Ain-Akbari_Final

Appendix

A’in-i-Akbrari : Its Provisions on Agriculture, Industry and Trade

S. M. Waseem

Institute of Persian ResearchAligarh Muslim University,

Aligarh - 202 002, India

2009

1

A’in-i-Akbari: Its Provisions…

Patron:Professor P.K. Abdul AzisVice-Chancellor, Aligarh Muslim University

Advisory Board:Prof. Shoeb AzmiFormer Head, Dept. of Persian, JMI New DelhiProf. A. W. AzharFormer Head, Dept. of Persian, JNU New DelhiProf. Afzal HussainDept. of History, A.M.U., Aligarh

©All rights reserved Published by : Institute of Persian Research, Aligarh Muslim University, AligarhTitle : A’in-i-Akbrari: Its Provisions on

Agriculture, Industry and TradeBy : Prof. Shah Mohd. Waseem

Year of Publication : 2009

Printed at AMU Press, Aligarh

2

Appendix

CONTENTS

Foreward 5

Preface 7

I A’in-i-Akbari 17

II Abul Fazl Allami and his Ancestors

33

III Akbar : The Just and Magnificent 69

IV Akbar : Administrative Structure

and Control

102

V Indian Agriculture in Akbar’s Reign 152

VI Economic Activity, Resource-base and Trade in Akbar’s Reign

208

Appendices 249

Bibliography 256

3

A’in-i-Akbari: Its Provisions…4

Appendix

Foreword

Ā’in- i-Akbari, the magnum opus of Akbar’s learned vizier and great Persian scholar, Abul Fazl, is not only a masterpiece of sophisticated prose but is also, perhaps even more so, a mine of encyclopaedic information about Akbar, his reign and his times.

A remarkable and comprehensive account of the Great Mughal’s administration, policies and mode of governance, the Ā’in is, what we may call today, a Gazetteer or the Administration Report and statistical compilation of the government of that time. Its range is vast and varied covering almost all aspects essential to any government: administrative structure; civil and military institutions; land and agriculture; trade; import and export; taxes and revenues; prices of grains; market rates; karkhanas and artisans; fruits and orchards; income and expenditure accounts of different subahs and cities, economic strengths and weaknesses : It also contains enormous information about India, its people and culture.

Its importance can be judged by the fact that a copy of Ā’in-i-Akbari was presented to Warren Hastings in 1783. It has been translated into English a number of times, most valuable amongst these translations are by Blochmann and Jarrett.

However, an extensive and exhaustive study of the information offered by A’in-i-Akbari is yet to be attempted.

5


It is a gigantic task requiring the expertise of different disciplines. The present Research Report, painstakingly prepared by Prof. Shah Mohammad Waseem, is a step towards this direction. We are thankful to him for taking up the challenge and compiling meticulously valuable information regarding agriculture, industry, finance and trade as available in Abul Fazl’s wonderful work.

Azarmi Dukht SafaviDirectorInstitute of Persian Research Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh

6

Appendix

PREFACE

When in this strife-ridden world, one reads historians praising Akbar for his just administration, he is tempted to know more and more about him and his policies. Further, while “…reading of his (Akbar’s) conquests, above all of his administrative reforms, one is struck most by the calm and courage with which he faced all difficulties, and the mastery not only of men but of himself, which he displayed”. This makes the inquisitive to travel backwards through the years step by step to find the Emperor dealing with far and near, high and low, weak and strong, modest and the arrogant, and muslims and non-muslims with his concept of all-embracing justice. He is thus tempted to ponder over what appears in ‘India Painted by Mortimer Menpes Described by Flora-Annie Steel: “it is to be doubted indeed if Akbar’s form of government is not to this day the one best fitted to the needs of India,” albeit along with deep commitment to democracy and parliamentary form of governance.

Alla-ud-Din Khalji with a view to rule with firmness, introduced the element of force, and justified his actions by his ‘efficient rule’ and ‘good administration’, but Akbar by giving a welfare-oriented administration enlisted the support of the ruled. Like other monarchs, he too centralized all authority, but delegated powers to functionaries at different layers of

7


his administrative structure, thus teaching them to accept challenge and function efficiently with accountability - with promise to honor and promote those honest and efficient, providing for appreciation and reward, and, if need be, to award punishment.

Thus, one has to make out objectively the place and relevance of the Great Mughal’s policies and its implementation in the contemporary strife-ridden world. It does not mean travelling backwards, though it definitely means getting benefited from the past, for past is never lost.

“Akbar”, says the author of Dabistan, “paid no regard to hereditary power or pedigree, but favored those whom he found to excel in knowledge and in conduct”. Education received Akbar’s active patronage. He founded educational institutions, and an (Imperial) library also. We, while proceeding to develop and establish ‘knowledge economy’ in India as of now, are assigning and must continue to assign value to knowledge and honesty. In such an economy competence and not the recommendations must carry weight. The only justification for recommendations is: where justice is not coming with spontaneity, recommendations do have a place. It becomes complicated and perplexing when recommendations are made by friends, relatives and more particularly by friends with unflinching loyalty and support, and by those who are resourceful and wield social and political power. Akbar’s laudable action in this regard tells us

8

Appendix

that when the Safavid King of Persia, Shah Tahm’asp, wrote to him, recommending elevation of Sultan Mahmud of Bhakkar to the position of Khan-Khanan of the Mughal Empire, the Emperor refused to accept it, the reason being, as given by Abul Fazl (that) he “..was seated on the masnad of appreciation of merit and justice, the currency required was merit, not recommendation.”

Establishing ‘knowledge economy’ and its continuance essentially demands that those who head different organizations, must be knowledgeable, conforming to standards at dynamic levels of adequacy, for those holding positions in such an economy have to lead and inspire others, more particularly the members of their own team. Akbar by assigning a high value to knowledge and merit, demonstrated that he loved the honest and the knowledgeable. He was illiterate, but was a genius in his own right: He is known for his inventions: “Saltpetre.. he used .. as a means for cooling water, and (it) thus (became) a source of joy for great and small”. Likewise, he “invented an excellent method of construction’ of matchlocks which were “made so strong that they (did) not burst..” There are other inventions also which stand testimony to his abilities. Akbar had a refined taste of appreciation of arts and industries. Akbar was an innovator; he designed ‘extremely’ beautiful candelabra, and added value to manufacture of tapestry. Likewise, he improved shawl manufacturing in many ways.

9


Dishonesty he disliked: As such, the duties of the Kotw’als in his realm included (that) “He should minutely observe the income and expenditure of the various classes of men and by a refined address, make his vigilance reflect honor on his administration” (A’in IV, A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett). Akbar was particularly strict with corrupt officers of his State: He imprisoned Haji Ibrahim Sirhandi, Sadr of Gujarat, in the fort of Ranthambhor, when after an enquiry, he was found guilty of corruption, as was complained by the people of Ahmadabad. It was all possible because the Emperor always encouraged direct contact. Further, the Kotw’al in his empire was duty-bound to expel or deter the dishonest tradesmen “from their course of conduct, but he should be careful in the matter not to molest a God-fearing recluse (Sufi), or persecute barefooted wandering anchorites.”

To help boost manufacturing and trading in his realm, Akbar abolished a number of taxes, thus rendering the products cheaper. Early in 1581c, he abolished tamgha, the inland tolls through out the dominions. To save buyers from cheating, he ordered that the Kotw’als “..shall examine the weight and make Seer (the weight) nor more nor less.. (Likewise), in gaz (yard).. he should permit neither decrease nor increase” and also “ forbid … selling of slaves.” Not only this, the Kotw’al was required “to set the idle to some handicraft.

10

Appendix

Agriculture received the Emperor’s special attention. Accordingly, we find the Sipahsal’ar, Amalguz’ar and the Kotw’al entailing duties for the upkeep and development of agriculture along with their main responsibilities. In agriculture, assessment and payment of revenue, as organized rationally, rendered matters simple under the ambit of honesty and a just administration. Knowing it well that the economy of his empire is agrarian, Akbar took all care to develop agriculture. To lessen the burden on the peseants, he permitted remissions and exemption from the payment of revenues. Further, he took care that neither the State, nor the tillers of the soil should be ‘injuriously affected’ by his own and his armies’ movements. In the event of any adverse affects, compensations were readily given to off set the losses. Wells and canals were dug to benefit particularly agriculture and the cultivators, and also the people in general.

In each sarkar, district, Akbar established and maintained store houses to supply animals, the property of the State with food, and to furnish cultivators with grain for sowing purposes, and also to have at hand provision for offering help to the needy in case of famines, and also to feed the poor: He established Khairpurah and Dharampurah to feed the poor Muslims and poor Hindus respectively. And, when the Jogis began flocking in the places to benefit from the Emperor’s generosity, he promptly established separately a Jogipurah also. Akbar established Serrais (stay places) to benefit the travelers and traders, and

11


took to ensure their safety: The Kotw’al entailed this one also of his duty: “Through his watchfulness and night patrolling the citizens should enjoy the repose of security, and the evil-disposed lie in the sough of non-existence.”

Akbar patronized patronized scholars and pious men; to help support them, he gave Sayurghal, the tenure free land, to them. It was due to his generosity and support that there gathered around him scholars, poets, painters, calligraphers, accountants, administrators, translators and pious men, not only from within the empire but also from outside including those coming from West- and Central Asia, etc. Akbar patronized Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit scholars all alike. Translation work also received his patronage.

Akbar appointed a sort of Commission to enquire and suggest methods to expedite decisions on the pending cases to deliver timely justice and improve the quality of justice. A year after or so, he decreed that suits between Hindus would be heard by the Pandits and not by the Qazis. Akbar was far ahead of his time in asking the Jagird’ars, Shiqd’ars and the Daroghas in all provinces of his empire to record the number of people, their trade and occupation, their income and expenditure. It was thus not only the collection of population statistics but also of industrial, professional, and income and expenditure data.

