridians and most of the Thessalians; on the other were the tyrants of Fere,

Foča (lat. Focis), Athenians, and the Spartans (although restrained). Filip has no intention to stay

out and to miss the opportunity that he clearly sees. The all-out war between his enemies was

immediately seen by him as perfect chance to utterly defeat and subdue them.

In 354 BCE the war between Athens and Macedonia in principle continues, but without any military

engagement, for one simple reason: Athens was completely kicked out from the areas near

Macedonia.

353 BCE, on appeal from the old friends of Macedon in Thessaly, the Larisa Aleuaditi, Filip II

interferes once again against the tyrants of Fere, Fočans, and their allies. First a winner in a partial

engagement, he is then beaten hard twice by the Fočan leader Onomarh. The unexpected defeat was

taken difficult because of the heavy Macedonian losses, but also because it ruse the doubts about

the real capabilities of Filip and his military power. Filip‟s dignity was hurt, and if he wanted to

preserve its allies in Thessaly and to bolster its reputation among his loyal Falankas he had to return

tit for tat as soon as possible. Once returned back in Macedonia, in the winter 353/352 BCE, he

picked and trained new army and invaded Thessaly again as early as next spring. First he occupied

the harbor of Pag (lat. Pagas), thus preventing the landing of additional troops led by strategist

Hares from Athens. Then Filip II washed down with blood the humiliation received by Onomarh.

At the place called Krokopole (lat. Crocus-field) he inflicts him a tremendous defeat. According to

sources Fočans lost between 6000 and 8000 people, Onomarh corpse was crucified, and 3000

prisoners were thrown in the sea. Filip occupies Pag and Fere and establishes himself as the leader

(Archont) of Thessalian Confederation. For this purpose, among others, he marries Nikesipoli of

Fere. After arranging these things Filip goes further and partakes a march to the south toward the

strait that connects Thessaly to Boeotia, Attica and Peloponnese – Thermopylae. But here he founds

the pass blocked by military units of Athenians and Spartans, who rushed to the spot when they

heard about the campaigning of Filip to the south. In this situation Filip wisely refuses to deplete his

military forces by attacking Thermopylae and to inflict definitive blow to Foča (lat. Phocis). This

act will extend the duration of the Holy War with inevitable further weakening of both warring

sides, primarily Thebes and Foča, but also of course Athens. He leans back and retreats in Thessaly

and then north to Macedonia.

In just a few months Filip moved the war with Athenians from the neighborhood of Macedonia in

the neighborhood of Athens. The first part of his plan for domination of the Macedonian peninsula

through the strengthening of his position in Thessaly was fully realized. But he is not calmed, as

everyone would wish, and immediately sets on a march to the eastern Macedonian front, in Thrace

and Propontida…

SEIZE OF HALKIDIKI, PEACE WITH ATHENS AND THE END OF

THE HOLY WAR

At the beginning of 351 BCE Filip conquers Heraion, fortress on the coast of Prepontida.

Athenians, seeing that Macedonians are endangering their colonies in the east and their supplies

of grain from Skitia (Ukraine) through the Dardanelles, immediately make a decision to send 40

ships and 10,000 hoplites, almost the entire military capable population of Athens. Then the plan

and the number of ships was reduced to 30, and then to 10, and the motion at the end it was

completely neglected. Thus, in the summer of 351 Filip had already achieved something that had

not happened by then on the Macedonian Peninsula - one kingdom that had under its rule so

large area: north of Thermopylae, and from Epirus and the Ionian Sea on the east to the

Prepontida on the west. With the outbreak at the coast of the Marmara Sea, Macedonian Army

definitely announced the coming of the new era of Macedonian domination in the Aegean.

The following year Filip devoted to the strengthening of his authority in Thessaly and Epirus.

