Alana's Thesis

A Break Down of Walmart’s Urban Food Strategy: Using Three Analytic Perspectives

Introduction

As understood through their well known slogan, “save money, live better,” Walmart

claims that by saving money, one lives a better life. But Walmart does not explain why they are

able to sell such cheap products and consequentially consumers don’t see those whose lives are

actually made worse through contracts with Walmart. While Walmart’s website outlines their

important objectives such as “community giving,” “diversity,” and “sustainability,” they don’t

show the whole picture. Through various pledges such a being sustainable, buying more local

produce and selling more organic products, Walmart is taking initiative to improve their image

as they expand their market. Walmart’s recent moves into urban areas--as a result of having satu-

rated the rural and suburban ones--provide an opportunity to assess their methods and the effects

of their entry on urban neighborhoods.

In this paper, I analyze Walmart through three lenses: food justice, sustainability and the

treadmill of production in order to show that Walmart is perpetuating the treadmill of produc-

tion- not contributing to food justice or sustainability. I focus on Walmart’s move into the urban

sector by exploring its potential new location in East New York. Although Walmart is making

an effort to sell healthier food and to buy locally, I will show that a number of Walmart’s prac-

tices still disadvantage both the consumer and the grower. I draw my data regarding Walmart’s

impact on other urban U.S. sites in Chicago to gauge the likelihood of whether Walmart will be

beneficial to East New York as a low income area with high unemployment. Given the tension

between profit and sustainability, the two things that Walmart is attempting to achieve, I antici-

pate that it will be difficult if not impossible for them to maintain their market share.

The problem is that there is a deep inequality that is reflected in poor communities suffer-

ing from food injustices. Walmart’s public claims to help alleviate this are not adequate and are

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not likely to be unless they change their policy and profit seeking. This paper uses research to

demonstrate the indignity of the current Walmart policies. There is a misconception that Wal-

mart’s recent green initiative demonstrates a transition in their business practices. I will show

that Walmart’s attempt to remake their image does not demonstrate a change in their business

model. Their bottom line is still their only concern. Further examination into Walmart’s prom-

ises demonstrates that Walmart’s business model will not actually allow for them to be a part of

the solution to our broken food system. Despite tactful public relations work, Walmart remains

one of the problems with our food system.

The inequalities of our food system are systemic and disproportionately impact low in-

come communities and communities of color. A Gallup poll conducted over the course of two

years, 2008-2009, asked more than 530,000 people across the county, “Have there been times in

the past months when you did not have enough money to buy food that you or your family

needed?”1 According to the survey, New York’s 10th Congressional District, including neighbor-

hoods in Brooklyn like East New York and Bedford-Stuyvesant, ranked sixth in the survey in

which about 31 percent of residents identified as being food insecure. While hunger and obesity

are linked, other issues such as poverty and minimal access to supermarkets are also components

of minimal food access and demonstrate the severe need for increasing access to fresh affordable

food in underserved communities. Included in Walmart’s green initiative is a pledge to supply

healthy food to areas that have limited access such as East New York.

My paper will begin with a background on Walmart followed by a background on East

New York in order to contextualize my argument. Following the background is my literature re-

view, methodology, urban strategy, analysis of Walmart and the illusion of going green. I do this

1 Dolnick, Sam, “The Obesity Hunger Paradox,” The New York Times. March 12, 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/14/nyregion/14hunger.html.

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http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/14/nyregion/14hunger.html


in order to show that while Walmart’s new campaign advertises an attempt to comply with racial

and social justice, they do not succeed. My research demonstrates that Walmart’s urban strategy

does not comply with food justice and does not fit within a sustainability model and is thus un-

likely to lead to food justice in New York City. It is not based on profit seeking alone that pro-

hibits Walmart from complying with food justice and sustainability. Rather, Walmart’s business

model and consequentially their need to dominate the market lead to unjust practices which this

paper will explain.

History and Background of Walmart

I have not found there to be much debate over the history of Walmart. Since the history

of Walmart provided by the Walmart corporation offers a basic timeline of events without pro-

viding much detail or assessment, I have decided to provide both the Walmart corporation’s de-

scription of their history and a more detailed and critical description of the history of Walmart

outlined by T.A. Frank, who does not contradict the story told by Walmart but rather adds to it.2

According to Walmart, Walmart, Kmart and Target all opened their first stores in 1962

but Sam Walton, the creator of Walmart, had a chain of stores in the 1950s selling discounted

products. The first Walmart store was opened in Rogers Arkansas, with the idea that American

consumers were looking for “a new type of store.”3 By the end of the 1970s, there were 276 Wal-

mart stores in 11 states and their stock went public on the NYSE. The first supercenter opened in

1988 which included a grocery and 36 other departments. By the end of 1980s there were 1402

Walmart stores and sales had grown from 1 billion to 26 billion throughout the decade. Today

there are 9759 Walmart stores in 28 countries. According to Walmart, “Our history is a perfect

2 T.A Frank, “A Brief History of Wal-Mart,” was first published in the April 2006 issue of Washington Monthly. I quoted the article from http://reclaimdemocracy.org/walmart/2006/history.php. 3 http://walmartstores.com/aboutus/297.aspx

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http://reclaimdemocracy.org/walmart/2006/history.php


example of how to manage growth without losing sight of your values. Our most basic value has

always been, and always will be, customer service.”4

In his autobiography, Sam Walton explained that in order to maintain your profit margin

you have to fight overhead and payroll. He hired as few people as possible and paid them as little

as possible which meant staying away from unions. According to Frank, Sam’s employees ac-

cepted it because Walmart was creating a “better life for all Americans.”5 Walton was concerned

with the experience of his employees and expressed the idea that working as a Walmart em-

ployee provided a person with “limitless opportunity.”6 Although Walton rejected unions, his

employees were treated well and they did not protest their low wages because they felt like they

had a part in the company.

When Walton died in 1992, a shift emerged in how Walmart was perceived. The first

bad press Walmart received was on Dateline NBC which exposed how Walmart’s “made in

America line” was actually made in sweatshops outside the country. This announcement resulted

in a decline in Walmart’s stock and a loss in investors. Walmart’s business practices also

changed after Sam died. While Sam was able to keep costs down while making his employees

happy, the company began demanding that managers make changes to their payroll which

worked to increase their stock value and their growth. From this developed two different per-

spectives: one which admired Walmart’s innovations and the other which opposed their business

practices. With Walton gone, Walmart became concerned solely with cheap prices and disre-

garded their employee’s interests.

4 http://walmartstores.com/aboutus/297.aspx5 A Frank, “A Brief History of Wal-Mart,” was first published in the April 2006 issue of Washington Monthly. I quoted the article from http://reclaimdemocracy.org/walmart/2006/history.php6 Ibid.

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A study done by Arindrajit Dube and Steve Wertheim of the University of California's

Berkeley Labor Center in 20057 found that, “Wal-Mart pays its hourly workers an average hourly

wage of $9.68, while other large retailers average $11.08. (The study adjusts for the fact that

Wal-Mart stores tend to be in lower-income areas.) As for health benefits, Dube and Wertheim

found that Wal-Mart offers its hourly workers benefits worth 73 cents per hour, while other large

retailers offer $1.”8 Walmart employees often work off the clock in order to finish the tasks their

manager assigned knowing they could not get it done on the clock. This method allows for more

work to be completed without having to pay for the labor. As a result, Walmart had to pay $50

million in 2000 in order to settle a law suit regarding working off the clock that involved 69,000

employees in Colorado.9

Part of Walmart’s strategy is eliminating competition through selling their products at a

cheaper price than their competitors. But since Walmart is continuously opening up new stores,

they are essentially taking business away from themselves. Mike Duff refers to this as cannibal-

ization.10 Walmart attributed the decline in their sales to a difficult economy, price deflation and

a decrease in consumer spending.11 As a result of Walmart’s loss in sales, its stock has been

downgraded. According to Duff, “Unless the retailer can convince Wall Street to look at it in a

new way or a wave of consolidation takes a large number of retail stores out of the marketplace,

making comparable store sale gains in the U.S is going to be difficult for Walmart.”12

7 Figures for Walmart were gathered from information released from a sex-discrimination lawsuit, and relying for the rest of the large retail sector on numbers from the March 2005 "Current Population Survey.”8 T.A Frank, “A Brief History of Wal-Mart,” http://reclaimdemocracy.org/walmart/2006/history.php. 9 Ibid. 10 Duff, Mike, “Walmart: Too Big to Succeed?” CBS Interactive Business Network, http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-505123_162-42649191/walmart-too-big-to-succeed/. 11 Kavilanz, Parija, “Wal-Mart suffers sales decline in key quarter,” CNN Money, http://money.cnn.com/2010/02/17/news/companies/walmart_results/index.htm . 12 Ibid.

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This is an important perspective because it demonstrates that Walmart makes decisions

from a market perspective serving as a reminder that their concerns go beyond the food market

and into Wall Street. Duff also alludes to Walmart’s desperation to increase their sales and to up-

grade their stock which is one of the main reasons they need to move into the urban market.

Walmart will need to do everything they can to increase their sales.

Redlining and Blockbusting in East New York13

East New York is located in Eastern Brooklyn and has been made up of working class

immigrants from Eastern Europe, Germany and Italy since the mid-nineteenth century. An immi-

gration shift took place after World War II bringing displaced African Americans and Puerto Ri-

cans to the city. These two population groups were forced to relocate due to policies that favored

economic growth over the livelihood of its citizens. The African Americans were facing racist

policies in the South and the Puerto Ricans were facing exploitation from the U.S forcing them

to leave. In addition to the policies of economic growth, the racist policies of real estate agencies

and banks made a dire situation worse through redlining and blockbusting. As this new wave of

immigrants entered into East New York -- a community already lacking necessary resources and

funding-- jobs and housing were hard to come by. In addition to unstable housing and the lack of

community resources, African Americans and Puerto Ricans came to the city with few urban

skills, all contributing to riots and conflicts that exploded in the 1960s. This provides the back-

drop to the formation of the ghetto that was constructed through public policy and racist loan

practices.

