ALDE - Policy Papers En

8/8/2019 ALDE - Policy Papers En

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October 2006 - May 2007

ALDEPolicy Papers


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2006-2007 POLICY PAPERS ALDE

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Table of Contents

About ALDE 5

Competition Policy 7

Defence Policy 19

Enlargement Policy 29

Immigration and Integration Policies 37


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Members of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe


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About ALDE

The Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) is a political

group in the centre of the European Parliament which brings togetherMEPs from 22 countries, representing Liberal and Democratic parties

across the European Union. These parties share a common vision and

ambition for Europe that we can achieve more by acting together

than by each of the Member States acting separately.

ALDE advocates an open-minded and forward-looking approach to

European Union politics combining individual liberty, a free and dy-

namic business culture, economic and social solidarity, a concern for

the future of our environment and respect and tolerance for cultural,religious and linguistic diversity.

Our vision for the EU is of a Europe which reaches out to all European

countries which respect the principles of democracy, rule of law, human

rights and a market economy.

We work towards the promotion of sustainable economic growth lead-

ing to more and better quality jobs, more consumer choice and greateropportunity for business and entrepreneurship.

We strive for freedom, security and justice for all European citizens, and

standing up for human rights and combating discrimination in all its

forms, with the aim to further peace, justice and stability in the world,

thus alleviating poverty, and cooperating through international insti-

tutions. We support the reform of the EU institutions to make Europe

more comprehensible, transparent, responsive and accountable to its

citizens.

The European Unions achievements to date are impressive half a

century of peace, prosperity and stability. Instead of ghting each other,

Europes nations have learned to harness their collective knowledge

and experience to a common enterprise and provide opportunity and

progress for all of Europes citizens.

Together we can achieve a Europe that is stronger, fairer, greener, more

open and more prosperous. Together we can free Europes potential.


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October 2006

Competition

Policy


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Introduction

This paper was drawn up by the Liberal and Democrat group inthe European Parliament following a number of discussions on

recent high prole cross-border merger cases in the EU.

It serves as a guide to Liberal Democrat thinking in this area at

European level and a statement of principles to guarantee free,

fair and open competition in Europes Single Market.

1. Our over-arching objective is to create the highest possible

level of well-being for the citizens of Europe. We do not see an

e cient competition policy as a goal in itself but as a tool to

create an environment where Europeans can exercise greater

free choice. This freedom is essential for a higher standard of

living and for an improved quality of life for the individual. It also

creates a business environment that encourages innovation and

progress and, simultaneously, improves Europes position in the

global economic context.

2. In a globalised world, we need to be competitive to meet

the new challenges we face. The way we conceive competition

policy is therefore crucial, since it has an eect on the consumers

every-day-life. We need to change, to make structure and attitude

changes, to compete while boosting our internal market, research,

innovation, social cohesion and competitiveness.


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Internal Market

Competition policy is a decisive

element for a successful European

economy, which guarantees the

functioning of the internal market,

while allowing technological

innovation to ourish. According

to the Treaty, a common European

competition policy is crucial to

ensure that consumers enjoy the

benets of Europes open market.Competition policy is about

maintaining checks and balances

within an economy.

We support a strong European

competition policy that creates

the proper environment to

guarantee healthy competitionfrom being undermined by

anticompetitive practices,

abuses of dominant position and

distorted competition.

Liberals and Democrats will be

at the vanguard of promoting

competition policy in responseto recent cases of economic

protectionism within the internal

market. We must ensure the

e ciency of competition policy

as a prerequisite for the welfare

of European consumers.

For this reason we welcomed the

2004 review of the instruments

of the EU competition policy

(antitrust, merger control, control

of state aid and liberalisation

measures) and the Commissions

decision to set out a proactive

competition policy. We are also

carefully monitoring the ongoingtechnical consultations launched

by the Commission (e.g., Article

82 of the TEC) and the review

of Competition Authorities

that might lead to profound

changes to the way the same

Commission, Member States,


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National Competition Authorities

and Courts will act in future in

relation to competition policy.

Moreover, we endorse the need

for a review of competition

policy in the light of the great

technological changes we are

experiencing which make it

more di cult, for example, to

define what we mean by the

market (e.g., Microsoft case).The

modernisation of competition law

and its enforcement is essentialfor ensuring competition in an

enlarged Europe as well as in a

global market.

Nevertheless we recognise

that many sectors in Europe

remain fragmented and

markets segregated (e.g.,transport) characterised by weak

competition and persistently high

prices. Likewise, several issues

that hamper competition remain

to be tackled (e.g. asymmetric

information and product

dierentiation). These obstacles

weaken the entire Europeaneconomy and the EUs position in

the international market.

