Revival Zion. An Afro-Christian Religion in JamaicaAuthor(s): Emanuela GuanoReviewed work(s):Source: Anthropos, Bd. 89, H. 4./6. (1994), pp. 517-528Published by: Anthropos InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40463021 .Accessed: 30/08/2012 19:29

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Anthropos 89.1994: 517-528

Revival Zion An Afro-Christian Religion in Jamaica

Emanuela Guano

Abstract. - Meant as an ethnography of the Afro-Christian religion Revival Zion, this paper also addresses the question of the role of Revivalism in contemporary Jamaican society and culture. Widely practiced in many rural areas of Jamaica as well as in the urban ghettoes of Kingston, Revival Zion seems to be not only a form of accommodation to harsh living conditions, but also a way of resisting and, at times, of actively opposing cultural and social oppression. [Jamaica, Afro-Caribbean reli- gions, nativistic movements, religion and society, syncretism]

Emanuela Guano, M.A. (1993, Louisiana State University) is currently investigating ethnicity in Caribbean multicultural societies. She published in Abstracta, Lares, and // Pensiero Politico.

"Wen drum knock onda water bottom de sound mus come a tap" (Jamaican Saying; Watson 1991: 193)

1. Introduction: Afro- Jamaican Religious Variety

Afro- Jamaican religions have been conventionally classified on a continuum from a more "European" to a markedly "African" end, that is from Revival Zion,1 regarded as the most "Christianized," to the least Christian Kumina (Moore 1953: If.). How- ever, although convenient from a taxonomic point of view, the definition of "African" in this con- text is not convincing. Even the least "European" Afro-Jamaican religions, such as Kumina, do not share many traits with their African equivalents. In fact, the former are clearly the result of cultural processes that took place in the New World and that completely altered the alchemy of the systems of religious beliefs (Raboteau 1978: 4). This might account also for the lack of a truly African panthe- on in Afro- Jamaican religions, the only exception being the "Fish" or "Mermaid," the water spirit of Revival Zion (Beckwith 1929: lOlf.; Patterson 1969: 205) that bears resemblances with Oshun, the riverine deity worshipped in the Trinidadian orisha religion (Warner Lewis 1991: 85), and with

Ezili, the water goddess of Haitian vodou (Des- mangles 1992: 143).

Kumina, conventionally perceived as the "Af- rican" end of the continuum, is a secretive cult practiced mainly in the rural areas of St. Thomas and St. Catherine parishes. Although Kumina was thought to have developed at the time of slavery (Patterson 1969: 201), most anthropologists nowa- days believe that this religion originated in Jamaica only after the arrival of indentured laborers from Central Africa (mainly Kikongo) during the second half of the 19th century. Presently, Kumina prac- titioners, who define themselves as the "African people," still use Kikongo language for ritual pur- poses (Bilby and Bunseki 1983: 65-93). Kumina ceremonies are held on specific occasions like a death, a disease, or a thanksgiving to the spirits (Simpson 1980: 166). The rituals share a num- ber of traits with other Afro-American religions like the use of ceremonial drums, the sacrifice of an animal (usually a goat), and spirit possession. However, although Kumina is defined as the least Christianized among Afro-Jamaican religions, it seems that a syncretism is going on with the Chris- tian Revival Zion. Whereas Kumina spirits occa- sionally manifest themselves at Revival services, Christian angels are taking on a role in Kumina cosmology, and, in Spanish Town, "tables" are laid in a Revival fashion for Kumina rituals (Ryman 1984: 123).

Based on a fieldwork that took place in 1992, the ethnographic material presented in this paper is meant to contribute to the study of Revivalism in contemporary Jamaica. Revival Zion is the result of a syncretism of Baptism and a Jamaican Af- ro-Creole religion called "Myal." From Baptism, Revival Zion derived mainly the literal approach to the biblical doctrine, to which it added Afro-Creole elements like spirit possession, the emphasis on

1 Also called simply Revival: although Moore reports Revival Zion and Revival as separate religions, it seems, also on the basis of Simpson 1956: 342, that no such distinction exists.

518 Emanuela Guano

drumming and dancing, and offerings and sacri- fices to the spirits. Revivalists regard themselves as Christians; they worship the God of the Bible, Jesus, and the Holy Ghost. The latter is believed to manifest itself by seizing the senses of those worshippers whose soul is "clean." Revivalists at- tend their churches on a regular basis (about three times a week), but they also have special functions for particular occasions among which are "tables" held to thank the spirits or to urge their help, or river baptisms meant to introduce new brethren into the Revival Zion community.

But the Afro- Jamaican religious network is so tightly knit that, as might be expected, Kumina spirits occasionally manifest at Revival Zion ser- vices. The contact between Kumina and Revival Zion works both ways: although Revivalists are aware of the non-Christian character of Kumina spirits, they welcome them in the due fashion by drumming with the Kumina beat, sometimes by spraying the possessed with rum as prescribed by the ritual, and by soaking special leaves in the ceremonial water.

Until recently, all studies of Afro- Jamaican re- ligions used to report another religion very sim- ilar to Revival Zion, almost a negative "double" to it: Pocomania. This spelling has now been re- placed by "Pukumina," as Pocomania still bears the contempt of its probable origin from the Span- ish poco and mania: "a little madness" (Alleyne 1988: 169). Nowadays Pukumina exists virtually only as an "out-group" definition; no religious community would ever define itself as "Poco," as this would be a confession of necromancy and of the cult of fallen angels (Simpson 1980: 165). In fact, Pukumina seemingly disappeared; presently no such community is known in the Kingston area, although Revival Zion preachers still denounce the wickedness of "Poco" practices.