But already in 349 BCE he was forced to put under his control the remaining independent cities

on Halkidiki, because of the city of Olint (lat. Olynthus), which decided to terminate the pact

with the Macedonians. So, in the beginning of the summer in 349 BCE Filip sets ultimatum to

the residents of Olint, asking them to hand over his half-brothers Arhidej (lat. Arrhidaeus) and

Menelaj that as traitors and former allies of Athens were hiding there. Olint refused to do so and

requested military assistance from Athens. This time Athenians, who were anyway officially at

war with Macedonia, forged an alliance with Olint and decided to send military aid of 38 ships

and 2000 hoplites and 300 cavalry across the Aegean Sea, and ordered another 18 ships with

4000 hoplites from the Hellespont in Asia Minor to transfer to Halkidiki.

Although it seemed that this time Athens seriously tries to respond to the growing foreign power

of Macedon, the circumstances didn‟t allow it. At the same time against them rose also one of

their allies in Evbeia (lat. Euboeia). Athenians unexpectedly suffered heavy losses, and Evbeia

will regain its independence, as well as their military aid to Olint which arrives too late, the city

has already been captured by the Macedonian Army and Filip. It was indeed his first great

victory over a powerful city-state, and so ardent and hostile was his revenge that the very

foundations of Olint couldn‟t be traced only a few years later, according to a statement of

Demosthenes (in his 3rd Philippic). At the end of this campaign Athens once again suffered a

serious defeat, on both fronts, in Evbeia and Olint.

After the fall of Olint all its inhabitants were sold as slaves, and the city was razed to the ground

and was never rebuilt. It was also a strong and clear message sent to all communities around the

Macedonian Peninsula – Macedonia will not tolerate hypocrisy and has all the means to punish

traitors and anyone who threatens its integrity. This action of the Macedonian king would prove

completely justified – the lesson was sent, and Macedonia and her undecided opponents will be

spared of enormous human and material loses in the near future.

After englobing the rest of Halkidiki into his empire, Filip II estimated that in the best interest

for Macedonia was to offer a peace to Athenians. That would allow him to utterly strengthen his

positions and boost Macedonia as a central power of the Macedonian peninsula without risking

larger military confrontation. Also he considered further weakening of the Peloponnesian city-

states as they were still in war with each other. Remarkably skillfully, he continued to bolster the

agony of Athens, Foča (lat. Phocis), and other warring parties on Peloponnese. Athens, which in

reality was no longer able to make war with Macedonia, in the spring of 346 BCE tacitly

accepted the peace offer from Filip II of Macedon.

The Fočans, seeing that the Athenians with this peace agreement got a huge advantage, followed

the procession and they too decided to offer a pact to Macedonia. Macedonian king gladly

accepted it, thus gaining the far most convenient and the most powerful position in the finals of

the Holy War. After various negotiations and agreements, he was the only one who benefited

from the desperate position of the warring parties, by forcing them to accept the hegemony of

Macedon. In brief, the end of the Holy War was brought around without military operations and

shedding blood, by simply allowing the enemies of Macedon to surrender to Filip and the

superior Macedonian state. To him belonged the final honor "to officially free" the Oracle at

Delphi, which was actually the cause for this Holy War.

With the formal end of the Third Sacred War and the creation of the Amfiktion Council (lat.

Amphictyonic League), ended the first phase of the reign of Filip II of Macedon. He consolidated

the borders of Macedonia in all directions and fit it in her natural boundaries, which further will

allow the elevation and expansion of Macedonia on cultural, economic and military plan and its

full stabilization as nation and state. This was also the first ever kingdom of that size and kind in

the history of Europe and beyond. The rest could only watch aside as their former regional

powers slowly faded infront of the rise of Macedon, and how their once important and wealthy

cities become peripheral provinces of the Macedonian empire. These peace agreements, that

were extremely unfavorable for Athens and Foča, gave to Filip enough time to prepare his

mighty Macedonian Army for the final campaign of conquest that will follow soon upon the rest

of Peloponnese and the remaining city-states…

MACEDONIA FROM AEGEAN TO DANUBE & FROM IONIAN

TO THE BLACK SEA

After returning to Macedonia, Filip made some necessary changes and rearrangements in his

internal policy. These regulations were followed by another military expedition toward

northwest, against the Gaul-lllyrians. Filip seems (says an ancient historian) to have cherished

an hereditary hatred to these marauder tribes who killed his older brother, and, either from this

permanent animosity alone, or for some new offense, of which no particulars are recorded, he

invaded Gaul-Illyrians, reduced many of it's villages to ashes, and returned with copious spoils.