More than ever, we consider

that a coherent policy has a

fundamental role to play in

ensuring competition in the

European context.


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Protectionism, Mergers

and Champions

As Liberals and Democrats, we

reject economic protectionism,

which harms the internal market

and the e ciency of European

companies on a global level. Our

real competitors are not within

Europe, but in the rest of the

world. Economic protectionismin favour of national champions

goes against the very spirit of the

European Union.

We should not be afraid of

European Champions companies

born often of cross-border mergers

which are large enough to take oninternational competitors. Such

companies would not undermine

competition since they would be

relevant to the entire European

market. We understand European

Champions as companies which,

driven by competition, produce

the best economic performances,

deliver low prices and high quality

to consumers through economies

of scale and challenge their global

competitors.

The idea of European champions

raises concerns in relatively

ine cient economies since they

will bear the greatest cost of

economies of scale resulting in

cutting surplus jobs, downsizingand out-sourcing.

Such practices are not new but

part of any business strategy. Most

people will recognise that Europe

has not much need for a coal

mining industry as it is replaced

by other, cleaner sources ofenergy. Textile manufacturing has

largely gone to the Far East, whilst

textile designing has ourished

in Europe. Ship building is such a

costly and demand-driven activity

that bulk commercial vessels are

now mainly built in Korea while

more specialised, luxury cruise


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liners are often built in Finland or

Italy. Europeans must concentrate

on producing what they do best

and buy the rest.

In response to those who might

fear that European champions

could be detrimental to SMEs, we

believe that they would produce

positive cascade eects on SMEs

(such as poles of excellence, orders

from subcontractors etc.).

National champions created

by government intervention

are ultimately detrimental to

the domestic economy, and its

consumers. They are too rigid

to adapt to market changes,

considerably more inefficientand therefore unable to rise to the

challenge of the global market.

The most recent waves of

cross-border mergers are the results

of the long-term eect of market

integration in Europe, thewidening of the market

through globalisation thanks

to technological evolution

the introduction of the Euro and

the need for restructuring and

redeploying vis--vis emerging

economies.

The challenge is how to

manage the transition to a post-

industrial economy, providing

incentives, training, flexibilityand opportunities enough for the

people of Europe not to fear the

prospect of changes lying ahead.


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Designed

byLaraSzpiro

Liberalisation, State Aid

and Strategic sectors

As Liberals and Democrats we

criticise the unconditional use of

state aid, especially when leading

to distortions of competition and

we support the belief that state

aids are not the solution to much

needed structural reforms in the

EU. We welcome the Commissionsproposal for less but better

targeted state aid; bearing in

mind that state intervention must

be of a temporary and limited

nature. The added value of any

given state aid should be clearly

measurable for the immediate

beneciaries and have positiveeffects on the economy as a

whole. We do not welcome state

aid within the internal market, nor

do we support the use of state aid

to protect our companies from

global competition.

Some who challenge theeffectiveness of competition

claim that liberalisation in certain

sectors has not resulted in lower

prices for consumers and that in

some cases liberalization has led

to signicant increases in prices.

Liberals and Democrats contend

that this is due to the lack of

competition rather than to an

excess of liberalisation, caused

by the initial failure to ensurefavourable market conditions.

In certain cases (e.g., Dutch and

German privatisation of the energy

sector) state-owned enterprises,

which had a monopoly power,

were privatised without a suitable

competition policy and adequate

regulatory mechanisms, resulting

in a transfer of monopoly power

from the public to the private

sector. The rst priority of local

governments was to cover their

budget decit failing to ensure

adequate competition. For

this reason, we would urge the

Commission to investigate the

causes that provoked a rise ofprices after liberalisation in certain

sectors.


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National interest in preserving

strategic sectors is another reason

often oered by governments

determined to protect nationalcompanies. Nevertheless, we

agree with the argument that

governments claim is driven

more by the desire to guarantee

continued national ownership of

companies, in view of creating

national champions, rather than

by concerns for national security.

We acknowledge that Member

States as well as the European

Union wish to retain control over

some sectors, such as defence

- though even here Member

States recognise the advantages

of common procurement andEuropean champions like EADS.

Recent discussions have also

focused on the need of the

European Union to secure access

to adequate energy supplies,since Europe is increasingly

dependent on energy imports

and potentially vulnerable to

geopolitical instabilities. This

is indeed a very real concern,

but it is through competition,

innovation and diplomacy that

the EU should gain independence

from foreign imports, not throughprotectionism and isolationism.

Nonetheless, even if we label a

sector strategic, it should not

mean that it is exempt from the

rules of competition altogether.