A population shift took place in East New York during the 1960s where 85 percent of the

population was white in 1960 and was 80 percent black and Puerto Rican by 1966.14 An inten-

13 All of the information in the East New York section is taken from Walter Thabit’s book, how East New York became a ghetto. 14 Thabit, Walter. how East New York became a ghetto. New York and London: New York University Press, 2003, 1.

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tional transition began to change East New York from white to black. The Federal Housing Au-

thority (FHA) were “indicted for lying about East New York homebuyer incomes, appraised val-

ues, and housing quality in the service of unscrupulous mortgage brokers who were buying them

off.”15 As the white population took off for the suburbs, the available jobs went with them. While

the few resources the working class community had disappeared, no new resources were pro-

vided to this booming community, particularly schools for the thousands of children now living

in East New York. In the 1960s, “the average age was only 18 years, compared with the twenty-

five to thirty-five years in typical city neighborhoods.”16 With high unemployment and limited

seats in the classroom, the youth had no constructive outlet. Towards the end of the 1960s, “40

percent of East New York households were living in poverty.”17

East New York was one of the few areas in the city where the African American and

Puerto Rican immigrants were able to move into. Minorities have been excluded from the sub-

urbs for decades. The 1935 FHA Underwriting Manuel included “guaranteed mortgage insurance

only for segregated developments.”18 While people flocked to the suburbs after WWII and “the

federal government had subdivided some 10 million units by 1965, only 2 percent of those were

made available to nonwhites, and much of this housing was on a segregated basis.”19

Thabit, an urban planner and an activist explains:

The actual process started with bank redlining and property neglect as blacks and Puerto

Ricans began to move in, continued with blockbusting and vicious exploitation, resulted

in the undesirable concentration or welfare and poor families, and ended by over-

whelming the community’s ability to cope with the resulting problems.”20 This process in-

15 Ibid., 2. 16 Ibid., 83. 17 Ibid., 7. 18 Ibid., 38.19 Ibid. 20 Ibid., 37.

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cluded the banks and FHA directing “upwardly mobile, predominantly white families with

male heads of households out of the city and “pushed” low-income, predominantly black

and minority families into the central cities.21

According to Thabit, “redlining is the withdrawal of mortgage money from a community.

Banks prefer to lend their money (the deposits of their urban customers) to suburban borrowers

and generally restrict lending in older urban neighborhoods.”22 “As soon as it appears that black

or other minorities are moving into an area, the banks promptly redline it, whether or not it con-

forms to their loan requirements. While redlining has been outlawed, the discriminatory practices

continue.”23 The banks determine the success and failure of a community when they decide to

provide loans or take them away. When money is withdrawn from a community, that community

will deteriorate.

The racist process of redlining began during the New Deal when expanding home owner-

ship was considered good for the economy because it would create stability. The Home Owners’

Loan Corporation (HOLC) enabled homeownership by working with banks and realtors but

homeownership eligibility was determined by race. The government wanted the banks to feel

more comfortable making loans so HOLC created a grading system where every neighborhood

was given a grade. HOLC rated on a scale of a, b, c, d and they were also color coded. D was red

(redlining) meaning it is dangerous to invest here because you won’t get a good return on your

money. Gradings were determined by public services, transportation, the condition of buildings,

homogeneity and growth potential. Bay Ridge was the only Brooklyn area that got an A due to

location, race and growth potential.

21 Ibid., 39. 22 Ibid., 42. 23 Ibid.

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Another tactic used in the creation of the East New York ghetto was blockbusting which

has multiple dimensions but can be explained as instilling fear in white homeowners and encour-

aging them to sell their homes and move. Through encouraging white renters to move, landlords

were able to charge more rent for black and Puerto Rican renters because they have nowhere else

to go. Eventually, whites looking to rent or buy were no longer brought to East New York by real

estate brokers. Once white renters moved out, building conditions and services quickly deterio-

rated. For example, “a blockbuster might purchase a house worth $15,000 for $12,500, resell to a

black family for $17,500, and pocket the difference.”24

Over one million African Americans immigrated to the city in the 1950s resulting in

overcrowding and garbage pile ups. The cities were not accustomed to the amount of garbage be-

ing produced and the city services were not following the increase in population. As a result,

these neighborhoods declined even more. The local businesses and places of worship were not

able to withstand the changes taking place in East New York. The city’s public services were not

willing to provide the community the resources it needed to succeed including schools, proper

sanitation, housing, community centers and public recreational space. All of this contributed to

the instability in the area resulting in vandalism, crime and a general lack of safety. Policies cre-

ated the condition of segregation and pollution but the people who live in the neighborhoods

were blamed.

East New York has made dramatic improvements since the 60s and 70s but it still faces

high levels of poverty including unstable housing and unemployment. “Bedford- Stuyvesant and

East New York together contain 21 percent of New York City’s homeless population. More than

88 percent of all shelter residents are black or Latino.”25 “Of the 18 community districts in

24 Ibid., 45. 25 Ibid., 231.

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Brooklyn, East New York contained the second highest number of welfare recipients. In 1996, it

also registered 1,648 foster-care placements and 1,880 cases of abused and neglected children.

With its AIDS incidence more than doubling each year, East New York counted more AIDS

cases than seventeen states. The infant mortality rate was comparable to that of Panama.”26 The

black circle on the map I have included highlights the East New York section of Brooklyn, with

one of the highest number of poor people in New York City (2005 American Community Sur-

vey). See image 1 in appendix.27

The crime rate has decreased and community services have increased. These develop-

ments include “child-care centers, afterschool programs for local youth, community-based health

service (including an AIDS residence and treatment center), industrial business retention pro-

grams, employment and job-readiness training, and an area-wide community security initia-

tive.”28 In addition, community gardens have emerged in East New York as a way to facilitate

community empowerment, autonomy and food security. Farmers markets and gardens such as

East New York Farms have developed on vacant plots of land that are now being put to good

use.

Literature Review

A debate has emerged around whether Walmart should be welcomed into New York

City and more specifically welcomed into East New York. In assessing the capacity of Wal-

mart’s green initiative to increase food access, three main debates have emerged around what

constitutes food justice, what are the different strategies for creating food justice, and what role

does sustainable development play. These strategies have been addressed in the literature with

regard to how we obtain food justice/urban sustainability. This debate can be analyzed within

26 Ibid., 230. 27 United Way of New York City, “Mapping Poverty in New York City: Pinpointing the impact of poverty, com-munity by community,” http://www.cssny.org/userimages/downloads/Mapping_booklet.pdf.28 Ibid., 221.

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these frameworks in environmental sociology regarding the merits of the treadmill of production

and the ecological modernization theory.

Background: What is Food Justice?

The concept of food justice has become a goal in emerging food movements. Due to the

recent application of a food justice framework within social movements, scholars and activists

are closely linked together in the food justice debate. This debate consists of a focusing on a

racial and class based framework regarding food justice and another framework focusing on the

production and quality of food. Food justice “seeks to ensure that the benefits and risks of where,

what, and how food is grown, produced, transported, distributed, accessed and eaten are shared

fairly.”29 In addition, food justice also seeks a transformation in the food system.30 That defini-

tion outlines the criteria for complying with food justice. To be clear, the debate does not center

on the definition of food justice itself; rather it centers on the implementation of a race and class

based framework within the analysis of our food system. As explained by Alkon and Norgaard

(2009), “food justice serves as a theoretical and political bridge between scholarship and ac-

tivism on sustainable agriculture, food insecurity, and environmental justice.”31

Concern has been escalating over issues relating to the production and consumption of

food. As modern agriculture departs from traditional modes of food production, scholars and ac-

tivists have raised questions regarding what this means for our health, for our environment, for

our economy and for our future. One model manifested by the food movement encourages peo-

ple to stay away from processed foods and to eat fresh, local and organic products. These are not

simply personal or health issues, they are also political. According to this, Alkon and Agyeman

29 Gottlieb, Robert, and Anupama Joshi. Food Justice. U.S.A.: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010.30 Ibid. 31 Allison Hope Alkon and Kari Marie Norgaard, “Breaking the Food Chains: An Investigation of Food Justice Ac-tivism,” Social Inquiry Vol. 79, issue 3 (2009): http://ehis.ebscohost.com.ez-proxy.brooklyn.cuny.edu:2048/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=26ecdfd9-db52-413f-89ce-0a76a48b57c4%40sessionmgr104&vid=4&hid=120.

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(2011) explain that “it is a vote for environmental sustainability, as local, organic producers cul-

tivate biologically diverse polycultures and avoid the use of synthetic pesticides and fertilizers. It

is also a vote for small, family owned farms, as opposed to their large, corporate counterparts,

and for creating local communities filled with rich interpersonal interactions.”32 But through this

framework, empowerment is constructed through economic means, through the purchasing or

not purchasing of certain goods and is critiqued as being a model that emphasizes the position of

privilege.

Through this construction of privilege, the position of race in relation to food is over-

looked. Alkon and Agyeman (2011) cite Michael Pollan’s 2007 list of food rules as an example

of such blindness. “When Pollan begins his first rule by telling us not to ‘eat anything your great-

grandmother wouldn’t recognize as food,’ he ignores the fact that “our” great-grandmothers

come from a wide variety of social and economic contexts that may have informed their percep-

tions of food quite differently.”33 Alkon and Agyeman point out that the issues and ideas ex-

pressed by the food movement are crucial but the process of addressing them needs to change.

This discourse needs to shift in such a way that everyone’s cultural relationship to food can be

included. Freudenberg, McDonough and Tsui (2011) identify food activism literature to “present

a heterogenous view of a food movement, emphasizing its roots on both social justice and cul-

tural alternatives to mainstream food practices.”34 Similarly, they cite Michael Pollan’s list of

food related activism but not one issue on his list addresses race.