2. From Myal to Revival Zion: A Historical Outline

In Jamaica, Christianity spread among the Black masses only relatively late, that is at the beginning of the 18th century. It seems in fact that British plantation masters, almost all of whom were mem- bers of the Anglican or of the Scottish Church, had little or no interest at all in fostering missionary activities among their slaves (Patterson 1969: 207). Virtually free from any Christian influence, Afri- can and African-derived religious practices filled in this gap by flourishing among the slaves.

Coming from different areas of West and Cen-

tral Africa - from the Slave Coast, Senegambia, Sierra Leone, and the Bight of Biafra, but also of Fula, Wolof, Dyula, Yoruba, Igbo, and Bantu origin (Alleyne 1988: 28-61) -, Jamaican blacks blended a number of traditions into a Creole sys- tem of beliefs articulated into Myal and obeah.

Patterson traces the term obeah back to the Twi obeye, which means "the entity within witches" (1969: 186). But obeah was (and still is) not so much witchcraft as a form of sorcery and necro- mancy based on the ritual manipulation of oint- ments, powders, and other substances. Myal (the origin of the word is unknown), instead, was a religion, a set of healing practices, and a means of counteracting the evil activities of obeah-mcn (Alleyne 1988). In their complementarity, both Myal and obeah were based on the belief that human beings have two souls: a duppy and a shadow. After death, the former was thought to return to Africa (much like the gwo-bon-anj of Haitian vodou travels back to Ginen; Desmangles 1992: 70), while the shadow was at risk of be- ing manipulated by obeah-men for evil purposes (Stewart 1990: 119). Also, both obeah and Myal served as a form of resistance against the White masters: while obeah-men supported the numer- ous rebellions in their own way, by distributing "fetishes which were supposed to immunize the insurgents from the arms of the whites" (Patter- son 1969: 192), Myal provided Jamaican slaves with a religious worldview that was an alternative to established Christianity (Stewart 1990: 137). But, in 1781, an Act of Assembly banned Myal rituals (137), and the Afro-Creole religion had to go underground until the 1840s, when Myal- ists (all of whom were members of missionary churches) started their own Revival by publicly performing their ecstatic dances (139f.). At that time, the process of Christianization of Jamaican Blacks had already begun. In fact, in 1754, the first Christian (Moravian) missionaries had started their proselytizing activity in Jamaica. While the Moravians were not particularly successful (and the Anglicans showed little interest in the souls of slaves and ex-slaves), George Liele and the other Black Baptist preachers that came from the United States after 1784 immediately gained the interest of Jamaican Blacks. Mingling with Cre- ole practices, the nonconformist doctrine of these Baptists soon developed into a native variety of Baptism that diverged from the official doctrine of the Jamaican Baptist Mission (1990:128).

In the early 1860s, a Great Revival took place in Jamaica. Missionaries of orthodox Christian churches greeted it as a return to a pure form

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Revival Zion: An Afro-Christian Religion in Jamaica 519

of Christianity. But, to their distress, the Great Revival soon turned Myal, mingling Christianity with the Afro-Creole religion (Stewart 1990: 145f.; Curtin 1968: 170f.; Seaga 1969: 4). The outcome of this Great Revival was the religious movement still known as Revival Zion.

From Myal, Revival Zion developed many of its features like the mission against obeah and necromancy, and the strict moral code (Chevannes 1971: 33), but also spirit possession, the emphasis on drumming and dancing, and the offering of sac- rifices to the spirits. From Baptism, Jamaican Re- vivalism derived mainly the literal approach to the biblical doctrine. Like Myal, Revival Zion carried on a form of opposition against the Christianity of the Whites - at times even a moral condemnation of the latter, in that, for example, it did not prevent the institution of slavery (Stewart 1990: 133).

The protest element of Jamaican Creole Chris- tianity became particularly evident during the re- bellion of Morant Bay in 1865, when native Bap- tists offered their support to the insurgents. But Re- vival Zion social and cultural resistance against the White establishment was to reach its peak between 1880 and 1920, with the Bedwardite Movement of August Town.

Centered on a prophet, the Revival pastor Al- exander Bedward, the Bedwardite movement soon developed into a form of millenialism mingled with a strong anti- White protest (Williams 1974). On two occasions, Bedward declared that he, the returned Messiah, would ascend to the sky, and that he would rescue his people from a cataclysm that was about to strike the island. In Bedward's doctrine of a new society Blacks were to turn White and reign supreme. Blaming the misfor- tunes of Jamaican Blacks on the "White rascals" (Williams 1974: 158f.), Bedward preached that the Whites had to be wiped out of Jamaica. His hatred of the White establishment also led him to openly reject its values, and among the practices Bedward imposed on his followers was the taboo-breaking habit of bathing naked in the Hope river (Williams 1974: 165). After his second failure to ascend to the sky, Bedward was condemned to spend the rest of his life in an asylum. Since then, Revival Zion has abandoned the doctrine of millenialism and has mitigated its anti- White protest. Yet, Bedward is still regarded as one of the prophets of the movement, and as such he haunts the visions and dreams of many Revivalists.

3. Religion and Social Status

Religion is an important element of Jamaican cul- ture and society. Christian churches of many de- nominations are scattered throughout the island. In Kingston, each Sunday morning, streams of well- groomed people flock to their temples; at night, Revivalists, recognizable by their turbans, rush to worship the spirit in their churches.