Moreover, strategic sectorsshould be dened as narrowly as

possible, discriminating between

priorities within the individual

sector itself. More should be

done by the Commission to

demonstrate that in the long term

competition policy will not lead to

the deterioration of sectors that

might be considered strategic.


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Summary and

International Aspects

We fear that some prerequisites

to benecial competition have

not been achieved through

the European Unions policies,

jeopardising the realisation of the

internal market; (e.g., electricity

and gas market, car market).

Complex inter-relationships exist

between competition policy

and other economic policies.

Nevertheless, it can be argued

that competition policy is broad

and comprehensive in its scope, its

purpose being to bring European

policies in harmony and create a

common level-playing eld within

the internal market, ultimately

encouraging consumer welfare

and growth.

We highlight the importance of

competition policy also as a meansto reach other goals, such as social

welfare, environmental protection

and development. Concerning

support for development

strategies, we believe that, without

an eective competition policy,

international anti-competitive

practices can restrict trade in

small and developing countries.

Therefore, as part of the EU eort

to help developing countries, theUnion should open its markets

on the basis of fair and clear

competition rules.

Moreover we believe that

the principle of safeguarding

labour, environmental and social

standards should be taken into

account in defining the rules

of competition. All the hidden

costs of lowering these standards

should be accounted for in


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dening the laws of the market.

Competition policy must take into

consideration these principles and

internationalise them to promoteundistorted competition. In this

respect we call on Member States

to mandate the Commission to

negotiate with third country

partners the adoption of higher

social and environmental norms.

We encourage the Commission in

its relations with the international

institutions (e.g., WTO) to seek abroad international convergence

on these important issues.

We believe the EU has already the

tools and the legal framework

to ensure greater efficiency

of competition policy. It isnevertheless important that the

Commission remains vigilant

in order to guarantee vigorous

enforcement of competition law

at home and greater convergence

abroad.

Moreover, the real independence of

National Competition Authorities

from both industrial lobbyists and

national governments must bepreserved.


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October 2006

Defence

Policy


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Introduction

The events of 1989 changed the EUs perception of Defencematters, just as Sep 2001 changed thinking in the USA. Moreover,

the geopolitical challenges have evolved considerably since the

adoption of the European Security Strategy in 2003 (ESS). ALDE

believes that a revision of the ESS is necessary.

While we are looking for appropriate ways to ght international

terrorism, prevent the further proliferation of weapons of mass

destruction and their means of delivery, manage the crisis stemmingfrom regional conicts and state failure and combat international

organised crime, the international community has to deal with

more general challenges - the globalisation of energy dependence,

the sensitive relations between Western societies and much of the

Islamic world, demographic developments, migration from poor to

rich regions, the impact of climate and environment changes and

the risk of global pandemics - which have become more tangible

in terms of their practical consequences for the member countriesof the EU.

There is also renewed discussion on the role of the EU can and

should play in the world in relation to other major international

players, including emerging powers such as India and China.


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European Security and

Defence Policy

As for ALDE, the development

of a genuine European Security

and Defence Policy is an integral

part of the Common Security and

Foreign Policy and an eective

contribution to the European

Unions international credibility

and visibility.

The EU must be in a position to:

a) defend itself where necessary

either jointly with its allies or, if

necessary, alone;

b) fullfill the Petersberg tasks

incorporated in the treaty ofthe European Union in 1997:

Humanitarian and rescue

tasks, peacekeeping tasks

and tasks of combat forces in

crisis management, including

peacemaking;

c) secure peace and stability in

its geographical neighbourhoodand in other parts of the world if

agreed by the European Council

and/or requested by UN Security

Council after consultation of the

European Parliament;

d) carry out civil protection, rescue

operations and humanitarian

intervention in Europe, in its

geographical neighbourhood and

in the world if such operations

are necessary. ALDE insists onthe necessity of the creation of a

European civil protection force in

order to full these objectives;

e) develop common guidelines

and rules of engagement for

military operations with special

respect to safeguarding human

rights, good governance and therule of law.

ALDE points out that the EU

cannot limit itself to policing, if

it is to contribute eectively to

the re-modelling of a workable

and peaceful world order. A fully

edged European army should inthis respect be progressively built

up.

ESDP and NATO

The scale and scope of current

security threats requires a co-

operative NATO-EU relationship

that maximises the assets of both

organisations and puts an end to

institutional bickering. A more

systematic process of consultation

and coordination is imperative

to ensure that resources are


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used effectively and that the

plans and responses of NATO

and the EU are better balanced

and harmonised. A constructiverelationship between NATO and

EU is a key component of a vibrant

transatlantic relationship.