In the spring of 342 BCE Filip II finally began the vast invasion on the rest of Eastern Thrace,

until the Danube delta on the Black Sea. His intentions were to conquer and connect the

maritime and river routes throughout and around the Macedonian peninsula, from the Aegean

to Danube, and from the Ionian to the Black Sea into wide communication and commercial net.

While conquering the rest of Thrace he also sent troops at the coast of Herson (lat.

Chersonnesе)23

and occupies this part of the Aegean coast. Then he comes and occupies the

European coast of Marmara Sea. In the meantime the Macedonian fleet, with its accelerated

construction pace and modernization, conquered the island of Halones, a very important

stronghold on the maritime route to Dardanelles. This was also a military exercise for the fast-

growing and massively enhanced new corps of the Macedonian Army, the Navy.

In 340 BCE Filip tries to take-over Perint (lat. Perintus) and Vizant (lat. Byzant-ium), but

without success. These two well-fortified city-states got a full and strong military and naval

support from Athens, this time prompt to act, seen that the trade routes eastward, without which

23 Today Sevastopol on the Crimean Peninsula in Russia; on the northern coast of the Black Sea.

they could not survive - were directly threatened. Thus, the peace treaty from 346 BCE between

Athens and Macedonia now was officially broken. And this time, fighting for their very survival,

Athenians will come with all the remaining and available means at war with Filip II of Macedon.

Here, for the first time in the 4th century BCE will interfere Persia too, which across the

Dardanelles and Bosphorus openly helped the city of Perint and Vizant, determined to resist.

The strong military aid by sea from Athens and Persia provided the means for defense and to

resist the siege of the Macedonians. For the first time since 352 Filip suffers severe setback, if

not defeat. And once again the Macedonian king must urgently rebuild his reputation in the eyes

of his army and allies, and to show to the enemies that he didn‟t lost his military power. While

still under the walls of Perint, he sees an opportunity for revenge and recovering of his image on

Bosphorus, where some 230 merchant ships filled with harvest waited for the immediate danger

to pass and to continue their sailing to Peloponnese. The Macedonians engaged in an

amphibious military operation across the Bosphorus strait and captured the entire commercial

fleet of Peloponnesian city-states. The surprise and unbelief of Athens was tremendous and this

action helped Filip to cover the losses suffered at Perint and Vizant.

This sudden and unexpected blow had far-reaching consequences for the overall military and

political moral of Athens, and crashed their last hopes that they nurtured with their relative

success in helping Perint and Vizant defenses. Their fleet was practically gone, and their former

naval supremacy was irreparably destroyed. Unlike them, that of Macedonia was rapidly

growing. Filip ordered the construction of a great number of war-ships that will sale later under

command of his son Alexander around the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea.

The fleet that Filip II managed to capture at the end made him the winner of the day. With the

considerable treasures and merchant goods from this war-trophy he succeeded to sustainably

reduce the heavy loses of his army suffered under the walls of Perint and Vizant. And also to

mobilize fresh troops for the upcoming events.

THE FALL OF the city-states: BATTLE of IRONEA

In 339 BCE Filip is again warring north, against the tribes of Geti (lat. Getae) near the Danube

delta. A Macedonian army advanced toward the Danube, against the tribes lead by a Getian king

Atea (Lat. Atheas), and in the battle that ensued, discipline prevailed over strength and

superiority of number. It is said that 20,000 men, women, and children, were made prisoners on

this occasion, but they were in all probability dismissed by the victors. The spoils, which

consisted chiefly of cattle, tempted the neighboring Tribalians to attack the king on his return,

and he was wounded in the thigh. The assailants were repelled, but the Macedonians could only

save a part of the spoil. This attack was the more unpleasing, as it was wholly unexpected.