In any case, going to church, belonging to some church is felt almost as a necessity: atheism is uncommon (Kerr 1952: 118), and the status of nonbeliever is not acknowledged (Austin 1984: 103). One of the first questions a stranger is to be asked in Jamaica is: "What is your church?" Membership in a church is an important social marker, as the religion practiced by a Jamaican tells much about the status of the person. Gene- rally speaking, attendance in orthodox churches is regarded as prestigious, and these congregations are usually composed of upper-class (or upward- ly mobile) individuals. The Anglican Church, for example - the church of the former colonizers -, ranks high in Jamaican society (Kerr 1952: 118), and it is attended mainly by the White and the light-skinned upper classes. The Catholic Church also enjoys a high social status (118), while Meth- odists have a certain appeal to the light-skinned and the middle class (Hogg 1964: 131). A number of churches of North American origin, such as Jehovah's Witnesses, the Church of God, and the Seventh-Day Adventists, are now becoming in- creasingly popular among the wealthy (Kerr 1952: 118). In general, emotionalism and emphasis on spiritual inspiration are regarded as features of low class religions. Revival Zion belongs to this category, along with Pentecostalism, although the latter enjoys a little more prestige than the former (Wedenoja 1978: 148). Both Pentecostals and Re- vivalists are likely to be condemned as "Poco" by members of denominational congregations (Austin 1984: 114), as they are regarded as "mad" and "wild." At the same time, Revivalists are feared for their knowledge in obeah and science, that is in sorcery of respectively Afro-Creole and European origin. In fact, Revivalists are thought to possess strong spiritual and magical powers, to the extent that even orthodox Christians, in case of an urgent need, might temporarily turn to a Revival pastor in search for help. In addition, many Revival pastors are also balm healers, experts in the use of herbal baths and concoctions for healing purposes.

Unlike Revival Zion, Kumina is usually consid- ered by Kingston better-off classes as less directly threatening and/or embarrassing. Kumina rituals

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520 Emanuela Guano

take place in the countryside (mainly St. Thom- as and St. Catherine parishes), far from the ur- ban environment of Kingston. In addition, Kumina dances are often performed at folklore festivals: Kumina has now achieved the status of an element of Jamaican heritage.

As above mentioned, Pentecostalism and Re- vival Zion appeal to the lower classes, and this en- hances the competition between the two. Generally speaking, Pentecostalism is seen as less tradition oriented: in fact, upon embracing more modern values, many Revivalists turn to Pentecostalism (Wedenoja 1978: 153). In addition, the rivalry be- tween Pentecostalism and Revivalism has led to the absorption of Pentecostal elements by Revival (153), like glossolalia, the laying of hands, and the frequent use of Pentecostal choirs. Nonethe- less, Revivalists lament the arrogant attitude of Pentecostal churches in Kingston, as they claim Pentecostals reject any contact to Revival Zion.

In Kingston, Revival churches are found ex- clusively in neighborhoods commonly defined as "rough," like the downtown area or the townships of West Kingston. Most middle- and upper-class Jamaicans prefer not to venture in these areas, above all at night - the time when Revival func- tions take place.

4. Pastors and Their Communities

In 1956, Simpson sketched an image of West Kingston that seems not to have changed much in the last decades. Indigence and a very low standard of life still affect the population of this outskirt of the city. The situation is only slightly better in Central Kingston, although problems like unemployment and a high crime rate remain acute. As a matter of fact, most Revivalists earn their living as street vendors or domestic helpers; many of them are unemployed.

Given this social and economic background, the responsibilities and the involvement of Revival pastors and leaders in their communities are far from being only ritualistic. The world in which Revival Zion communities live is a moral universe where each sin, each evil deed or intention con- jures a reaction from the spirit that has a visible impact on the community itself. If somebody in the church turns to obeah and secretly carries a charm of human bones to the church, he or she will certainly be attacked by a fellow worshipper possessed by an enraged spirit. Misbehavior or envy among members of the community can alter the color of the bottles on the altar. An abortion

can make the holy water of the fasting turn as red as blood. In this case, Revivalists say that the fasting is "drawing a sword," which means that it is condemned by the Holy Ghost. These signs are warnings that the spirit gives to the people. If they remain ignored, it is believed that something worse can happen. Through the spiritual power of the Holy Ghost and above all the mediation of the pastor, the community is shaped into a fairly harmonious network of relationships. Whenever this solidarity fails, a spiritual "sword," together with the rebukes of the pastor, seeks to restore the lost balance.

Besides the spiritual and moral guidance that the pastor gives to the community, the church plays an important role also in other aspects of the life of Revivalists. Most Revival Zion churches, for example, organize classes to teach their mem- bers (among whom illiteracy is not uncommon) how to read and write. In addition, they sometimes offer instruction in practical skills related to the housework, like cooking or sewing clothes. Many churches also organize social activities, like short leisure trips around the island.

Each church is part of the Revival Zion net- work. All Revival congregations in Kingston, for example, are in contact with each other. Whenever a church needs funds, it organizes a convention. Special services are held in this church for a few nights in a row, and a number of other congrega- tions are invited to participate. The fund raising activity in this case is based not only on the offer- ings paid by the guest congregations, but also by the sale of small pamphlets and "rosettes" (bows of ribbons).

No recent census exists about the number of Revival Zion churches in Kingston; a number of Revival congregations are scattered around the outskirts of the city, while only one church sur- vives in the downtown area. Revival communities form a tight network; this does not imply, how- ever, the absence of antagonism among different congregations. The rivalries, envies, and gossip that inevitably arise are blamed on the prevalence of the "carnal minded" in many congregations. Reciprocal charges of working obeah and "Poco" are also not uncommon.

The situation is not necessarily better within each community. Although leaders promote soli- darity as a highly appreciated virtue, it occasional- ly happens that the relationships among members degenerate. In many cases, only the efforts of the pastor and the "swords" of the spirit can restore the harmony in the congregation.