ALDE believes that the co-

operation between the EU and

NATO should be more political

and should go beyond the mere

implementation of the Berlin plus

arrangements. 19 countries of the

EU belong to both organisations.

For ALDE, NATO remains the

guarantor of common security

for most countries of the Union

in the event of an agression by the

armed forces of a third country.

NATO is the appropriate forum for

transatlantic dialogue on security

issues and the indispensable bond

to link USA and European Securityinterests. For it to work properly,

however, EU Member States which

are NATO Members should play a

more positive role in NATO.

ALDE sees ESDP and NATO policy

as complementary without one

being subservient to the other.Nevertheless, ALDE considers

that increasing the eectiveness

of ESDP will require a profound

clarication of its nature vis--vis

the US and its non-EU allies.

ResearchALDE calls for the establishment

of a European Security Research

Programme (ESRP).

The ESRP should fund research

activities targeted at thedevelopments of systems and

products that are useful:

a) in particular for the protection

of Member States territory,

sovereignty, domestic population

and critical infrastructure against


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transnational threats.

b) for EU missions outside the

Union for peace keeping, conict

prevention and strengtheninginternational security.

EU Nuclear deterrence

Nuclear Weapons proliferation is

an increasingly worrying aspect

of weapons development. TheEU should play an active role in

reviving disarmament talks and in

seeking respect for the NNPT.

France and the United Kingdom

consider their nuclear forces the

ultimate means of defendingtheir vital interests. In 1995,

France made the suggestion that

Europe should give thought to a

joint deterrent. The UK is currently

debating the future of its nuclear

deterrent.

ALDE believes that consultation

between France, the UK and the

other EU Member States should

be envisaged in order to reach a

common EU policy.

Space

ALDE believes that the EU cannot

ignore space nor remain out of it.

The rst basic objective should be

the stabilisation of the European

presence in space in order to

guarantee Europes space capacity

for the future, consistent with its

political and economic weight

and able to full the needs of an

articulated European Security and

Defence Policy.

However ALDE is deeply

concerned about the prospectof an arms race in space and

calls for the elaboration of an

international convention. ALDE

believes there is an urgent need

to update the 1967 Outer Space

Treaty, which calls for the use of

space to be conducted for thebelpress.com


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benet and in the interests of all

countries. The US-USSR Incidents

at Sea Accors (INCSEA) of 1972,

which has served as a model forcomparable agreements signed

by more than thirty other seafaring

nations, might be used as a basis

for a new treaty for spacefaring

nations which should also contain

rules of the road to help prevent

dangerous military activities

leading to incidents of conict. It

would include provisions againstsimulated attacks, the testing and

deployment of space weapons

and dangerous manoeuvres in

space.

Intelligence

Developing international and

cross-agency cooperation has

become imperative in todays

security environment.

The EU should concentrate on

facilitating direct cooperationamong national agencies. ALDE

insists on the establishment

of an European Intelligence

Communication Network in order to

facilitate the cooperation between

the dierent national intelligence

agencies of the EU Member States.

An Eurozone for ESDP

While all Member States are equal

according to the Treaties, their

military capabilities, their military

traditions and their Constitutional

provisions regarding military

action, are different. ALDE

considers that Member States able

and willing to contribute most to

ESDP capabilities should have

the right to do so. However, noMember States should be forced

against its will to participate in

specic missions.

ALDE welcomes the gradual

establishment of EU battlegroupsand calls for the establishment

of an Eurozone for ESDP. The

intergovernmental methodology

which led to the creation of the

European currency could be used

to advance the concept of an

European army.


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Parliamentary scrutiny

ALDE stresses the need to

strengthen the mechanisms of

parliamentary oversight of ESDP

development in general and

ESDP missions in particular. ALDE

highlights the need to provide pro-

active information and conduct

debates before joint actions in the

eld of the ESDP are decided so

that parliaments can voice theiropinion and concerns.

Future developments

of ESDP

ALDE points out that an eective

ESDP will require further

modernisation of the Member

States armed forces. Reorientation

of spending and investment might

not su ce, so that increases in

military spending, both at the

EU level and by the Member

States might be considered. Thecompletion of an eective Rapid

Reaction Task Force is a priority

as is the further development of

the European Defence Agency

(E.D.A.). The EU must develop

a Defence Identity and pursue

a comprehensive approach to

promoting peace and security

based on: conict prevention,

cr is is management, and

postconict institution building.Furthermore, cooperation in

defence procurement through

the E.D.A. will be essential to the

success of ESDP.

