INDEX

INTRODUCCIÓN............................................................................................................................ 2

CHAPTER I: BIOGRAPHICAL ANTECEDENTS OF ALAN GARCÍA PÉREZ................................3

CHAPTER II: THE CRIMES DE ALAN GARCIA...........................................................................18

CHAPTER III: DEPRESIÓN.........................................................................................................32

CONCLUSIONS............................................................................................................................35

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES...........................................................................................38

INTRODUCCIÓN

Alan's figure García had a special importance, because while this alive exists the possibility that it directs the destination of a nation so geo strategic as the Peru, because it is a very case of how somebody with social talent or oratory and empathy for its mentor Haya de la Torre that inherited him the Power, was born in precise moment in the precise place and in the precise circumstances to arrive to be to the maximum power to of a country, to have the responsibility of taking to practices it or action the political theory of Haya de la Torre - very appreciated in the entire world - and to drive the hopes of an oppressed town during its history of injustice and social inequality.

Of their First Government's balance, one can deduce that the success of a governor and the expectations of a town fail when the speaker great empathy confronts the challenges of the leadership and he even not has the domain himself. Historically we could say of their first government that the political theory is not applicable to the practice for human and social factors, since he and his political party made the most ramshackle administration in the whole history of the Peru.

The present work has for objective to explore the life of this public person, which is approached in the chapter I, on his biography. The multiple accusations that it is object, we only have considered those that were been encountered founded by the Judicial Power and that transcended in the Justice Courts of other countries like United States and Italy (for the cases BCCI and Electric Train respectively) to be documented and with fundament to crime act; this is approached in the chapter II, Alan García Made Crime according to the Judicial Power, him you doesn't present to prove its innocence, for what the silence accepts and through the prescription I achieve impunity.

El capitulo III es breve, sobre la tan mencionada enfermedad mental, aunque hay muy poco material sobre esto y a pesar de todo lo que se diga, la supuesta enfermedad mental no tiene mucho fundamento, pues de ser cierta, seria algo que no se hubiera podido disimular. Finalmente se hacen las conclusiones y recomendaciones. The chapter III it is brief, on the so mentioned mental illness, although there is very not very material on this and in spite of everything what is said, the supposed mental illness doesn't have a lot of foundation, because of being certain, had not been possible to hide that serious reality. Finally the conclusions and recommendations are made. We hope the present work contributes to the expectations of the interested ones.

The Author .

2

CHAPTER I: BIOGRAPHICAL ANTECEDENTS OF ALAN GARCÍA PÉREZ

Alan García Pérez was born in the breast of a middle class family, closely bound to the APRA. He studies in the National School José María Eguren of the Barranco district of Lima.

The strong influences from the APRA comes since from his origins of life, his mother Nytha Pérez was founder of the APRA in Camaná. His father, Carlos García Ronceros, was secretary of organization of the party during the government of the General of division of the EP, Manuel A. Odría, during those time had been declared the illegality of the APRA. He was arrested during these government and for that reason, he didn't meet their son until past five years.

To early age and even attending the school, Alan García discovers the power that they had the words, quality that was serve him to obtain several school prizes in oratorical, and an outstanding "verb" that would be he useful when beginning as APRA militant. Being even very young, García unites to the APRA Juvenile Federation, receiving its card of militant to the 17 years.

In this point it is important to mention that it gave origin to which we call political leader, was not some intelligence or leadership exactly, but the ability of oratorical, (as call demagoguery and that goes enclosed to the flattery and compatible),this opened him in route to the persuasion, power of convincing, what allowed him from youth to be recognized as leader. Although he doesn't have clear to where to go or devise, but the benefits of this ability possibly increased his ego and authoritarianism.

He carries out later studies in the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú and he receives their title in laws in the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos in 1971. Interested in expanding their academic curriculum he moved to Europe, attending the Universidad Complutense de Madrid where he studied and it completed their thesis in constitutional law, with which obtained their doctorate in Political Sciences. In 1973, he goes to the University of Paris, here he obtains their title in sociology. Then he would get married with Pilar Nores which had known in a seminar in Madrid.

After living several years in Paris, García was called by the founder and leader of the APRA, Victor Raúl Haya de la Torre to return to the Peruvian political life in 1978, after the administration Bermúdez president's prepare the return to the civil government and allow the reorganization of other political parties. ( 1) (2)

1 Diario El Comercio2 Wikipedia en http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alan_Garc%C3%ADa_P%C3%A9rez

3

APRA MILITANCY

From boy, Alan Gabriel frequented the” House of the Town" (main headquarters of the APRA Party), where he received treatments with the leader founder of the APRA, Victor Raúl Haya de la Torre. Alan took Victor Raúl like somebody more than a leader: as a father; in an interview he commented the following thing on Haya de la Torre:

"It was in a juvenile camp of the party beside the river Rímac. I didn't separate neither five meters of this semi God and I felt like in the Sixtina Chapel. It was imposing, a Vasco old, white and with beard, with an enormous head that could only be synonymous of a solid intelligence for me." -Alan García Pérez -

Next to Alberto Borea Odría, Luis Alva Castro and other adolescents, Alan was direct pupil from Haya de la Torre. For the patriarch's of the APRA advice it didn't postulate to the University Federico Villarreal (bound to the APRA), but to the Catholic University with the purpose of that it balances the domain on this of the parties social Christians as well as of the parties of center left. Later on he would move to San Marcos University, where he graduated in laws.

Belonging to a middle class family, with intellectual restlessness and closely bound to the historical left Alliance Popular American Revolutionary (APRA), when he was born, during the general Manuel's Apolinario Odría military dictatorship, his father, secretary of organization of the party, was in prison completing condemnation for his political militancy, and in fact he didn't know him until past five years. Being a student of primary, García continued the family tradition and he united to the Federation Juvenile Aprista, and to the 17 years, when it studied the secondary in the national school José María Eguren of the Limean district of Barranco he received the identification card of militant.

The APRA was founded May 7 1924 in Mexico for the Peruvian Victor Raúl Haya de la Torre. Although their vocation was continental, only in the Andean country it reached the status of majority political force, without renouncing of the original acronym, becoming the first party of masses of South America in fact. Beginning their life like political party in Lima September 21 1930 as Peruvian Aprista Party (PAP), the formation became well-known indistinctly with the two acronyms (APRA or PAP).

Of origin radically anti oligarchical and anti imperialistic, and supported in the labor classes, with the years the APRA evolved toward a reformism of inspiration social democratic of wider base that, nevertheless, neither renounced in the populist ways and of cult to its bosses neither it finished clarifying its ideological principles, always hazy or contradictory, more when Haya de la Torre, with apparent Machiavellian, established connivances of facto with the most reactionary political and economic sectors. The APRA of the second century half presented similarities with other national-popular movements arisen in the years 30 and 40, as those sustained by Getúlio

4

Vargas in Brazil, Juan Domingo Perón in Argentina or José María Velasco Ibarra in Ecuador.

The youth, of expansible character, at the time that was a Catholic practitioner, began studies of letters and laws in the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, noted house of studies of Lima, and he completed the laws licentiate in the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, equally in the Peruvian capital, in 1971, registering act continued in the College of Lawyers. The national régime - revolutionary of the general Juan Velasco Alvarado that arrived to the power in October of 1968, brought get the proscription of the partisan activities, and García for instances of his bosses of the party, interested in consolidating the academic currículum of the promising militant, went to enlarge his academic formation to Europe.

First it attended the Universidad Complutense de Madrid, where in 1972 it defended their doctoral thesis on Compared Constitutional Right in front to tribunal integrated by the professor Manuel Fraga Iribarne in that time a high political leader of the régime franquista and, future boss of the conservative opposition in the democratic Spain, and from 1973 to the University parisina of the Sorbona, to follow a post degree in Sociology.

García resided in Paris several years in company of its first wife, a countrywomen of the one that then got divorced to get married with the Argentinean Pilar Nores, student of Economy and the rector's of the University of Córdoba daughter in Argentina, to which had known in a seminar in Madrid after he moved to Paris. With Nores he had four offsprings that were added the one that had in his first marriage.

.

The overthrow of Velasco for the general Francisco Morals Bermúdez in August 1975 began a stage of moderation in a government that toward calling revolutionary and of transition to the democratic restoration, allowing to the parties to be reorganized. In 1978 García it was registered in the Institute of High Studies of Latin America of the French capital, when the old Haya de la Torre urged him to that was reinstated in the Peruvian political activity in front the perspective of the refund from the political power to the civilians. Of return to their country, García was one of the elects in the urns June 18 1978 to integrate the Constituent Assembly whose presidency, and also leadership of the voted political force was granted to Haya de la Torre.

García exercised the teaching shortly in the law specialty in the National University Federico Villarreal of Lima, but its authentic gifts shone in the professional politics. Revealed as a brilliant and mettlesome speaker, and a skilled synthesizer of the traditional populist contents, with an image of North American or European touch (they caused sensation their youth, their 1,93 of stature and their elegant dress that conformed a behavior of Latin gallant), the public's sector saw García like the led pupil and, although it was not part of the directing squares of the party, the one protected of the patriarch of the APRA that finished promoting national secretary of Organization a little before its death

5

happened to the 84 years, August 2 1979. Then the headquarters of the movement assumed it Armando Villanueva del Campo, experienced leader and very friend with García.

The general elections of May 18of 1980, first in 17 years, projected García to the national political scenario with number one for Lima, in the list of APRA candidates to the Camera of the Congress, where the party, with 26% of the votes and 58 deputies, was in second position after the Party Popular Action (AP) that was of center formation founded by president's moderate conservative Fernando Belaúnde Terry who was deposed by the military ones in 1968.