In 1583c, Akbar introduced many administrative reforms. Departments for supervision and control,

12

Appendix

dealing among others with appointment and dismissals of crown-land officials, criminal justice and registration of birth and marriage, extension of agriculture, regulation of prices and supplies of merchandize, roads, inheritance and camping grounds and halting places, etc., were created..,

Akbar abolished poll tax and Jaziya – not only this, he forbade female infanticide and child marriage, and expressed himself strictly against Sati. The Kotw’als were instructed, thus: “He should not suffer a woman to be burnt against her inclination”. To give comfort to women Akbar prescribed for his Kotw’al to set up “separate ferries and well for men and women.”

We often hear the subordinates, the weak and those lower in rank grumbling against their superiors and against those whom they served with dedication and utmost care, because often thet feel ignored – neither a word of appreciation is uttered, nor due warmth is manifested. Akbar’s behavior implores them, thus: when Abul Fazl, his confidential adviser and minister, was got killed by his son, Salim (Jahangir), he, learning of this gruesome murder, bewailed his death – historian say ‘more than that of his son’s. For several days, he did not see anyone. What he uttered bemoaning the murder of Abul Fazl, is on record. He said: “If Salim wished to be emperor, he might have killed me, and spared Abul Fazl.”

Akbar’s resounding words giving his concept of justice must make all those who holding superior

13


positions, govern and lead, to do heart searching: “If I were guilty of an unjust act I would rise in judgment against myself. What shall I say, then, of my sons, my kindred and others,” and that “Tyranny is unlawful in every one, especially in a sovereign who is the guardian of the world” (A’in-i-Akbari, III).

Peace throughout Akbar dominions let to development of the economy including its internal and external trade. India earned a reputation as a peaceful land and as a surging economy. This, along with the royal patronage, made “skilful masters and workmen …settle in this country to teach people and improve system of manufacture”. It may be inferred that a number of ongoing manufacturing activities in the country speak of the support and patronage by the Emperor, manufacturing of shawls, glim and carpets etc., included.

Rulers and administrators may suffer with bigotry and cruelty, and in their zeal arrogance, they often commit wrongs, insisting that a ruler is after a ruler, a mighty being. But a just one would neither insist on his wrong, nor would commit it again. Thus, execution of his Revenue Minister – Shah Mansur –by the Emperor was unjustified, as was expressed later by him too. This of Akbar’s Revenue Minister was very strict, and as given by Abul Fazl, “sympathy with debtors never touched the hem of his heart.” But, then the top honest must always be supported by the hierarchy, failing this systems collapse and honest ones

14

Appendix

would be buried into oblivion. Similarly, was the case of the killing of a slave, named Faulad, without inquiry. These were but stray events in a mighty Emperor’s life. Then, Akbar is found presenting himself in his conduct akbar.

In a touching reference, Richard von Garbe recorded: Germany should be proud that the personality of Akbar who according to his own words “desired to live at peace with all humanity, with every creature of God,” has so inspired a noble German of princely blood in the last century that he consecrated the work of his life to the biography of Akbar. This man is the Prince Friedrich August of Schleswig-Holstein, Count of Noer, who wandered through the whole of northern India on the track of Akbar’s activities, and on the basils of the most careful investigation of sources, has given us in his large two-volumed work the best and most extensive information which has been written in Europe about the Emperor Akbar. How much his work has been a labor of love, can be recognized at every step in his book but especially may be seen in a touching letter from Agra written on the 24th April, 1868, in which he relates that he utilized the early hours of this day for an excursion to lay a bunch of fresh roses on Akbar’s grave and that no visit to any other grave had ever moved him so much as this.

The book in hand deals with Akbar’s administrative structure, agriculture, and trade. It also touches, though briefly, the importance of karkhan’as. The book mentions the resource-base and outputs of the subahs and sarkars of Akbar’s empire, and incorporates

15


discussion on the composition and direction of India’s foreign trade then. Earnestly it is hoped that the book will be of use to the students and the researchers alike.

I am extremely grateful to the Hon’ble Vice-Chancellor, Prof. P.K. Abdul Aziz, for his sanctioning the Project, and to Prof. (Dr.) Azarmi Dukht Safavi, Professor, Department of Persian, and Director, Institute of Persian Research, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, whose interest in the furtherance of knowledge and research particularly in the field of Persian language and literature is widely recognized and appreciated, for her asking me to pursue my work on ‘A’in-i-Akbari: Akbar’s Administrative Structure, Agriculture, Output and Trade.’ The members of the Advisory Board of the Institute also deserve my thanks, and put it on record.

I shall be failing in my duty, if I do not thank the staff of the Institute, particularly Mr. Shahid Saeed Khan for his type-setting the manuscript. I take this opportunity to put on record my appreciation of the services rendered by the Seminar Libraries of the Departments of Islamic Studies and the Center of Advanced Study, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, for their help, particularly Mr. Kabir Ahmad of the Seminar Library of the Department of Islamic Studies.

Aligarh Prof. S. M. Waseem 2009 Former Dean of the Faculty,

Chairman, Department of Commerce, and Coordinator, UGC’s DSA Program in Entrepreneurship, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh – 202 002

16

Appendix

I

A’IN – I – AKBARI

A’in in Persian means Rule, Custom, Manner, and also as appearing in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, ‘Law, Rite, and Institution.’ Some translators prefer to use ‘Regulation’ to convey the meaning of A’in.

Ibn Muqaffa translated a number of works from Pahlavi into Arabic including the Fahrist, 118, which makes mention of an A’in-Nama. Rendered into Arabic, it meansKitab -ur-Rusum . Thus, it is a book of quasi-official character like the ‘Khudmay Nama’ which “contained an account of the organization of the Sasanid State, of the privileges and prerogatives of the classes, and of Court life and etiquete….much of its contents (are) of a sententious and divedactic nature.”1

Christenson referred to it, calling it ‘La Vieil almanach royale ’ (The old Almanac Royal). Then, other monumental works, covering Persian Islamic history and institutions followed, which used A’in as their title, A’in–i–Akbari being one of these: A’in–i–Akbari, running into Daftars I, II, III, IV, and V, has been rendered into English in 3 Volumes: Volume I containing Daftar I & II is the work of Henry Blochmann; Volume II contains Daftar III, which has been translated by Col. H. S. Jarret. The same translator has rendered Daftar IV & V into English, which appear in Volume III of the A’in.Thus, all the Daftars have been covered in three

17


Volumes. Besides this, Abul Fazl’s Akbar Nama has been rendered into English (Vols. I, II and III) by H. Beveridge.

A’in–i–Akbari was published in 1595, the year when Abul Fazl’s brother Faizi died at Lahore. It was completed in 1602.

A’in–i–Akbari‘s, daftar I deals, among others, with the Emperor and his household; daftar II encompasses the grandees and attendants and imperial servants; daftar III gives rules and regulations for efficient functioning of different departments of the imperial government including its judicial and executive departments; daftar IV explicitly gives the social and literary account of Hindu contribution. Foreign travelers and invaders are also mentioned. It also discusses the teaching of Muslim divines and their religious tenets. Daftar V is devoted to wise maxims and Sayings of the Great Mughal. It also gives Abul Fazl’s autobiography. Akbar Nama and A’in–i–Akbari both are recognized as the monumental works of Abul Fazl Allami (b. Muharrum 6, 958 A.H/January 14, 1551c), known for his liberal views and as “one of the most distinguished scholars of his age in India.”2

Sir Syed and A’in–i–Akbari:

While serving as munsif at Delhi, Sir Sayyid was asked by a merchant – Haji Qutb ud Din - to revise the Ain-i-Akbari in return for books worth Rs. 1,600. An honest munsif did not accept this offer from a local

18

Appendix

merchant, most probably in view of his residing in the same city, and to avoid contact, lest it be misunderstood. But when posted to Bijnaur, Sir Sayyid studied the A’in-i-Akbari, as was available, and improved it in many ways: “By comparing the faulty manuscript with the good ones,” Sir Sayyid produced “better text… The system of weights, measures and coinage, current in the time of Akbar, was brought into conformity with that of Sir Sayyid’s own time, and the lacunae in the original tables were filled in after Sir Syed made reference to other works on the subject. Sir Syed carefully rectified the mistakes, made in the tables by the author and indicated the numerical values of the letters which have originally been used, instead of figures.”3 For the purpose, he consulted the English translation, presented in ‘much greater accuracy.’ To clarify the sense of the original tables, he added a supplementary column at the end of some tables, and also “some supplementary” pages in his own hand-writing in the appendix to the discussion on “the coinage of Akbar’s reign.” A number of illustrations of the obverse and reverse of the coins under discussion were added, along with ‘the legends inscribed’ on each coin. “In addition, eight gold and silver coins of Akbar’s time,” found omitted in the A’in, were described “and much more useful information was appended to the text.”

“In the original A’in-i-Akbari, there were few illustrations. Therefore, Sir Sayyid went to much trouble in having numerous sketches drawn by the most

19


famous artists of Delhi and introduced them into his own edition in the appropriate places…”4

He also took to add the names of outside Sufis and tourists, who came to India, and also mentioned the names of invaders, who attacked India (all this happening during the period covered by the A’in). Further, names of some of the poets, not appearing in the original book (the A’in), were included by Sir Sayyid. Thus, Abul Fazl’s A’in-i-Akbari, in a way, was edited by Sir Sayyid, who inserted the beautifully drawn pictures of the flower plants, fruit bearing trees and also of different ornaments, all in due places of their mention in Abul Fazl’s A’in.

Sir Sayyid’s edited A’in was published by the Lithographic Press at Delhi in 1272 A.H/1855c. However, it contains only four Daftars (I, II, IV and V), as Daftar III was lost in the upheavals of 1857c, when India’s first war of independence was waged. The Nawal Kishore Press, Lucknow, published the A’in-i-Akbari in its entirety. A’in–i–Akbari along with its translation was also published by the Principal of Calcutta School, Henry Blochmann, in 1873c. As told by Storey, selections from the A’in were published in 1931c at Allahabad; then in 1981c, its Urdu version appeared at Lahore. Fida Ali Talib took lead in its translation, and his translated A’in was published by the Osmania Press, Hyderabad (Deccan). 1873c edition of H. Blochmann’s translated version of the A’in referred to Sir Sayyid’s edition of the A’in, describing that Sir

20

Appendix

Sayyid said that the Round Muhr was having Kalima, engraved on it (Discussed under A’in 10, given in Ain-i Akbari,i).