ALDE ins ists that the

intergovernmental budget of

the ESDP should be guaranteedby the member states

and complemented by the

community budget: this would

have the advantage of reecting

more accurately the operating

methods and the spirit of the

ESDP (Intergovernmental and

community action) and would alsohave the advantage of its scrutiny

by the European Parliament.

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May 2007

European

Union

enlargement


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A solution is needed

to the constitutional

problem

The ALDE Group maintains

that finding a solution to the

constitutional crisis remains the

key objective for the European

Union as only this can provide the

European Union with the political

self-condence to move ahead.

As regards the question of

enlargement and future

accessions, the current TEUarticle 49 must remain the base

for the Unions approach, as long-

term membership prospects

give neighbouring countries

a sense of direction and hope.

The transformative force of

European Union soft-power can

only be maintained if the Union

itself remains open for potential

new members. One of the most

important criteria of enlargementis referring to common values and

common pursuance on a road of

progress in a sphere of political

integration.

However, it is important to recall

that while the European Union

must remain open for possiblenew members, the recruitments

of new member states should not

become its prime objective nor

should the objective of integration

be to get more and more member

states.

Honour political

responsibilities

The European Union has

responsibilities that must be met

in good faith, in line with the

existing Treaty obligations and

established criteria. The Union

and its institutions, in particular

the Commission, have developed

considerable expertise in assisting

candidate countries to prepare

for membership of the Union.

Both the Copenhagen criteria

E

uropeanCommission


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and this process should be

codied and included in a revised

Constitutional Treaty the Union so

urgently needs.

The European Union is already in

the early negotiating stage with

Croatia and approaching the

negotiations with Macedonia;

the ALDE Group looks forward to

the successful conclusion of these

negotiations.

We strongly support Turkeys

modernisation along European

lines, and are critically and

constructively engaged in

the present negotiations with

Turkey, whose outcome cannot

be foreseen. It is crucial, however,to underline the importance

of progress in development of

democracy, respect of human

rights and rights of minorities.

The ALDE group points out that the

further the enlargement goes on,

the greater the need to safeguard

and promote the recognition ofregional and linguistic minorities,

as a larger Union will comprise

more states with a considerable

internal heterogeneity.

As regards the other countries in

the Western Balkans, the ALDE

Group underlines that much stillneed to be done before their

concrete membership process

can be started. The ALDE Group

supports the Stabilisation and

Association process but underlines

that the implementation of this

whole policy should be more

energetic than what is the casetoday.

Political stability must be

achieved and state structures

that function satisfactorily must

be in place before the accession

to the European Union. At this

stage, no date for accession canbe established, but it could be

useful to establish benchmarks

in the process.


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Articial timetables should be

avoided, and countries should

accede only when ready and fully

prepared.

A timetable that allows

for reection

The European Union must refrain

from declaring a formal pauseor moratorium on enlargement.

However, the time available

during the current negotiation

phase can and should be used to

give the Union a Constitutional

Framework and implement the

necessary political and economic

reforms needed to increase trustand confidence of its citizens

and fulfil the EUs economic

potential.

The message to potential

candidate states must be to

be patient and continue with

necessary internal reformsbecause the European Union has

not shut the door on them.

In assessing potential members of

the EU, the Copenhagen criteria

should be our guide. They include

consideration of absorption

capacity.

Content of the

Neighbourhood Policy

In order to further assist these and

other neighbouring countries,

like Ukraine and Moldova, which

regard membership of or closer

structural co-operation with

the European Union as their

ultimate objective, the emerging

Neighbourhood Policy must be

ambitious and comprehensive in

content. Free trade and exible

participation in EU policies and

programmes will guarantee thattransformation based on soft-

power can continue.

The Unions objective must be to

expand the area of stability and

prosperity beyond its borders

E

uropeanCommission


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through structured co-operation,

notably on issues like economic

co-operation, mutual opening of

markets, communications and theprotection of the environment.

Attention must also be paid to

border management, police

co-operation and respect for

fundamental rights and to gradual

visa facilitation that extends

freedom of movement which, in

turns, guarantees the spread of

economic prosperity.

One possibility could be to

explore the possibility of creating

an associate membership. Such

a category may be suitable

for neighbouring countries

unwilling or unable to becomefull members. A specic category

might be explored for existing

member states which choose to

reduce their commitment.

The ALDE Group supports eorts to

create a close co-operation based

on cmmon vales with a democraticRussia. This co-operation has met

obstacles that are not caused

by the European Union. While

Russias future ultimately lies in

the hands of her own citizens, the

EUs policy towards Russia must

be coherent and measured, as a

true partnership must consist of

more than simply economic co-

operation. Democratic values and

respect for fundamental humanrights should be the cornerstones

of a EU-Russia partnership.