In the presidential election, Belaúnde won Villanueva that could not remedy the electoral decrease happened by the disappearance of Haya de la Torre. While the old militants of the party were discredited with the antagonistic positions leftist of Villanueva and the moderate of Andrés Townsend Ezcurra -candidate to the vicepresidencia - García attracted all the looks with its vehement parliamentary opposition to the Acción Popular Government.

The APRA, worried by its future, concentrated its hopes on García that you grieve he was 30 years old and it began to confer him internal responsibilities. Confirmed in the National Secretary of Organization in October of 1979, in the XII Congress, in the tumultuous XIII Congress, celebrated the 3 and 4 of August of 1980, were designated president of the Commission of Ideology and Doctrine displacing Luis Alberto Sánchez, leader aligned with the theses of Townsend. In 1981 it ceased as national secretary of Organization and in the XV Congress, the 9 and 10 of October of 1982, substituted the diminished Villanueva in the General Secretary of the party, taking possession of the effective leadership of the APRA.

Their proposals of reconcile the internal divisions, of opening to other segments of the electorate and of renovation of the speech of the party, in the sense of revising the traditional mottos of national sovereignty in front of the North American prepotency and of social justice assuming the notions of modernity and effectiveness (what supposed a change in the leftist political ideals), they won the progressive adhesion of the APRA militants, so that in January of 1984, y means of the secret vote of all the members, was proclaimed candidate to the presidential elections of 1985.

García based its campaign on the opposition of the liberal pattern of market applied by Belaúnde, in the moralization of the administration and, in the energetic combat to the insurgency of the group Maoist Sendero Luminoso that had begun its guerilla and terrorists actions in Ayacucho, coinciding with the return of the democracy. Their personal friendship with the then president of the Spanish Government, the socialist Felipe González, and the comparisons between the new APRA and the Spanish PSOE (that had won a firm majority in 1982 making flag of the change and the transformation), they cooperated, without a doubt, to the image of modernity and progressivism of the Peruvian postulante. One of you proclaim them more used it was that of “the Government for all the Peruvians".

6

2. PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC WITH A HETERODOX DIARY

The electoral of April 14 of 1985, boycotted by the senderists with attacks and sabotages, was doubly historical for the Peru, because brought the first democratic relief from 1945 (the succession Manuel Prado and José Luis Bustamante y Rivero), as the conquest of the power for the party that had always shown the political protagonism and era the oldest in country.

García monopolized 45,7% of the emitted votes (although 53,1% of the valid votes, excluding to the blank and null), more than double those obtained by its immediate rival, the Marxist and mayor from Lima Alfonso Barrantes Lingán, for the United Left coalition (Izquierda Unida). In third place it was the social christians Luis Bedoya Reyes, for Democratic Convergence, and in a stingy fourth position the official candidate, Javier Alva Orlandini, reflecting the degree of dissatisfaction generated by the administration of the sober and sophisticated Belaúnde.

When not reaching the necessary 50% of the votes then with the electoral code effective, García should go to a second voting with Barrantes, but this retired of the process with the end, according to its declaration, of not prolonging more the political uncertainty, so that June 1 the Electoral National Council proclaimed at the first one, elect president and July 28 he assumed possession of its five-year command. Also, the APRA had paths absolute majorities with 110 legislators' (from180) in the Camera of Deputies and, of 32 (from 60) in the Senate. In their condition of boss of the State García ceased as deputy and general secretary of the party, while in the Government presided over by Luis Alva Castro (Prime Ministry), also obtained ministries the Christian Democratic Party (PDC), division of the Party Popular Christian (PPC) of Bedoya Reyes.

The youngest constitutional leader - of 36 years old - in the history of the Peru their administration began with some equally unprecedented indexes of popularity, agglutinating the hopes of a punished population for the adjustment politicians and an alarming violence to position so much of the insurgent groups as of the forces of security of the State.

The economic scene of 1985 was such that the country suffered a more financial crisis that of production, with the dollar quoting to 12.000 soles and the inflation marking 230%. Also, the unemployment affected to the active population's third part.

At the beginning, García confronted the guerrilla's attack with spirit pacifier. He created a Commission of Peace in charge of looking after the human rights and of mediating among the armed forces and the guerrilla, but the persistent impunity in the abuses and exactions of some and of other it precipitated the failure of this Comosión, for the resignation of their members, of this organ of the civil society July 7 1986. Before and later the Government was forced to renovate the emergency states periodically in the most conflicting departments and until in the own Lima.

7

Certainly, the Maoist organization didn't lend heard to any appeasement formula and it doubled its attacks against facilities of energy supply, not giving truce to the new administration. On the other hand, the ceasings for García to the high police and military commands were linked so much to the desire of combatting the violence inside Right State like to reduce the ramifications of the drug traffic. However, the Government's disposition peaceful received the blow of grace in June of 1986, when the simultaneous mutinies of convicts senderistas in the prisions of Lurigancho, The Fronton and Santa Bárbara (both in Callao) they were suffocated brutally by the Republican Policy and the Army Forces.

After the assault for the forces of the order were two hundreds and half of mortal victims, many of them executed summarily. The over repression had bigger international repercussion to take place in eves of the International Socialist's XVII Congress (IS), the first one taken place in Latin America, and of the one that García waited support declarations to its administration. The encounter was devaluated when not attending any leader in asset alleging reasons of security.

With everything, the international critics for the massacre were less unfavourable before the national public opinion that the wave of reprisals untied by Sendero Luminoso that included among their operations the selective murder of political leaders and social activists. October 11 1986 the own García escaped unhurt of an attack in Juliaca.

In the delicate chapter of external Debt, calculated and that time in the 13.000 million dollars and whose refund ballasted the possibilities of the national development, García let remarked well from the beginning that the upgrade didn't figure in his diary.

Already in their first message to the nation he explained that the Peru had the firm will of making honor to its international commitments and paying its creditors, but, since didn't have payment capacity, it won't dedicate to the service of the debt more than 10% of its revenues in foreign currencies coming from the export, neither neither it will follow the verdicts of the IMF, preferring the direct and punctual negotiations with the governments and supplying banks. In the later days, García announced the revision of the benefits of the big companies and of the contracts of exploitation of the foreign companies, as well as the restriction of the monopolist activities.

In August of 1985 their Government applied a first package anticrisis whose main actions were: a moratorium of six months in the international payments of the Peru; a monetary devaluation of 12% starting from the fixation of the official type of change of the sol with regard to the new currency, the inti, to reason of 1000 for unit, and of this with relationship to the dollar to reason of 10,9 for unit (the transition of the Sol to the inti currency concluded in the summer of 1987); the freezing of the prices of the goods and services, excepting those derived of the petroleum that experienced slow rises; severe dispositions against the Public Prosecutorevasion; and ascents controlled in the minimum wages.

8

The explosive announcement of García attracted the attention of all South America, in bigger or smaller degree anguished by the ballast of the debt, and its popularity among the progressive sectors it was increased when in September when he announced in the United Nations that, if was not a solution to this cardinal problem of the countries under developed, the Peru could even abandon the IMF.

The tightness with United States took a serious look when December 27 the Government nationalized the company Belco Petroleum that operated in the continental platform in front of the coast northern Peruvian, for not consenting to the new conditions to renovate their the contract. The negotiations didn't reach agreement with other American oil companies and the Government no repaired in nationalizes them.

mo calificaba de "política de resistencia contra el imperialismo".

1986 were a year of disencounters that divorced García of the international financial organisms whose attendance was vital for a country with a very weak structure, but not still of most of the society that continued supporting its energetic style and its rudeness for a while, in that that him same it described as “resistance politics against the imperialism."

The rejection of the already well-known as the terrible Enfant of Latin America to adopt the neoliberal recipes prescribed to renegotiate the growing foreign debt culminated, August of 1986, 15 coinciding with the expiration of a departure of debt of 180 million dollars, with the declaration for the IMF of Peru like ineligible country, what supposed in the practice the interruption of the so much credits of the mentioned organization like of the World Bank or of the Interamerican Bank of Development (IDB).

García reacted to this negative consequence of its interventionist political defending the its first year-old successes, in the fight against the inflation (reduced to 60%) and in the I stimulate of the growth (8,5% of the GDP, the highest rate in Latin America). It also highlighted the approval of favorable measures to the workers, as the law of labor stability and the salary increments above the index of prices, that that indeed improved the capacity of the beneficiaries' purchase, to the price, but, of appealing to the emission currency incontrolated germ of the inflationary hairspring of the following years, and of increasing the deficit in the treasury of the State.

The president hoped to base the growth of the economy fundamentally on the internal consumption, without appealing to the credit and the foreign investments, exit populist of autarchical overlike that collided with a double reality insoslayable of the Peru: the scarce resources characteristic of a developing country and the high percentage of the active population separated from the productive system, well to be in the unemployment, well to work in the submerged economies.

The APRA Government's heterodox guidelines were not imitated in any other country of the hemisphere, but in 1986 feeling national was still favorable to the

9

leftist movements: in the municipal elections of November 9 the APRA a crushing victory was awarded and made sure the Mayor's offices of Lima, Cuzco and other main cities.

3. THE SOMBER BALANCES OF THE FIVE YEAR OF ALAN PERIOD’S

1987 a call fourth via, neither neoliberal pro American, neither socialist to the Cuban, neither revolutionary-military to the style of the velasquism that García preached it was drained in 1987. The subsidies to all the sectors and the credits to interest zero took to the crash to public financial entities, while the control of the prices ended up collapsing to many private industries.