Importance of A’in–i–Akbari:

A’in–i–Akbari mentions institutions of Akbar’s Court. It is unique in its importance, being the first work of its kind in India, and characterized by its own ‘individual literary style’: It continued to serve as “a model for many generations; though none was able to imitate (it) successfully.”

Expressive of his intentions to write the A’in, Abul Fazl explicitly stated in its Preface: “…my heart feels proud of being engaged in such an undertaking: …My sole object in writing this work was firstly, to impart to all (who) take an interest in this auspicious century, a knowledge of the wisdom, magnanimity, and energy of him who understands the minutest indications of all things, created and divine, striding as he does over the field of knowledge; and secondly to leave future generations a noble legacy”{Tr. H. Blochmann}. Expressing his views on ‘payment of debt of gratitude’ to his benefactor, Emperor Akbar, Abul Fazl adds that it “is an ornament of life and a provision for man’s last journey. There may be some in this world of ambitious strife, where natures are so different, desires so numerous, equity so rare, and guidance so scarce, who, by making use of this source of wisdom, will scape from the perplexities of the endless chaos of knowledge and deeds. It is with this aim that I describe some of the

21


regulations of the great king (Akbar), thus leaving for far and near, a standard work of wisdom”. And, indeed the A’in is ‘a standard work of wisdom.’ “Abul Fazl’s ‘Books of Akbar (Akbarnama,, the third volume of which forms the celebrated A’in–i–Akbari or ‘Acts of Akbar’ will always retain their fascination as a minute record of the Moghal empire.” As is said by one of the translators: “The range of diversity of.. subjects,” covered by the A’in-i-Akbari “and the untiring industry which collected and marshaled, through the medium of an unfamiliar languge, the many topics of information to their minutest details, treating of abstruse sciences, subtile philosophical problems, and the customs, social, political and religious of a different race and creed, will stand as an enduring monument…” and, that “it (the A’in-i-Akbari) crystalizes and records in brief for all time the state of Hindu learning and besides, its statistical utility, serves as an admirable treatise of reference on numerous branches of Brahmanical science and on the manners, beliefs, traditions, and indigenous lore, which for the most part still retain and will continue their hold on the popular mind. Above all as a register of the fiscal areas, the revenue settlements, and changes introduced at various periods, the harvest returns, valuations and imposts throughout the provinces of the empire, its originality is as indisputable as its surpassing historical importance.” Surely, both the A’in-i-Akbari and Akbar Nama do add up to ‘the most competent account that any one man had ever compiled of the affairs of one particular Court.’

22

Appendix

Irfan Habib, dwelling upon the importance of A’in–i–Akbari, as a unique work, says: “…no census of persons was ever conducted in any part of Mughal Empire. The size of the population of Mughal India can, therefore, be estimated only on the basis of other data, the richest depository of which is A’in–i–Akbari, the unique work compiled by Akbar’s minister, Abul Fazl, in 1595-96” And, that:

“The A’in–i–Akbari gives us details of the a’razi or area measured for revenue purposes down to each pargana, the smallest administrative sub-division of the time.”7

Moreland using these data took lead in working on the total area under cultivation at ‘the end of the sixteenth century’. After estimating the total area under cultivation, he calculated the total population of the great Mughal’s Hindustan.

Besides Moreland, Ashok V Desai also relying upon the data and information contained in the A’in-i-Akbari, gave his method of estimating the population of Akbar’s empire: He compared the data “on prices, wages and crop rates with the area data relating to 1961” and arrived at “per capita consumption and per capita agricultural productivity.” Finally, taking “the A’in’s revenue rates on different crops,” he worked out the land per capita and also the land revenue. “With this figure at hand, he divided (by) it the total Jama (estimated net revenue) of the empire, given in the A’in,” saying that “the result should represent the

23


population of the empire at the time.” 8 However, while Desai puts the Empire’s population between 64.9 and 86.3 millions, Moreland put it at 100 million in 1600c.

As regards irrigation, the A’in mentions dependence of agriculture on lakes, and wells etc., subject to their availability and handiness at different places.

Thus, the importance of the A’in, as the first gazetteer of India, is undeniable. Even Sir Jadunath Sarkar, who has devoted a full Chapter (No. XVI), captioned ‘Sources of Information’ in his book, to discuss the available material on Mughal Administration, enlists A’in –i–Akbari at number one albeit by putting another chapter, captioned ‘A’in–i-Akbari Criticized’. However, he is taken to admit (that) “The best known source of information about Moghul Administration is Abul Fazl’s A’in–i–Akbari ….it was the progenitor and in certain respects the model of later official hand- books….It was the first work of its kind in India and was written when the newly created Moghul administration was in a half-fluid condition.” 9

Clearing the Doubts:

Then in-between the sentences, quoted above, Sir Jadunath Sarkar adds that the A’in “has many defects:” “Abul Fazl…tells us what an officer ought to aim at doing, rather than what the experienced servants of a long settled Government were in the habit of doing; that is to say that he draws an ideal picture instead of

24

Appendix

giving us a faithful description of the administration in its actual working. Moreover, he is an insufferable rhetorician, and even when he intends to tell a fact, he buries it under a mass of figures of speech and round about expressions. His work, therefore, does not give us much real help in drawing a correct and detailed picture of the administrative machinery, though in the statistical portion he is detailed and correct. We are oppressed by a sense of the vagueness and unreality of the picture as we go through the descriptive parts of the A’in.” 10

To draw further support for his views and to add force to his arguments, Sir Jadunath Sarkar, quotes W. Crooke, who, wrote: “None who reads the A’in–i–Akbari, the cyclopaedic annals of his (Akbar’s) rule, can find to be conscious of a certain lack of partmental perspective. Akbar was master of detail: but here detail is pushed to the extreme. We find careful accounts of the organization of the camp and household, the stable and wardrobe, the armoury and the hunting establishment....On the other hand, we learn little of the essentials asdministration as we understand it – about the police and judicial services, the development of national resources, the relief of famine, education and medical aid (N.W, P. 101–102).” To reinforce his statement, Sarkar refers to J. R. Reid also, who said: “What trust is to be placed in the figures of the A’in–i–Akbari. It is difficult to say…In respect to the revenue recorded in the A’in–i–Akbari, it may be questioned

25


whether it was not an ideal assessment and whether it was ever collected for the State.”11

Further, to indicate the A’in’s “unreality or rather the practical uselessness”, Sarkar says: “The immense size of the A’in–i–Akbari and the unreality or rather the practical uselessness of much of its contents, made it undesirable to write, similar works or to bring up to date in reigns of Akbar’s successors.”12

As against the above view, our readers must return to the same author’s statements to emphasize that A’in–i–Akbari is:

“The best source of information.

The progenitor and in certain respects the model, for later official hand books…

The first work of its kind in India….written when the newly created Mughal Administration was in a half–fluid condition.

Detailed and correct (in the statistical portion).

Further, we must not forget that to know the relevant details of Akbar’s administration one must refer to Akbar Nama also side by side the A’in-i-Akbari, which is also ‘a register of fiscal areas, the revenue settlement, and changes therein, introduced on different occasions, as it is also authored by the same Abul Fazl. Moreover, further explanation and exposition of what has been incorporated in the A’in–i–Akbari, can be found in the occurrences and events recorded in the Akbar Nama.

26

Appendix

Besides this treatise (in three volumes), one must also refer to other relevant works viz., Tabq’at–i–Akbari to comprehend the details. As regards famine-relief, we find that in 1596c “kitchens were established in every city. There was a deficiency of rain this year, and high prices threw a world into distress. The gracious sovereign appointed able men to every place to give food duly to the necessitious. Petitioners constantly came before his Majesty, and had their desires gratified. Similarly, numbers of beggers were made over to rich people [khawastadar’an):13 (Instead of, made over to rich people, it should be’ to those, who offered’ (khwastadar’an) to help the poor)].

Likewise, narrating the distress as a result of famine in Kashmir, Abul Fazl says: “On account of the deficiency of rain and the dispersal of the victorious army, prices became somewhat high…. by his [Shahinshah’s] orders twelve places were prepared in the city for the feeding of great and small (i.e., young and old). Every Sunday a general proclamation was made in the Idg’ah, and some went from the palace and bestowed food and presents on the applicants… A great many persons also got their livelihood by the building of the fort.”14

However, Bad’auni’s description of eating of the same kind’ seems to describe the conditions of acute famine.

Talking of the details, one finds that Abul Fazl has taken care to explicitly rendered account of different

27


aspects of Mughal administration: it be output, its quality, price or consumption, or revenue, its fixation and realization. Moreover, considering the items of ward-robe materials - silk and cotton cloth etc.,-perfumes, harness of the animals in the royal stable, the variety of weapons, specialisation in manufactures, and the building activities etc., mentioned in the A’in-i-Akabri, one can easily find that the number of productive endeavors in the Great Mughal’s reign. were many more than what the historians differently estimate.

The A’in makes mention of output by independent artisans as also at hand–work centers. It gives salaries of different classes of employees, their classification, as also the daily wage-range of different class of workers, depending upon their skills and specialization. This makes one to think of the need of and efforts for the development of skill-based economy.

As regards the importance of A’in–i–Akbari and its author, Bad’auni, who is not so friendly to Abul Fazl, is found quoting him at a large number of places in the text and foot-notes given in his Mutakhab-ut-Tawarikh. (Reference may be made to its English translation, appearing in Volumes I, II and III). Further, Bad’auni refers to Abul Fazl in his book as “my very learned man”, using the title, conferred on Abul Fazl.

“The basic value of A’in-i- Akbari naturally accrues to it from the high status, exceeding erudition, great genius unimpeachable character, and impartial disposition of the author,” says S.L. Goomer, who

28

Appendix

edited H. Blochmann’s translated A’in-i-Akbari. He adds that Le Pere Tieffentaller incorporated “some long extracts from the third book of the A’in in his ‘Description Geographique de l’Indostan’[1776c]. Seven years later, Francis Gladwin, an eminent orientalist dedicated his Ain-i-Akbari to Warren Hastings, the first Governor General of India. Thereafter, he translated a fair portion of the A’in and printed it in London in 1800c. Chief Sarishtad’ar Grant, too, made an extensive use of it in his report on Indian Finances.”15 Therefore, one can safely say that use of the Ai’n by the British policy makers in Indian administration cannot be minimized.