But Filip had no time to properly recover. On the south, Amfisa and Thebes, which were until

then subjects to the Amfiktionic Council and under Macedonian hegemon, unexpectedly

switched the sides and declared war to Filip. On their side promptly joins Athens, seeing new

hope for greater alliance against threat of Macedon. Thus began the Fourth Sacred War or also

called "Amfiktionic War". Thebes attacked immediately the Macedonian garrison at Nikea. So,

already in November 339 the mighty Macedonian Army led by Filip II appeared again in

Thessaly, on their way to Beotia. This time the Macedonian king had no intention of stepping

back – he passed around the strait of Thermopylae, which was once again readily blocked by

Athenians and Beotians, who previously joined the Theban revolt, then he crushed the resistance

at Elatea and broke in the plane of Kefis (lat. Kephisus) which stretches from Foča (lat. Phocis)

to Beotia. After dividing strategically Thebes and Athens with his Macedonian Army, Filip sent

an ultimatum to the Thebans to submit to his will and surrender to the Macedonian army. But

the Thebans refused and decided to keep their side with Athens. Their decision was affected and

caused mostly because of the general depreciation that the city-states from Peloponnese has

always had toward the Macedonians - as foreigners and alien to them.

In the prevailing circumstances Filip decided categorical military show-off with invasion on

Grevena and Amfisa, which he concludes successfully. Then he toke the Navpakt too.

Nevertheless, despite the fierce demonstration of his determination Filip II will try again to

reach peaceful resolution without unnecessary and heavy casualties, and again sends his deputies

to Athenians and Thebans with proposals for submission without war. All these negotiations

toke a while of several months (?), and at the end his offer was refused again.

It was clear to all that the decisive battle is approaching fast. After years of tactical and strategic

warfare and outmaneuvering, the decisive outcome was about to be revealed. And the

showdown it finally happened in the summer of 338 BCE, in the locality called Ironea (lat.

Chaeronea). This was the culmination of the Macedonian belligerent 339-338 BCE campaign in

the south. There were certainly some long months with preliminary skirmishes until it came to

this final confrontation, as Demosthenes alludes to a "winter battle" and "battle on the river" in

his speeches, but no other details are preserved. Finally, on 2 August in the Kefis field, Filip

deployed an army of 30.000 Macedonian Falankas infantry and 3000 Horsemen. He finally got

what he came for – the chance to eliminate once for all the last enemies and the last pockets of

resistance in the farthest south of the Macedonian Peninsula, and to demonstrate the ultimate

superiority of the Macedonian Army. Therefore, in order to underline the achieved of his men, in

the composition of his army was not even one military unit of his ally states, all soldiers under

Filip‟s command were Macedonians.

On the other side he faced 35.000 Athenians, Beotians and Theban hoplites, and approximately

2000 horsemen.24

Below is the rough sketch of the two warring parties:

Details of the ensuing battle are scarce, but from different ancient sources it was possible to

roughly reconstruct this for Macedonians great event. Macedonian army marched straight down

the main road from Foča to Boeotia, to assault the main allied army defending the road at Ironea

(Lat. Chaeronea). Thus, on the 2nd of August 338 BCE the decisive battle started. In final

showdown two enemy nations of the antiquity clashed in a bitter and agonizing struggle.

Northern Macedonians confronted in a face-to-face battle the southern city-states from

Peloponnesus. The clash was by every probability tremendous and extremely brutal, where one

literary must‟ve slay and trump over the body of the opponent in front of him in order to

advance. In all that confusion and mess, at the peak of the battle, with iron discipline

Macedonian Falankas under direct command of Filip II performed a maneuver of fake retreat of

their right flank, in order to disrupt the enemy lines. Athenian hoplites, seeing easy victory,

rushed to charge forward following the apparently-retreating Macedonians, which actually

without breaking their formation and in perfect order bent the Falankas around itself. Then, as

they stretched around the twisting, but still impenetrable Macedonian Falanka, in the Boeotian

weakened center showed gaps. The left wing of Macedonian cavalry from Thessaly, lead by

Filip‟s son, Alexander III of Macedon, in that moment hurled in wild charge exactly in that

point. They attacked the enemy with furious charge and cut their way right through the Beotian

24

No source provides exact numbers for the city-states army, although Justin suggests that they were

“far superior in number of soldiers”.

center, then after passing through the enemy lines they turned around with decisive action and

attacked them from the back.