The distressing non-liquidity of the State, by reason of the Public Prosecutorescape and the evaporation of the reservations of foreign currencies, took García July 28 1987 to announce two draconian measures: first, the nationalization, with right to compensation, of all the bank entities, except the foreign branches, and of some insurance companies, not belonging to the State, and second, the prohibition of the operations of change of foreign currencies outside of the public institutions.

The intervention, normalized as nationalized law, it was sanctioned by the Camera of Deputies with the support of IU September 29 and he went into effect October 12 amid a phenomenal national controversy. Two days later, the Government took with a spectacular unfolding the control of the two main private banks of the country, that of Credit and the Wiese. However, the nationalizations stayed there, since the socialization law was refuted by communities that were considered harmed and the whole process was gotten muddy in the tribunals of justice.

García defended of those that accused him of imposing the economic dictatorship and of breaking the principles of the liberal State adducing that it was to control the circulating monetary mass, of impeding the flight of capitals and of assuring that the bank financings went indeed to development projects and not to speculative operations. The empresariado and the private shareholders reacted in block against the APRA Government, but this was also alienated the support of the urban middle classes that saw be in danger their purchasing power with the unstoppable increase of the inflation.

The turn to the left of García was interpreted like an escape toward ahead in a situation limit for its administrationharassed from multiple fronts, lately also from the sindical sectors that summoned the first general idles of his government in May. Apart from this, June 22 resigned the first minister Alva Castro, first of four replacements up to 1990 related with the political and economic tensions, with the intention of challenging the leadership of García in the next congress of the party.

1987 still registered a growth of 6%, but it was eclipsed by the overdrafts in the commercial and financial scales. Also, the inflation returned to the three digits

10

120% -, and the population that had seen bitterly disappointed its hopes of peace and prosperity, it began to suffer the shortage of supplies of products of first necessity. When beginning 1988 the administration of García it seemed paralyzed, unable to approached economic plot catastrophe.

1988. In September of 1988 the Government presided over by Villanueva del Campo threw an adjustment plan, the denominated paquetazo, consistent in the devaluation of the inti of 33 to 250 units for dollar, the average elevation of the prices of the goods and services in 300% and the partial re privatization of the banking, but inapelablemente failed: the year it finished with a rate of inflation of 2000%, a recession of 8%, a commercial deficit of 600 million dollars, a debit in the bill of reservations of foreign currencies of 350 millions, external debt accumulated by 18.000 millions and a half decrease of the purchasing power from the superior workers to 50%. Nevertheless the official rate, in the street the dollar was already paid to 700 intis.

meanwhile, Sendero Luminoso. that for their leader's mouth, Abimael Guzmán, declared its intention of taking the power for the force, it terrified the capital with its armed unemployments and sabotages against lines of high tension, and in the rural areas it shared guerilla activities with the Marxist Revolutionary Movement Túpac Amaru (MRTA) whose maximum boss, Victor Polay Fields, it was captured in February 14 1989 without more consequences for the course of the subversion. Of the havocs suffered by the Andean rural communities they were not other people's some troops of the Army, authors of peasants' slaughters and responsible for a situation of impunity that favored the appearance of groups to the style of the death squadrons of the Central American.

Affected by a dramatic loss of popularity, December 16 of 1988 García resigned of the headquarters of the APRA in the congress of the party as hall of their future abandonment of the politics, and Alva Castro candidate it was nominated to the Presidency of the Republic in the elections of 1990. The vituperated García had for ahead a year and half of calvary in which the data of the economic disaster were overlapped to the rumors of premature renouncement or suddenly military, and the attempts of popular explosion by the crisis of supplies.

1989 only in December of 1989 García, after offering the debtors the payment in species (10% of the Peruvian exports) it threw the towel and it returned to the orthodoxy: it accepted to make a payment of 42 million dollars quarterly in concept of the last service of the debt and the IMF responded reactivating its credit lines. Also, the Government attempted – also - to revert the commercial deficit and the penury of foreign currencies cutting pure and simply the imports, with the rising impact on the shortage of all type of consumption goods.

The penultimate year of the command of García it marked a recession of 14% of the GDP and a foreign debt of 20.000 million dollars, this is, 90% of the GDP. The hyperinflation reached 2,773% and the dollar ended up quoting until the 4.800 intis to the official change. As positive data, the commercial scale

11

registered a surplus of 1.300 million dollars and the deficit of the national reservations was clipped sensibly.

In foreign policy, García abided at the beginning of non alignment and it was shown active in the diverse multilateral forums of the hemisphere of those that the Peru was member. October 12 1989 presided over then in Ica the III Meeting of the denominated Group of the Eight (today, Grupo de Rio) that put emphasis in the insert of the national economies in the external markets, and December 18 of the same year he united to their homologous of Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela in the signature of the Declaration of Galapagos that joined commitments for potentially the integration multisectorial of the area and the cooperation in matters of security, fundamentally in the fight against the drug traffic.

Without reaching the levels of Colombia, the crime rate bound to the illegal trade of narcotics grew couple to the political violence during the five year period of García. The participation of the Peruvian leader in the antidrug special summit of Cartagena of India February 15 1990 together with the presidents George Bush, Jaime Peace Zamora and Virgilio Ship was good to ratify the commitment of his country in the fight against this serious problem and in passing it alleviated the tensions with United States.

Also, García, as long as statesman of the Group of Support to Contadora Group (informal forums of consultations on the exploration of preventive actions against the extension of the conflicts armed in Central America, and of whose coalition in December 1986 in fact arose the Group of the Eight), it facilitated the beats of negotiations between Government and Salvadoran guerrilla, and on the other hand leadership the denominated Group of Consent formed by the 11 more indebted countries of Latin America.

The municipal elections of November 12 1989 served as thermometer of a presidency that the great majority of the Peruvians considered, not already unsuccessful, but as the worst that they remembered. The APRA suffered a boisterous fall in front of the coalition conservative Democratic Front (Fredemo), leadership for the celebrated writer Mario Vargas Llosa and integrated by AP, the PPC and the Movement Freedom (ML) that the own Vargas Llosa encouraged, a qualified organization to itself of civic and independent movement but that it represented to the powerful elites managerial defenders of the free market.

In the elections of April 8 1990 the APRA candidate presidential, Alva Castro, only added 22% of the votes and it was disqualified for the second position in front of Vargas Llosa and the independent Alberto Fujimori, an unknown doctor in Sciences that it jumped to the political proscenium in question of days and that it finished running off with with the victory in the urns by means of a populist campaign to coast of the monumental socioeconomic mess left by García. In the Camera of Deputies, the APRA fell to the 54 benches with 17% of the votes and it was overcome by the Fredemo, although soon after the breakup of this tripartite alliance the party of the salient leader recovered the parliamentary primacy

12

YEARS AFTER THE EXIT OF THE POWER

July 28of 1990 García abandoned the supreme magistracy with a wide consent on their ramshackle administration that he had left the country in economic crash (that year the production other 6% fell and the hyperinflation marked the maximum bench mark of 7.500%), with the public order destroyed by a war civil and with the honor of its institutions questioned by the cases of corruption and the excesses in the fight contrainsurgent.

García became senator vitalicio for right and this new position came to compensate the INHERENT PRIVILEGES OF IMMUNITY partly to the previous one, but a lot of time didn't pass without they took procedural actions in its against for diverse irregularities presumably made during his government.

In August 1 1991 the public prosecutor from New York that investigated the corrupt plot of the Bank of Credit and International Trade (BCCI) it incriminated him in the illegal activities of this financial group, concretely in the placement of deposits for bill of the Central Bank of Reservation (BCR) of the Peru, operation in which bribes would have been generated. (3)

The Peruvian Supreme Court admitted the demand risen by a Commission of Investigation of the Congress, and opened up to García several accusations for the crimes of illicit enrichment (in connection with its presumed participation in the irregularity of the BCR and, in the sale and purchase of airplanes Mirage to France, as well as with the presumed holding of bank bills not justified), tributary evasion and against the public faith.

October 19 1991 the Senate solved to suspend García in his congress member functions so that responds in the face of the justice of the constitutional accusation for illicit enrichment, but January 29 1992 the First Penal Room of the Supreme Court declared him acquitted by lack of evidences.

The ex president defended his innocence personally before the concerned political and judicial instances, and he assured to be object of an operation of personal and moral destruction on the part of those that feared his return to the electoral lid. When it seemed that went away the ghost of a prosecution, at the 5 to 6 April of 1992, took place the Coup d'état of Fujimori and for García that was general secretary of his political party from the previous year, it began a persecution stage and exile.

In the last hours of April 5 García escapes from the command military correspondent to arrest him in his home of Lima. In intrepid action, the former president, according to his testimony, defended to shots and he was able to escape for her neighborhood's roofs before taking refuge in a house in

3 Ver capítulo II

13

construction. During two months it remained hidden in Lima in diverse particular housings, until June 1 were welcomed in the embassy of Colombia and the following day it left to the neighboring country, in a military airplane freighted by the president Cesar Gaviria. There he met with their wife and children that had remained isolated and arrest conditions after the blow.

In the eight following years García and their family distributed their residence among Bogotá, welcomed to the political asylum given by the Colombian Government, and Paris. The Government of Fujimori resuscitated the judicial diligences in his against and it began new causes, charging fame the matter of the presumed reception of a bribe of a million dollars in exchange for granting to the Italian company Tralima for the concession of the electric train of Lima.