Further to conclude: “More important …is the A’in-i- Akbari, which is by far the finest book of Abul Fazl’s literary genius. It is partly a minute record of the revenue, royal household, treasury, military regulations and other important matters, with a gazetteer of India and collection of his Majesty’s Sayings and teachings. No other work gives a better and more elaborate pen-picture of contemporary India – its lore, customs, traditions, etiquette, cookery recipes, and religious innovations – under the pompous style of Court Journal, than this book. Apparently a fiscal manual of all the departments of the State and its industries, it is much more than that; it is a history; a gazetteer, nay an encyclopaedia. It must form the foundation of every book written about Akbar, the Great, and his reign”.16

29


Referring to Tabq’at-i-Akbari which occupies “a very significant place” in “the histories written in Akbar’s reign,” and also its author, Khwaja Nizamu’d Din Muqim Harawi, S.A.A. Rizvi makes evident the importance of Ain-i-Akbari by saying: “He (Khwaja Nizamu’d Din Ahmad) unhesitantingly acknowledges his indebtedness to the Akbar Nama and the A’in-i-Akbari (Tabaq’at, I, p.v), which although not formally presented to Akbar, were available to him in draft.”17

Those who seek to deny the A’in its due place and importance, may visualize for a moment that without A’in–i–Akbari, and its author, Abul Fazl, what would have been the direction of history and fate of economic and revenue record of India under Akbar?

REFERENCES:

1. Vol. I, E. J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands, 1960, p. 306.

2. Ibid (Nurul Hasan), p. 118.

3. Altaf Husain H’ali, Hayat-i-Jawed, Tr. K.H. Qadiri and David J. Mathews, Idarah-i Adaby’at-i-Delli, Delhi -110 006.

4. Ibid, p.42

5. Preface to the A’in–i–Akb ari, p. 2.

6. Col. H.S. Jarrett, A’in-i-Akbari, Vol. II, Low Price Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1978, pp. vii & ix

30

Appendix

7. Population, Cambridge Economic History of India, Eds. Tapan Raychandhuri and Irfan Habib, Vol. I (c1200-c1750), Orient Longman in Association with Cambridge University Press, 1982, p. 163.

8. Tapan Raychaudhiri, The State and the Economy: The Mughal Empire, Cambridge Economic History of India, Eds. Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, Vol I. c1200–c1750), Orient Longman in Association with Cambridge University Press, 1982, p. 165.

9. Mughal Administration, Fourth Edition, M. C. Sarkar & Sons Ltd., Culcutta – 12, 1952, p. 247.

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid.

12. Ibid, p. 248.

13. Akbar nama, Vol. III, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess Ess Publications, New Delhi-110 002, 1979, p.1064

14. Ibid, p.1087

15. The A’in-i-Akbari, Tr. H. Blochmann, Ed. S.L. Goomer, Aadiesh Book Depot, Delhi-110 007, pp. 2-3

16. S. M. Jafar, The Mughal Empire from Babar to Aurangzeb, Ess Ess Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1974, pp. 163–164.

17. Khwaja Muhammad Muqin Haraqi, a favorite of Babar was appointed Diw’an-i-Buyut’at. His son, Khwaja Nizamu’d Din Ahmad, being a recognized historian, was a member of the board of compilers of the T’arikh-i-Alfi.

31


Tabaq’at-i-Akbari was completed in 1001 A. H./c 1592-93, except the events happening during 1002 A. H., which were added by the historian before his death in 1003 A. H./c 1594. It gives detailed general history of India.

- Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar’s Reign with special Reference to Abu’l Fazl (1056-1605), Munshi Manoharlal Publishers, Pvt. Ltd., 1975, p. 278.

The same author says that “Abu’l Fazl’s Akbar Nama and the A’in-i-Akbari gave a new lead to Mughal historians, although none could equal his style.”

________

32

Appendix

II

ABUL FAZL ALLAMI AND HIS ANCESTORS

Shaikh Musa:

Born at Agra on Muharram 6, 958 A.H/January 14, 1551c, Abul Fazl Allami descended from Sheikh Musa, who lived at in Sindh (Siwistan) in the 9 th

century Hijra. At the beginning of the 10 th century, Shaikh Khizr, one of the descendents of Sheikh Musa, ‘the then Head of the family, came to India. After staying here for some time, he traveled abroad, meeting at places pious and spiritual ones i.e., those who are known to the world for ‘not knowing it.' He lived for some time in Hijaz with an Arab tribe ‘to which the family originally belonged.’ Returning to India, Shaikh Khizr arrived at Nagor, a place situated in North-west of Ajmer. Here, he joined the pious and enjoyed friendship of Mir Sayed Yahya of Bukhara. It was here that Sheikh Mubarak was born in 911 A.H/1505c.1 The family rejoiced in his birth and the new born was named Mubarak (the felicitious) by Shaikh Khizr. This name was given to the new born, because all of Shaikh Khizr’s children, born earlier, had died.

In his quest to adopt Nagor as his permanent abode, Shaikh Khizr returned to Sind (Siwistan) to persuade some of his relations to join him and come to Nagor, adopting it as their permanent abode. But this of

33


his desire remained unfulfilled, as he died during the journey. His family at Nagor thus suffered in his death with great ordeal: Further, there broke out a famine, inflicting all the inhabitants on the barren sands of the surrounding desert. Of all the members of the family of the deceased, Sheikh Khizr, only two survived i.e, Shaikh Mubarak and his mother.

Shaikh Mubarak:

Shaikh Mubarak’s love for knowledge prompted him to go abroad and be benefited in the company of the learned. But he was deterred by the thought of his mother being alone. The loving son, therefore, opted to continue his studies at Nagor itself.

Shaikh Mubarak was guided by the teachings of the great saint, Khwaja Ahr’ar (who died at Samarqand on Rabi al-Awwal 29, 895 A.H/February 20, 1490c. He visited Ahmadabad in Gujarat, where nearby there lay buried Shaikh Ahmad of Khattu, his country man (d. 849 A.H/1445c). It was here that Shaikh Mubarak found an affectionate and father-like person, Shaikh Abul Fazl, a Khatib (orator/preacher), who hailed from Kazarun (Persia), and it was here that he met a number of learned men of repute including Sheikh Umar of Tattah and Shaikh Yusuf. It is probable that he visited Central Asia also, for like other students of his time, he spent many years of his early life in traveling….” 2

Mubarak stayed in Persia for a number of years, and then returned to India on Muharram 6, 980 A.H/1476c and settled on the left bank of river Jamuna, ‘opposite

34

Appendix

Agra, near the Charbagh Villa3, which was later known as or . It is now commonly known as Ram Bagh.4

Shaikh Mubarak was now the most distinguished disciple of Mir Rafiuddin Safavi of Shiraz (Irjn), Persia.

While living in Agra, Shaikh Mubarak was blessed with two sons – Abul Faiz (b. 954 A.H/1547 c, d. Safar 10, 1004 A.H/ October 5, 1595c at Lahore) and Abul Fazl (b. Muharram 6, 958 A.H/January 14, 1551c), who was younger to his brother by four years. Shaikh Mubarak was staying at Agra, which was inflicted by drought, four years prior to Akbar’s reign, and then by plague (963 A.H). Forced by the precarious situation, Sheikh Mubarak had to leave Agra for life, for “the hatred of the Court party against Shaikh Mubarak especially rose to such a height that Shyakh Abdu’n Nabi and Makhdummu’l–Mulk represented to the emperor that inasmuch as Mubarak also belonged to the Mahdawis and was, therefore, not only himself damned, but led also others into damnation, deserved to be killed. They even obtained an order to bring him before the emperor. Mubarak wisely fled from Agra, only leaving behind him some furniture for his enemies to reck their revenge on.”5 He concealed himself for some time, and approached Shaikh Salim Chishti at Fathpur Sikri for intercession. Advised by the Shaikh to proceed to Gujarat, Mubarak now turned to Akbar’s foster–brother, ‘the generous’ Khan–i–Azam Mirza Koka. He was of great help to Mubarak, for he succeeded well in

35


allying all the doubts against Mubarak in Akbar’s mind. To do this, Mirza Koka dwelt upon “the poverty of the Shaikh and on the fact that, different from his covetous accusers, he had not cost the State anything by way of freeholds, and thus obtained at least security for him and his family.”6

Leaving aside Bad’auni’s views against Shaikh Mubarak, accusing him of joining the Mahdawi movement, as widely reported by the historians and also Blochmann’s saying “it is not clear whether he joined the sect from religious or from political motives…”, and Mukhdum’ul–Mulk Abdullah Ansari of Sultanpur’s and Shaikh Abdun Nabi’s, asking the emperor to banish and kill Mubarak, and their obtainment of an imperial order to the effect, and Shaikh Abdun Nabi’s turning out of Mubarak and his now reputed son, Faizi, “in his theological pride as men suspected of Mahadvi leanings and Shia tendencies,” none can deny the intellectual attainments and qualities of head and heart of Mubarak and his two sons, Shaikh Abul Faiz and Abul Fazl. Both of them “were destined to exercise a vast influence over their contemporaries: While the elder, Abul Faiz, was content to be a Sufi poet, and nothing more 7… Abul Fazl, the younger son of the Shaikh, had a larger genius and higher ambition than his elder brother. Whilst yet a boy, he was versed in all the learning of the day; he yearned after more knowledge. To use his own language, “he longed to study the great religions of the world at their fountain–heads; to sit at the feet of the Christian padrees of Goa; the Buddist monks of Thibet

36

Appendix

(Tibet), the Parsi priests, who were learned in the Zendavesta. The rise of his elder brother turned his ambition into another channel. Abul Faiz introduced him to Akber. He made a deep impression on Akber. Gradually he gained a powerful influence over Akber.”8

SHAIKH MUBARAK’S TWO ILLUSTRIOUS SONS:

I. Abul Faiz ‘Faizi’:

It was Abul Faiz ‘Faizi’s reputation as a poet that “…a summon had been sent to the young poet to present himself before his sovereign.” This pleased the enemies of Mubarak and his two sons, as they saw in it “a sign of approaching doom” for them. “They prevailed upon the governor to secure the victim this time.” Accordingly, a detachment was sent: Faizi was away from home per chance, and the soldiers subjected Mubarak to “various sorts of ill–treatment.” When Faizi came, he was taken to Chitor by force (Rabi al–Awwal 20, 975/ September 24, 1567c). But his fear for his as well as for his father’s life banished, when he was accorded “favourable reception at Court.” This “convinced him both of Akbar’s goodwill and the blindness of his personal enemies.”9

The reverence which the Emperor carried for Faizi, is evidently manifested by his visit at mid-night to the bed side of the ailing poet to enquire about his health and to see him. As recorded, finding the eloquent poetic tongue of his empire’s poet laurate speechless, Akbar gently lifted his head with his hand and said:

37


“Shaykh Ji! I have brought Hakim Ali with me; will you not speak to me?” As there came no reply, the Emperor threw his turban to the ground; wept bitterly and then tried to console his brother, Abul Fazl, and in reverence to the departing soul, he went away” (Bad’auni, ii, 406).