In order to support the democratic

forces in Belarus and to promote

democracy, rule of law and market

economy, the European Union

should initiate a Plan for Freedom,

which should be more focussed

than a Neighbourhood Action

Plan, for instance on economic and

administrative help for necessary

reforms on a wide scale.


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The European Union must make

full use of international and

European co-operation fora, like

the Council of Europe and theOSCE.

An enlarged Union

should insist on its core

values

Enlargement should be

accompanied by a deepening

of the Unions democratic

structure and the role of the

European Parliament and

national parliaments, as well as

an increased focus on securing

the Unions core values, the four

fundamental freedoms - free

movement of goods, labour,

services and capital.

Increased exibility will be needed

in an expanding European Union.

This will take two forms, bothof which will contribute to a

deepening of the Unions federal

characteristics while safeguarding

the democratic structure and the

role of the European Parliament

and national parliaments;

1. A multi-speed approach

enhanced cooperation in which

a group of Member States decides

to move ahead faster than otherstowards common objectives

and within the context of EU

institutions, but with the aim to

secure full participation of all

members later on. Such initial

diversication can be a positive

engine of integration as both the

Schengen system and the eurozone

demonstrate. Schengen startedas a strictly intergovernmental

treaty amongst a limited number

of states, and was subsequently

incorporated in the EU-treaty.

New member states have from

the start been keen on fully

participating in the system. As far

the single currency is concerned,a more coherent approach to

structural reform on behalf of

the Eurogroup will dynamise the

European economy.


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2. A new form of dierentiation

would be crated if a group of

member states both willing and

capable of sustaining closerintegration would form inside

the Union a federate core with its

own institutions. The core must

be open for the other EU member

states to join later.

Spend BetterThe nancial perspectives agreed

for the period 2007-2013 allows

insucient support for the external

actions of the Union. Funding for

the Neighbourhood Policy and for

Pre-Accession Assistance will not

be su cient, as the total amountavailable for these two instruments

amounts to only 3% of total EU

spending over this period.

A persistent and serious eort must

be made to increase this amount

in the review of the financial

system in 2008-2009 and fully

explain how nancial assistance to

neighbouring countries constitutes

a wise investment with pay-os

including greater political stability

and security and opportunities in

emerging markets.

As fewer funds are now

available, we must increase the

added-value of EU assistance

and complement spendingon traditional infrastructure

projects with increased focus on

democracy development and

institutional capacity building. The

inuence gained by the European

Parliament through the adoption

of new financial instruments

for external action will assist in

reaching this objective.

The Common Foreign and

Security Policy (CFSP) must be

strengthened but at the same

time be more open to democratic

control.


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May 2007

Immigration

and integration

policies of theEuropean Union


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Managing

economic migration

ALDE recognises that the reality of

ageing and demographic changes

will necessitate rethinking

immigration policies, as at current

migration ows, the decline in the

EU working age population will

entail a fall of about 20 million

employed people between 2010

and 2030.

One of the answers could be

more sustained economic

immigration ows while taking

fully into account the reception

capacities of the Member States,

so as to meet the needs of the EU

labour market in order to ensure

Europes prosperity and the Lisbon

employment targets.

While recognising that economic

immigration is necessary,

substantial discussion of what

kind of workers are needed

remains. There is certainly a

demand for highly skilled workers,manual labour and seasonal

labour depending on the specic

needs and characteristics of the

national labour market. However,

ALDE believes that at EU level

there is a clear need to harmonise

the conditions and criteria for

the entry of economic migrants,

leaving the dening of specicneeds for economic migrants as

a Member State competence, with

annual needs made public in an

EU-wide database.

While the EU foresees opening its

borders to third-country workers,ALDE believes that the priority

should be the lifting of remaining

internal barriers to the free

movement of workers from the

new Member States. ALDE calls

for a phasing out of transitional

arrangements as soon as possible

considering that freedom of

movement has to also be applied

to the employment market. ALDE

believes that it is a necessary step

for strengthening a sense of EU

citizenship.

E

uropeanCo

mmission


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On the condition that clear

information is available in both

the countries of origin and transit,

legal migration channels couldbe of added value ghting illegal

migration. The setting up of an

EU Green Card system (combined

residence and work permit)

should be foreseen, possibly with

the use of short term Green cards

for seasonal labour.

In addition, a multiple entry

system should be foreseen in

order to benet loyal seasonal

workers and to avoid pushing

economic immigrants into

an illegal situation once their

seasonal work has ended so as to

allow them to come back to the

EU. It is necessary to work towards

the creation of a legal migration

system for other categories of

economic migrants staying for

longer periods, while for example

anticipating the possibility of

family reunication.