September 23 1992 the new Prosecutor of the Nation, completely accommodating to the interests of the power, it ordered to reopen the instruction for the crime of undue enrichment, cause that was confirmed by the Special Penal Room of the Supreme Court March 17 1993 and that it authorized the outrage like senatorfor life. Private of their parliamentary immunity, García also ceased in the General Secretary of the APRA, but he didn't separate the political activities.

In August of 1995 a special tribunal of the judicial case dictated charge an international order of search and it captures for graft of funds dedicated to finance the project of the electric train. Equally, to avoid the prescription of the imputed crimes, García was declared contumacious criminal. The arrest commandment was assumed by the Supreme Court in September of 1996 and in August of 1997 it reiterated it.

Meanwhile, the implacable machinery of the fujimorismo and the unanswerable popular support of which enjoyed during years relegated to the APRA and other discredited parties from the old régime to the most absolute margination. In the general elections of April 9of 1995, that finished off with success the juridical and institutional lattice elaborated to the president's and their party measure, the APRA candidate Mercedes Cabanillas Bustamante was in third place with 4,1% of the votes, and in the Congress the party only placed 8 deputies with 6,5% of the votes.

The results were even worse in the elections of April of 2000, 9 suspects of fraudulent, with 1,4% for Saline Abel Eyzaguirre in the presidential ones and 5,5%, translated in 6 benches, in the legislatives, the scantiest figures never obtained by the APRA in the urns. June 6 1997 the APRA united to the parties AP, PPC, IU, Union for the Peru (UPP) and Front Independent Moralist (FIM) in the Parliamentary Block of Democratic Opposition to join forces against the hegemony of the alliance official Change 90-New Majority.

García that in 1998 creó in the Gallic capital the Association Municipalities Without Frontiers, a hypothetical return was blocked to the electoral Peruvian fight by two norms approved by the Congress: the denominated law anti-impunity, good known in the street like “anti-Alan law " that it impeded the postulation to a representative position of those people with processes judicial

14

slopes for crime against the State, and the law of contumacy that seated the non prescription of the causes while the accused was outside of the country. The one affected insisted in this whole time to be victim of a persecution with invented accusations.

5. SOUND RETURN WITH THE FALL OF FUJIMORI

But after the flight in November of 2000 of Fujimori to Japan, precipitated by the look that was taking the scandal of political bribes played by their adviser of security, Vladimiro Montesinos, the law anti-impunity was found unconstitutional and December 1 the Congress repealed it. Then, January of 2001, 18 the Supreme Court concluded that the pending causes against García had prescribed and it annulled the detention orders in his s against.

In their dictamination, the highest instance judicial Peruvian considered the recommendation of declaring inapplicable the law of contumacy formulated by the Interamerican Court of human rights (CIDH), to which García had elevated a complaint to consider that the retroactive application of that norm in its case violated its fundamental rights. In fact, January 8, being early to the verdict of the Supreme Court, the former leader inscribed before the National Jury of Elections his candidacy to the presidential elections of April 8 that should complete the open period of democratic normalization after the fall of the authoritarian régime of Fujimori.

The entrance in the electoral war took place in the last day of the skilled term for it and he obtained the previous approval unanimously of the National Executive Committee of the APRA, with the general secretary Jorge del Castillo Gálvez to the head. January 27 García landed in company of his wife in the airport of Lima coming from Bogotá, putting an end to near nine years of exile, to start its campaign.

The spectacular return of García, although not for ignorance of the one that had always been their ambition since their first exercise expired in the power, it caused a commotion in the Peru, where opinions were expressed for all the likes. And it is that the character, object of hates and of affections unquenchable not less firm (the less ones, nevertheless), to anybody left indifferent.

Of entrance, many APRA directing distrusted of its old boss, and they preferred to support Alejandro Toledo Manrique, candidate defeated in the elections from 2000 to the front of the party Possible Peru (PP) and, main leader of the opposition in the last tract of the fujimorism; political of strong tug among the popular classes and, especially among the communities racial cholo (mestizos of Indians and Creole, of those that he was a clear exponent) and purely Indian, Toledo seemed to the APRA militants with ideological concern the only one able to beat Lourdes Flowers Nano, candidate of the conservative forces contained under the acronym UN (National Union). Among the forces of the opposition García also had censorious, as the congress member of the FIM and equally

15

presidential candidate Fernando Olivera, its main one accusing for the crimes of corruption.

When beginning the year with García they only bet a handful of unconditional, being so 65% of those interviewed continued considering him a criminal and it assured that they would never vote for him. With everything, already in the later days to their arrival to Lima, García climbed to the third place with 12 % support in the vote preferences of among a dozen of applicants.

Now then, the political experience, their formidable talent like speaker and their ease performing on massive media, grateful aptitudes recognized for their more inveterate enemies (half seriously half joking the press diffused the advice, of not listening its meetings because the charmer of snakes was able to convince"), they allowed García to enter with force in the electoral campaign. While Toledo that feared the capacity of the former president's seduction, and Lourdes Flores got involved in a war of insults and accusations, García awarded them implicitly the left labels and right, respectively, to be located him in a center position characterized by the moderate speeches and Government's concrete proposals.

Exploiting their image of Creole mestizo, García was presented to the undecided and more susceptible of forgetting electorate the recent past of the country like an experienced and temperate, more mature statesman and that he had learned of the past "errors in the eighty years, expression of a light self-criticism that made stress in the phenomenon of the hyperinflation, which originated the bad reputation of the régime and which he doesn't have excuse".

The third candidate in discord gathered many votes among the voters disenchanted with the ordinary fight between Toledo and Lourdes Flores, avoiding the you proclaim populists and excluding and impacting in questions as the liberal economic polices revision, the restructuring of the debt, the discount of the prices of the public rates, the Public Prosecutorbalance, the attraction of investments and the launching of an Agrarian Bank.

Of reaching the Presidency, it assured, the rigor and the economic stability would be their Government's axes, and in the social chapter he promised to create a million work positions the first year, the total granted of the schools, the creation of technological universities in the counties and the reduction in 50% of the cost of the medications. For better to safeguard the human rights, he said that the correct thing would be to restore the Constitution of 1979, displaced by the Constitution of 1993.

April 8 jumped the surprise and García, with 25,8% of the votes, it snatched to Lourdes Flores the second position. In the elections to the Congress the APRA was made with 29 benches with 19,7% of the votes, becoming the second force of the Camera of 120 members after PP. Of face to the second beat of June 3, García and Toledo sustained a televised debate that it ended up in charts because they were neutralized mutually with ironic vituperations (the first one was described as violator of human rights and thief, and the second of cocainómano little legitimated to give advice of morality). In that occasion, both

16

ignored the aspects that more worried the population: the economic penuries, the corruption and the abuses of the forces of security.

The fringe of undecided voters will be decisive to decant the scale toward one or another applicant, and June 3 it was García, with 47,5% of the votes, the one defeated. According to the analysts, ultimately the memory of the former president's calamitous administration that hurried to congratulate the winner in an example in good democratic ways, and prevailed the recognition of the merits of Toledo in the fall of the régime of Fujimori. In answer to the elect president's offer of forming an agreement executive with all the political forces “free of corruption", the leader aprista offered his collaboration for the gobernabilidad of the country, but it clarified that his place was in the parliamentary opposition.

Alan García is author of several books on the Peruvian reality and Latin American: The different future, To the immense majority, The financial disarmament, The false modernity, The world of Machiavello, The regional revolution, Alan Garcia’s defense, My Government made the regionalización, The new totalitarianism and The infamous decade: foreign debt 1990-1999. At the present time he is honorary president of the IS.

17

CHAPTER II: THE CRIMES DE ALAN GARCIA

"Alan García Pérez doesn't want to be judged by the Peruvian tribunals. Although he no longer has pretexts, because the dictatorship of Fujimori and Montesinos already fell, it continues alleging prescription. That is to say, it sustains that the time already passed to judge its crimes. The reason is very simple: if García Pérez is judged, of insurance it would be sentenced, because the evidences are overwhelming. The judicial files demonstrate this way it”.

The accusation of a National supreme Prosecutor probe and spotless, as Nelly Calderón, current attorney of the Nation, is overwhelming. The judge's verdict that studied the case, the Supreme Vowel Hugo Sivina, equally honest magistrate, also accuses García Pérez. For that reason he avoids the justice with all the chicaneries and legal argucy within their reach.

The evidences of the accusations toward Alan García Pérez is documented in the judicial files that next are detailed:

FILE N°001-95 (electric train, Channel 13 and dollars MUC)

In December of 1995 the Supreme District attorney Nelly Calderón in their verdict 1750-95 conclude that “... they are properly credited the commission of the crimes of Passive Bribe and foreseen Illicit Enrichment and sanctioned by the Arts. 349° and 361-A of the Penal Code of 1924 in author's quality and as instigator in the commission of the crimes of Illegal Collusion and Incompatible Negotiation, foreseen and sanctioned in the Arts. 344° and 345° of the Penal Code of 1924, respectively, as well as penal responsibility of the processed Alan's Gabriel Ludwig García Pérez."

In the Final Report of the Instruction opened up by Hugo Stolen Sivina, Instructor Supreme Vowel, of March of 1996 against Alan García Pérez, it concludes that the criminal facts imputed to the one processed are credited, saying for their Penal Responsibility, as instigator in the commission of the crimes of Illegal Collusion and Incompatible Negotiation and, as author of the crimes of Passive Bribe and of Illicit Enrichment, against the Peruvian State.