II. Abul Fazl:

Abul Fazl was growing in age and wisdom both, “zealously studying under the care of his father,” who had suffered at the hands of his adversaries. “The persecutions which Shaykh Mubarak had to suffer for his Mahdawi leanings at the hands of the learned at Court, did not fail to make a lasting impression on his young mind. No doubt that it was in this school of misfortune that Abu’l-Fazl learned the lesson of toleration, the practice of which in later years formed the basis of Akbar’s friendship for him; while, on the other hand, the same pressure of circumstances stimulated him to unusual exertions in studying, which subsequently enabled him during the religious discussions at Court to lead the opposition and overthrow by superior learning and broader sentiments the clique of the Ulama…”10

At the age of fifiteen, Abul Fazl showed exceptional ‘mental precocity’, and was well versed in Ilm–i–Manqul (traditional knowledge) and Ilm–i–M’aqul (Knowledge based on intellectual reasoning). His career as a teacher began before his twentieth year of age. To know the depth of his knowledge, it will suffice to refer to a manuscript, being the rare work of Isfah’an

38

Appendix

(Persia), which fell into Abul Fazl’s hand: “One half of each page vertically downwards from top to bottom, was rendered illegible, or was altogether destroyed by fire.” Abul Fazl took to restore the missing halves of each page. “Sometimes afterwards, a complete copy of the same work turned up and on comparison it was found that in many places there were indeed different words, and in a few passages new proofs even had been adduced; but on the whole the restored portion presented so many points of extraordinary coincidence that his friends were not a little astonished at the thoroughness with which Abul Fazl had worked himself into the style and mode of thinking of a different author.”11

As described, Abul Fazl was man of abilities, endowed with the qualities of head and heart. He was knowledgeable indeed! His “….composition, characterized by an individual literary style, served as a model for many generations, though none was able to imitate him successfully. His numerous works include a Persian translation of Bible; ‘Iyar–i–Danish (a recension of Anwar–i–Suhayli; Preface to Tarikh–i–Alfi (unfortunately lost), … the Persian translation of Mahabharata, and .. many other works; and a Munadjat (Ed. by Rizvi, Medieval India Quarterly, Aligarh, 1/iii). His letters, prefaces and other compositions were compiled by his nephew under the title Insha–i–Abu’l–Fadl (3 Vols). Another collection of his private letters is entitled Ruq’at–i–Ab’ul Fadl.”12

39


Abul Fazl: A Literary Genius:

Akbar counted Abul Fazl as the ablest and most renowned among his literary figures. Abul Fazl was his most intimate and trustworthy friend and his confidential adviser. “He ranks amongst the greatest Persian scholars that India has ever produced. He was a ‘man of refined culture and pure spiritual ideals.’ Dr. Vincent Smith has compared him with his ‘junior contemporary’, Francis Bacon, for combining in his person ‘the parts of scholar, author, courtier and man of affairs.’ His was a magnetic personality permeated with an almost mesmeric force. The judgment of posterity on his penmanship is admirably summed up by the author of M’asir–ul–Umara in the following words:13

“The Sheikh (Abul Fazl) had an enchanting literary style. He was free from secretarial pomposity and epistolary tricks of style; and the force of his words, the colligation of the expressions, the application of single words, the beautiful compounds and wonderful power of diction, were such as would be hard for another to imitate. As he strove to make special use of Persian words, it has been said of him that he put into prose the qualities of Nazami.”

Thus, Abul Fazl besides being a far-sighted, faithful and rational courtier, was also a talented and objectively effective writer. He occupies ‘a place splendid in the literary history of India.’ Some may differ with this statement, as the Western writers do, who failed to appreciate the ‘linguistic beauty’ and his

40

Appendix

unique individual style of writing; but, then, one must think in tune with H. Blochmann whose considered opinion is expressed thus: “….a great familiarity not only with the Persian language but with Abul Fazl’s style is required to make the reading of any of his works a pleasure.” And, as expressed by S.M. Jafar: “The reason why some of the Westerners have failed to appreciate the linguistic beauty of his work, is to be found in the fact that Persian books, with all their captivating style, enchanting metaphors and pure vigoros diction, cannot stand the ordeal of translation.”14

John Briggs, translator of Mohammad Qasim Farishta (spelled by him as Mahomed Kasim Ferishta), praises Abul Fazl’s literary and historiographical talents, and describing his place in Indian History writing says:

“The history of this sovereign (Akbar) has been transmitted to us by Sheikh Abul Fazl, the son of Sheikh Moobarik, in an heroic poem consisting of one hundered and ten thousand couplets, from which the author Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, has principally derived the materials for his reign.”15 “Abul Fazl was a man of orderly mind,”16 and a genius indeed. Whatever he desired to accomplish, he pursued it in the most meticulous manner, attending to its every detail.

Akbar was addressing himself to the conquest of Bihar and Bengal, because the peasantry were suffering from the domination of the evil Afghans. Abul Fazl’s

41


brother, Faizi, was with him. He sent a communication to Abul Fazl saying that the Emperor ‘has enquired after him.’ Accordingly, Abul Fazl attended “Court immediately on the emperor’s return to Fathpur Sikri, where Akbar happened to notice him first in the Jami Mosque: Abu’l Fazl as before, presented a commentary written by him on the opening of a chapter in the Qur’an, entitled Suratu’l–Fateh,’ the Chapter of Victory…”17

It was after the Emperor’s return from Ajmer in the month of Zi–Qa’dh, 982 A. H., when ‘the building of the Ibadat Khana consisting of four halls, near the new palace of Fathpur, took place…’ It was during these days that Abu-l-Fazl…came the second time to Court. He was now styled Allami….”18

Introduction of Abul Fazl to the Court greatly annoyed ‘the learned,’ particularly Shaikh Abdun Nabi and Mukhdum–ul–Mulk, who happened to be their head. As described by Bad’auni, Makhdum–ul–Mulk, seeing Abul Fazl for the first time, said: ‘what religious mischief is there of which that man (Abul Fazl) is not capable?’

After his success in Bihar and Bengal, Akbar returned to Fathpur Sikri, and then there commenced Thursday Evening Discussions. The Ulama were powerful indeed. Not only that, they dominated; they differed with each other and picked up quarrel. Wrongly so, because while knowledge reconnects and unites, ignorance divides. Discussions were held in expectation

42

Appendix

of consensus, and unity; instead they were found adding to dissension. “All atonce one night the vein of the neck of Ulama of the age swelled up, and a horrid noise and confusion ensued. His Majesty got very angry at their rude behavior, and said to me (Bad’auni): ‘In future report any of the Ulama who talk non–sense and cannot behave themselves, and I shall make him leave the hall.” I said gently to Acaf Khan, ‘if I carried out this order, most of the Ulama would have to leave.”19

One can thus find Bad’auni’s own views about these Ulama by referring to his description given above (the vein of the neck of Ulama of the age swelled up, and that: if I carried out this order, most of the Ulama would have to leave). Not only the ‘squabbles of these pious Casuits’ but also the ‘religious presentations and a few sentences of death passed by his Chief Justice on Shia and ‘other heretics,’ affected the Emperor most deeply. Surely, it must have, because as stated by J. Talboys Wheeler, Akbar was ‘determined’ to rule men of all creeds with even hand.’ Whatever was done by the Chief Justice, was noted and favored by the Ulama. They desired its implementation by the Emperor, forgetting that these too worship the One and the same Creator, as they do and that; they also believe in the Ahlul Bayt, having faith in whom is proven by Qur’anic provisions and the Traditions of the holy Prophet. Not only that the Ulama differed with the Emperor; they differed with each other also. To put an end to the undue and fruitless debate, Akbar ordered that discussions should be held in his presence, so that

43


decision can be made as to who is ‘wrong’ and who is ‘right.’ It was probably Akbar’s own decision, possibly with no suggestion from any quarter prompting it. Now, the Ulama “were to lay their opinions before the Padishah, who was to sit in judgement. If he needed help, Abul Fazl would be on his side. Indeed, Abul Fazl would ask Questions and invite all of them to express their views on the matter under discussion. The Padishah would only hear and decide. Accordingly, preparations were made for the coming debates.”20 It continued smoothly for some time and then soon the decorum began losing its sway. All the invited learned of Agra used to attend the discussions. The Emperor listened with majestic gravity, ‘occasionally bestowing praise and presents upon the best speakers.’ As for Abul Fazl, he acted ‘as a kind of director,’ expounding Akbar’s policy of toleration.’

Dissention among the Ulama took its toll, leading to up- roar – the learned reviled each other, little knowing its end–result, and the Emperor noticed it all. The marked absence of unity between the Ulama and their in-fighting, instead of presentation of valid and convincing arguments, led to the drawing up a document, granting power to the Emperor to decide between ‘the conflicting authorities’ with a provision to issue fresh decrees, in accordance with some Qur’anic Verse, which leads to the benefit of the people.