32 Alison Hope Alkon and Julian Agyeman, Cultivating Food Justice, U.S.A,:Massachusetts Institute of Tech-nology, 2011, 2. 33 Ibid., 3.34 Nicholas Freudenberg, John McDonough and Emma Tsui, “Can a Food Justice Movement Improve Nutrition and Health? A Case Study of the Emerging Food Movement in New York CIty,” Journal of Urban Health: Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine Vol. 88, No. 4 (2011): http://ejscontent.ebsco.com.ez-proxy.brooklyn.cuny.edu:2048/ContentServer.aspx?target=http%3A%2F%2Fwww%2Espringerlink%2Ecom%2Findex%2FN7413G50112472RQ%2Epdf.

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In transitioning away from language that focuses on production and quality of food, a so-

ciological approach to food can develop in which we see food as being more than an individual’s

choice but rather a decision that is made based on social constraint. According to Alkon and

Agyeman, race and class are factors in access to food and need to be incorporated into the food

narrative so that those who are more negatively impacted by the food movement can be a part of

reforming it. This approach is manifested in the food justice movement. This narrative has

emerged in poor urban areas across the country such as the South Bronx, New York, Milwaukee

and many more cities where low income residents and residents of color are now taking a proac-

tive role in the transforming the food through mediums such as urban farms, community gardens

and farmers markets.

As race is incorporated into food discourse it is essential to also include a group’s cultural

ties to food or food practices. Slocum (2011) points out that there is a connection between race

and food where one can not understand food without incorporating race.35 By introducing race

theory to the study of food, we gain new insight and understanding into food production and con-

sumption. This framework looks at how race gets made in relation to difference. Food not only

serves to sustain us, it serves as a symbol of culture both bringing people together and setting

them apart (Slocum).

According to Slocum, “scholars understand food preparation and consumption as central

to the development and preservation of racialized identity and belonging for women, diasporic

populations, immigrants and the displaced, enslaved and impoverished.”36 Alternative food sys-

tems are framed and defined according to white culture’s ideals of what good and healthy food

should be. This extends beyond food choices to food production which gets whitened through the

35 Slocum, Rachel, “Race in the study of food,” Progress in Human Geography Vol. 35, issue 3 (2011): http://ehis.ebscohost.com.ez-proxy.brooklyn.cuny.edu:2048/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=0db8e622-3b00-4ba7-9fef-fb8a5a010054%40sessionmgr114&vid=4&hid=120.36 Ibid., 305.

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emphasis on farming without regard for the forced agricultural history of African Americans

(Guthman 2008).37 Without analyzing vigilantly, it is easy to overlook the whitening of the alter-

native food system because whiteness has been constructed to be invisible (Slocum 2011).

Another place where race intersects with food is in the development of the food desert

discourse. The phrase food desert was first used in the early 1990s in Scotland and is used to de-

scribe “populated urban areas, where residents do not have access to an affordable and healthy

diet.”38 The use of the word desert to refer to an area that lacks resources dates back to 1973

when J BAINES wrote, “The large suburban estates that are a recent feature of the townscape are

epitomised by the regular rows of similarly styled houses that have earned for themselves the ti-

tle of suburban deserts. They often lack the shops, churches, public houses, and social centres

that allow a community life to develop.”39 Residents living in food deserts often attribute their in-

ability to access healthy food to the lack of supermarkets in their neighborhoods. Supermarkets

are also criticized for not entering into markets where low income residents live resulting in their

inability to purchase healthy food at an affordable price.

A report put out by the USDA to congress defines food deserts “as an area with limited

access to affordable and nutritious food, particularly such an area composed of predominately

lower income neighborhoods and communities.”40 While not included in the USDA definition of

food deserts, people of color are disproportionately impacted by the lack of affordable fresh pro-

duce. As supermarkets retreated from urban areas, they were replaced with fast food places and

37 Guthman J (2008a) ‘If they only knew’: Colorblindness and universalism in California alternative food institu-tions. The Professional Geographer 60: 387–397.Guthman J (2008b) Bringing good food to others: investigating the subjects of alternative food practice. Cultural Geographies 15(4): 431–447. As stated in Slocum 2011. 38 Cummins, Steven, and Sally Macintyre, “Food Deserts: Evidence and Assumptions in Health Policy Making.” British Medical Journal. August 24, 2002. Vol. 325, No. 7361. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25452163.39 www.fooddeserts.org/images/whatisfd.htm. 40 United States Department of Agriculture (USDA). 2009. Report to Congress: Access to Affordable and Nutritious Food: Measuring and Understanding Food Deserts and Their Consequence. Wash-ington, DC: ERS/FNS/CSREES.

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convenience stores selling cheap food with low nutritional value. This transition contributed to

the increased rates of obesity, diabetes and other health related illnesses in low income commu-

nities. Liquor stores also emerged as a food source for communities but no produce could be

found there.

In addition to the lack of healthy and affordable food sources in low income minority ar-

eas, low income residents are also less likely to own their own means of transportation that

would allow them to travel outside their neighborhood for food. “Given that the nature of food

shopping involves either transporting multiple shopping bags or making more frequent shopping

trips, the mobility strategies for food shopping among low-income families will exacerbate the

barriers to a limited number of available local area supermarkets, in particular chain supermar-

kets.”41 Similarly, Shaw points out that in addition to transportation, there are several factors that

influence a person’s ability to access food including physical ability to get to a food source, fi-

nancial resources to travel and purchase food and the ability to bring the purchased goods back

home. Importantly, the mere existence of an accessible supermarket does not necessarily mean

residents will shop there. Shaw explains that the residents may not find the food options desir-

able or ethnically appropriate and therefore even with the existence of a supermarket, residents

may still feel they lack access to food.42

Alkon, Agyeman, Gottlieb and Joshi attribute the emergence of food deserts to “decision

making on locating grocery stores,”43 which is often marked by supermarkets abandoning low in-

41 Ibid.42 Shaw, J. Hillary, “Food Deserts: Towards the Development of a Classification,” Human Geography Series B Vol. 88, no. 2 (2006) : http://www.jstor.org.ez-proxy.brooklyn.cuny.edu:2048/stable/3878390?&Search=yes&searchText=development&searchText=food&searchText=classification&searchText=towards&searchText=deserts&list=hide&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoAdvancedSearch%3Fq0%3Dfood%2Bdeserts%253A%2Btowards%2Bthe%2Bdevelopment%2Bof%2Ba%2Bclassification%2B%26f0%3Dall%26c1%3DAND%26q1%3D%26f1%3Dall%26acc%3Don%26wc%3Don%26Search%3DSearch%26sd%3D%26ed%3D%26la%3D%26jo%3D&prevSearch=&item=1&ttl=1046&returnArticleService=showFullText. 43 Alison Hope Alkon and Julian Agyeman, Cultivating Food Justice, U.S.A,:Massachusetts Institute of Tech-nology, 2011, 152.

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come areas in search of wealthier customers. Throughout the second half of the 20th century, su-

permarket size was on the rise creating a growing incentive for markets to move out of urban ar-

eas and into suburban ones. Even though cities had a high population density and were in need of

supermarkets, the cities high rent, small lots and limited car access contributed to the disappear-

ance of supermarkets from urban centers. The trend of supermarkets moving out of urban areas

and into suburban neighborhoods as well as their business practices in general, is referred to by

some as supermarket redlining.44 Widener, Metcalf and Bar-Yam expand on the idea that food

deserts exist due to the communities abandonment of supermarkets by explaining that an urban

communities access to food can vary so greatly throughout the course of a year that it may be

lacking access to food for only part of the year. They attribute this change to the presence of

farmers markets that tend to be seasonal and that this seasonal aspect of food availability is often

overlooked when accessing food deserts.45

Gottlieb and Joshi prefer to use the term grocery gap to explain the lack of fresh afford-

able food in low income areas. Grocery gaps are defined as “the lack of full-service food markets

with affordable items, including fresh food, within walking distance.”46 Criticism emerged from

food justice activists “that the term food desert itself provided a poor reference point for assess-

ing food availability in communities that lacked full-service supermarkets but had a dispropor-

tionate share of fast food outlets and otherwise lacked access to fresh, healthy food.”47 Unfortu-

nately, there is limited literature corresponding to this emerging opinion held by activists but it is

essential to the food desert dialogue and needs to be represented in the literature.

44 Bennett, 1992; Turque, 1992 as stated in Eisenhauer, Elizabeth, “In Poor Health: Supermarket Redlining and Ur-ban Nutrition,” Geojournal Vol. 53. issue 2 (2001): 128. http://140.234.1.9:8080/EPSessionID=5211256fbc1a5e9ebd279ea9a2c31d8/EPHost=www.jstor.org/EPPath/stable/41147594. 45 Michael J. Widener, Sara S. Metcalf and Yaneer Bar-Yam, “Dynamic Urban Food Environments: A Temporal Analysis of Access to Healthy Foods,” American Journal of Preventative Medicine Vol. 41, issue 4 (2011). 46 Ibid., 41. 47 Ibid., 245.

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The use of the phrase food desert to define an area lacking healthy food can be offensive

to residents of those particular communities who are being told they live in such environments-

the phrase should be reconsidered. Additionally, these proclamations are being made by people

who live outside of the communities by people who are unaware of what the need of the resi-

dents are including access to food. If the intention is to work with communities traditionally un-

derserved, than those communities must not be excluded from the process rather they must be the

leaders in making the changes their community needs. Furthermore, the majority of food desert

literature emphasizes access to be the main contributor to food deserts instead of focusing on

cost. It is not enough to place supermarkets in low income areas if the community cannot afford

to buy healthy produce.

It is important to emphasize a sociological approach to the study of food insecurity,

where we can view the purchasing of food as a societal function and not an individual one. This

also allows us to see trends amongst populations where a systemic problem emerges in need of a

systemic solution. There is an emerging debate and critique of the definition and existence of

food deserts amongst activists that is starting to emerge in scholarly literature but needs to be fur-

ther exemplified.