NELLY CALDERON

Supreme district attorney in the Contentious Administrative

18

Verdict 1750-95 directed to the Mr. Vowel Instructor

File N°001-95

December 12 1995

"This instruction begins to merit of the penal accusation formulated by the Miss Public Prosecutor of the Nation elevated to the President of the Supreme Court of Justice... and there being approved unanimously for the Democratic Constituent Congress... April of l995 28,... 'To FOUND MERIT TO FORMATION OF ACUSATION against the former Constitutional President of the Republic Doctor Alan García for the merit to the accusatory verdict of the Commission of Inspection of the CCD date January 04 1995, when having incurred in the presumed Commission of crimes of Illegal Collusion, Incompatible Negotiation, Suborn Passive and Illicit Enrichment, delinquent facts that are foreseen and punished... being sustained in the following facts":

A.- ILLEGAL COLLUSION :

"The attitude of the one processed is evident... as for their intention of benefitting economically with the execution of the Project of the Electric Train of Lima for whose effect.... be believed the Autonomous Authority of the Special Project of the Electric System of Massive Transport of Lima and Callao (AATE) without mediating any project to execute; for their evident concern and interest so that this project is executed to the margin of technical studies and with the purpose of obtaining a future benefit... this interest of the one processed also shows for its interference and pressure on the competent officials to favor the recruiting of the Italian companies... according to the Article 100 of the Penal Code of 1924, the one prosecuted, intentionally induced their officials to make the crime low pressure and imparting undue orders and unaware to their function, configuring their participation in instigator's quality and intellectual author of the deceitful behavior."

B. - INCOMPATIBLE NEGOTIATION:

"For the evident interference and pressure that it exercised the processed on the competent officials so that they have a parialiced behavior in favor of the Italian companies. ...."

19

C. - SUBORN PASSIVE:

"The doctor Alan García Pérez sustained linkings and treatments with the ex-president of the council of Ministers of Italy Bettino Craxi from September of 1986 with the object that Italian companies take charge of the execution of the Project of the Electric Train...; that Mr. Luciano Scipione Glarini, President of the Consortium TRALIMA that subscribed the contracts with the AATE who is processed in the face of the Italian justice, has recognized the payment of commissions for the Project of the Electric Train; that the person that would make effective the payment of the commissions to the one prosecuted was the Italian citizen Sergio Siragusa Mule, advisory of the Consortium TRALIMA... having given him directly cash $200.000 and $840.000 through the bank bill N° 280762361-2952733 of the Barclay's Bank PLG of Great Cayman......"

D. - ILLICIT ENRICHMENT:

"The disproportion of revenues reported by the acquisition in co-property among Alfredo Zanatti and Alan García Pérez of the airship registration DG-855-F N° OB-1200 cannot be justified with its revenues perceived as President of the Republic during the command 1985-90 and of its ulterior economic activities, there not being you credited the origin of the perceived patrimonial increment, there being you verified the juridical budgets of the crime of Illicit Enrichment...".

"That, in consequence, the described facts and attributable to Alan García Pérez configures the presumed commission in author's of the crimes of Passive Bribe quality and of Illicit Enrichment and as instigator of the commission of the crimes of Illegal Collusion and Incompatible Negotiation inside the functional exercise as ex-president of the Republic, those that jurisdictionally should be elucidated to determine the circumstances in that the criminal facts and the responsibility like author or instigator have been perpetrated, according to the case..."

CONCLUSIONS OF THE MINISTRY PUBLISH ON THE ACTED EVIDENCES.

Of the analysis of the process and acted evidences, this Public Ministry reaches the following conclusions:

A. - CRIME OF ILLEGAL COLLUSION:

20

"February of 1986, 20 by means of D.S. N° 001-86-MIPRE are declared of necessity public and preferable social interest the establishment of an electric system of massive transport for the cities of Lima and Callao... and it is believed the Autonomous Authority of the Project Special Electric System of Massive Transport of Lima and Callao... this entity is believed without it had an integral study of the project... that these facts demonstrate the processed Alan's intention García Pérez of taking this project ahead without having been carried out the corresponding technical studies ... he also suits to have present that in the session of the Directory of the AATE of the 29 of Julio 1986 the beginning of the civil works was approved... that the Boss of the National Institute of Planning grants priority to execute two kilometers of civil works without demanding the economic presentation of technical study of feasibility of the project and neither it demanded the determination of the characteristics of the rolling material of the system, the one mounts of the total investment, their financing and the technical justification of the sequence of the execution of the different tracts, everything it with the purpose that the one processed benefitted economically; also, according to the ex-presidents' of the AATE declaration... there was on the part of the prosecuted Alan García Pérez permanent pressure so that the civil works culminate in the year of 1986,... that equally Alan García Pérez interfered, it pressed and it got that the Italian company ITALFERR acted as consultant of the project of the Electric Train........

"This second contract with TRALIMA was signed in the twilights of Alan's presidential command García Pérez, that is to say he also took place in way precipitate being evidenced Alan García Pérez’s interest so that this second contract subscribed with TRALIMA.... "Of the above-mentioned he comes off that there was instigation of Alan García Pérez for the commission of the crime of illegal collusion, caused in serious damage to the Peruvian State because you could not compare the Italian proposal with other bidders inscribed in the International Registration of the Project of the Electric Train....

"In consequence, in opinion of this Public Ministry the processed Alan García Pérez should be considered as instigator in the commission of the illegal, foreseen collusion crime and sanctioned by the Art. 344° of the Penal Code of 1924 and that according to the article 100° of the same legal body, for the effects of the penalty have the same treatment given to the author of the crime."

B. - INCOMPATIBLE NEGOTIATION:

"Like it has been expressed before, the processed Alan García Pérez, ... exerted permanent pressure... .para that first, the civil works concluded without a definitive project existed at plane level neither neither an analysis cost-benefit of the technology to be applied, without

21

definitive line...; as well as he had the direct intervention in the negotiations for the financing of the Project ... until the subscription of the contracts with TRALIMA in deteriorate of other bidders organizing a farce in the apparent selection of companies for the execution of the Project of the Electric Train... ; in this case the one processed doesn't participate like active fellow of the crime of incompatible .... nevertheless their participation is as instigator and that to tenor of that prepared by the Art.100° of the same body legal noun, when having been credited an intentional ingerencia on the officials responsible for the celebration of the administrative acts, the penalty also has the same treatment that the author of the crime".

C. PASSIVE BRIBE:

"... That Mr. Luciano Scipione Clarini, President of the Consortium TRALIMA that subscribed the contracts with the AATE has recognized the payment of commissions for the Project of the Electric Train of Lima... and the person that made effective the payment of commissions to the ex-president Alan García Pérez was Mr. Sergio Siragusa Mule, advisory of the Consortium TRALIMA

... that he had several meetings with Alan García Pérez... and one in Rome the 07 of September of 1989 opportunity in which invited it to ascend to the official car to attend the ceremony of inauguration of the train of Rome, in a tract, circumstance in the one that Alan García Pérez manifested him that Mr. Bettino Craxi was taking him the hair since Mr. -Bettino Craxi - if he had received the in favor contribution and that Sergio Siragusa had to inform to the page bigger envelope its demand of the contribution of for less six figures, that is to say a million dollars and that the inevitable necessity existed of having the first contribution of the $500,000 to cover the costs of the campaign of the Municipality of Lima; ... the witness Sergio Siragusa Mule continues manifesting that in the first days of October of 1989 in Palace of Government gave cash $200,000Alan García Pérez, ... that then three remittances were made with dates October 11 1989 of 300,000 in the calculated bill N°285762361-2952735 of the Barclays Bank of the Great Cayman; with date l4 of January of 1990 a remittance is made of $300,000 at the same bill and August of 1990, 14 another for $240,000 to the same account .. Alfredo Zanatti Tavolara, in connection with the facts described before, refers that to order of Alan García Pérez opened a bill to bring money for the channel 13, according to it expressed him this, giving him then the N°280762361-2952733 that corresponds the Barclays Bank in the Islands of the Great Cayman that it belongs to the Worldwide Financial Holding and that he opened up August 28 1989 with a thousand dollars for José Lázaga; also it points out that in this bill it deposited money of his companies, noticing that when revising this bill there was money that was not of their companies like the quantity of $995,153.13 with date 07 of September of 1989; the

22

deposit of $300,000 of date October 12 1989; the entered deposit of $1'000,000, November 16 1989; $300,000 entered January 04 1990; $239,985 of August 14 1990 that of these deposits it was informed in advance by Alan García Pérez in a verbal way; it is noticed that the montos of $300,000 sent with date October 11 1989; of other $300,000 deposited January 04 1990 and of $240,000 with date August 14 1990 that Mr. Sergio Siragusa says it deposited in the calculated bill N° N°285762361-2952735 and that it was provided by Alan García Pérez, he keeps relationship in amounts opportunity with those referred by Alfredo Zanatti Tavolara, ... Alfredo Zanatti continues pointing out that of those $995,153.13 were transferred with date 12 of September from 1989 to the International Bank the amount of $494,000 and the 21 of September of 1989, $500,000, also to the Interbank; that these two transfers were dedicated for Radiodifusora 1160 (Channel 13);...

"Of the above-mentioned we can conclude that Alan García Pérez incurred in the illicit penalty of passive bribe, foreseen and sanctioned by the Art. 349° of the Penal Code of 1924."

