All Burma Students League on current situation engl_bur

8/3/2019 All Burma Students League on current situation engl_bur

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ALL BURMA STUDENTS LEAGUE(CAMP OFFICE) 4/7, ASAF ALI ROAD, NEW DELHI- 110002

Ph: 91-9810601506 · E-mail: [email protected]

ABSLALL BURMA STUDENTS LEAGUE

CENTRAL COMMITTEE

Position paper of All Burma Students League on current situation

“Confession of errors is like a broom which sweeps away the dirt and leaves the

surface brighter and clearer. I feel stronger for confession.” Mahattma Gandhi

1. Current Burmese politics has not changed anything in essence but only in its form.

Therefore, regarding the fight for democracy, this analysis was put forward in accordancewith our belief that there is a need for reviews and confessions upon ABSL’s activities

and the twenty-three year long fight itself.

2. ABSL was formed by the students and youths who were once involved in the Four-8sRevolution. Majority of its members held a stance -- We are Ba-Ka-Tha(ABFSU-All

Burma Federation of Student Unions) inside and Ma-Ka-Da-Ta(ABSDF-All Burma

Students’ Democratic Front) outside -- and a belief that there must be a single unifiedstudent body. It is their stance that the student body must be known as ABSDF abroad

and ABFSU inside. However, ABSL emerged as a separate organization because of

particular political reasons. Its members based in Thailand are ex- ABSDF members and

student comrades of domestic student fronts and unions.3. On July 30, 1994, ABSL officially came into existence with a democratic constitution

and the following political goals and policies.

A-Goals

A-1. Based on national politics, to eradicate fascism and military dictatorships and to

establish a democratic federal union which fully guarantees democracy and basic human

rights.

A-2.To safeguard the democratic and human rights of the people.A-3.To carry out national reconciliation and rehabilitation movements.

4. Since the founding day to date, the League was able to reach some of the written goalsin the constitution by utilizing the limited opportunities that were hard to come by. Here,

we record our special acknowledgement for the consistent solidarity and support of

friends, student and youth organizations, and leaders of political parties in India andinternational community. The League was able to raise Burma’s issues within

international community in a great number. It was also able to enter into internationalstudents’ movement and carry out a number of activities.

The League also cooperates with international youth and student bodies such as

International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY), International Union of Students (IUS)and World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY), as a member organization

representing Burma to each organization.

Moreover, through the League’s communication channels, Burma Peace Council (BPC) became a member of World Peace Council (WPC) and the League has carried out joint

activities on behalf of Burma. Now Burma Peace Council is in close co-operation with

Asia-Africa Solidarity Organization.






CENTRAL COMMITTEE6. In 1996, in accordance with its objective for bringing about co-operation among anti-military dictatorship and pro-democracy forces, the ABSL held an international

conference of Burma democratic forces. It was able to campaign among the youthrepresentatives and together form Student and Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB) as aunified student and youth front.

However, the League was not able to implement goals for forging a unified national front

and reciprocal co-operation among democratic forces.

Furthermore, ABSL had to withdraw from SYCB, which the League itself presided over for its formation, because it became divergent from the League’s goals.

7. Forces that left for the border areas to launch armed struggles are still not able to

establish a full-fledged military campaign. Meanwhile, the majority of armed ethnicgroups entered into cease-fire agreement with the military regime.

The remaining armed organizations including Karen National Union that do not take part

in cease-fire have not been able to launch any effective military campaigns.Therefore, forces along the border areas could not lend any support to the domestic

forces.

Though Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB), National Council of Union of Burma

(NCUB) and National Coalition Government of Union of Burma (NCGUB) were formed,none of them could install an inclusive anti-military dictatorship force. There were also

no collaborative activities in any shape or form of a unified front.

8. Therefore, an open admission is in order that the forces based abroad and in border areas did not have an effective cooperation within the people’s movement for democracy

and anti-military dictatorship.

This is a direct result of our common failure to build a complete unified front and

establish a firm and decisive leadership. Even though this blame goes majorly toourselves, the external interferences as one contributing reason to this weakness must

also be included in this criticism.It is the result of over-dependency upon the donors due to the use of excuse for survival

difficulties abroad. The main anti-military dictatorship movement has been backburnered

by the peripheral issues such as campaigns and trainings for human rights and woman

rights.Career opportunism like a cancer has spread to domestic forces as well and posed a

dangerous threat to the life of Burma’s politics. Finally international community

including the United Nations has begun losing confidence in democratic forces.9. Western non-governmental organizations now fully exploit and control the adolescent

opportunists who hitchhike the 4-8s’s Revolutionary vehicle. They spread false propaganda saying that donors do not support armed struggles, and ambitiously andsystematically destroy the very idea of armed struggle demanded by situations of Burma.

(Currently Libyan rebels are being amply supplied with weapons by the same donors.)

A large amount of fund was wasted in holding trainings in the name of non-violent

politics.