Gottlieb and Joshi (2010) expand on the food justice discourse. They state that by com-

bining food and justice, the potential for a new social movement has emerged in which activists

can form a common language around their desire for political and social change relating to our

food system. But food justice in itself, although a compelling concept, does not itself set the tra-

jectory for accomplishing food reform and for bringing allies together. Joshi and Gottlieb explain

that as a relatively new discussion, food justice is still understood to be multiple things and needs

further analyzing and exploring in order to understand how it can be used to change our food

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system. “Even as the language of justice is embraced by a growing number of food groups, ex-

actly what constitutes a food justice approach still remains a moving target.”48

These perspectives allow room for critique. While I agree with those who incorporate a

race and class based framework into their approach to food justice, it is not enough to push a race

and class based narrative that is absent from those who emphasize production and quality; rather

there needs to be one model that works towards reforming our food system with a race and class

based framework. Exclusion can exist even through a racial framework and the literature needs

to emphasize a community based approach to food justice where the residents decide what they

need to be a healthy community instead of having health defined for them by non-community

members. There is a difference between wanting to help others because you believe you come

from a superior position and wanting to work together with others in order to create equality and

this difference needs to be made more explicit in food justice literature.

Both perspectives still rely on a market based solution to increasing food access where

even with a race and class based framework, those most in need may be left out. Without incor-

porating a model for reforming our agricultural system, urban food justice programs that sell

fresh food to communities are still selling food that costs more than the subsidized processed

foods sold at the corner store. One of the most crucial elements to come out of the literature is

expressed by Gottlieb and Joshi when they explain that the food justice discourse still needs time

to develop before it can fully analyzed and understood. My intention is to present the different

perspectives on food justice in their application to an urban landscape as a way to further the dis-

course in an attempt to bring real reform to our food system.

Activists’ Strategies for Food Justice

48 Robert Gottlieb and Anupama Joshi, Food Justice, U.S.A.: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010, 6.

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Scholars and activists are also linked together in the debate over different strategies for

creating food justice. Two activist strategies have emerged from the literature: state based/policy

initiatives and community initiatives centered on creating alternatives to the current food system.

Alkon and Norgaard, (2009)49 explain some of the general initiatives currently taking

place as an alternative to the food system. These include farmers markets, community supported

agriculture (CSA), urban farms, community gardens and policy initiatives that take form in food

groups and advocacy around the farm bill. Activists hope that through their support of local agri-

culture, small to medium size farms will be able to thrive. But not all agree with this approach. In

contrast, Buttel (1997) points out that the consumer practices that some activists are promoting

will not change agribusiness itself. Another critique is brought by Gunthman (2004) who ex-

plains that the demand for organic produce -- a method seen as an alternative to industrial agri-

culture-- has come with increased use of industrial practices to make the organic produce. Simi-

larly, as activists advocate for more organic products and advocate for the importance of support-

ing farmers, low income communities who cannot afford to pay more for their food are further

marginalized (Allen 2004). Through incorporating food justice into the literature as a theory and

application that situates food access and healthy food within a framework of institutional racism,

we gain the ability to link the sustainable agriculture movement and the environmental justice

movement (Alkon and Norgaard 2009).

Freudenberg, McDonough and Tsui (2011) look at the methods of the emerging food

movement in New York City for increasing health. They address the existence of a debate be-

tween community based change and policy based change. As mentioned previously, some exam-

ples of community based change include farmers markets and food coops while some examples

49 Allison Hope Alkon and Kari Marie Norgaard, “Breaking the Food Chains: An Investigation of Food Justice Ac-tivism,” Social Inquiry Vol. 79, issue 3 (2009): http://ehis.ebscohost.com.ez-proxy.brooklyn.cuny.edu:2048/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=26ecdfd9-db52-413f-89ce-0a76a48b57c4%40sessionmgr104&vid=4&hid=120.

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of policy based change include improving the quality of school food, and ending subsidies for

unhealthy goods (Freudenberg, McDonough and Tsui (2011). Activists in favor of community

based change are attempting to alter the food system without using a bureaucratic model while

those in opposition claim you cannot change the food system through a community approach.

Similarly, the authors point out that some people join the food movement with an interest in

changing food policy while others are seeking kinship and community and are able to build this

through food. Over the last few years, success has come from both ends. For example, the

FRESH program was created in 2009, EBT cards are now accepted at farmers markets and the

Mayor appointed a food policy coordinator. Additionally, activists contributed significantly to-

wards some food related changes, such as the posting of calories at chain restaurants and the

Green Carts program (Freudenberg, McDonough and Tsui (2011).

Similar to Alkon and Norgaard, Winson (2010) outlines both civil society (analogous to

community) and the state (analogous to policy) as places where activists advocate for a change in

the food system where corporations are considered to be responsible for the perpetuation of un-

healthy food. Winson further explains how the struggle for healthy food has the capability to al-

ter neoliberal policy. With respect to the state level, Winson addresses the “ongoing skirmishes

between the forces that broadly speaking act in the public interest with respect to food, nutrition,

and related health matters and those pursuing more narrow corporate or sectoral interests.”50 This

example of the relationship that exists between the public, corporate and state sector can be ap-

plied to the treadmill of production theory which I will expand on in the following pages. Public

health workers have been able to establish legislation requiring the listing of nutritional labels on

food and drink. Winson also draws on another space for food activism- school- because “they

50 Winson, Anthony, “The Demand for Healthy Eating: Supporting a Transformative Food Movement,” Rural So-ciology Vol. 75, issue 4 (2010): 587, http://ehis.ebscohost.com.ez-proxy.brooklyn.cuny.edu:2048/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=26ecdfd9-db52-413f-89ce-0a76a48b57c4%40sessionmgr104&vid=6&hid=120.

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constitute a major site today for meeting the nutritional needs of children and youth.”51 Sustain-

able Development

Various explanations and implementations of sustainable development exist in scholarly

works. Some scholars argue for a transition in how sustainable development is typically defined

and outline the barriers to achieving sustainable development.

According to Agyeman, “sustainability refers to the need to ensure a better quality of life

for all, now and into the future, in a just and equitable manner, whilst living within the limits of

supporting ecosystems.”52 The concept of sustainable development is prevalent throughout my

research because it explores the tradeoffs that exist between the environment, the economy and

society. In order for a society to be sustainable, humans need to act within the means of their sur-

rounding ecosystems where issues of social welfare and economic development are addressed.

Sustainable development therefore needs to address the three pillars of sustainability: equity, en-

vironment and the economy, to ensure that our current and future needs are assessed within the

limits of our ecosystems. Incorporating all these components allows us to conceptualize how our

society impacts our natural environment. I have included a diagram that shows sustainable devel-

opment as a composite of the 3 component areas: economic development, environment protec-

tion and social equality. See image 2 in appendix.53

Giddings, Hopwood and O’Brien recognize that sustainable development is typically de-

scribed as the intersection of society, economy and the environment. However, they argue that

the three pillars, “are not unified entities: rather they are fractures and multi-layered and can be

51 Ibid., 589. 52 Julian Agyeman, Robert D. Bullard and Bob Evans, Just Sustainabilities (London: Earthscan Publications Limited, 2003), 5. 53 Diagram provided by Kennedy, Louis, “Sustainable Development,” JUST ANOTHER WORDPRESS.COM SITE, http://louiskennedy.wordpress.com/2011/01/26/back-again/.

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considered at different spatial levels.”54 Furthermore, they state that when negotiating sustainable

development, it is the environment or the economy that is given priority.55 They feel that human

life has been separated from the environment as well as from production and consumption result-

ing in a lack of awareness of where our products come from and how they are made.56 Therefore,

they claim that sustainable development requires a new approach to how humans view the world

which includes an interdisciplinary framework of the world.57 They suggest principles such as fu-

turity, equity, participation and the importance of biodiversity which would, “move society be-

yond present approaches based on monetary cost/benefit analysis or a utilitarian view that can

justify the suffering of some by the benefits of others.”58

Similarly, Welch believes that sustainability incorporates an interdisciplinary approach.

“Interdisciplinary methodology operates by formulating a complex problem, gathering insights

from multiple disciplinary perspectives, and then critically evaluating and creatively combining

them into a more holistic understanding.”59 For example, there is a connection between social

and environmental justice60 which can be analyzed further through implementing an interdiscipli-

nary approach- an approach that “must accompany any approach to sustainability.”61

According to Hopwood, Mellor and O’Brien, “the concept of sustainable development is

an attempt to combine growing concerns about a range of environmental issues with socio-eco-

54 Bob Gibbings, Bill Hopwood and Geoff O’Brien Environment, “Economy and Society: Fitting Them Together Into Sustainable Development,” Sustainable Development (2002): http://jpkc.swu.edu.cn/data/gjzrzygl/web%20prepare20110608/paper/Giddings%202002%20SD_4.pdf. 55 Ibid., 189. 56 Ibid., 195. 57 Ibid. 58 Ibid., 194. 59 Welch IV James, “Sustainability and Social Development: An Integrative Examination,” International Con-sortium for Social Development (2012): 57, http://content.ebscohost.com.ez-proxy.brooklyn.cuny.edu:2048/pdf27_28/pdf/2012/SDV/01Jan12/71522467.pdf?T=P&P=AN&K=71522467&S=R&D=ssf&EbscoContent=dGJyMNHr7ESeprQ4y9f3OLCmr0qep7dSsqi4TbWWxWXS&ContentCustomer=dGJyMPGutFCyprVMuePfgeyx44Dt6fIA. 60McKinnon, J. (2008, September). Exploring the nexus between social work and the environment. Australian So-cial Work, 61(3), 256–268. As stated in Ibid., 58. 61 Wall, G. (2010). On physics and engineering education in sustainability development. UNESCO’s Encyclope-dia of Life Support Systems. Retrieved from http://www.eolss.net.As stated in Ibid.

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nomic issues.”62 They look at our world as “a model for sustainability.”63 Hopwood, Mellor and

O’Brien outline the relationship between ecosystems and humans. The authors explain that hu-

mans rely on the earth’s natural resources, but human action has negatively impacted the

planet.64 This is identified as environmental sustainability. Sustainability also relates to the econ-

omy where the concept of unlimited growth is challenged.65 The relationship between sustain-

ability and corporations is also referenced by the authors. They state that “many businesses hesi-

tate to incorporate environmental strategies in their business plans because the initial investments

needed to adapt sustainable methods are expensive. Corporations are a major stakeholder in sus-

tainable development, and although government policies can provide incentives to corporations

that are willing to be more responsible, those can act only as catalysts toward the more funda-

mental goal of transforming the business paradigm itself.”66 Our current economic system views

both people and nature as tools for economic productivity-- a perspective that infringes upon the

implementation of sustainability.