Another aspect of the investment of Revival

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Revival Zion: An Afro-Christian Religion in Jamaica 521

members in their church is the amount of time and money they are willing to sacrifice for their religious activities. The regular services take place three times a week, and they last from about eight well into the night. Revivalists are also expected to attend conventions and other special services like baptisms, etc. Each time, Revivalists are re- quired to wear appropriate clothes: a "uniform" and a turban, or a fancy dress and a small hat. This involves considerable expenses given that the average income of these people is very low. The churches themselves rely on the offerings by the members; in some cases, even the pastors expect their congregation to contribute to their living. Some sort of redistribution takes place in that all Revivalists know that, in case of need, they can count with the help of their church.

In sum, an analysis of Revival communities in Kingston leads to the conclusion that these churches supply their people with a tight social network, a system of rules and values, chances to attain prestige, and support in case of economic need. On a deeper level, Revival Zion churches provide their communities with a worldview in which any incident is explainable on the basis of the relationship between humans and spirit, and problems can be solved through the help of faith and magico-religious knowledge.

5. The Doctrine

Revivalists regard themselves as good Christians. Their moral code and their conduct is, at least in principle, organized according to the Bible. The Bible is read, memorized, preached, and sung; the Bible is the source of salvation, of spiritual power, and of magical knowledge. The Bible is both revered and feared, as it is also a dangerous, inexplicable mystery that can be used for destruc- tive purposes. "You can find answers to all your problems in the Bible," a pastor told me once, "but you can also destroy a person with the Bible. Somebody sends you a message with a special verse from the Bible, and when you read it, you are reading your death sentence."

Everything is in the Bible: the rules for Chris- tian moral conduct, the techniques of healing by manipulating spiritual power, the ways to approach the spirits. A simultaneously literal and creative approach to the Bible turns this book into the focus of Revival Zion system of beliefs.

All categories of Revival spirits, for example, are supposed to be described in the Bible. This means that, in Revivalist interpretation, not only

prophets and angels are mentioned in the Bible, but also spiritual beings like the Fish, the Hunter, or even the Milk Maid, the Bell Ringer, and the Time Piece.

6. The Spirit

The other important source of spiritual knowledge in Revivalism is the spirit itself. The spirit is the Holy Ghost, an impersonal power that manifests itself to the humans by possessing them through spirits defined as "messengers." These are orga- nized in different categories. The prophets, for example, are regarded as more "earthbound," to the point that some of them are classified as evil spirits. However, it seems that, not long ago, the very same prophets and angels were commonly conjured for possession during all Revival Zion services (Simpson 1956: 344f.; Moore 1953: 80), whereas spirits like the Hunter or the Bell Ringer were regarded as "Poco," and called "ground spir- its" (Hogg 1964: 320f.; Seaga 1969: 8). Presently, most possessions in Revival Zion rituals are ac- complished by former Pocomanian spirits that are now even assigned permanent places in Revival churches: the Fish or River Maid, the Hunter, and the Dove. The origin of these spirits is unknown; only the Fish is clearly the water spirit worshipped also in other Afro-American religions (Benjamin 1987: 3). A special class of Revival (but former Pocomanian, according to Seaga 1969: 8) spirits includes characters like the Milk Maid, the Bugler, the Bell Ringer, the Time Piece, the Ambush (sic) Man, and others - all of them, though, regarded as rigorously biblical in origin. It seems that these spirits possess only functionaries of Revival hi- erarchies, and hardly if ever ordinary members. These spirits manifest themselves in dreams, vi- sions, and possession to those who have achieved a certain level of "cleanliness" (spiritual purity), to give them "teachings." Each of the spirits has peculiar powers that are transmitted to its function- aries; the Ambush Man, for example, is at home in the bush, and can manipulate herbs for heal- ing purposes (but also for poisoning!). The teach- ings from the spirits include also the description of the uniform that the functionary-spirit is sup- posed to wear during the "tables": function where these spirits parade in the church wheeling around (wheeling during possession is a sign of spiritual achievement, and that of "wheeling pastors" is a special classification among Revival worshippers who spin during their trance), and wearing their colorful costumes.

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522 Emanuela Guano

Another category of spiritual beings is that of the Fathers, former Revival pastors who gained a special reputation during their lifetime. The preacher Bedward is one of them, and his name still recurs in sermons and testimonies. The spirits of the Fathers are said to appear in visions and dreams; they also take part in services where they can be seen by those who are spiritually "clean."

The last category of spirits (although they can- not be defined as messengers) is that of the dup- pies, or the spirits of the dead. Revivalists believe that the dead can go on haunting the world of the living if the necessary steps are not taken after their death. These precautions consist of a ritual wake called "nine night," reported not only in Revival but also in Kumina (Simpson 1957: 329). Some people believe that the fortieth night after death is actually the crucial moment for the dead to leave this world or haunt it forever; hence, a wake is necessary on that night, too.

Not only Revivalists, but also many people of other religious confessions share this fear of dup- pies. The dead are dangerous because obeah-men can easily manipulate them by "setting" them on the living. Hence, possession through duppies is an annihilating disease, not a temporary trance. Because, as a pastor told me, "when you are spir- itually blind, and you don't see the duppy, the duppy eats with you, and you get sick, and start loosing weight until you die."

7. Spirit Possession

Almost always spirit possession begins with con- vulsive movements of the back and the shoulders (Simpson 1956: 352), and soon turns into a better defined pattern of dance and vocalizations attrib- uted to the spirit involved. The Doves are known to coo and dance with stretched arms, whereas the Hunters bow forward and howl, and the Fish typi- cally rotates wrists and hands as if they were fins.