D. - ILLICIT ENRICHMENT:

"With relationship to this illicit prison should remember that Alfredo Zanatti Tavolara in their declaration.... he manifested that to order of Alan García Pérez and with the purpose of bringing money to invest in the Company Radiodifusora 1160 CORP. -channel 13 -, he opened August 31 1989 a bill encrypted in the Barclays Bank of the Great low Cayman the N° 2952733-280762361 ... noticing, according to expressed, when revising this bill that there was money that was not of their companies like the quantity of $995,153.13 of date 07 of September of 1989 and $1'000,000 entered November 16 1989 besides the deposits made by Sergio Siragusa for the sums of $300,000 of date October 12 1989; $300,000 entered January 04 1990 and $239,985 of August of 1990, 14 like Zanatti points out and Sergio sustains it Siragusa Mule...; then, It is PROPERLY CREDITED that Alan García Pérez, besides the commissions perceived illicitly by their interferent and resolved participation in the selection of Italian companies so that they take charge of the execution of the Project of the Electric Train of Lima on the part of TRALIMA through Sergio Siragusa, he HAD IN THEIR to ASSETS in the encrypted bill N° 2952733-280762361 of the Barclays Bank of the Great Cayman and that it was not of property of Alfredo Zanatti, $1'995,153.13, Amount that obviously it cannot come from the salary of the one processed as President of the Republic...; for the before exposed we can determine that the one processed Alan García Pérez has not justified the excessive patrimonial increment what is not also in connection with their revenues perceived as President of the Republic by what in opinion of this Public Ministry has been configured THE COMMISSION OF THE

23

CRIME OF ILLICIT ENRICHMENT IN QUALITY OF AUTHOR foreseen and sanctioned by the Art. 361-TO of the Penal Code of 1924.

"Por las consideraciones expuestas y existiendo suficientes elementos de prueba que obra en el expediente principal y sus acompañados, esta Fiscalía se pronuncia porque SE ENCUENTRAN DEBIDAMENTE ACREDITADAS LA COMISIÓN DE LOS DELITOS DE COHECHO PASIVO Y ENRIQUECIMIENTO ILÍCITOS previsto y sancionado por los Arts. 349° y 361-A del Código Penal de 1924 en calidad de autor y como instigador en la comisión de los delitos de Colusión Ilegal y Negociación Incompatible,

"For the exposed considerations and existing enough evidence elements that it works in the main file and their accompanied ones, this Office is pronounced because they are PROPERLY CREDITED THE COMMISSION OF THE CRIMES OF PASSIVE BRIBE AND ILLICIT ENRICHMENT foreseen and sanctioned by the Arts. 349° and 361-A of the Penal Code of 1924 in author's quality and I eat instigator in the commission of the crimes of Illegal Collusion and Incompatible Negotiation, foreseen and sanctioned in the Arts. 344° and 345° of the Penal Code of 1924, respectively, as well as the penal responsibility Alan Gabriel Ludwig García Pérez’s processed ."

HUGO SIVINA HURTADO

Instructor Vowel Supreme

REPORT FINAL File N°001-95 25.03.96

"Mr. President:

"That, the undersigned Instructor Supreme designated Vowel... I OPEN INSTRUCTION against Mr Alan García Pérez, Constitutional ex-president of the Republic of the Peru, as instigator in the commission of the crimes of Illegal Collusion and Incompatible Negotiation and, as author of the crimes of Passive Bribe and of Illicit Enrichment, against the Peruvian State, dictating in its against command of Detention . "

5. CRIME OF ILLEGAL COLLUSION AND INCOMPATIBLE NEGOTIATION

"That, being this way this, in this end comes off the following conclusions:

24

" (1) the genesis of these facts N°001-86-MIPRE would settle down with the dation of the Supreme Ordinance, its date February 20of 1986, for which is declared of necessity public and preferable social interest the establishment of an electric system of massive transport for the cities of Lima and Callao, and it is believed the Autonomous Authority of the Project Special Electric System of Massive Transport of Lima and Callao (AATE)... "

(2) It has settled down that the creation of the AATE was a strictly political measure and without sustenance technician...

(3) It has settled down that there was a permanent pressure on behalf of the processed Alan García Pérez, in their quality of President of the Republic, so that the civil works begin in July of 1986 and necessarily culminate in that year,... It has settled down that the processed interfered permanently in the work of the AATE and his even assumed functions characteristic of this entity...

(4) It has settled down that for the ex-president's pressures García had in the pertinent Peruvian authorities a directionality so that ITALFER manages the Project and be not any other company. ...

(5) It has settled down that the initiate negotiations with other companies or governments were truncated,... or they were carried out apparent negotiations of selection of companies, since the Peruvian Government had already formalized his intention of giving the execution and financing from the Project to the Italian Part...

6. CRIME OF PASSIVE BRIBE.......

"That, being this way this, of that acted in this period of investigation can settle down in this respect the following conclusions:

(1) It has settled down that the ex-president Alan García chose as plenipotentiary in the matters related with TRALIMA with regard to the Project of the Electric Train of Lima, to Mr. Sergio Siragusa Fluffs, advisory of this consortium... the following month of having been celebrated the first contract between the AATE and the Consortium TRALIMA that, the ex-president García makes reference to Mr. Siragusa him to travel to Rome to formalize ' parallel matters '..., requiring him in that way in veiled form its economic demands to have granted the administration and execution from the Project to the Consortium TRALIMA;

(2) It has settled down that, however, it will be newly in date 7 of September of 1989, with occasion of the encounter in Rome among the ex-president García and Mr. Siragusa, concerted by the first of the noted ones, in circumstances that converged in an official automobile to the inauguration of the a tract of the Train of Rome in that he in clear form

25

refers to Siragusa that he has to inform to the main staff of the Consortium TRALIMA their demand of a ' contribución' of at least 6 digits, remarking that he had knowledge that Mr. Bettino Craxi had already received its 'quote ', adding him the inevitable necessity to have a first one ' contribución' of 500 thousand dollars, being credited this meeting..."

(3) It has settled down that the own Sergio Siragusa has manifested that for such an effect he paid for ' comisiones' to the ex-president Alan García Pérez the total amount of US $1'040,000.00; that the first one contribución' made it cash in the first days of October of 1989 in the President's Office in Palace of Government, for the sum of US $200,000.00 and that the difference of US $840,000.00 made it in 3 remittances that it deposited in different dates in the encrypted bill N° 285762361-2952733 in the Barclay's Bank of the Islands Great Cayman, bill number that previously it had been given him of own hand for the ex-president García, in the following way: the first remittance made it October 11 1989 for a balance of US $300,000.00, the second made it equally January 4 1990 sum of US $300,000.00, for finally, August 14 1990 to make the last remittance for the sum of US $240,000.00, ... attaching copies of the bank reports... that they fully credit the version of Sergio Siragusa regarding the remittances of money..."

(4) It has settled down that among Sergio Siragusa and Alfredo Zanatti doesn't exist any linking...o that knew each other previously to the date in that Siragusa made those referred 3 deposits..."

"(5) it has been credited with the documentation authenticated successfully obtain for this Office,... that indeed in this encrypted bill they entered the 3 remittances for the total sum of US $840,000.00...

"(6) it has been credited that the same Alfredo Zanatti Tavolara, proprietor of the Worldwide Financial Holding Corporation that also is the holder of the encrypted bill N° 285762361-2952733 in the Barclay's Bank of the Islands Grand Cayman, he has manifested that for his order Mr. José Lázaga opened this encrypted bill in August 28 1989 with a thousand dollars, for command of ex-president's Alan García who had told him that he needed it to bring money for the Channel 13, specifying that the quantities that don't correspond to their companies belong to Alan García... being the following ones: the deposit of US $995,153.13 with date 7 of September of 1989, the deposit of US $300,000.00 of date October 12of the same year, the deposit US $1'000.000.00 entered November 16of that year, the deposit of US $300,000.00 entered January 4 of 1990, and the deposit of US $239,985.00 entered August 14 of 1990, being evidenced that among these deposits that belonged to the processed García, according to that said by Alfredo Zanatti, they are the 3 remittances of money that Sergio Siragusa had deposited..."

26

" (7) it has been credited with the testimonial declaration lent by José Lázaga in the face of the authorities of Miami-Florida that this admits to have constituted the company Worldwide Financial Holding Corporation... corroborating this way the version lent by Alfredo Zanatti before this Office and evidencing that this encrypted bill was open especially to receive amounts money of third people's in the favor of ex-president's Alan García, among them the deposit for the total amount of US $840,000.00 that Siragusa made, for later on to transfer them to the Peru in favor of the company Radiodifusora 1160-channel 13;

"(8) It has settled down of that acted that of the total of US $6'104,000.00 of movement that he had the one referred bill... US $2'835,138.00 belonged to the doctor Alan García Pérez...

"(9) that, the economic linking among the processed Alan García Pérez and the one referred Alfredo Zanatti is credited –who gives to the processed the use of the one mentioned encrypted bill... -, the same one that comes from the year 1987 when the ex-president García favors Zanatti with the grant of preferential dollars to the shelter of the régime of the dollars MUC, benefitting him with 88% of the dollars MUC that the BCR had granted to the sector Transports and Communications, for what the ex-president required him as ' contribución' the sum of US $1'250,000.00 and the acquisition of 66% of the actions of the company Radiodifusora 1161-channel 13,...

"(10) that, it has been credited with the authenticated documentation obtained by this Office... that from the one referred encrypted bill in the Barclay's Bank of the Great Cayman sums of money they have been transferred to mentioned national bank institutions (International Bank and Bank of Credit) in favor of the company Radiodifusora 1160-channel 13, just as it had foreseen it and certain the ex-president García...