Castro highlights the differences between mainstream sustainable development and the

critiques of mainstream perspectives by cultural theorists and ecological Marxists. Castro points

out that currently, neither perspective is entirely true. A combined approach of both methods is

needed that would challenge the current paradigm.67 In the mainstream approach to sustainable

development, “governments decide what projects to implement based on cost benefit analysis.”68

Critiques of the mainstream approach to sustainable development “include both philosophical ar-

62 Bill Hopwood, Mary Mellor and Geoff O’Brien, “Sustainable Development: Mapping Different Approaches,” Sustainable Development (2005): http://upenn-envs667660.webs.com/Readings/Sustainable%20Development%20-%20Mapping%20Different%20Approaches%20-%202009.pdf. 63 Ibid., 60. 64 Farrell & Hart 1998 page 6. Farrell, A., & Hart, M. (1998). What does sustainability really mean? The search for useful indicators. Environment, 40(9), 4–31. As stated in Ibid. 65 Ibid., 63. 66 Ibid. 67 Carlos J. Castro, “Sustainable Development: Mainstream and Critical Perspectives,” Organization Environ-ment (2003): 195, http://oae.sagepub.com.ez-proxy.brooklyn.cuny.edu:2048/content/17/2/195.full.pdf. 68 Ibid., 205.

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guments (whether nature should be made into a commodity; whether nature is a subsystem of the

economy) and methodological arguments (whether there is a way of setting a price on nature).”69

Carlos opposes mainstream sustainable development and explains, “The main shortcoming of the

mainstream approach to sustainable development is that it is driven by the rapid accumulation re-

quirements of the capitalist economy, which means that it is about sustaining development rather

than developing sustainability in the ecological sense. The priority is to ensure that environmen-

tal conditions are managed so as to ensure maximum long-term capital accumulation (which ne-

cessitates rapid economic growth).”70

How do we achieve urban sustainability/food justice?

Different activists’ strategies have been addressed in the literature with regard to how to

attain urban sustainability and food justice. There is a major debate in environmental sociology

about the relative merits of the Ecological Modernization approach and the Treadmill of Produc-

tion approach. In this model, food justice is a subset of urban sustainability. The debate in how

we achieve urban sustainability is rooted in both theories: the treadmill of production and the

ecological modernization theory.

The Treadmill of Production

The treadmill of production is the central framework for explaining the relationship be-

tween production, capitalism and the environment. The theory emphasizes the development of a

sociological understanding of society through understanding “the constraints and choices within

which individuals and institutions exist”71 for the purpose of formulating solutions. The theory

was introduced in 1980 by Schnaiberg to answer the question, “why U.S. environmental degra-

69 Burkett, 1999; Escobar, 1995, 1996; Foster, 2002b as stated in Ibid., 206. 70 Ibid., 220. 71 Gould, Kenneth A., David N. Pellow and Allan Schnaiberg, “Interrogating the Treadmill of Production Every-thing You Wanted to Know about the Treadmill but Were Afraid to Ask,” Organization & Environment 17, no. 3 (2004), http://oae.sagepub.com.ez-proxy.brooklyn.cuny.edu:2048/content/17/3/317.abstract, 299.

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dation had increased so rapidly after World War II.”72 When this theory was introduced in the

1980s, American politics were conservative, as the Reagan Administration was not interested in

social and environment theories like the treadmill.

The treadmill refers to our economic system in which growth is the solution to social,

ecological and economic disruptions. This theory links continuous economic growth to environ-

mental degradation and the perpetuation of inequality. Actors in the treadmill of production also

known as the growth coalition: the state, corporations and citizen- workers. The state is con-

cerned with accumulation and legitimization; corporations with profit, reinvestment and technol-

ogy; and citizens and workers need jobs, want consumer goods and need government aid when

displaced. I have devised a diagram to demonstrate the relationship between the growth coali-

tion, growth and their environmental impact. See image 3 in appendix.

With America’s prosperous economy after WWII, an increase in available capital led to

an increase in the need for natural resources with little to no consideration for future need. Op-

portunities for economic expansion seemed limitless. An increase in capital was being used to re-

place human labor with machine technology in order to increase profit. As the treadmill ex-

panded so did the profit for the shareholders. As profit increased for the shareholders, so did their

political power, which allowed them to promote the use of more technology, more natural re-

sources and more energy. Gould et al. explain, “The treadmill theory presented an image of a so-

ciety running in place without moving forward.”73 This demonstrates how truly unsustainable our

economic model is. The path we are on requires continuous extraction of natural resources with-

out regard for the impact this has on our environment.

72 Ibid. 73 Gould, Kenneth A., David N. Pellow and Allan Schnaiberg, “Interrogating the Treadmill of Production Every-thing You Wanted to Know about the Treadmill but Were Afraid to Ask,” Organization & Environment 17, no. 3 (2004), http://oae.sagepub.com.ez-proxy.brooklyn.cuny.edu:2048/content/17/3/296.full.pdf+html, 297.

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The impact of production on the worker is also considered. Gould et al. explain that even

though machines were replacing workers, this capitalist system of production became synony-

mous with economic progress and therefore workers still felt it was necessary to support this

process for the sake of social progress. Instead of workers becoming disillusioned with the sys-

tem, they felt it was necessary to keep supporting it as more investment was made into the tread-

mill of production, instead of investing resources in reform.74 “Any resistance to this change was

labeled as antediluvian, Luddite, old-fashioned, reactionary, and doomed to failure.”75

The treadmill of production theory allows us to look at our economic system as a system

of inequality where the environment and the worker suffer and leaves us to question if we can re-

form our society while maintaining our capitalist system. Everything comes back to the econ-

omy because in a capitalist society it all comes down to capital. For each disruption that occurs,

an adjustment is needed. All the adjustments that have typically been made are pro economic

growth. Growth is a logical solution to all stakeholders in our economic system but it creates

more disruptions than it does good.

According to Schnaiberg, “the logic of the treadmill is that of an ever-growing need for

capital investment in order to generate a given volume of social welfare- a trickle-down model of

socioeconomic development. From the environment, it requires growing inputs of energy and

material to create a given level of socioeconomic welfare. When resources are constrained, the

treadmill searches for alternative sources rather than conserving and restructuring production.

The treadmill operates in this way to maintain its profits and its social control over production.”76

According to the treadmill theory, we know that as production increases extraction of resources

increases and these withdrawals of resources lead to environmental problems that may result in

74 Ibid. 75 Ibid. 76 Schnaiberg, Allan, The Environment: From Surplus to Scarcity, U.S.A.: Oxford University Press, 1980,418.

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the inability for production to keep expanding. This has been termed the socioenvironmental di-

alect because it explains the relationship between increased production and limited environmen-

tal resources.

Schnaiberg has outlined three possible future outcomes within “a range of social welfare

situations that vary from very regressive to very progressive. Each of these is assumed to follow

from a given change in social policy regarding the treadmill of production, though the connec-

tions are by no means definitive.”77 The three options are broken down into economic, managed

scarcity, and ecological, with the ecological option being the most beneficial and hardest to ob-

tain. The main features of the economic model are explained through the “continued production

expansion, with future vulnerability” with a “future society likely to be authoritarian and unequal

if environmental degradation increases quickly” Managed scarcity can be explained as “limited

environmental protection: pollution control and recycling” with “persistence or expansion of

present inequalities, with reduced production expansion.” Lastly, ecological can be explained

through “appropriate technology and increased surplus share to labor” and “increased equalities

and decreased commodity consumption and production.”78 According to the theory, we are cur-

rently in the managed scarcity synthesis where we avoid the root causes of environmental degra-

dation and focus on bandaging superficial disruptions with policies such as recycling.

Although I believe we need to question our model of economic growth, this model can

be critiqued for its reliance on a systemic transformation of our current economic model. This

model contains limitations because it does not address approaches for reforming our current eco-

nomic model rather explains why our current model is not sustainable. I am of the opinion that in

addition to critiquing our current economic model, we need to establish concrete pathways to

77 Ibid., 424.78 Ibid., 425.

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change. In addition, the treadmill of production focuses on production rather than consumption

as the root of the problem. I think it is necessarily to address consumption as well in order to

fully understand how economic growth impacts the environment.

Ecological Modernization Theory

In Contrast to the treadmill of production, the development of the ecological moderniza-

tion theory symbolizes a transition away from other theories that were developed in the middle to

late 20th century. EM theory is an environmental sociological perspective that challenges the

treadmill of production because it assumes that sustainable growth is possible without exploring

the contradictions that exist. This theory emerged in the 1980s in Europe by a group of scholars

in Berlin. EM can be understood and applied as both a theoretical framework and as a map for

understanding environmental policy. “Rather than seeing environmental protection as a brake on

growth, ecological modernization promotes the application of stringent environmental policy as a

positive influence on economic efficiency and technological innovation (Gouldson and Murphy,

1997, p.74).”79

Spaargaren and Mol state that ecological modernization “can be interpreted as the ecolog-

ical restructuring of processes of production and consumption”80 This move, towards restructur-

ing the production and consumption of goods around the environment is considered good for the

economy. According to the ecological modernization theory, the interests of the economy and

the environment can be combined so that both benefit. This combination would result in what to-

day know as green production and consumption. Other examples include increasing energy effi-

ciency and using sustainable methods of supply chain management. By following these mea-

79 Gerald Berger and others, “Ecological Modernization as Basis for Environmental Policy: Current Environmental Discourse and Policy and the Implications on Environmental Supply Chain Management,” Innovation Vol. 14, No. 1 (2001): 57-58, http://www.drkresearch.org/Research/Sustain/ecology_supplychainmgmt2001.pdf. 80 Adua, Lazarus, "The Ecological Modernization Reader: Environmental Reform in Theory and Practice - Edited by Arthur P. J. Mol, David A. Sonnenfeld, and Gert Spaargaren," Rural Sociology 76, no. 4 (December 2011): 582-584, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed April 7, 2012).