Filip II then ordered a full-scale charge and under his command the Macedonian Falankas

promptly pushed into final attack. By losing their integrity in the center, the city-states lines of

hoplites fall apart, and in the disorder and panic that ensued Macedonians won the battle, and

the war. The city-states allied army then dissolved into a rout. The formidable Theban „Holy

legion‟ was slain to the last one, forces of Athens and Thebes were entirely defeated, and any

continued resistance was impossible.

The battle has been described as one of the most decisive of the ancient world, and the long

awaited triumph of Filip II was fully achieved. His „anvil and hammer‟ tactic was perfected and

applied with outmost success in the battlefield, and the Macedonians have won in a complete

and final victory. The Athenians had over 1000 dead, the Thebans over 2000, and on the losses

of Beotians and other mercenary-hoplites there are no records left, but they surely must‟ve

suffer at least the same number of casualties as their allies. City-states armies, and what

conventional western historiography incorrectly defines as “Ancient Greece”25

, ceased to exist.

Thebes which was located in the vicinity of Ironea faced the immediate and unconditional

surrender. Filip II imposed very severe occupation with 300 loyal oligarchs and a Macedonian

garrison that occupied the fortified center of Thebes - Kadmea. According to the Macedonian

custom Filip together with his Macedonian companions celebrated the victory with drinking

25

The ethnogenesis of the so-called “ancient Greex” is based on the composition of the participants

in the Trojan War such as the Dannans, Achaeans, Argaeds, etc., who were mentioned by Homer

in his “Iliad”. By modern Hellenists they were presumed to be all “Greek people” or “Hellenic

people”, but this is nonsense because according to history the “Hellenes” did not colonize the

Peloponnesus until 80 years after theTrojan War.

and feasting. In the battle of Ironea participated and distinguished himself by bravery his son

Alexander III of Macedon, then on age of 18. Just a few years later he will come back and

finish off Thebes, the city where once his father was held hostage, by razing it to the ground. At

Ironea, the last Peloponnesian city-states not only lost the battle and the war, but also their

independence and future, and they actually disappear from the history stage.26

The era of

Macedonian domination began.

After effectively eliminating all his enemies Filip II engaged in a military parade throughout

Peloponnese. Every tribe and city worshiped him and obeyed the Macedon. Well, all except the

Spartans. Therefore Filip with swift military expedition overrun Laconia and punished their

disobedience, after which he separated several areas from the Lakedaemonian territory as well.

Then, after summoning all the subordinate and defeated parties to meet in Korint, Filip II

26 Their demise at the end of the 4th century BCE enacted in the lost of the confidence and self-

determination and they slowly perished, decimated by inexplicable cultural, material and

demographic crisis which occurred during the following centuries and at the beginning of the new

era. This conscious dying out of the population on Peloponnesus has been called by the science

"Endogenous Psychosis of the I-III centuries" - a mass pathology and loss of meaning for continued

existence. The overthrow was complete. Unable to recover from their consternation, they laid down

their arms, and in the 116-th Olympiad, during the arconship of Anthieus, in 146 BCE, Lucius

Mummius laid Corinth in ashes and sealed the destruction of the last ancient city-state.

proclaimed what is to be known as the Common Peace (i.e. „Koine Eirene‟)27

, and all but

Sparta unconditionally approached and bound by oath, and Filip II was unanimously "elected"

the hegemon of the Common Peace. The principal terms of this agreement were that all

members became allied to each other and obedient to Macedon, which remained as an external

ruling force.