It is commonly assumed that a special link exists between the person and his or her spirit, so that, in most cases, possession occurs always through the same "messenger." Some Revivalists, though, get possessed by Kumina spirits. This usu- ally happens to those people who attend, or have attended, Kumina dances. Though extravagant, the event is considered as acceptable, and also Kumina spirits are welcomed in the due way by spraying rum and offering special leaves.

But the most intense phase of possession is what Revivalists call "spirit work," or "labor- ing," or "groaning." When their possession is deep

enough, Revivalists turn to a pattern of movements (a rhythmic bowing forward of the back, while swinging the arms and stepping in a circle) ac- companied by loud inhalations and exhalations that sound like a percussion music. During this phase, those who are possessed (and hence have absorbed the spiritual power in them) "work" in order to bend this power to their will. They want to receive a message from the spirit, but they also want this spiritual power to help them achieve concrete goals and benefits in their everyday life. Spirit work, in one word, is a way of manipulating that super- natural power that is thought to control the lives of human beings - a temporary, ritual reversal of Revival Zion worldview (Guano 1993: 77), and maybe a compensatory psychological mechanism that helps Revivalists better endure the crises of life (La Barre 1970: 40).

8. Obeah and science

The most rigorous Revivalists officially condemn the use of such devices as oils and powders, as these remedies are traditionally associated to obe- ah and science or what Revivalists call "voodoo," which is their general definition of sorcery. Many Revivalists, nonetheless, are reportedly experts of both obeah and science, and they often draw their knowledge from books that, like the "Fourth and Fifth Seal of Solomon" by De Laurence, have been banned by Jamaican law.

This ambiguity of good and evil, of strict Chris- tian morality and magic practice, is one of the striking characteristics of Revivalism. It is not surprising, hence, that Revival Zion eventually syncretized with its negative double Pukumina, of- ficially condemned because of its worship of fallen angels, its commerce with the dead, and the lax sexual behavior of its worshippers - all sins that Revival communities often blame on each other.

9. The Place and the Paraphernalia

Like human beings, the spirits have their favorite spots in the church: places where they are always to be found, and where they receive the offerings and the homage of their worshippers. Fish, Doves, and Hunters, for example, dwell in the corners of the church. Hence, each of these spots is marked by a "seal": a stem of sugarcane plus other objects that vary according with the nature of the spirit. The corner of the Hunter, for example, is posted only with a stem of sugarcane and a candle. The

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Dove requires a more elaborate "seal," as it usually has a table laid with bottles and small basins of water, candles, fruits, and flowers. The corner of the River Maid or Fish is sometimes marked by a pool, also called "the River." In most cases, however, the pool is outside of the church, and the corner of the Fish is sealed by a stem of sugarcane, a candle, and stones. The pools, which are usually at least double the size of a tub, are often decorated also with shells as they are "food for the Fish." Or staffs: long sticks with a rounded extremity that, if laid transversely over the pool, have the power to "lock" it, so that nobody can jump into the "Riv- er." Occasionally these pools are decorated with silverware and dishes (the River Maid is supposed to eat), and with perfume and cosmetics: like her equivalents in other Afro-American religions, the Fish is concerned with her appearance.

In addition to the corners, the center is particu- larly important. In most churches it is marked by a jar of water, a candle, and a bunch of flowers. The center of a church in Central Kingston, for ex- ample, is marked by a complex pattern of bottles, candles, white cups, and water basins representing a star with six points. Inside the star, there are an open Bible and a "rod," a short stick with ten rings used to beat away evil spirits. The lower half of the star culminates in a tall, red candle called the "tower." Underneath the star, two cloths are laid, one red and one black, to represent "suffer" and "judgement."

A small table is usually set next to the center of the church. It is covered with a white cloth and laid with flowers, candles, water bottles, and fruits. As also Wedenoja reported, a clock may be set on this table at the beginning of the service to impose a limit on the length of the ritual (1978: 269): a service that lasts over midnight is likely to attract some duppies.

Below the table are a basin of water, a coconut (which absorbs evil influences and is hence used for healing and exorcisms as well as destructive purposes), and two crossed cutlasses, meant to keep away evil spirits.

At one end of the church, opposite to the en- trance, there is usually a platform with the pulpit and an altar. The altar is decorated with flowers, candles, and cream soda bottles. Usually laid with a white cloth, the altar is sometimes covered with fabrics of different colors according to the occa- sion. Colors are particularly important, as they are related to the spirits. Hence, colored banners hang in the church, to be retrieved and waved according to the will of the spirits.

The walls of Revival churches are usually dec-

orated with verses from the Bible. On the plat- form, a few Christian icons are hung, among which the images of Christ and the Last Supper are the most common. In some churches a blackboard on the platform reports the list of the sick members waiting for the healing.

The instruments played in Revival Zion churches are almost exclusively percussions. Although some churches have bought modern equipments, tradi- tionally Revivalists use two kinds of drum: the base and the rakkling drum. The former is bigger, produces a lower tone, and is played with one stick. The rakkling drum is smaller and has two sticks; its rhythm is faster, which makes it more difficult to play. The frames of both drums are usually cut from metal bins, covered with a female and a male goatskin on either extremities, and held tight through a rope fastened to big nails. Periodi- cally, the drums must be rubbed with rum or ash. The third instrument is the tambourine, which is also covered with a goatskin. Provided they have the necessary skill, anybody in the church can play these instruments.

10. Preaching

Revivalists distinguish between three kinds of preaching: sermon, exhortation, and testimony. The distinction is based mainly on the length that varies from the few minutes of the testimony to the 10-15 minutes of the exhortation, to the elapsed time of the sermon (if the spirit inspires the preach- er, the sermon might last up to a few hours). In ad- dition, only functionaries usually preach sermons and exhortations, whereas ordinary worshippers are periodically required to testify.