The document21 was drafted by Sheikh Mubarak in conjunction with his sons – Sheikh Faizi, the Court

44

Appendix

poet, and Abul Fazl – but it needed the signatures of the learned. Shaikh Abdun Nabi and Makhdum- ul- Mulk, as is recorded, signed the Document, apparently ‘against their will.’ Its utility, is described by Abul Fazl thus: “The document” brought about excellent results: (1) The Court became a gathering place of the sages and learned of all creeds; the good doctrines of all religious systems were recognized, and their defects were not allowed to obscure their good features; (2) perfect toleration (Sulh–i–kul) or ‘peace with all’ was established, and (3) the perverse and evil minded were covered with shame on seeing the disinterested motives of his Majesty, and thus stood in the pillory of disgrace.”22

After a few weeks of the signing of the Document, Sheikh Abdun Nabi and Makhdum–ul–Mulk were sent to Mecca. But, as compared to the language, often used by Bad’auni to express his views, concerning those whom he does not like,23 Abul Fazl in the event of his triumph did not use any word, indicative of this or any of his grievances against them: As put by H. Blochmann, “he (Abul Fazl) chronicles in the Akbar namah the banishment of these men, not a sentence, not a word, is added indicative of his personal grievances against either of them; though they had persecuted him and all, but killed his father and ruined his family; the narrative proceeds as calm and statesman–like as in every other part of his great work, and justifies the high praise which historians have bestowed upon his

45


character that ‘neither abuse, nor harsh words were ever found in his household.”24

It was so because as put by the Contributor, Nurul Hasan, (to the Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. I, p. 118), “…Abu’l–Fadl considered that there could be no relationship between man and God except that of servitude (abdullahi) on the part of the former. Servitude required sincerity, suppression of the ego (nafs) and devotion to Him, resignation to His Will, and faith in His Mercifulness… In the main,” he wrote, “every sect may be placed in one of the two categories – either, it is in possession of the Truth, in which case one should seek direction from it, or it is in the wrong; in which case it is an object of pity and deserving of sympathy, not of reproach.” (Akbar nama II, p. 660). His faith in being at ‘peace with all’ (Sulh–i–Kul) involved not only toleration of all religions but also love for all human beings.”25

As regards enmity of Ulama to Abul Fazl, his belief in religious tolerance, his unflinching loyalty to the Emperor, and his preaching especially the nobles to offer all loylty to the Emperor, among others, may be duly considered in this context.

Now, Faizi26 and Abul Fazl were in lasting friendship with Akbar.

Abul Fazl has been called Yazid by Bad’auni, and, as often asserted, an infidel (Ma’asir ul Umara): “Some say he was a Hindu, or a fire worshiper, or a

46

Appendix

free–thinker, and some go still further and call him an atheist; but others pass ‘a juster sentence’ and say that he was a pantheist and that, like Sufis, he claimed for himself a position above the law of the Prophet.”27 But if he was a Hindu, how could he worship fire? (as do the Zoroastrians); if a true Sufi, he must have followed Shariah, and, therefore, cannot claim ‘for himself a position above the law of the Prophet’. Further, there is no law of the Prophet: It is the law of Qur’an which is Word of God. Traditions of the Prophet are interpretation of the Qur’an and authentic exposition of Shariah. If an atheist, he could be none: neither a Hindu, nor a Zoroastrian, or a Sufi. As regards free thinking, it is not forbiddenn in Islam, provided it is pursued sincerely to find the right path and the truth, for the holy Qur’an prescribeth right thinking in search of righteousness and responsible living, as His creature. (Why do they not ponder over the Qur’an; are their hearts locked?: Qur’an, chapter 47, Verse 24) Lastly, if a Pantheist , he was required to express it, if not on all occasions at least occasionally. However, one must not be misled in drawing wishful inferences from Abul Fazl’s poetic expressions. Instead, we find that his A’in-i-Akbari begins with (Allah is the Greatest). Those who know about Allah, would surely reject all claims of disbelief, as expressed by some historians against Abul Fazl, even by misreading Allah-o-Akbar, as they did.

It may be said here that actions in Islam are directly correlated with intentions: The holy Prophet said (Actions are related to Intentions).

47


And, intentions are always positioned within the hearts of doers; more than often these may not be expressive and evident. Judgments may be passed, but with utmost care. Nevertheless, we refer to what has been said by some authors regarding Abul Fazl:

Prince Salim like many other adversaries and critics of Abul Fazl, was highly dissatisfied with him. ‘An unexpected visit to Abul Fazl gave him an excellent oppotunity to charge him with duplicity.’ He entered the house and found forty authors copying commentaries to the Qur’an.’ They were ordered to follow him and bring the copies. The copies were shown to the Emperor by the prince, saying ‘what Abul Fazl teaches me is very different from what he practises in his house.’ As entered in Shah Nawaz Khan’s Ma’asir-ul-Umara “the Prince said to Akbar: “He induces us to follow one thing, and privately practises something else.” “The incident is said to have produced a temporary estrangement between Akbar and Abu’l–Fazl. A similar but less credible story is told by the author of the Zakhirat–u’l–Khawanin. He says that Abu’l–Fazl repented of his apostasy from Islam, and used to visit at night in cognito the homes of dervishes, and, giving them gold muhurs, he requested them ‘to pray for the stability of Abu’l–Fazl’s faith,’ sighing at the same time and striking his knees and exclaiming, ‘what shall I do?’ And, just as writers on the History of literature have tried to save Fayzi from apostacy and consequent damnation, by representing that before his death Abul Fazl had praised the Prophet... It is related in several

48

Appendix

books that Shah Abu’l–Ma’ali Qadiri of Lahore, a man of saintly renown (b. 690 A.H, d. at Lahore, 1024, A.H., Khazinat–u’l–Asfiya, p.139) once expressed his disapproval of Abu’l–Fazl’s words and deeds. But at night…. he saw in his dream that Abu’l–Fazl came to a meeting held by the Prophet in Paradise…The Prophet asked him to sit down, and said:

This man did some time during his life evil deeds, but one of his books commences with the words, O’ God, reward the good for the sake of their righteousness, and help the wicked for the sake of love’ and these words have saved him.”28

Abul Fazl is referred as a ‘born courtier by J. Talboys Wheeler, who has further added that “with all the qualities he (Abul Fazl) was a flatterer, a time server, and an eulogist; he made Akbar his idol; he bowed down and worshipped him… They were indeed necessary to each other. Akbar looked to his minister for praise, Abul Fazl looked to his master for advancement,” and that “it is difficult to admire the genius of Akbar without seeing that he has been worked upon by Abul Fazl. It is difficult to admire the genius of Abul Fazl without seeing that he is pandering to the vanity of Akbar.”29

Calling Abul Fazl a ‘born courtier’, leads one to think of his ancestor – Sheikh Musa (Abul Fazl’s fifth ancestor in the lineage) - and then of his children and grand-children, one of them being Sheikh Khizr, who, attracted to Sufism, migrated to Hindustan - traveling he

49


had been abroad in search of the company and teachings of the pious; and of Abul Fazl’s father, Sheikh Mubarak, describing whom, even Bad’auni, who used many of his ‘chosen’ words against him, had to place on record that the Emperor asked Abul Fazl to translate Haiw’at–ul–Haiwan, but “…Shaykh Mubarak translated it into Persian,” and that “Shaykh Mubarak belonged to the most distinguished men of learning of the present age. In practical wisdom, piety, and trust in God, he stood high among the people of his time.” None of these were the trained courtiers, nor they trained any. As regards Abul Fazl ‘being a Flatterer’, we may refer to another statement, as appearing in Flora Annie Steel’s India Painted by Mortimer Monpes: “Abul Fazl was a man of orderly mind, and his admiration for his hero is shown in minute detail of his public and private conduct, and otherwise than in the usual generalities of Oriental flattery.”30

Further, no monarch, no ruler in his desire to administer with a difference, tilting policies and programs to the favor of justice, as the underlying principle, and desiring to do good too, adding to the welfare of his people, would continue to merely rely upon worthless flatterers, devoid of intellect and rendering of any sane advice; and likewise, no intellectual, no genius would simply resort to a futile exercise in climbing higher and higher, drawing support from his baseless ideas and hallow words, devoid of any meaning. Both Akbar and Abul Fazl were definitely not of the sort. Abul Fazl was a man of vision indeed,

50

Appendix

having power to make decisions, and having confidence in his own abilities’ outcome. Suffice it would be here to refer to another entry by Bad’auni which is supportive of Abul Fazl’s knowledge and his ability: “On the 9th of the month of Muharram in the year nine hundred and ninety (990 A.H) Azam Khan came from Bengal. And, one evening in course of conversation the Emperor said to him, “we have found out proof for part of the reality of metepsychosis, Abu–l–Fazl shall convince you of it. And, he accepted it all.”31

It is, therefore, no exaggeration if we find Abdullah, king of Bukhara saying that he was more fearful of Abul Fazl’s pen than of Akbar’s arrow. Further, flattery and greed are interlinked, more so are greed and money & power: Being very close to the Emperor, Abul Fazl enjoyed Akbar’s confidence in him and in his abilities. Yet, he is not found asking for anything, any Mansab or its raising. An entry in the Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. I, makes it evident:

“In spite of Abu’l–Fadl’s immense influence over Akbar and the numerous duties which he performed at Court (especially in drafting letters to nobles and foreign potentates), his progress in the official hierarchy was slow. It was only in 1585c that he was promoted to the mansalb of 1000, which was doubled in 1592c. Six years later, it was raised to 2,500. Except when he was associated, for a short time in 1586c, with Shah Kuli Khan Mahrem in the joint–government of Delhi, Abu’l Fazl never held any office

51


until 1599c, when he was posted to the Deccan, at the instance of hostile elements at the Court….In recognition of his services, he was promoted in 1600c, to the rank of 4000, and two years later to that of 5000.”32 Thinking of the hostile elements which led to Abul-Fazl’s posting to Deccan in military service, one would be right, if he thinks of the existence of Salim’s supporters in Akbar’s court. And, it was proven when some of the best officers of Akbar supported the rebel prince; and the support sans patronage was not possible.