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sures, industry and production can continue to strive as humans remove fewer resources from the

environment and emit fewer pollutants into it. Today’s Green production and consumption can

also be understood according to Schnaiberg’s ecological synthesis as previously explained. This

is because we are currently in the managed scarcity synthesis where green production and green

consumption would be considered examples of green initiatives.

Some scholars view EM as an optimistic alternative to the treadmill of production81 be-

cause it does not rely on a fundamental transformation of our economic system in order be suc-

cessful. EM has a diverse set of applications and cannot be understood through only one mean-

ing. Buttel has identified several usages for EM. One of its usages “is a notion for depicting pre-

vailing discourses of environmental policy.”82 Another usage explains that EM is “often used as a

synonym for strategic environmental management, industrial ecology, eco-restructuring, and so

on.”83 Lastly, “there are some scholars who use the notion of ecological modernization to pertain

to almost any environmental policy innovation or environmental improvement.”84

Mol states that, “first, the most sophisticated and persuasive versions of ecological mod-

ernization revolve around the notion that political processes and practices are particularly critical

in enabling ecological phenomena to be moved into the modernization process'' (Mol, 1995, p.

28). EM theory as expressed by Mol demonstrates the belief that ecology efficiency can occur

along with modernization and technological advances. This concept puts the responsibility for

ecological protection in the hands of businesses and relies on the free market to moderate the in-

efficient use of resources.

81 Buttel, F.H., “Ecological modernization as social theory,” Geoforum 31 (2000): http://www.ic.ucsc.edu/~rlipsch/EE80S/Buttel.pdf. 82 Ibid., 58. 83 Ibid., 59.84 Ibid., 60.

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http://www.ic.ucsc.edu/~rlipsch/EE80S/Buttel.pdf


In opposition to the previous scholars, Connelly and Smith (1999)85 explain ecological

modernization to be “green capitalism”86 that supports industrialization and our current societal

practices while maintaining a basic view of sustainability- one that focuses solely on increasing

economic wealth. Connelly and Smith also claim that through EM, more progressive forms of

environmental reform and sustainable development are ignored. EM reduces environmental pro-

tection to being energy efficient, reducing pollution and to reducing waste- all issues that can be

translated into money. This is explained as weak EM according to Christoff.87 A discourse is

used to discuss the environment where we come to understand it through monetary terms. Stated

simply, we only care about the environment when it can bring “economic benefits, like cost sav-

ings or a competitive edge.”88

I side with the scholars who are critical of EM theory. “Environmental issues are in-

cluded into the management of business operations only when there is legal or customer pressure

from outside or possible financial benefits from environmentally sound actions.”89 I believe that

environmental degradation is not being addressed in a sustainable manor through EM theory be-

cause the continued consumption that is needed in order for businesses to profit will result in the

continued extraction of natural resources. Corporations will only utilize practices that are envi-

ronmentally favorable as long as those practices increase their profit. In addition, protecting our

environment extends beyond the soil and trees to urban landscapes and the workers and commu-

nities that dwell in them. While some businesses may be switching to a greener model of produc-

tion, social justice issues such as working conditions and wages still need to be addressed.

Methodology

85 Ibid., 61. 86 Ibid.87 Ibid. 88 Ibid., 69. 89 Ibid., 70.

30


For my methodology I used available evidence that others have already gathered from

various sources such as journals, scholarly articles, newspapers and research done by non-profit

organizations in order to find out if Walmart can comply with food justice. While we cannot

know right now what impact Walmart will have on East New York, we can look at other urban

Walmart stores, as well as research that has been done, to see what the potential is. An example

of what I have looked at is what happens to local businesses when Walmart moves into an urban

area. I see East New York as a case study in the making for which past patterns of development

will provide the data that will be used for judging the consequences.

Urban Strategy

The New York City Council had planned a hearing with Walmart in January 2011 where

concerned residents would be able to go and discuss how they felt about Walmart coming to East

New York. But according to Walmart’s Director of Community Affairs, Steve Restivo, “they

[Walmart] do not understand the desire to spend time and resources on a hearing especially with-

out a store or an announced project in the area.”90 Regardless of whether Walmart has officially

announced their plan for East New York or not, they are unwilling to be transparent about it or

engage in a discussion about it. By the time Walmart officially announces its plan, it may be too

late to stop them.

The question then arises, why is there so much contention over Walmart opening in the

Gateway II shopping center where other big box stores like Target are already there? The fol-

lowing quote exemplifies how Walmart compares to other big box stores aided by a graph vis-

ually demonstrating how Walmart compares to other retailers in U.S grocery sales. See image 4

in appendix.91

90 Hartley, Chris,“Walmart to Open in East New York,” Financialfeed,http://www.financialfeed.net/walmart-to-open-in-east-new-york/851166/.91 The information came from Kroll, Andy, “CHARTS: Just How Big is Walmart?” Mother Jones, http://motherjones.com/environment/2012/03/walmart-sales-energy-use-statistics.

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http://motherjones.com/environment/2012/03/walmart-sales-energy-use-statistics

http://www.financialfeed.net/walmart-to-open-in-east-new-york/851166/


When it comes to Walmart’s annual revenue, “Wal-Mart is nearly four times the size of the

Home Depot, the country's second largest retailer, and almost twice the size of Target, Costco,

and Sears (which includes Kmart) combined. That means the company exerts pressure on the

entire sector to imitate its methods -- including its treatment of workers. That would be less

worrisome if Wal-Mart's record didn't stand out within the sector. But there are strong indications

that, when it comes to how it treats its employees, Wal-Mart really is worse than the rest.”92

According to Erii Lowe, a resident of East New York, the potential jobs that Walmart

would bring to the neighborhood would be good, even if they are low paying. As for food, Lowe

considered Walmart to be another option, but not the only option. 93Additionally, 27 year old

Sisco Boone from East New York said “with the prices in their area too high, Walmart prices

would be good and will bring more jobs.”94 But not everyone agrees. Ana Aguierre, the execu-

tive director of United Community Centers in East New York said, “I really don’t believe that

Walmart will resolve our unemployment issues. It may give the impression that it resolves them,

maybe in the short term, but at the end I think that Walmart is part of the problem.”95

Bill Wilkins, the director of economic development for the Local Development Corpora-

tion of East New York feels that people will still shop at local stores if they are more convenient

and have things that Walmart doesn’t. While the small local businesses believe that Walmart will

shut them down, people in East New York claim that the small businesses charge too much for

their products. While it is still unclear whether Walmart will open in East New York and what

effect it will have on the community, the opinions of the residents and community leaders are

crucial and must be heard.

92 T.A Frank, “A Brief History of Wal-Mart,” http://reclaimdemocracy.org/walmart/2006/history.php.93 White B. Jeremy, “Would Walmart hurt East New York?” The Brooklyn Ink, http://thebrooklynink.com/2011/03/08/23869-would-walmart-be-bad-for-east-new-york/. 94 Ibid. 95 Ibid.

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http://thebrooklynink.com/2011/03/08/23869-would-walmart-be-bad-for-east-new-york/



Walmart opened its first small urban store, Walmart Express in Chicago’s Chatham

neighborhood in July 2011 with the hope that their newly designed urban store will be successful

and will spread throughout the country. This new design is a part of Walmart’s urban strategy

and was designed by Walmart to “compete with smaller urban stores that offer groceries and

general merchandise.”96 Even though a Walmart supercenter opened in Chicago in 2006, Wal-

mart Express is Walmart’s first small store in the city. There are already plans to build three

larger size Walmart stores and two more supercenters in the Chicago area. Next spring, a Wal-

mart supercenter will be opening up in the same area as the Walmart Express creating the same

cannibalization and saturation that caused Walmart to have to leave the rural and suburban sec-

tor.

In September 2011, Walmart Market opened in Chicago’s West Loop area at the Presi-

dential Towers apartment complex. Walmart is optimistic about their urban locations but have

still expressed some concern because, “it costs more to open a store in a city than a rural area and

rents can be two to three times more expensive.”97 The store is 27,000 square feet and larger

than the Walmart Express is West Chatham. This Walmart offers a variety of products including

groceries and beauty supplies as well as a pharmacy. Walmart’s executive vice president Tom

Mars, “called the retail super-chain’s planned Chicago expansion an ‘Urban Retail Revolution,’

planning for “eight stores within city limits, in addition to 59 in the surrounding Chicagoland

area.”98 This further demonstrates that when Walmart opens one store, plans exist to open up ad-

ditional stores in close proximity.

96 Josh Kellermann and Stephanie Luce, “The Walmartization of New York City,” ALIGN and Murphy Institute/CUNY, http://www.alignny.org/posts/resource/2011/09/the-walmartization-of-new-york-city/, 3. 97 Wohl, Jessica, “Walmart Express hits Chicago,” Reuters, http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/07/26/us-walmart-express-idUSTRE76P7DY20110726.98 “Chicago’s First Walmart Market Opens Downtown,” Huffington Post, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/09/21/chicagos-first-walmart-ma_n_974136.html.

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http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/09/21/chicagos-first-walmart-ma_n_974136.html

http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/07/26/us-walmart-express-idUSTRE76P7DY20110726


http://www.alignny.org/posts/resource/2011/09/the-walmartization-of-new-york-city/


Although Walmart has already entered urban markets in Chicago, NYC is still a desired

target. According to Walmart’s vice chairman Eduardo Castro Wright, “Walmart stood to in-

crease its sales between $80 and $100 billion through expansion into urban markets”99 In the first

half of 2011, Walmart already spent “$2.1 million on lobbying expenses in NY, which is over six

times as much as they’ve spent in the past four years combined.”100 Even though Walmart has not

released plans for an official New York City store, it is clear that they are working hard to gain

support for a NYC store. Not only does Walmart need to enter the urban market in order to in-

crease sales, they have to gain support from city officials and organizations who they usually

face opposition from.