In the spring of 336 BCE Filip sent to Asia Minor the first Macedonian army detachments led

by Parmenion and Atal (lat. Attalus). This vanguard was to prepare the way for a major military

campaign scheduled for the summer of 335 BCE. But his agenda was suddenly interrupted.

During the wedding of his daughter Cleopatra to Alexander of Epirus, Filip II of Macedon was

assassinated. The next day, from Aegae and Bella agents of the Phoenician merchant houses,

the Peloponnesus city governments, couriers of visiting ambassadors, and spies of the Gaul-

Illyrian barbarians slipped away along the roads, carrying the news of the end of the

Macedonian regime. How wrong they were – on the history stage he was consistently

succeeded and surpassed by his son, Alexander III of Macedon.

27

„Koj-ne-miren-e“ in plain Macedonian; today modern Macedonian "Koj-ne" - 'who-doesn't', and

"Miren/Smiren" - 'calm, peaceful' (Anglicized 'Irenic'); ѕее:

https://recnik.off.net.mk/recnik/makedonski-

angliski/%D0%BC%D0%B8%D1%80%D0%B5%D0%BD*

Afterword

There had been an increasing tendency amongst historians to view Filip II of Macedon not

simply as the father of his famous son, but, in his own right, as one of the greatest Macedonian

monarchs, if not the greatest, and perhaps one of the most important historical figures of the

ancient world. His significance for the history of Macedonia is beyond doubt. In 22 years of

reigning Filip II of Macedon have fought at least 20 conflicts of greater or smaller magnitude

across the Macedonian Рeninsula, in Asia Minor and Skitia (today Dobrudja) coasts. His

engagement on the international scale was something unseen in the previous periods of

European history. When he came to power, his country had recently suffered considerable

territorial losses, it was politically fragmented, militarily on its knees, and culturally depressed.

Within the space of a quarter of a century he restored and extended its frontiers, welded the

state into a political unit, made it the mightiest military power of the period and, as becomes

clearer with every new archaeological discovery, raised the cultural level of Macedonia above

that of much of the rest of Europe. Before that all the affairs of the various rulers or

communities were of regional character (apart from the Persian invasion in 5th c. BCE) and

lasted for very brief periods. This on contrary was the first large state and first empire on the

European soil, with proper army, state institutions, legislation and economy, the empire that

lasted for centuries and expanded on three continents. Filip is, therefore, the Great Man of his

time, mediating the Macedonic folk-soul with the world-spirit, and carrying Macedonia over

into the next world-historical stage. Whatever stood in the way of reuniting, or we may say, of

nationalizing Macedon, was ruthlessly set aside or trampled under foot. It is still unknown if

Filip truly realized or just unconsciously created that first deep Macedonic aspiration for

nationality, but he made it evidently in the sole possible way at his time. Willingly or not, he

managed entirely to reinforce the primordial Macedonic folk-soul, which was both civilized

and barbarian, and to reconcile it with the movement of the world's history. Filip created and

organized a new world-historical nation, the one that still exists until today – Macedonia.

Finally, and this is often forgotten – he was one of the most attractive personalities of his time,

for all the violence and passion of his nature. Somewhat oriental or rather Trojan in his

household, he had one chief wife, like Hecuba; yet he, like Priam, had other lesser wives.

“Europe has never known a man the like of Filip, son of Amyntas” wrote his contemporary

Theopomp in the preface of his monumental history dedicated to Filip (Hatzopoulos 8).

References

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Macedonia (West of the Struma) in the Neolithic, Bronze, and Early Iron Ages”. 1939.

4. Harold Lamb, “Alexander of Macedon; The Journey To World‟s End” 1946.

5. M. M. Austin "Hellenistic Kings, War, and the Economy", The Classical Quarterly

New Series, Vol.36, No.2, 1986.

6. R. M. Errington, "A History of Macedonia". 1990.

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"Macedonia in Ancient Times"; Makedonska Iskra, Skopje 2010.

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