"(11) that, it has been credited with testimonial declarations from Bernardo Fernández and Abraham Zavala... that these indeed received the amounts of the foreigner's money remitted by Mr. Alfredo Zanatti, in fact from the referred encrypted bill...; as well as according to that manifested by Bernardo Fernández... that Alfredo Zanatti was Alan's representative García and that at the moment it has arrived to the convincing that the true proprietor of Channel 13 were the processed Alan García Pérez.

"(12) It has settled down that the ex-president García required as ' contribución' to Alfredo Zanatti the amount of US $1'250,000.00 to have facilitated him the acquisition of dollars MUC for its air companies..."

27

7. CRIME OF ILLICIT ENRICHMENT.......

"That, being this way this, of that acted in this end can come off the following conclusions:

" (1) It has settled down that existed a linking of business among Alfredo Zanatti and the ex-president Alan García Pérez in the investment and combined operation of an airship, being given off an excessive patrimonial increment no justified on behalf of the one processed that they don't keep relationship with its revenues..."

" (2) the acquisition in common between Zanatti and the ex-president García Pérez of an airship is corroborated with the fax date June 29 1992.." ....

" (4) It has settled down that they exist founded indications that the processed Alan García Pérez was the true proprietor of 66% of the actions of the company broadcasting 1160-channel 13..."

" (5) that, of the mentioned declaration own Alfredo's Zanatti being given off that he opened in 31 August of 1989, through José Lázaga, the encrypted bill N° 280762361-2952733... to order to the ex-president's Alan García Pérez and with the specific aim of bringing money for the company Radiodifusora 1160-channel 13."

" (6) that, of the obtyain documentation ... it is credited that from the referred encrypted bill... have been transferred funds to the respective bills of the company Radiodifusora 1160-channel 13..."

.......

"In consequence, it has settled down that in committal the criminal facts imputed to the one processed are credited, saying for their Penal Responsibility, as instigator in the commission of the crimes of Illegal Collusion and Incompatible Negotiation and, as author of the crimes of Passive Bribe and of Illicit Enrichment, against the Peruvian State... ()

.

CASE BCCI AND MIRAGE 2000

When the BCCI, a bank of doubtful reputation of origin pakistaní, broke in the entire world, it was intervened by the judicial authorities. In New

28

York, the Public Prosecutor Robert Morgenthau that revised the bills of the BCCI discovered that officials of that bank had paid bribes to two high officials of the Central Bank of Reservation of the Peru (BCRP). Those officials were Leonel Figueroa and Héctor Neyra, President and General Manager respectively of the BCRP in Alan's government García.

The BCCI had deposited about three and half millions of dollars to Figueroa and Neyra in encrypted bills in a bank in Panama. That tip had been paid to Figueroa and Neyra so that they deposit the reservations international Peruvians (several hundred of millions of dollars) in the BCCI of Panama. Years later, Figueroa and Neyra were captured in Brazil and extradited the Peru, where pass in the prission after some years to came out in freedom.

the matter Is… Figueroa and Neyra they acted alone or for superior orders? The tip of three and half millions of dollars distribute it with more somebody? The Supreme National Prosecutor Nelly Calderón, current Prosecutor of the Nation - it considered in their verdict that there were enough indications to accuse the former president Alan García in this case. The vowel of the Supreme Court Hugo Sivina also accused García for the case BCCI.

El ex senador Carlos Malpica, implacable perseguidor de la corrupción, escribió un libro, "Pájaros de Alto Vuelo", donde con su reconocida acuciosidad investiga el caso del BCCI. Entre los aspectos más saltantes tenemos:.

29

The former senator Carlos Malpica, implacable pursuer of the corruption, wrote a book, “Birds of High Flight" (pajaros de alto vuelo), where with his grateful detail he investigates the case of the BCCI. Among the better remarkable aspects we have:.

BIRDS OF HIGH FLIGHT CASE BCCI

Among the days 5 and 8 of May of 1986 the Central Bank of Reserve. it transferred to encrypted bills of the B.C.C.I. (Panama) a total of 215 million dollars, calculates superior to the one agreed. It has been proven that Leonel Figueroa and Héctor Neyra, President of the Directory and General Manager of the B.C.R.P. they received " tips " for this operations.

Days before, April 28, Figueroa remits a telex to the Foundation of the Third World declining a previously received invitation. Communication is it puts it in knowledge of Héctor Neyra. The importance of the telex doesn't reside in its text, but in the hand written annotation for Figueroa. This says: "Hector: this telex went correspondent at 12:00 o'clock." "For your conversation with Amer." Then he signs it and to followed line he adds him ": tell that the Pdte agrees already with that conversed"

It was evident that it could not be the President of the council of Ministers, Luis Alva Castro who acted only peripherally in this case, therefore should be the President of the Republic. It fits to highlight that when referring to " Amer " it is Amer Lodhi, official of the B.C.C.I. Which it could be the discrepancy that had the B.C.R.P and the B.C.C.I. and that he had to be solved by García?

Until that day the amount from the foreign currencies to transfer to the branch of Panama it was certain; the interest rates also, as well as the guarantees and operation ways. Apparently alone it was pending the amount of the tips and their allotment modality

El Public Prosecutorde Manhattan, Robert Morgenthau, quien denuncia ante el gran Jurado al B.C.C.I. por estafa multimillonaria de desfalco a depositantes y lavado de dinero, afirmó en conferencia de prensa que el presidente García fue consultado y dio su aprobación a la colocación de los depósitos del Banco Central de Reserva del Perú en la oficina del BCCI, en Panamá.

30

The district Prosecutor from Manhattan, Robert Morgenthau who denounces face the great Jury to the B.C.C.I. for multimillionaire swindle of embezzlement to depositors and laundry of money, he affirmed in press conference that the president García was consulted and he gave its approval to the placement of the deposits of the Central Bank of Reservation of the Peru in the office of the BCCI, in Panama.

CASE OF THE MIRAGE 2000

October eleven 1982 were authorized the purchase of the 26 Mirage by a value of 4,564'000,000 of French francs. In December of that year, with the agreements Jupiter 1 and II was sent to manufacture to the French companies Dassault, SNECMA and Thomson a total of 26 airplanes Mirage 2000. Two years later, December of 1984, 28 rose the value from the airplanes to 4,960'000,000 of French francs, by means of a denominated agreement Jupiter III.

The elect president, Alan García Pérez, knew or it was connected with Abdul Rahman El Assir in his journey for Europe of the month of June of 1985. Then he invited it to the transmission of Government of that same year, although that it would not be their only trip in the first year of government of García.

This proven that this person is a dealing acquaintance of weapons that operates mainly in the Arab world. García ties made the decision of reducing the number of airplanes acquired Mirage before assuming the presidency, WITHOUT PREVIOUS CONSULTATION TO THE CONTROLS OF THE F.A.P. The two commissions negotiators that were sent to Paris, with regarding the Mirage, they met with Abdul Rahman The Assir who inclusive invite them to travel to Spain in their particular airplane. The figure of the resale arises. The Peru would buy the 26 airplanes and then it would resell them to other countries.

With the agreement Jupiter IV, the Peru officially only acquired twelve airplanes and a shammer of flights." He found difficult each one 32'833,000 dollars, a superior price to the one consigned in the previous agreements. When suggesting the hypothesis that the resale yes it was made, members of the negotiating commissions said that it was impossible, since the Peru didn't possess the airplanes: the airplanes were not built.

These statements are completely false if they are considered the dates of arrival of the airplanes, as well as the numbers of series

31

of their reactors. The operation gives resale of the remaining 14 Mirage it meant them an utility of about 200 million dollars that were distributed between García and its friends, the Arab middlemen, officials of the manufacturing companies and French officials, Egyptians and irakíes they Tie.

The corruption doesn't give invoice. It is very difficult to prove the corruption of High flight but the interests and damage they jump visible and they drive to the culprit.

It is proven that Alan García was consulted on the deposit of our international reservations in the B.C.C.I., likewise, in the case of the Mirage. It is not then certain that anything had to see neither with the resale of the airplanes neither with the agreement of making this deposit, just as he has affirmed it in having reiterated occasions.

CHAPTER III: DEPRESIÓN.

El tema de Salud mental de Alan García procede de investigaciones periodísticas que se desataron en una entrevista televisiva con Jaime Bayle, el mismo que obtuvo información filtrada del entorno del Ex Presidente.

The topic of mental Health of Alan García comes from journalistic investigations that aroused in a television interview with Jaime Bayle, the same one that obtained filtered information of the Former President's environment.

Alan's Depression

An ago 22 year-old trauma comes out to it floats amid an electoral campaign that delouses the applicants to the Presidency.

When the storm loosened by Jaime Bayly was about to wrap it, Alan García came out to the front and it recognized that yes that had received treatment for a severe depression as a consequence of the death of Haya de la Torre. In agile political reaction, García took the bull for the horns and he responded directly on the topic. Others continue waiting the appearance of some document that clarifies the diagnosis in interdict (4)

4 Caretas N° 1669 10 de mayo de 2001

32

According Caretas one of the few serious written documentations about the former president's carefully hidden facet:

"… August 3 1979 the death of Haya de la Torre sank to the hosts apristas in an indescribable grief. Alan García was not the only one in being depressed. An emergency post installed in the local of the PAP reported to less than 24 hours of well-known the news, 200 cases of hysteria and inumerables faintings. There is who still remember the pain hug and the cry in that Carlos Roca and García in the doors of Villa Mercedes. In this square of deep affliction it is fully justifiable that looked for attention specialized in the Carmen's Virgin Clinic. García was the APRA leader's his favorite disciple …"

According to García everything didn't pass of a severe state of sadness in the face of the death of a to be wanted and admired, normal in any person. The dysfunction, assures, it was assisted meetly with two valium pills and without necessity of the litio prescription.