The Alliance for Greater New York (ALIGN) put out a report called “The Walmartiza-

tion of NYC,” in which they detailed the impact that Walmart would have on New York City and

explain that Walmart needs to move into the urban market because they have already “saturated

the rural and suburban markets.”101 ALIGN explained that Walmart would have to build 159

stores in NYC in order to achieve their “national market share.”102 What reaching market share

means is that Walmart controls 21 percent of the grocery market share where for every $5 dollars

spent on groceries in the U.S, $1 is spent on Walmart.

According to ALIGN, 159 Walmart stores in NYC would mean “a net loss of nearly 4000

jobs, over $350 million in lost wages, over 4000 Walmart associates in need of public assistance,

costing $4 million in taxpayer dollars for health benefits alone.”103 The 159 Walmart stores

would most likely be broken down into “11 Walmart Supercenters, 34 Walmart Markets, and

99 As stated in “The Walmartization of New York City” Eduardo Castro Wright, from Wal-Mart Stores, Inc. 16th Annual Meeting for the Investment Community, Transcript of Day 2, Session 6, p. 19, 10/22/2009, 2.100 Ibid. 101 Ibid. 102 Josh Kellermann and Stephanie Luce, “The Walmartization of New York City,” ALIGN and Murphy Institute/CUNY, http://www.alignny.org/posts/resource/2011/09/the-walmartization-of-new-york-city/. 103 Ibid.

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114 Walmart Express stores.” The 159 stores would need to be built in NYC to reach the 21 per-

cent market share. Broken down by boroughs, there would be 27 in the Bronx, 48 in Brooklyn,

31 in Manhattan, 43 in Queens and 10 in Staten Island. Brooklyn would lose 1160 jobs.104

Furthermore, if one of these stores is built in East New York, it is anticipated by ALIGN

that 105 local retail stores will be shut down. In order for Walmart to be successful they would

have to open up stores all over the city and dominate the market which is an issue that has been

left out of the conversation surrounding Walmart’s move to New York. Allowing Walmart into

East New York means allowing Walmart into all of NYC because that would be the only way for

them to succeed.

Walmart has strategically crafted a relationship with black America focusing particularly

on the opening of Walmart on the West Side of Chicago in the Austin community. For the first

time, they hired a black woman named Margaret Garner to build their store. Walmart hoped that

Garner would be able to facilitate both the construction of the store and the relationship with res-

idents of the community where the store would be built. Walmart began looking on the West

Side of Chicago in 2003, an area plagued with high levels of unemployment. A Walmart in that

location would offer job opportunities where the unemployment rate for black men was 11.8 per-

cent, double the unemployment rate of white men.105

By working with low income African Americans, Walmart hopes to gain support for their

move into the urban sector. Across the country, Walmart has been campaigning for the support

of urban black communities by “Donating to the United Negro College Fund and writing checks

for several black congressmen.”106 According to Jesse Jackson, “Employment and development

must go hand in hand. We need work where you can have a livable wage and health insurance,

104 Ibid.105 Coates, Ta-Nehisi Paul, and Bill Saporito, "Wal-Mart's Urban Romance," Time 166, no. 10 (September 5, 2005): 44-49. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed September 19, 2011).106 Ibid.

35


and retirement.”107 Some residents of the 37th ward expressed hope that Walmart would give

them the opportunity to show everyone that their kids are not lazy, they want to work. When it

comes to the possibility of employing residents, issues like low wages, discrimination and health

care didn’t seem as important to the community.

The United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) is one of the unions battling Wal-

mart and its entrance into NYC. The union battle over Walmart is complicated and divides have

emerged. When Walmart was granted approval to enter into Chicago’s urban market, Walmart

used unionized construction workers to build the store. As a result, the Chicago building trades

supported Walmart while other unions still opposed it and thus created a rift between those who

support Walmart and those who don’t. One of the lessons learned from this was that “a union has

to be able to mobilize members.”108 According to Jennifer Stapelton the assistant director of the

UFCW’s Making Change at Walmart campaign said, “Wal-Mart wants to talk about everything

else the progressive community cares about but not how it treats workers,”109 even though they

claim to be a better company today than in the past because of their move towards using renew-

able energy and decreasing its greenhouse gas emissions.

The economic recession is making it more difficult for union groups like the UFCW to

deny Walmart entry into New York City. “The urban poor are far more desperate for jobs and

low prices. Wal-Mart has dramatically escalated charitable giving in the cities it’s trying to enter,

especially to organizations fighting hunger- a problem that has taken on new urgency with so

many out of work.”110 Unlike what analysts had predicted, an economic recession proved to be

107 Ibid.108 Liza Featherstone, “Fighting Back- What the unions have learned-and what they may still need to learn- about fighting Wal-Mart’s expansion,” The American Prospect, May 2011, p. A20. 109 Ibid., A21. 110 Ibid., A21.

36


devastating for Walmart because their customers could no longer afford to make the high volume

purchases adding to the severity of their move into the urban sector.

Analysis of Walmart: The Treadmill of Production and Ecological Moderniza-

tion Theory

Although the treadmill of production explains how our economic system is degrading our

environment and the ecological modernization theory explains how our economic system can

work to benefit the environment, Walmart is very much a part of both theories. It is important to

look at both theories in order to gain a better understanding into how our economic system im-

pacts the environment and leads corporations to make decisions based solely on profit. Through

exploring the contradictions that exist in EM theory, we are brought back to the model of our so-

ciety that has been set up by the treadmill of the production and the growth coalition. To put it

simply, environmental protection will exist only to the extent that it benefits businesses bottom

line. It is through looking at the two theories in conjunction with one another that Walmart’s

business model can be best understood.

From looking at the theories I have discussed, one can see why businesses such as Wal-

mart favor this transition to green production because their triple bottom line (economics, society

and environment) is being met, not challenged through ideas of consumption and our market

based system. Walmart’s business practices increase the inequality in our society and contribute

to the over use of our natural resources. Walmart follows the treadmill of production as it is con-

tinuously expanding its stores to increase profit. But near saturation, Walmart is learning that

their supercenters may not always be better as they seek to create alternatives to their superstores

as a way to expand.

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Walmart also exemplifies our economic system, one that operates under the premise of

profit over justice and has built its corporation on capitalist ideals. In order to for Walmart to

continue making a profit, they need to continuously increase the productivity of their workers.

As the workers productivity is increased, the treadmill is accelerated. Walmart demands more la-

bor from its workers where work is often completed after hours without pay and Walmart hires

more part time workers to avoid benefits such as healthcare and paying full time salary. In both

scenarios, Walmart wins.

Walmart’s shareholders are invested in the continuous success of Walmart because the

more successful Walmart becomes, the more powerful its shareholders become. As Walmart’s

shareholder’s power increases, that power is used to promote Walmart and the “benefits” the

store provides to society. Recently, Walmart’s stock and their profit have taken a hit and conse-

quentially, their investors have been reluctant to invest. This was the result of Walmart’s satura-

tion of its current suburban and rural markets. Walmart’s move to the urban sector is their next

attempt to keep the treadmill running. If Walmart cannot continue to increase its production, its

expansion and its profit than it will fail. This is because our economic system has constructed the

continuous increase of production to be the solution to our problems instead of the cause of our

problems- Walmart has created the same image.

Walmart’s current green campaign with their pledge to be more sustainable through re-

ducing gas emissions and increasing its energy efficiency are promises made due to the cost sav-

ings it will have for the corporation simultaneously benefiting the environment. EM proposes

business as usual for capitalism and Walmart is in compliance with this theory. If being sustain-

able results in a decrease to Walmart’s bottom line, they will no longer pledge to be sustainable.

Through the EM framework, the need to protect the environment exists only to save businesses

38


money and therefore the environment is understood through monetary terms in so far as it can ei-

ther cost or save money for businesses.

Walmart’s growth coalition consists of Walmart the corporation, the government that

supports Walmart, including Mayor Michael Bloomberg111 and First Lady Michelle Obama, and

the workers who need jobs. Walmart’s role in the growth coalition is simple- they want to in-

crease their market share in order to increase their profit. Michelle Obama has been a leading ad-

vocate of Walmart as she has teamed up with them on her Let’s Move campaign to promote

healthy eating in an attempt to end childhood obesity.112 This is an ironic relationship considering

the criticism President Obama has had of Walmart in the past but today, all seems to be forgot-

ten. Walmart, the largest source of sugar in the nation and consequentially a predominate con-

tributor to both childhood and adult obesity can advocate for healthy eating and can reduce the

amount of sugar and sodium in their heavily processed products but when it’s all for their bottom

line, Walmart will continue to build strategic relationships to gain support for their urban move.

By avoiding some of the root causes of obesity in the country such as high priced fruits and veg-

etables and subsidized processed foods, neither Walmart nor Michelle Obama will be making

America healthier anytime soon. Instead of the state working as a middle man between the tread-

mill and society like it is supposed to, the state works to “accelerate the treadmill in the hope of

avoiding political conflict.”113

Workers, and the subsequent environmental problems that result from the continuous ex-

traction of resources to fulfill Walmart’s bottom line are often dislocated in the growth coalition.

111 “Walmart In New York City Gets Support of Mayor Bloomberg,” The Huffington Post, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/12/06/walmart-in-new-york-city-_n_1131512.html. 112 “Michelle Obama and Walmart Join Forces Promoting Healthy Food,” ABC News, http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/WorldNews/michelle-obama-walmart-join-forces-promote-healthy-eating/story?id=12723177#.T6qNEO3PeH8. 113 Schnaiberg, Allan, The Environment: From Surplus to Scarcity, U.S.A.: Oxford University Press, 1980, 418.