Abul Fazl was sent to Deccan to conduct operations, leading to success. When at Burhanpur, he received an invitation from Bahadur Khan, ruler of Khandesh, whose brother had married Abul Fazl’s sister. Abul Fazl accepted his invitation on the condition that he should assist him, thus aiding the ‘cause of the Emperor.’ Bahadur Khan refused to render any help, but sent rich presents to Abul Fazl, who declined to accept these, saying (that) “I have made a vow not to accept presents till four conditions are fulfilled: (i) friendship, (ii) that I should not value the gift too high, (iii) that I should not have been anxious to get a present, and (iv) necessity to accept it. Now supposing that the first three are applicable to the present case, the favor of the emperor has extinguished every desire in me of accepting gifts from others.”33

The forgoing account does not only speak of his unflinching loyalty to the Emperor, but also of the total absence of greed and avarice in him: It was a close

52

Appendix

relative, who offered the gift, but Abul Fazl, knowing that his intention was to escape the ‘penealty of his refusal’ and to save him from the wrath of the Mughul Emperor, refused to accept it. Our readers may decide whether such a man of integrity can be charged of being ‘openly faithless’, ‘time–serving’ and ‘greedy’?

Passing his judgment against Abul Fazl, historian Bad’auni says “…and Abu–l–Fazl, when once in favor with the Emperor (officious as he was, and time-serving, openly faithless, continually studying the Emperor’s whims, a flatterer beyond all bounds), took every opportunity of reviling in the most shameful way that sect whose labors and motives have been so little appreciated, and became the cause not only of the extirpation of these experienced people, but also of the ruin of all the servants of God, especially of Shaikhs, and pious men, of the helpless and orphans, whose livings and grants he cut down…”34

Bad’auni’s talking of ‘that sect’ dismantles all the edifice of his argument and its force, for historiography demands application of its principles. And, then reference may be made to what the same Bad’auni, describing the flight of Sheikh Mubarak, wrote: “Having obtained a sort of permission” (on representation by ‘Shaikh Abdun Nabi and Makhdum–ul–mulk, and other learned men at Court’) to remove him, they dispatched police officers to bring him before the Emperor. But they found that the Shaikh with his two sons (Shaikh Faizi and Shaikh Abul Fazl) had

53


concealed himself, they demolished the pulpit in his prayer room.”35 It may be stated here that both the pulpit and the prayer–room carry their sanctity in Islam.

Referring to help to the helpless and orphans at places, (Khairpurah and Dharampurah), established, to feed the poor, Bad’auni says: “Some of Abul Fazl’s people were put in–charge of them. They spent his Majesty’s money in feeding the poor.” (Muntakhab–ut–Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. A. H. Lowe, 1973, p. 334).

While irregularities may or may not be denied, it must be accepted that things were managed by ‘Abul Fazl’s people.’ Abul-Fazl’s concern for the poor, the helpless and the weak, as recorded by Henry Blochmann, was as under:

“He never said anything improper. Abuse, stoppages of wages, fines, absence on the part of his servants, did not exist in his household; if he appointed a man, whom he afterwards found to be useless, he did not remove him, but kept him on as long as he could; for he used to say that, if he dismissed him, people would accuse him of want of penetration in having appointed an unsuitable agent. On the day when the sun entered Aries, he inspected the whole household and took stock, keeping the inventory with himself. He also gave his whole wardrobe to his servants, with the exception of his trousers, which were burnt in his presence.”36

54

Appendix

The forgoing account justly deserves to be read along with this of Bada’uni’s account that Abul Fazl ‘…became the cause of the ruin of all the servants of God, especially of Shaikhs, and pious men, of the helpless and orphans, whose livings and grants he cut down..’, to help find out the cause case by case. Abul Fazl’s thought and actions followed a well-chartered direction; when Bairam Khan, whom Adolf Waley describes as ‘an adviser with powers almost as great as those of a regent,’ died, the Emperor, mourning his death, said:

“Alas! my faithful helper! You were always like a father to me. What shall I do now? You taught me to lead an army to win battles, Alas, alas! My heart is sore.”

As against the above expression, Abul Fazl is quoted to have said to himself:

“So, Bairam is dead at last…as long as… he lived, he would always make Akbar long to have wars and fight battles, for Bairam always told him that the true king is the one who fights all the time. But now perhaps I can make Akbar see that the true king is the one who makes all his people love him, not to be frieghtened of him.”37

To conclude our discussion on controversies over Abul Fazl and his conduct, we should refer to the following account also:

“Controversies over Abu’l Fazl have been raging from his first rise to prominence until the present day.

55


The disputants have not particularly troubled to analyse his character, or to estimate his importance; rather have they striven to place him in this or that religious category, referring not to his personality but to his conformity, or otherwise, with their own conception of Islamic orthodoxy.”38

Shaikh Mubarak died at Lahore on Zequ’ad 17, 1001 A.H.,/September 4, 1593c and then his illustrious son Faizi died on Safar 10, 1004 A.H. corresponding to October 5, 1595c. Earlier, almost six years ago, at the end of 1589c Abul Fazl had lost his mother. And now Faizi was gone! Not only that Abul Fazl loved his, brother, Faizi, intensely but also valued his poetic genius, as entered in his A’in: ‘The genius of thought in his (Faizi) poems will never be forgotten.’ When Abul Fazl’s mother died, Akbar paid him a visit and offered the condolences.39

In 1599c, Abul Fazl was inducted for the first time in active imperial military service: As described earlier, he was sent to Deccan. The Emperor had already recalled Khan Khanan. Abul Fazl was asked to return with Prince Murad, who could not succeed in managing the situation, provided the officers could responsibly guard the conquered territory there. If not, he was to send back the Prince and take command with Shah Rukh Mirza. Prince Murad, retreating from Ahmadnagar, encamped ‘near Tembhumi (at frontier of Ahmadnagar kingdom) inMay,1599c.’ Inflicted by the death of his infant son, Mirza Rustam, Murd was now

56

Appendix

drinking heavily. Knowing of Abul Fazl’s mission, Murad retreated to avoid his meeting Abul-Fazl, and to receive Akbar’s letter, which he carried; thus he wanted to avoid his ‘returning to his father’.

Abul Fazl arrived at Burhanpur, the capital of Khandesh. As described, he asked Bahadur Khan, the ruler, to help the ‘imperial cause’, but he showed his disinclination. Instead, he sent presents to Abul Fazl, which were returned by Abul Fazl to him.

Abul Fazl was now surging ahead; the imperial officers urged a retreat, but a determined Abul Fazl gave a deaf to ear to them. He had been lored in a cloister; he was approaching his fiftieth year; he had never before been in active military service; but he had the dauntless spirit of a soldier; he refused to retreat and show his back to the enemy; he pushed manfully on: he was in a hurry to reach Ahmadnagar.

The queen regent (Chand Bibi) agreed that if Abul Fazl would punish her enemies, she would surrender the fortress of Ahmadnagar. Abul Fazl entered into an agreement with Chand Bibi, providing that ‘after punishing Abhang Khan,’ at war with her, (she) ‘should accept Janir as fief and give up the fort of Ahmadnagar.’

Akbar resolved to proceed to Deccan himself, because Abdullah II, who, after wresting Badakhshan from his cousins, was intending to annex Kabul also, had died. An advance force under the command of

57


Prince Daniyal40 was sent, associated with Khan Khanan. When the force reached Burhanpur, a disloyal Bahadur Khan did not pay respect to the Prince. The Emperor was encamped at Ujjain. Knowing about Bahadur Khan’s attitude, he asked Abul Fazl to join him. Daniyal was sent to Ahmadnagar to take over the command. Abul Fazl, leaving Mirza Shah Rukh, Mir Murtaza and Khwaja Abul Hasan in-charge at Ahmadndagar, hastened to reach Ujjain to meet the Emperor. On hearing of Abul Fazl’s coming to Ahmadnagar, Prince Daniyal ordered ‘suspension of all operation’, because, as put, he wanted to get all the credit for the operations himself. An honest and loyal Abul Fazl met his master at Khargo, near Bilagarh, where he reached on 14 th Ramzan, 1008 A.H. The Emperor received him reciting:

Farkhundey Shabey Bayed wa Khush M’ahtabey T’a B’a Tu Hikayat Kunum Az Har B’abey(Auspicious is the night and pleasant is the moon-light; so, I wish to discuss with you on each and every subject).

The couplet recited by the Emperor is a pointer to the abilities of Abul Fazl including those as a statesman, whose hand “is clearly discernable in the various decrees which (were) issued from the imperial offices. If the secret consultations of the Council Chamber would be revealed to us, his (Abul Fazl’s) fame as a statesman would probably stand higher even than his well deserved literary reputation.”41

58

Appendix

In the mean time, Prince Salim, who was earlier sent by his father against Rana of Udaipur, rebelled, and assumed the title of ‘king.’ The Emperor returned from Burhanpur, and a reconciliation was effected. Then, the Prince rebelled again in the early forty-seventh regnal year and went to Allahabad. Unfortunate, it was that a number of loyal and best officers of Akbar supported the rebel Prince. Akbar recalled Abul Fazl, asking him ‘to leave the troops of his contingent in the Dekhin.’ A loyal Abul Fazl put his son, Abdur Rahman, in–charge of his corps, and hastened to join the Emperor at Agra. He was accompanied by a few trustworthy ones. Salim, who hated Abul Fazl, as is evident from the episode of his visiting Abul Fazl’s house and his complaining to the Emperor of his duplicity in teaching other than what he believed in, persuaded a greedy Raja Bir Singh, Bundela Chief of Urcha (Udchaha) to way-lay Abul Fazl: Abul Fazl was on his journey towards Narwar. He was about half a kos from Sarai Bir, lying six kos from Narwar, when Bir Singh’s men appeared. Abul Fazl was advised to avoid the fight: Gada’n Khan Afghan suggested that he should retreat to Antri, where Rai Rayon and Suraj Sing were in command of three thousand imperial horses; but a brave Abul Fazl refusing to flee away, decided to defend himself. He was over-powered, and pierced with the lance, he fell dead (Rabi al-Awwal 4, 1111A.H/August 12,1602c); his head was cut off and sent to Prince Salim in Allahabad, who had promised Bir Singh to give him command of 5,000 cavalry: And, lo! Thence after it happened so:

59


“On my accession, I promoted Raja Bir Singh, a Bundela Rajput, to a command of three thousands.” Praising his father’s friend and staunch supporter, Abul Fazl’s killer, Raja Bir Singh, Salim (Jahangir) said: “He is one of my favorites, and he is certainly distinguished among his equals for his bravery, good character, and straight forwardness.” Then, Jahangir referring to Abul Fazl, firstly praises him, using words of ‘learning’, ‘wisdom’ and ‘loyalty’, etc., to describe traits of his character and then adds to say (that) “He was no friend and damaged openly and secretly my reputation …I knew that if Abul Fazl were to come back to Court, I would have been deprived of every chance to effect a reconciliation (with Akbar).” But a sin is a sin, it haunts the guilty, who firstly searches for excuses and then takes refuge behind high, though weak walls of ingenuine defence, knowing it well that intentions howsoever concealed, will eventually unfold themselves: Thus, Jahangir too, when alluding to Abul Fazl’s murder, says in his ‘Memoirs’ that he ordered Abul Fazl’s killing because “he had been the enemy of the Prophet.”