Oratory is an important and appreciated skill for preachers. It is meant to teach, but mainly to communicate emotions, and it has to elicit enthusi- astic responses from the audience (Pitts n. d.: 73), like "Praise the Lord!," "Yes!," or also "Amen!" when feelings of sorrow are aroused.

Revival Zion sermons share oratory devices with other Afro-American religions. The sermon, for example, is always chanted, to the extent that its cadence is sometimes accompanied by drum- ming (Pitts n. d.: 62). The sentences tend to be short, often with an emphasis on the last word, and they always leave a gap for the responses from the audience. As Fine observes, the pattern of the sermon includes the use of formulas like "Praise the Lord" often used to take time during or before the talk (1992: 25). When the preacher judges that the response is not enthusiastic enough,

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for example, he or she might recur to stimulant formula (25) like "I don't hear you," or "did you hear me?" The sermon is formulaic in that the preacher often utters the first words of a psalm or a prayer the audience knows very well, so that everybody joins in a choir.

The means of involving the audience are not only verbal, but also kinesic. In most cases, the preacher moves around the church, sometimes even addressing some of the members of the con- gregation by talking directly to them, looking in their eyes, and touching their shoulders. Reviv- al Zion preachers always show peculiar mimicry patterns, like a swinging of the arms and the legs while jumping from one side to the other, thus pointing to both wings of the audience.

Typically, preachers claim their words come from the spirit. This inspiration manifests itself with frantic movements of the arms and glossolalie ejaculations, but, in the case of accomplished min- isters, this enthusiasm rarely leads to a complete possession. In one case, a pastor became so excited during an exhortation that, when she was stopped by the intervention of some other preacher, she went on walking nervously up and down the plat- form and shouting "Praise the Lord" by herself.

A good sermon must express fervour to elicit an equally enthusiastic response. If the preacher fails to do so, the audience will soon manifest its loss of interest by yawning in a noisy (and eloquent) fashion.

Though the contents of the sermons vary ac- cording to the occasion, it seems possible to draw a rough outline of a recurrent pattern. Most of the sermons I listened to started by defining the border between true Revivalists and all the "others." The latter (who might have been people from other de- nominations or even other Revival Zion congrega- tions) were defined as sinners, devoid of scruples and moral virtues. Hence, the preacher went on explaining the qualities of the good Christian - qualities that almost always entailed humility and the endurance of sufferings. In most cases, the sermon was enriched with allegorical stories of sin and punishment (or of redemption) from the Bible, from the life of the preacher, and even from local newspapers, provided they could be used as moral examples.

11. Hierarchy and Rituals

Revival Zion congregations (or "bands," as they are called) are organized in a hierarchical structure as follows: bishop, minister, deacon, evangelist,

missionary, leader, secretary, water mothers, ordi- nary members.

The highest appointment is that of the bishop, who is in charge of a diocese from which other churches depend. Bishops also have the power to anoint ministers. The consecration ceremony involves rituals like the laying of hands on the new minister by his or her congregation, which is also called to testify on the moral virtue and the faith of the candidate, and the rubbing of the eyes, the tongue, and the hands of the candidate with olive oil.

The deacon plays an important part in baptisms, where he or she is supposed to stand in the water together with the bishop, a water mother, and the candidates. The water mothers are in charge of all rituals connected to the use of holy water, and they are particularly active in baptisms, when they take care of the candidates before and after their immersion in the river.

Minister, evangelist, leader, and secretary are those who lead ordinary rituals. Usually, Revival Zion services are held three times a week. The ordinary services begin at around eight o'clock in the evening. First, the members of the church play the drums and sing religious songs. Then the secretary chooses two hymns to be sung by the congregation. A prayer follows, uttered by a worshipper kneeing on a cushion laid on the floor. After one more hymn, the secretary "lines" four "lessons": line by line she reads four psalms, while the congregation echoes her words in a song. Following the psalms, the offerings are collected by a member of the church walking through the benches with an open Bible in her hands.

Once a week, each member of the church is called to pay a sum of money that the secretary dil- igently records in a book. Then the pastor chooses those who will testify, after which the leader or the evangelist is called to give a short talk, an "exhortation." The sermon by the pastor, followed by a short prayer, usually concludes the service.

Obviously, this is but a rough skeleton of Re- vival services. The structure may vary from church to church, and even from service to service. Each ritual, in fact, is prone to be modified by the in- tervention of the spirit: people getting possessed by a spirit (or "getting in the spirit") are allowed to interrupt the service at any point by screaming, singing, preaching, "laboring," etc.

In most cases, the atmosphere in the church is not very formal: people walk in and out, provided they raise two fingers toward the platform and the congregation as a salute. At any time, small crowds are peeping inside from the windows. Some of

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them are backsliders (who are also allowed to sit in the back of the church), some are sympathizers, and others are just curious. A number of children are always playing in the church until they fall asleep on the pews, while dogs walk freely in and out, sometimes lapping the water from the sacrificial basins on the floor.

At rituals, women are required to wear skirts and a wrap (or a hat) on their head. Sometimes also men wear a wrap, although it seems there is no strict rule for them to do so. The color of the clothes (the "uniform") is prescribed according to the occasion. Among the other restrictions is the ban on menstruating women, who are thought to be unclean and cannot officiate important rituals.