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http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/12/06/walmart-in-new-york-city-_n_1131512.html


Workers, like the corporation and the government, have a vested interest in increased growth, but

this growth also disadvantages the worker. “When Walmart enters a market, the net effect is to

reduce local employment, reduce area rates and total payroll, eliminate other businesses, and

raise poverty rates.”114 Compared to a cashiers hourly wage at Costco which is $15.50, Wal-

mart’s warehouse club, Sam’s Club, pays its cashiers an hourly wage of $9.48.115 One of the

ways that Walmart is able to cut costs is through hiring a large workforce of part-time workers

who are advised to go on government supported welfare. This relates to one of the roles of the

government as outlined by the treadmill of production--legitimization. The government’s role of

legitimization is strengthened through providing services like unemployment in exchange for

votes. The government demonstrates its support for Walmart through this exchange. Some ex-

amples of how legitimization can be achieved is through fear, popular support or elections.116

With urban residents in need of employment, Walmart is seen by some as a good job source

when the reality is Walmart increases poverty rates instead of raising a community out of

poverty. “It’s pretty easy to promise competitive wages in neighborhoods with more than 20 per-

cent unemployment- there isn’t any competition.”117

The environment faces the most vulnerability due to the solution of more economic

growth according to the treadmill of production model. Our economy and social systems, includ-

ing the production, distribution and consumption of goods all impact the environment and its

limited amount of natural resources. The treadmill of production, including the growth coalition

and its impact on the environment, can be tied into my food justice lens because our current food

system also serves as a model of the treadmill of production where growth is viewed as the solu-

114 Moberg, David, “How Wal-Mart Shapes the World,” The American Prospect, 4. 115 Ibid., 6.116 “Truth, Honesty and Justice: The Alternative to Wars, Terrorism and Politics,” http://www.shamsali.org/taj/legitimacy.html. 117 Liza Featherstone, “Fighting Back- What the unions have learned-and what they may still need to learn- about fighting Wal-Mart’s expansion,” The American Prospect, May 2011, 21.

40

http://www.shamsali.org/taj/legitimacy.html


tion instead of looking at sustainable solutions. Now we have an interlinked economic system

and a food system that serve as unsustainable processes for moving into the future. The food jus-

tice model emphasizes the importance of equity at every step of the food chain but with workers

being exploited and our natural resources being depleted, Walmart does not comply with food

justice criteria and serves as an unsustainable model according to all three pillars of sustainabil-

ity- social, ecological and economic.

Walmart’s shareholders are invested in the continuous success of Walmart because the

more successful Walmart becomes, the more powerful its shareholders become. As Walmart’s

shareholder’s power increases, that power is used to promote Walmart and the “benefits” the

store provides to society. This process is outlined by the treadmill. Recently, Walmart’s stock

and their profit have taken a hit and consequentially, their investors have been reluctant to invest.

This was the result of Walmart’s saturation of its current suburban and rural markets. Walmart’s

move to the urban sector is their next attempt to keep the treadmill running. If Walmart cannot

continue to increase its production, its expansion and its profit than it will fail. This is because

our economic system has constructed the continuous increase of production to be the solution to

our problems instead of the cause of our problems- Walmart has created the same image.

Walmart’s current green campaign can be understood through the four applications of

EM, “ecological modernization as technological adjustment,” “ecological modernization as a be-

lief system,” ecological modernization as policy discourse,” and ecological modernization and

environmental policy making,”118 as stated previously. Walmart’s pledge to be more sustainable

through reducing gas emissions and increasing its energy efficiency are promises made due to

the cost savings it will have for the corporation simultaneously benefiting the environment. EM

proposes business as usual for capitalism and Walmart is in compliance with this theory. If being

118 Ibid.

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sustainable results in a decrease to Walmart’s bottom line, they will no longer pledge to be sus-

tainable. Through the EM framework, the need to protect the environment exists only to save

businesses money and therefore the environment is understood through monetary terms in so far

as it can either cost or save money for businesses.

Analysis of Walmart: Illusion of Going Green

Given my analysis, it is apparent that Walmart is doing what is best for their bottom line,

not for food justice or for sustainability. Their green initiative serves as a distraction from their

other unjust business practices. Since food justice and sustainability incorporate a social justice

framework, Walmart does not comply with the standards that have been outlined in the literature

review as food justice criteria or sustainable measures. The following table outlines Walmart’s

pledges for a more just and sustainable food system and what the realities of those pledges look

like. The quotes were all taken directly from Walmart’s corporate website,119 and the information

from the reality section comes from a report by Food & Water Watch.120

119 See bibliography for web addresses. 120 The information from the reality section was taken from a Food & Water Watch report entitled “Why Walmart Can’t Fix the Food System.” A link to this report can be found in the bibliography.

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What Walmart Pledges The Reality

Buy More Local Produce

“Offering local produce has been a Walmart priority for years, and we’re taking it to a new level with a pledge to grow our partnerships with lo-cal farmers.”

Walmart is using this model to cut their costs by reducing money spent on fuel for trans-portation. Due to the quantity of food Walmart needs to pur-chase, buying local does not mean supporting local farmers or small food producers. Wal-mart defines local as food pur-chased within the same state as the store. Walmart’s goal of doubling the amount of locally grown produce sold by 2015 means increasing their sale of local food (as defined by Wal-mart) by a combined 9 percent of produce sold in all of the stores.

Sell More Organic Products

“Through sustainable agricul-ture, Walmart is uniquely posi-tioned to make a positive dif-ference in food production -- for farmers, communities and customers. Our efforts will help increase farmer incomes, lead to more efficient use of pesticides, fertilizer and water, and provide fresher produce for our customers.”

Walmart announced in 2006 that it would double the num-ber of organic produce on its shelves. Their definition of or-ganic includes organic ver-sions of processed foods such as Rice Krispies and Kraft macaroni and cheese. Wal-mart views organic products as a way to attract wealthier consumers, not as a better agricultural model. For Wal-mart, it is always about price- where factory farming is fa-vored- not organic standards.

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What Walmart Pledges The Reality

Increase Sustainability

“Investing in renewable energy spurs innovation, provides jobs, helps protect the environ-ment and reduces costs.”

Walmart said it would try to create zero waste, use 100 percent renewable energy and sell more ecofriendly products. This is about cutting costs and winning over critics. Walmart will only follow through with initiatives to the extent that it saves the company money. Walmart has put the responsi-bility for going green onto its suppliers costing them more money while Walmart takes the credit.

Supply Food Deserts With Healthy Food

“By opening stores where cus-tomers need them most, Wal-mart will help build healthier families and stronger commu-nities.”

This is a public relations tactic in order to gain support for Walmart’s urban move. Plac-ing a big box store in an urban community does not solve the complexity of food access es-pecially due to the unsustain-able practices of Walmart. The Walmart model of making farmers and workers poorer by driving down costs is not the solution to areas with limited access to healthy food.

Conclusion and Implications

Walmart may be on a “healthy food offensive”121 but one that might not be good from the

food justice and social justice perspective. With the support of political leaders like Michelle

Obama and Mayor Bloomberg, Walmart said it will “reduce by 25% the salt content and by 10%

121 Robert Gottlieb and Anupama Joshi, Food Justice (U.SA.: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010).

44


the sugar content in its processed products in the next five years. It will lower the price of its fruit

and vegetables by “driving unnecessary costs from its supply chain.” 122 And that it would build

new Wal-Mart stores in “underserved communities” or “food deserts.”123 Walmart is trying to

transform its image from being the problem with our food system to the solution to it, but as long

as they need to dominate the market in order to make a profit, Walmart cannot meet their own

stated goals.

It is necessary to look at the policy implications surrounding food and food availability

because those that are most effected by policy are often the ones who have the least say in the

decision making process, such as low income minority populations with little representation in

government. Policy needs to reflect the needs of its already vulnerable citizens instead of making

an already vulnerable situation worse. Policy would also address the lack of supermarkets in low

income areas and discuss incentivized ways to bring supermarkets into such communities as well

as incorporating healthy and fresh produce into already existing retail locations. Success can also

be achieved through partnerships that provide school students with healthy food and nutrition ed-

ucation. Some methods of increasing food access include: local farmers working with bodegas to

offer fresh affordable produce, increasing community involvement in decision making processes

and supporting grass root community based alternatives to growing food.

Walmart’s move into the urban sector- as a result of having saturated rural and suburban

markets- is essential in order to boost their sales, where hundreds of new stores could potentially

open in New York City. Without a change in their business model, Walmart will only find itself

in the same predicament in the future- desperate to tackle a new market. This is a social justice

issue, a component of food justice and sustainability because Walmart negatively impacts the

122 Ibid. 123 Ibid.

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neighborhoods it moves into by driving out the other businesses in the area and by- contrary to

popular belief- actually reducing employment options.

Walmart needs to dominate the market in order to make a profit. This leads to the ex-

ploitation of workers and producers in the food chain and therefore Walmart is not aiding in

transforming our food system. Even though they may be working with local farmers, Walmart

still needs to make sure that they are making the most money possible. By selling their food for

as cheaply as possible, somewhere within growing the food, producing the food, transporting the

food and distributing the food, there will be inequity. Working within the frameworks of food

justice and sustainability does not require an end to profit seeking in itself, but it does require

business reform based on how that profit seeking negatively impacts society and the environment

like in the case of Walmart.

Although Walmart has taken positive steps to provide local fresh produce, in order for

Walmart to sell fresh local produce cheaply, people involved will be exploited through the pay-

ment of non livable wages and through the denial of full time employment. Walmart needs to as-

sess not only what it is selling but where it is coming from and who has access to it. Walmart has

therefore become the better of two evils - a Walmart store versus minimal access to fresh afford-

able produce- but Walmart is not the solution to our broken food system.

While we cannot know how Walmart will impact East New York specifically, by looking

at other urban Walmart locations such as Chicago, we can predict that the implications of a Wal-

mart in East New York would include the closing of small retailer stores, the reduction in em-

ployment, increased traffic and congestion and further descent into poverty. Instead of looking

for sustainable solutions to food access in underserved communities, it is likely that Walmart

will merely place a band aid over the problems with our food system. By allowing Walmart into

46


East New York, we would be placing a band aid over much larger issues. Instead of looking for

sustainable solutions to fixing our food system, we allow ourselves to be distracted by promises

made by Walmart that only serve to promote their bottom line and perpetuate our industrial agri-

cultural model that exploits food chain workers and diminishes the health of our nation.

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Appendix

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Alana's Thesis

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