CENTRAL COMMITTEEAt this very moment, those career opportunists-turned-traitors returned to Burma and began working for the military regime whose policies have not changed at all. Soon there

will appear more of such traitors in a large number.10. After analyzing the result of the 20-year long movements of forces along the border and abroad, Bamaw Tin Aung’s words, “One own national interest is more pivotal than

that of policies in (world’s) politics.” prove to be absolutely true. The world’s politics is

self-evident of his words.

Although those forces abroad at the early beginning started their international campaignswith the idea of “joining the alliance with whoever that could defeat the enemy”, they

changed their mind after the year 2000 and their idea to “Join the enemy force if it cannot

be defeated” in later time.This idea is chiefly being advocated by Bahu Development Institute outside and

Myanmar Egress inside Burma. NGOs provided them with abundant support to

propagate this idea. The nature of relation between these opportunists and NGOs can beexplained by such a question once asked by the re-known historian Dr. Than Tun -- Does

a dog adopt a person, or the person adopt the dog? The military regime was able to regroup and rebuild its disintegrating political bases by

exploiting this idea. However, regarding diplomatic failure, we have to exercise moreanalytical criticism on ourselves as the root cause rather than shifting blame on external

interferences. The national interest of respective nations must be understood and

accepted.11. At the same time, the military regime, holding the power firmly in its hand, has

gradually been installing its political infrastructure. It also forcibly ratified the pro-

military dictatorship constitution by annulling the 1990 elections’ result which is the

political reward of Four-8s revolution. Military-turned-bogus government led by TheinSein in civilian dress was set up subsequently.

12. Military-turned-bogus civilian government has been used in launching series of political attacks on its dissidents in the international and domestic political arena. The

regime also starts holding closed-door political meetings with Aung San Suu Kyi, the

internationally-recognized democratic opposition leader, declaring fake general pardons

and extending pretentious invitation to dissidents along the border and abroad to returnhome. In the mean time, it has also begun launching offensive wars on armed ethnic

groups.

13. We have full confidence in honesty and compassion of Aung San Suu Kyi for the people of Burma. She has led Burma’s pro-democracy movement over 20 years despite

of various kinds of oppression. However, the regime’s past lies and current ploys make usdifficult to believe in the ongoing meetings.Over 2000 political prisoners are still being kept in jails. New arrests and tortures of

political activists are still going on. The basic rights of the people are still disallowed.

The censor board is still retained and freedom of press severely curtailed. Renewed

military offences against the armed ethnic groups along with the above-mentioned statusquo portray the dishonest attitude of the regime that desires to use current meetings as its

political breathing room rather than to truly find a solution.






CENTRAL COMMITTEEInternational situations and domestic opposition have forced the military regime intocarrying out such superficial reforms. The forced ratification of 2008 pro-military

dictatorship proves the fact that the military regime resolves to continue holding power.The attitudes and actions of the military regime that wish to firmly hold power in its gripdo not generate much of difficulties when communicating with neighboring countries.

But they do pose obstacles in its relationship with western democracies. To solve this

crisis, such superficial reforms are being introduced.

The steps have been taken to expand its incompetent administrative circle that it hascontrol over for nearly 50 years by bringing in reactionary forces and opportunists who

are NGOs’ pets. The current political activities and statements of Thein Sein’s military-

turned-bogus civilian regime are just a part of such a scheme.15. Any political offshoot that grows under the shadow of 2008 pro-military dictatorship

constitution will be just another military government in civilian clothes in essence. This

military administration will be even inferior to the dwifungsi invented by the thenIndonesian military dictator Suharto.

The state power will remain in the hand of a few military dictators regardless of the

existence of sham elections, puppet parliaments and bogus civilian governments. We

firmly believe that Burma’s political crisis cannot be solved – no matter how manyagreements are made with whatever political party – as long as 2008 pro-military

constitution remains intact.

The public life will largely remain in military bondage. According to the pro-militarydictatorship constitution, the military leaders are guaranteed with one-fourth of the total

parliamentary seats, all important ministerial positions including national security and the

power to legally stage serial coups d’état. Until now, all the ministries have been

occupied by military officers and ex-military officers.16. From 7th

July after the military coup in 1962 to date, successive generations of

students and youths have shed their bloods in their fight against military dictatorship.Therefore, only by continuing the fight against any political form stemming from 2008

pro-military dictatorship that prolongs enslavement of the people, we can truly honor and

preserve the blood-stained history of fighting peacocks, the students.

Termination of military dictatorship and achievement of democracy are the political goals promulgated by the four-8s revolution and reaffirmed by 1990 general elections. By

holding the belief: the People alone are Our Father and Our Mother , we declare here

that our fight for these goals must go on.

Never allow the history of fighting peacocks inked in blood to be tarnished. Let us continue our revolution.

All Burma Students League

18th

October 2011

( Adopted at the meetings of ABSL on 9th

and 23rd

September 2011)






CENTRAL COMMITTEE

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All Burma Students League on current situation engl_bur

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