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An introduction to phonological...
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An introduction to phonological representations
EGG 2017, Olomouc
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Autosegmental phonology
• SPE-style representations were composed of matrices of unordered features
• all features had the same status
• Chomsky and Halle’s (1968: ch. 7)
• [+vocalic]: ‘oral cavity in which the most radical constriction does not exceed that of high vowels i and u…’
• [+consonantal]: ‘radical obstruction in the midsagittal region of the vocal tract’, ‘obstruction must be at least as as norrow as that found in fricative consonants…’
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Autosegmental phonology
• [+coronal]: ‘…blade of the tongue raised from the neutral position…’
• [+anterior]: ‘…obstruction that is located in front of the palato-alveolar region…’
• [+high]: ‘…body of the tongue [raised] above the level that is occupied in the neutral position...’ (i.e. English vowel in bed)
• [+low]: ‘…tongue below the level occupied in the neutral position...’
• [+back]: ‘…produced by retracting the body of the tongue from the neutral position...’
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Autosegmental phonology
• [+labial]: ‘…narrowing of the lip orifice…’
• [+nasal]: ‘…produced with lowered velum…’
• [+continuant]: ‘…vocal tract not narrowed to the point where the airflow past the constriction is blocked…’
• [+strident]: ‘…marked acoustically by greater noiseness than their nonstrident counterparts…’
• Chomsky and Halle (1968: 336)
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Autosegmental phonology
• William Leben’s 1973 and John Goldsmith’s 1976 dissertations were inspired by a crucial observation: in many languages even short vowels are allowed to carry two tones (high tone and low tone)
• this was impossible to express in an SPE model
• a single segment could not be simultaneously marked for the [+Highpitch] and [-Highpitch], [+Lowpitch] and [-Lowpitch]
• Goldsmith (1976: 38) falling tone /a/
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Autosegmental phonology
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Autosegmental phonology
• such a representation does not distinguish between falling tone (high-low) and raising tone (low-high)
• features within feature matrices were not in temporal relations
• such a representation violates the basic logic of language:
• on the assumption that for a given segment (/p/), a given value for a feature is mapped onto the segment by a function, e.g.
Fvoice (p) = -
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Autosegmental phonology
• in the same way:
Fhighpitch(a) = +
AND
Fhighpitch(a) = -
• is impossible! This follows from the nature of functions
• a single segment /a/ cannot be high tone and low tone at the same time
• ergo: tones must belong to a different segment, they form a separate AUTOSEGMENT 9
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Autosegmental phonology
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Autosegmental phonology
• exactly the same logic applies to affricates (ts, tʃ) (different values of feature [continuant])
• prenasalized stops ( ͫ b, ᶮtʃ) (different values of feature [nasal])
• is extendable to secondary place of articulation (tʷ, pʲ)
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Autosegmental phonology
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• Tone stability arguments Goldsmith (1976: 42-47, ch. 2)
• Stability: in tone languages it is often the case that when a vowel is deleted or desyllabified (i→j), the tone of the vowel is preserved
á#è → ê
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Autosegmental phonology
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• the analyses that existed in the 70s were mainly procedural:
• (1) tone copy rules + vowel deletion
• áè → áê → ê
• (2) constraint: preserve tones when a vowel is deleted
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Autosegmental phonology
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Lovins 1971, Lomongo stability
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Autosegmental phonology
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• why should tone features be preserved or copied and not other features?
• stability is also observed in cases of (nearly) total vowel assimilation (Igbo, Yoruba)
• á#è → éè
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Autosegmental phonology
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• tone stability is expected if tonal features are separate (auto)segments
• they are associated with other features so that the two classes of features are realized simultaneously
• each autosegment must be associated in order to be realized
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Autosegmental phonology
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• English indefinite article: Stem in C Stem in V // cat /n/ ape // dog /n/ eagle // joke /n/ orange // fresh apple /n/ apple // window /n/ ugly window // university /n/ open university
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Autosegmental phonology
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• Procedural solutions:
• insertion of /n/ before a vowel
• Ø → n /__V
• Deletion of /n/ before a consonant • n → Ø/__C
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Autosegmental phonology
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• Procedural solutions must be made morpheme specific
• insertion of /n/ before a vowel
• Ø → n /__V (in the indefinite article)
• Deletion of /n/ before a consonant • n → Ø/__C (in the indefinite article)
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Autosegmental phonology
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• a representational solution: ‘an apple’
[Vocalic] C V C V C
| | | | |
n p
floating autosegment floating autosegment
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Autosegmental phonology
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• a representational solution: ‘an apple’
[Vocalic] C V C V C
| | | | |
n p
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Autosegmental phonology
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• a representational solution: ‘a cat’
V C V C
| | | |
n k t
• the only necessary assumption is that floating autosegments want to be linked
• the only operation necessary is linking
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i/n/+compatible → i//compatible
i/nk/ompatible AgrPlace;NC
Identpl;Ons DEP MAX SEG FAITH
[nk] *!
☞[k] *
[nt] *! *
[n] * *!
[nk] *! *
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lo/ng/ → lo//
lo/ng/ AgrPlace;NC
Identpl;Ons DEP MAX SEG FAITH
[ng] *!
☞[g] *
[] * *!
[n] * *!
[nk] *! *
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Autosegmental phonology
• lo// - lo/g/er, stro// - stro/g/er
/g/ → Ø / [+nasal] __ #
• *g: ‘Don’t be /g/’ = ‘Make sure that /g/ is not linked/realized’
• MAX Ons: ‘Do not delink consonants followed by vowels’
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Autosegmental phonology
• ‘long’
C V C C | | | | l [+nasal] [-nasal] | [-anterior] g [-coronal] [+back]…
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Autosegmental phonology
• lo// - lo/g/er, stro// - stro/g/er
• AgrPlace;NC: ‘A nasal and a following consonant must share the same place of articulation’
• this constraint does not specify if the following segment is realized or not
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Autosegmental phonology
• ‘long’
C V C C | | | | l [+nasal] [-nasal] | [-anterior] g [-coronal] [+back]…
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lo// lo/ng/ AgrPlace;
NC Max Ons
DEP *g FAITH
a. [ng] *! *
b. [g] *! *
c. ☞[] *
d. [n] *! *
e. [nk] *! *
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• candidate (d) violates ARGplace;NC because /g/ is present in the representation, only not associated
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lo// - lo/g/er lo/ng/er AgrPlace;
NC Max Ons DEP *g FAITH
a. [ng] *! *
b. ☞[g] * *
c. [] *! *
d. [n] *! * *
e. [nk] *! *
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Autosegmental phonology
• Autosegmental phonology is an established approach to phonological representations
• there are several versions of it all of which share the properties established in the 1970s in Goldsmith’s dissertation
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