The damaging eects of the brain

drain must be avoided, fostering

instead brain circulation. It

should be considered to allowthird country nationals to have a

short term Green card or multiple

entries that would allow them

to travel between the Union

and their countries of origin as

well as to favour the exchange

of experiences and know-how.

This would help facilitate an

exchange of persons and shouldbe introduced in cooperation with

initiatives in the eld of economy

and education. ALDE notes

that a pragmatic view on the

phenomenon of brain circulation

is essential in order to align

policies and public statements

with reality.

In the absence of an EU common

immigration policy, Member

States have dierent approaches

to the problem of hundreds of

thousands of illegal immigrants

working illegally and without

any social protection. En masse

regularisation of illegal immigrants

is not an adequate response since

such a measure does not resolve

the actual underlying problems.

E

uropeanCommission


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Any comprehensive approach to

immigration must take account of

the push factors that lead people

to leave their countries in the rstplace, necessitating clear plans

for development and investment

in the countries of origin and

transit, notably by facilitating the

money transfers of migrants to

their countries of origin or putting

in place trade and agriculturalpolicies that promote economic

opportunities, as well as for the

development of democracy, the

Rule of Law, human rights and

fundamental freedoms.

ALDE therefore believes that a

partnership approach with the

countries of origin and transit

is needed to ensure that they

play an active part in helping

to manage the migration ows,

prevent illegal immigration by

informing potential migrants of

the risks incurred in the case of

illegal immigration and set up

eective information campaigns

on the possibilities for entering

and/or working legally in the EUMember States.

I m m i g r a t i o n a n d

responsibility sharing

It is important to recognise thatincreased migration ows should

be seen as a global phenomenon

with numerous causes and eects

that require which a balanced,

global and coherent approach.

In view of the disproportionate

number of immigrants faced by

some Member States and thedemands it subsequently puts

on these Member States, ALDE

believes that there should be a

sharing of responsibilities and

burdens at EU level.

The Refugee fund, as well as the

Integration fund are alreadyin place but the Union should

consider further steps to ensure

solidarity between the Member

States, so as to provide a more

efficient support of Member

States actions.

E

uropeanCommission


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As the geographical location

of Member States in relation

to migrants travel routes is a

signicant factor, ALDE believes

this is another argument for

responsibility sharing at the EU

level. The Dublin II convention

includes a set of criteria for

determining the Member State

responsible for examining each

asylum application, principallygiving responsibility to the rst

Member State through which

the asylum seeker entered the

European Union. As a rst step

responsibility sharing could take

the form of nancial compensation

and technical assistance to the

most aected Member States.

If the Dublin II regulation were

to be revised, a legally binding

burden sharing mechanism at

EU level should be agreed to

ensure that Member States do

in fact assume a fair share of the

burden.

The EU return directive, dealingwith the return of illegally staying

third-country nationals, is currently

being negotiated between

Council and Parliament. ALDE

recognises that it is legitimate

for states to return people based

on the precondition that fair and

e cient asylum systems, whichproperly consider whether an

asylum seeker would be at risk

of persecution if returned, are

in place. Therefore an EU return

policy is necessary to complete

the creation and functioning of

a Common European Asylum

system.

ALDE believes that it is necessary to

continue negotiating readmission

agreements with third countries

as part of the Unions wider

migration management strategy,

which is based on cooperation

with countries of origin with a viewto developing a real partnership

on migration issues. Readmission

constitutes the last resort and

voluntary return is to be preferred

to forced return.

E

uropeanCommission


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Fighting

illegal migration

ALDE stresses that any measures

to combat illegal migration

and to step up external border

controls, also if in cooperation

with third countries, must be

compatible with the safeguards

and the fundamental rights of

the individual laid down in the

Charter of Fundamental Rights

of the European Union and the

European Convention for the

Protection of Human Rights and

Fundamental Freedoms, notably

the right to asylum and the right

of non-refoulement.

With the borderless Schengen

area, the task of securing the

external borders of the Union has

become increasingly important,

so as to ght the tra cking of

human beings. The development

of the FRONTEX agency is one

such concrete step, where the

Union is seeking to support thoseMember States that are charged

with securing the EU external

border. It is therefore essential

that FRONTEX, which has only

been established very recently,

receives the budgetary means

that will ensure it gets the sta

and equipment necessary to

accomplish its mission.

ALDE believes that before

discussing the turning of

FRONTEX into a fully-fledged

European Border Corps, it remains

essential to ensure that its primary

coordinating and supporting roleis fully accomplished.