From time to time, a fasting is held to attain special blessings from the Holy Ghost. Fasting means either abstaining from food for a few hours a day or feeding only on water, crackers, and leaves of a plant called "tree of life" for a period that ranges from 3 to 9, 10 to 21 days or from 3 to 9 months and 21 days. The end of the fasting will be celebrated by ritually sipping holy water from white cups.

Once a month, a Holy Communion or "Sup- per" is held. A bottle of water, a number of little glasses, and small pieces of bread are set on a short table covered with a white cloth. Toward the end of the service, the pastor distributes both the bread and the water among those who are partici- pating in the Communion. The event is meant to commemorate Christ's Last Supper.

The neophytes are introduced into the Revival Zion community through a baptism. The event, that requires a three-month-preparatory course, is among the most solemn rituals of Revivalism. Usually, many churches decide to have a baptism at the same time, and each of them contributes to the ritual with a few candidates. The ceremo- ny, that has to be celebrated by a bishop, starts in the evening, when the congregations gather in a church for drumming and singing. Testimonies and preaching follow, until the procession of the candidates enters the church shortly before mid- night. All of them wear white clothes; the women have a wrap on their hair, while the men cover their forehead with a white stripe. Led by a dea- con carrying a cross, they walk counterclockwise around the center of the church. Later, they will have to make their vow, one by one, while the bishop is preaching and holding a Bible above their head. Shortly before dawn, congregation and candidates will move to a river for the second part of the baptism. Here, candles are lit on the shore, and flowers, "silver" (coins), rum, and, sometimes,

red wine are offered in sacrifice by the bishop to the River Maid. Then the deacon holding a cross wrapped in a blue cloth, a water mother with two flags, and the bishop walk into the water, while the rest of the worshippers will stay on the shores. Helped by the water mothers, the candidates walk, one at a time, into the water. The women have their body wrapped in a white blanket, so that their clothes will not become too revealing as they come out of the water. Holding the candidate, the bishop gives a short sermon and then plunges her or him into the water in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Walking out of the water, the candidate is greeted by an outburst of singing and enthusiasm. Many possessions take place at this point, and some of the people who get in the spirit are baptized on the spot, even though they did not undergo all the requirements of the case. Later in the morning, after all candidates have been baptized, the ritual is concluded by repeatedly folding and unfolding the blue banner on the water, to thank and dismiss the River Maid.

The "table" is a special function that usual- ly lasts more than one night, and that is held for thanksgiving, uplifting, and deliverance, or, in some (and more secretive) cases, also for disrup- tive purposes (Simpson 1956: 371). It draws its name from the long table that has to be set in the church and laid with special ritual objects: breads (in shape of doves, butterflies, etc.), cream soda bottles, white candles, lemons, glasses of water, flowers, Bibles, and a white cloth. White is also the color of the uniform for this occasion. Underneath the table, there are a water basin and two crossed cutlasses. Another, smaller table may be set in a corner of the church and laid with soft drink bottles, colored candles, leaves, red tomatoes, and coconuts. Many congregations are called to take part in the service, and to contribute with offerings (usually by paying for lighting the candles on the table) to the high costs of the ritual. The service involves more singing and dancing than usual, and requires that the person for whom the "table" is held stands at one end of the table and testifies (Simpson 1956: 375). Shortly before midnight, a parade of spirit-functionaries wearing glamorous costumes breaks into the church and spins around the table. Inevitably, outbursts of spirit possession occur among both ordinary members and officials. Allover the church, little circles are formed by peo- ple "working in the spirit." Some of them might dance with a glass of water on the head (in the fashion of Kumina Queens) or hold ritual objects in their hands, like pots of water, fruits, cream soda bottles, or even a notebook and a pencil to

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write down spiritual messages. Amidst the general enthusiasm, glossolalie utterances increase their frequency.

The second day, a goat is sacrificed at sunset in a very private ceremony. The officials use the blood of the animal to mark a cross on the forehead of those who attend the ceremony (but Pocoma- nians are said to drink of this blood). The animal is supposed not to be eaten, but immediately buried.

The table is removed from the church and re- placed by a circle drawn on the floor (a "ground table") with the soft drink bottles and the colored candles that the night before were standing on the small table. The center of the circle, marked by a pot of leaves and tomatoes (another "Poco" con- tamination?; see Moore 1953: 63), is surrounded by glasses containing different drinks including milk, water and sugar, the blood of the goat, rum, and wine. Flowers and coconuts are scattered in and outside the circle of bottles. Structurally, the ritual does not differ from that of the first night but for the absence of the spirit parade. Only, the con- gregations wear a red uniform to remind the spirit of the blood sacrifice that has been accomplished.

12. Conclusion

Different approaches have been used to explain the role of Revival Zion in Jamaican society and in the lives of its members.

For example, some anthropologists have ob- served that, as Revivalism allows women to achieve prestigious positions within its hierarchy, this religion owes its persistence to the support of its female members. According to this expla- nation, Revival Zion should be a sort of women's world, a happy island in the male dominance of the other Christian denominations. Unfortunate- ly, this is hardly the case. If it is true that the majority of members in Revival Zion churches are females, most top positions in Revival hier- archy are taken by men. Male prestige in Reviv- al churches is high; the many rules imposed on women in order to control their appearance and their behavior clearly do not apply to men. Women cannot wear makeup, nor can they straighten their hair, nor wear jewels. But many men, above all leaders and pastors, often wear a number of gold necklaces, rings, and charms. Women are expected in all situations to have a humble conduct, whereas men usually undergo the most dramatic posses- sions, often accompanied by outbursts of boasting oratory, glossolalia, and spectacular dances and "laboring." It seems, in sum, that what many male

Revivalists achieve within their congregation is a prestige associated to performative skills. In fact, the "spirit" requires a charisma based on perfor- mative capabilities (such as preaching and singing) that supposedly preclude the shy and the humble - for example, women who behave according to the rules. Only those women who are gifted with an extraordinary personality can become pastors and leaders by defying the precept of modesty imposed on the other female Revivalists.