However, CARETAS have received another testimony of a connoted psychiatrist that sinks to the version given by the doctor Horacio Estabridis. It assures that García was INTERNED IN THE CLINIC AMONG FIVE SIX WEEKS AND CURE OF DREAM RECEIVED. The diagnosis in that then of this specialist that stays in the anonimity for obvious reasons, it was `PSICOSIS ESQUIZOAFECTIVE, in their varying recurrent depression with symptoms paranoides'.

It is a variant of the diagnosis that diffused Jaime lightly Bayly of schizophrenia maniacodepresiva that added to superficial allusions to the madness, he wanted to question the mental health of the candidate of the PAP.

Apparently Bayly was not given the work of modernizing the diagnosis, banalizando also its own accusation when making gibe of a mental illness. Twenty years behind the psychiatry separated `Locos ' of `Normales ' and the pathologies of the mind sought protection under the estigmatizante schizophrenia item. Today in day that no longer goes more. The doctor Estabridis is 88 years of age old, and he retired of the profession 20 years ago.

At the moment for the psychiatrists THE FUNCTIONS OF THE THOUGHT AND DE THE HUMOR is COMPLETELY DIFFERENTIATED. In the schizophrenia, the doctor Carlos Bromley Coloma, medical psychiatrist and former enclosed director of the Hospital Larco Herrera, explains to the person loses the good sense, her capacity of ratiocinating suitably and breaks up with the reality. He begins to think that he is a correspondent of God, he listens voices or he receives the martian messages, he has visual, auditory hallucinations, etc. IN SUM is A DYSFUNCTION OF THE REASON, OF THE THOUGHT.

33

THE DEPRESSIVE MANIAC PROBLEM IS A DYSFUNCTION OF THE MOOD, OF THE HUMOR. The person is very cheerful and hiperactiva in the maniac phase and in the depressive one very sad and hipoactivo. These phases don't follow any pattern and they can fluctuate at random. Bayly to give bigger weight to its accusation took charge of stressing the effervescent states of spirit of García relating them with its previous government's more criticized measures.

However, the doctor Bromley points out that it is very difficult that the depressive maniac's symptoms are only presented before certain people and in some precise moment. "The one that is maniac is it in their house, in Palace or in the street, they are dysfunctions evidenciables."

To be a medical problem, the therapy bases of the depressive maniac it is the litio, and if the patient is in her maniac phase he stabilizes it to him with drugs antimaniacas or with an antidepressant to control the crises what is achieved efficiently in an average of two weeks. Every three months, a checkup establishes the litio level in the blood, this should fluctuate between 0,5 and 1,0 equivalent mili of litio for liter of blood.

Who suffer of this dysfunction they are not crazy neither unbalanced. The time of the mockery already finished and it is stygma of the mental dysfunctions, Bromley explains. "These people live perfectly, they are excellent professionals, they form families and they work so well or better than the healthy ones because with a good treatment they recover to 100%."

It is more, before the law, this dysfunction is not synonymous of inimputable. If a depressive maniac makes a crime, goes prisoner contrary to an esquizofrénico that is confined in a mental clinic.

34

CONCLUSIONS

From the Chapter I, about their biographical profile.

Alan García is the Peruvian average with natural talent for the oratorical one under favorable conditions for its development. Their APRA militancy comes from cradle and of the intense experiences suffered by its parents and for him. As resident average the normal thing was that it is captured by the peak of that moment that was the APRA. And the personal treatment with Haya de la Torre who laid the foundation his political conviction.

Their studies abroad constituted an advantage in their formation and their competitiveness that added to their talent speaker and of convincing. He achieved Victor's Raúl favoritism. Who contribute a lot for their leadership in the party.

Their Government was marked by the irrationality, the political, social and economic disorder. we would put to consider the five year of his government as “period of the ruin” like that of Velasco was the lost decade.

From his government we can say that it was egocentric, pride, closed, lover of the flattery.

It is important to highlight that I arrive with overwhelming majority in the Congress and that allowed him to put manipulate people in the Judicial power and to manipulate the autonomous authorities. Their personalism makes him to flood the entirety of the apparatus of the State with menial and flattering people of him, but this had a price, the corruption and the serve of the state for all those that had the public administration and he tolerated it because but he didn't have the flattery and the servility of them.

From the Chapter II, about his crimes.

Of their crimes only can do mention only testify they are mainly Incompatible Negotiation, Suborn Passive and Illicit Enrichment. Since these they have found cause in the Public Ministry and have been accepted by the Judicial Power.

We believe that there are enough reasons to consider that he made crime since of the conclusions of the Office and of the judge that have been examined in the chapter II, his guilt is deduced. These crimes were also discovered not for public accusation, but for accusation of Public Prosecutorof belonging tribunals other countries. The evidence that point out him come from penal processes in other countries to people that acted in complicity with him.

35

De otro lado, el caso de los MIrage 2000 no tiene el sustento o causa para que pudiera abrir proceso, y es que la corrupción no da factura. Sin embargo, para el caso del contrato Júpiter IV, la lógica elemental pone al descubierto que solo un gran interés personal podía dar origen a un contrato tan lesivo para el país, que convertía en juguetes a la más importante adquisición de armas de defensa de la época. Ya que al no venir artillados no eran útiles para sus fines.

Of another side, the case of the MIrage 2000 don't have the sustenance or cause so that could open process, and it is that the corruption doesn't give invoice. However, for the case of the contract Jupiter IV, the elementary logic puts to the overdraft that alone a great personal interest could give origin to such a prejudicial contract for the country that transformed into toys to the most important acquisition in weapons of defense of the time. Since when not coming equipped with artillery, they were not useful for their ends.

The case of the BCCI, is but eloquent, since of penal processes in the exterior countries was proven that he had received tip for the deposit of the national reserves in a bank of doubtful reputation. This could take to lose our reserves. The elementary logic also makes us see that he had to have a very big interest to put the reservations in a financial entity of doubtful reputation and category there being so many serious entities. These were not any savings, they were the monetary reservations of a country.

Alan García made crimes, if he didn't fear he should put on it to disposition of the law. But the Peru is an incredible country and he are a magician or genius of manipulating the situation in favor of him. In this situation his geniality is similar to that of Montesinos.

From the CHAPTER III, about the rumors of their mental illness.

Alan García’s supposed mental illness came from a very popular journalist, of a very syntonized program and mainly in a peculiar way that there is in the Peru of making infamy twice as much under a modality that is the satire.

The only sustenance of its mental illness is the testimony of a Dr. that was in the time of the accusation outside of exercising the medical profession. The most probable thing is that the journalist Jaime Bayle wanted to destroy politically him, like it is his trajectory, in what they call “to bet”, it also happened in the candidacy of Fujimori and lately in de candidacy of Ollanta.

For logic, a person with Depressive Maniac had been evident and he had not been able to hide in a life so publishes as it was the life of Alan García. Much more if it was schizophrenic apart from that the

36

manifestations had been evident, it had transcended the comments of their environment and in the whole Peru.

Además, Seria posible que un loco haya hecho todas las fechorías que se reseñan en el capitulo dos - y solo hablamos de las que son demostrables - seria posible que un loco (maniaco depresivo o esquizofrénico) pudiera tener la autoridad y la audacia para colocar a sus pies todo un país y crear los vínculos que le permitieron un lujoso exilio? Nosotros creemos que no. Eso no es obra de un loco, ha sido de una persona con mucho talento.

Also, can be possible that a lunatic has made all the misdeeds that are pointed out in the Chapter II - and alone we speak of those that are demonstrable - be possible that a lunatic (depressive maniac or esquizofrénico) could he have the authority and the audacity to place to his feet an entire country and to create the bonds that allowed him a luxurious exile? We believe that not. That is not a lunatic's work, it has belonged to a person with a lot of talent.

In this point we can conclude that it was a typical infamy of a journalist.

37

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES

1. Biography of Alan GarcIa Pérez for the TV program Two Fingers of Front

2. Biography of Alan GarcIa Pérez for the Newspaper El Comercio

3. Biography of Alan GarcIa Pérez by Wikipedia

4. IGUIÑIZ, Javier The Adjustments 1975 – 1992 Lima: Fundación Friedrich Ebet, 1993

5. PAUCAR, Carlos ¡ Here, the sorcerers of the economy !. Predictions p. 11 In newspaper: La República. Lima (Noviembre, 20 de 1988).

6. PORTOCARRERO, Gonzalo. Takes out eyes : social crisis and colonial ghosts Lima: Tarea, 1991

7. THORP, Rosemary. Evaluation of the economic administration in the Peru during the period 1985-1988 In: Peru and Latin America in crisis

8. VELARDE, Julio: Of the Disinflation to the Hiperestanflación Peru 985-1990 Lima: Universidad del Pacifico. Center of Investigation, nvestigation consortium, 1994

9. La República :

Lines and more lines to get some rice, sugar and oil Local section p. 8 (November 20, 1988)

3 thousand small industrial they are on the edge of the collapse Local section p. 14 (November 21, 1988)

Salines announce today to the country new economic shock of rises process. Political section p. 2 (November 22, 1988)

Merchants close their spread commercial to wait of having announced economic shock. Local section p. 12 (November 22, 1988)

Shortage, rises and unemployment announcement for furious economic shock. Local section p. 6 (November 24, 1988)

1. Political Peru. Alan García’s economic administration : 1985-19902. Malpica Silva Santisteban, Carlos: Birds of High Flight .3. www.alannuncamas.com

38