ALDE considers it a priority to

quickly put in place the RABIT

(RApid Border Intervention

Teams), an instrument which

is closely linked to FRONTEX

and which aims to reinforce thesolidarity between Member States

in case of a massive influx of

illegal immigration at the Unions

external borders. Having regard to

their Constitution, eectively each

Member State is to ensure the

presence of a reserve of qualied


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personnel with special training

to be temporarily available for

FRONTEX to assist the border

guards of other Member Statesfacing a sudden and massive inux

of illegal immigrants at the Unions

external border so as to permit

the creation of genuine European

rapid border intervention teams.

Border checks and action to

combat illegal immigration can

be only one aspect of the EUspolicy towards non-EU countries.

An active country of origin and

transit development policy must

be established with a view to

minimising the damaging eects

of emigration. ALDE believes

that an EU Marshall plan should

be considered, where nancial

support and trade agreements are

linked to democracy, human rights

development and migration so as

to oer an alternative to people

leaving their country of origin.

Integration

and EU Citizenship

ALDE believes that a coherent

European immigration policy

must be accompanied by an

ambitious integration policy. While

acknowledging that currently an

integration policy at EU level is

currently subject to the principle

of subsidiarity, migrants shouldbe oered the same basic rights

in all Member States. However,

ensuring basic rights does not

guarantee a good integration

process. National, regional and

local authorities play an important

role and should assume their

responsibility, depending on the

local circumstances. United indiversity, there is no such thing

as one full edged integration

policy on a European level, as

Member States apply dierent

integration models depending

on local circumstances.

ALDE believes that integration

should be considered as a two-way

process that presupposes both

the immigrants willingness to, and

responsibility in, integrating into


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their host society and EU citizens

willingness to accept and include

immigrants.

The integration into the labour

market, the right to education

and training, access to social and

health-care services as well as

immigrants participation in social,

cultural and political life should

be promoted, and constructive

intercultural dialogue and

thoughtful public discourse be

developed.

Employment of immigrants

remains one of the keys to

successful integration. Improving

the employment prospects

of immigrants and reducing

the employment gap which

exists between the immigrant

population and the host countrys

population is a key part of

integration policies. This should

be achieved by specic languagecourses and introduction

programmes in civic traditions

of the host country to ensure

that the immigrants understand,

respect and benet from common

European and national values.

Ensuring the promotion of

fundamental rights, non-discrimination and equal

opportunities for all are key

integration issues, which

ALDE will pursue, thus seeking

to eliminate the social and

economic barriers that migrants

may face in our societies.

The EU directive on long-term

residents - third-country nationals

that have been legally resident

for an uninterrupted period of

ve years - provides that long-

term residents will enjoy equal

treatment to nationals in a number

of areas of socio-economic life.

Voting rights are, however, not

regulated, but as part of a betterintegration into society ALDE

encourages the Member States

to grant the right to vote in local

and municipal elections to third

country nationals and stateless

persons permanently residing in

the EU for more than ve years.

E

uropeanCommission


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Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats

for Europe

Brussels address:

European ParliamentRue Wiertz

B-1047 Brussels

tel: + 32 2 284 21 11

fax: + 32 2 230 24 85

Strasbourg address:Parlement Europen

Alle de Printemps

B.P 1024

F-67070 Strasbourg

tel: + 33 3 88 17 40 01

fax: + 33 3 88 17 69 29

e-mail: [email protected]

www.alde.eu/ www.adle.eu


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LaraSzpiro

Our over-arching objective is to create the

highest possible level of well-being for thecitizens of Europe. We do not see an e cient

competition policy as a goal in itself butas a tool to create an environment whereEuropeans can exercise greater free choice.

This freedom is essential for a higher standard

of living and for an improved quality of life

for the individual. It also creates a business

environment that encourages innovation

and progress and, simultaneously, improves

Europes position in the global economiccontext.

excerpt from Competition policy

ALDE points out that an effective ESDP

will require further modernisation of the

Member States armed forces. Reorientation

of spending and investment might not su ce,

so that increases in military spending, both atthe EU level and by the Member States might

be considered. The completion of an eective

Rapid Reaction Task Force is a priority as is the

further development of the European Defence

Agency (E.D.A.).

excerpt from Defence policy

Enlargement should be accompanied by a

deepening of the Unions democratic structure

and the role of the European Parliament and

national parliaments, as well as an increased

focus on securing the Unions core values, thefour fundamental freedoms - free movement

of goods, labour, services and capital.

excerpt from Enlargement policy

ALDE - Policy Papers En

Documents

Transcript of ALDE - Policy Papers En