Other anthropologists approached Revival Zion on the basis of its social background. The diffusion of Revivalism in the poorest areas of Kingston led many scholars to speculate about the link between this religion and low social and economic status, and in most cases Revivalism was envisioned as a source of compensation for poor living conditions. In her study of Jamaican society, for example, Kerr observed that the role of religion is that of a wish fulfillment, an emotional outlet, a substitute for recreation, and a way of attaining leadership (1952: 135). Also Wedenoja observes that "Reviv- alism . . . evolved as a compensatory response to chronic deprivation in the mid-nineteenth century" (1978: 82).

But these explanations are only partly convinc- ing. Though being an aspect of Jamaican low class culture, Revivalism does not necessary identify with it; in other words, if it is true that Revival Zion is practiced mainly by the poor of suburban Kingston and of rural areas, in the broad picture of Jamaican ghettos Revival Zion communities are decidedly a minority.

Besides, if a compensatory element is undeni- ably present in Revival Zion, this does not explain how Revival Zion can still compete with other re- ligions, such as Pentecostalism, that should attract more believers in that they offer a higher social prestige and a luring aura of "modernism" denied to Revivalism. A different approach is Lanterna- ri's treatment of Jamaican Revivalism as a form of cultural and nativistic protest against slavery and colonialism (1977: 166). To Lanternari, the "African" elements in Revival Zion represent an opposition of Afro- Jamaicans against the culture and the world of the Whites. In this sense, Reviv- alists reinterpret Christianity in their own, "nativ- istic and heathen" way (1977: 166) to oppose the Christianity of the White dominators.

More recently, Baer and Singer (1992) pro- posed an analysis of the dichotomy of accommo- dation and protest among Afro- American religious groups classified as "thaumaturgical," "conver- sionist," and "messianic-nationalist." As Baer and Singer observe, one of the main traits of thauma-

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turgical movements is their stress on the "impor- tance of the individual over society" (1992: 210). Living in a moral universe where each deed (and misdeed) bears some consequences, the members of these movements tend to blame their problems on themselves rather than on external causes. Both stress on the individual and his/her responsibilities and the use of spiritual and healing practices char- acterize Revival Zion as a thaumaturgical move- ment. In fact, the use of magico-religious practices leads members of thaumaturgical churches to be- lieve that they have some degree of control over their fate (1992: 208). As a result of this world- view, and of the confidence in their manipulative powers, thaumaturgical groups "come to accept or at least avoid openly challenging existing social relations" (210).

If these traits classify Revival Zion as a thauma- turgical movement, other elements seem to stress a similarity of Revivalism with conversionist reli- gions. In fact, according to Baer and Singer (1992: 165), conversionist churches are characterized by a strong feeling of "communitas" (in Turner's sense; 1969) among its members. The intensity of their spiritual and emotional experience allows the members of conversionist groups to share, within the liminal borders of their ritual, a perception of reality and a worldview that strengthens their mutual solidarity. This description undoubtedly fits Revival Zion congregations, in that any Revival "band" is a communitas where solidarity relies on the common spiritual experience of the be- lievers in a world that becomes ritually separate from ordinary reality. Hence, on the basis of Baer and Singer's classification, Revival Zion can be defined as a thaumaturgical-conversionist "mixed type" religion. According to Baer and Singer, how- ever, both thaumaturgical and conversionist doc- trine are conducive to an accommodative approach to social and ideological issues in that they stress the importance of the individual and of a limited group, and focus their interest on a world that is moral and spiritual.

It would not be correct, though, to affirm that Revival Zion presently lacks any protest element. In fact, we should distinguish between "protest" and "resistance," that is between an active and a passive mode of opposition. Since the days of its beginning, Afro-Creole religion in Jamaica was felt as a way of resisting a world that was forcibly imposed on the Black masses; at times, this resis- tance actually turned into a more active opposition. This happened, for example, when the numerous slave rebellions gained the support of Myalists and obeah-men (Stewart 1990: 137; Patterson 1969:

192), and it became even more visible between 1880 and 1920, with the Bedwardite movement of August Town. On that occasion, Bedward's millenialism almost caused Revivalism (or at least a considerable stream of the movement) to turn to anti- White militancy.

Nowadays, Revival represents not so much a protest as again a mode of cultural resistance. Ja- maican society might be changing, though slowly, its traditional three-tiered class structure (based on a Black lower class, a Colored middle class, and a White upper class; Hoetink 1985: 73). But, in spite of a new, strong national awareness of Black Jamaicans, the privileges and the prestige of the White caste remain untouched, and wide sectors of Jamaican Black elite as well as of the middle class seem to have at least partly absorbed the values of the British colonizers.

Like most low class Jamaicans, Revivalists are aware of the paradoxes of their society, where a largely Black majority is socially and culturally dominated by a tiny White elite. In this context, Revival Zion is the truly nativistic form of Chris- tianity, the real alternative to religious (and cul- tural) colonization. While tracing back the origin of their faith to a schism "between the Baptist church of the Whites and the Baptist church of the Blacks," Revival Zion preachers still draw a line between themselves and all other Christian churches, of both European and North American origin.

Presently, the doctrine of Revival Zion congre- gations might not entail such a strong anti- White reaction as, say, that of Rastafarian ideology (Bar- rett 1988: 28). Yet, simply by reasserting their identity and by carrying on their rituals, Jamaican Revivalists still resist both an oppressive social reality and cultural colonization.

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