Akbar learning of Abul Fazl’s murder, bewailed his death – historians say ‘more than that of his son’s - for several days, he did not see anyone. Enquiring into the circumstances of his friend and adviser’s murder, he said:

“If Salim wished to be emperor, he might have killed me, and spared Abul Fazl.” To this, we are

60

Appendix

tempted to add ‘for the development and welfare of Hindustan and her people.’ Akbar also recited the following couplet:

Shaikh-e-m’a Az Shauq-e-bihad Soo-ey M’a ‘AmadeyZey Ishtiaq-e-P’a Bosi Bey Sar-o-p’a ‘Amadey

(My Shaikh in his extreme avidity hastened to come to me in his ardent desire to kiss my feet; he came headless and sans his legs).

To punish Bir Singh, Akbar sent a detachment, commanded by Patr Das and Raj Singh to Udcha. Bir Singh, driven from Bhander, was shut up in lrich. Ultimately, he escaped and disappeared in the jungle. Patr Das was called to Court. Bir Singh was followed, encountered and was even wounded. With Akbar’s falling health and then his death, and above all reconciliation of Salim with his father leading to his accession after him (Akbar), emboldened the murderer and the fugitive. He appeared unto this Emperor, Jahangir, and received reward for his crime – Udcha’ and command of three thousand horses. Here ends the story of a man whose ‘influence on his age was immense’; but then it was the end of a life story – the story of the remarkable continual performances of a man, who performed importanlty and effectively, giving shape to what was occurring in his brilliant mind as a man, and as administrator in conjugation with the delicate and finest feelings. He deserves to be remembered and adored as the one, who guided by humanism, perfect toleration and poetic fervor, beconed

61


willing administrators to extend all–embracing love to their peoples around sans any gag or botlleneck.

The date of Abul Fazl’s death was derived by Khan-i-Azam Mirza Koka by totalling the numerical values, derived from the alphabets (rebel), used in the sentence: (The sword of the miracle of God’s Prophet cut off head of the rebel).

The Persian word (b’aghi) means rebel. It has the numerical value of 1013. If the head of the word, i.e., the letter is cut off, it will give 1011A.H.,thus; 1013 – 2=1011 A.H. It is the hijra year in which Abul Fazl was murdered.

Abul Fazl appeared to Khan-i-Azam in his dream and said, the date of my death lies in the words (Bandey Abul Fazl), the slave Abul Fazl, which likewise gives 1011 A.H.

REFERENCES:

1. As given by J. Talboys Wheeler in his ‘India Under the Mughal Rule, Part I, Cosmos Publications, Delhi – 110 006, 1975, p. 154

2. Ibid.

3. Built by Babar in the neighborhood of the famous Saint, Mir Rafiuddin Safavi of Shiraz (lnju), Persia.

4. The A’in–i–Akbari, Vol. I. (Biography of Abul Fazl Allami, Tr. H. Blochmann, Ed. Lieut–Colonel

62

Appendix

D.C. Phillott, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, 1977, p. XXVI.

5. Ibid, pp. XXXIII–XXXIV.

6. Ibid, p. XXXIV

7. “He was a mystic, who borrowed his imagery from flowers and perfumes, from beauty and intoxication. Sometimes he poured forth the yearnings of his soul in intelligible poetry; at others, he expressed his aspirations after God in the language of the lover and the wine–bibner. His verses reached the ears of Akbar. The young Padishah had no taste for poetry in general; he was sufficiently interested in the new ideas to invite Abul Faiz to Court. Henceforth, the fortunes of the Mubarak family began to brighten. The Ulema ceased to persecute; Mubarak returned to Agra.”

- J. Talboys Wheeler, India Under the Mughal Rule, Vol. II, Pt. I, Cosmos Publications, Delhi – 110 006, 1975, p. 155.

8. Ibid.

9. The A’in–i–Akbari, Vol. I, Biography of Abul Fazl Allami by the Translator, H. Blochmann, Ed. Lieut- Colonel D.C. Phillott, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, p. XXXIV.

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid.

12. Nurul Hasan, in the Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. I, E. J. Brill, Leiden, the Netherlands, 1967, p. 118.

63


13. S.M. Jafar, The Mughal Empire From Babar to Aurangzeb, Ess Ess Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1974, p. 160.

14. Ibid, p.168.

15. History of the Rise of the Mohamedan Power in India, Vol. II, p. 110.

16. Introduction: India Painted by Mortiner Menpes Described by Flora Annie Steel, Neeraj Publishing House, Delhi - 110 052, 1982, p. 357.

Even Bad’auni, otherwise a critic of Abul Fazl states: “At this time Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, son and heir of Shaikh Mubarak of Nagor, the star of whose knowledge and understanding was brilliant, came to Court, and received many marks of distinction.”

Muntakhab–ut–Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. W.H. Lowe, Idarah–i–Adabiyat–i–Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1973, p. 176.

17. The A’in–i–Akbari, Vol. I, Tr. H. Blochmann, Ed. Lieut.-Colonel D.C. Plillott, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, 1977, p. XXXVI.

18. Al-Badaoni, Muntakhab–ut–Tawarikh, Vol, II, Tr. W.H. Lowe, Idaraha – i – Adabiyat – i – Delli , Delhi – 110 006, 1973, p. 177.

Bad’auni remembers Abul Fazl by saying (that): “He is the man that set the world in flames. He lighted up the lamp of the Cabahis, illustrating thereby the story of the man, who because he did not know what to do, took up a lamp in broad day light and representing himself opposed to all sects, tied the girdle of infallibility

64

Appendix

round his waist, according to the saying: “He who continually takes the offensive, does not commit himself as to his own opinion.” He laid before the Emperor Commentary on the ‘Ayat–ul Kursi (al–Qur’an, II, 256), which contained a good many of the subtleties of the Qur’an; and though people said it was written by his father, Abul Fazl was much praised.” Then, attributing the reason for the praise Bad’auni continues saying: “But the Emperor praised it, chiefly because he expected to find in Abu–i–Fazl a man capable of teaching the Mullas a lesson (whose price certainly resembles of plarash)..” (p. 201).

19. Al–Badaoni, Muntakhab–ut–Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. W.H. Lowe, Idarah–i–Adabiyat–i–Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1973, p. 205.

20. J. Talboys Wheeler, India Under the Mughal Rule, Vol. II, Pt I, Cosmos Publications, Delhi – 110 006, 1975, p. 157. Mnemosynon for the date is “woe to the heratic… and the worldly man; and another. “The pillar of heresy is broken.” (ii, 419).

21. The Document, signed in Rajab, 987 A.H/ September, 1579c, was submitted to the Emperor in Shaikh Mubarak’s hand–writing (Bad’auni).

22. A narration similar to this, quotad hereunder, appears in the Akbar nama, Vol. III, p. 400, (Tr. H. Beveridge): But in the preceding sentence Abul Fazl talks of the Emperor’s just behavior with non-muslims also, and then there appear these three points, thus: “Three things supported the evil-minded gossips: First – The sages of different religions assembled at Court, and as every religion has some good in it, each received some

65


praise. From a spirit of justice, the badness of any sect could not weave a veil over its merits. Second – The season of “Peace with all” was honoured at the Court of the Caliphate, and various tribes of mankind of various natures obtained spiritual and material success. Third – evil nature and crooked ways of the base one of the age.”

23. After referring to Mulla Mohammad Yazdi in his style, Bad’auni adds: “But he was left behind by Bir Bar – that bastard! (ii, 214). Further “On the tenth of the month of Cafar of this year (1004 A. H.), the King of Poets, Shaikh Faizi… passed from this world… And….he went to his own place and a mnemosynon for the date is “Woe to the heretic and Shiah.., and natural philosopher, and the wordly man”, and another “The pillar of heresy is broken.” [Muntakhab-ut-Tawarik, ii, p. 420]

24. Introduction, A’in–i–Akbari, Vol. I. Tr. H. Blochmann, Ed. Lieut.,–Colonel D.C. Phillott, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, 1977, p. XXXVIII.

25. E.J. Brill, Leiden, the Netherlands 1960, p. 118.

26. Faizi was appointed as tutor to Prince Murad. He entered the military service and received Mansab. He and his brother, Abul Fazl, remained at Court in Fathpur Sikri, and were also asked to join the Emperor on his expositions. In 989 A. H., Faizi was appointed Sadr of Agra, Dalpi and Kalinjar. He, enquired ‘into the possibility of resuming Sayurghal (free tenures). In the end of 1588c, Faizi was designated Poet Laureate,

66

Appendix

for ‘after Amir Khusrau of Delhi, Mohammedan India has seen no greater poet than Faizi.’ (H. Blochmann).

27. Introduction to A’in–i–Akbari, Vol. I, H. Bhochmann, Ed. Lieut.–Colonel D. C. Phillott, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, 1977, p. l.

- Sufia follow Shariah. Hence, anyone who claims “for himself a position above the law of the Prophet,” is not a Sufi at all.

28. Ibid, p. Xl.

29. India Under the Mughal Rule, Vol.II, Pt. I, Cosmos Publications, Delhi – 110 006, 1975, p. 156.

30. Neeraj Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1982, p. 357.

31. Muntakhab–ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. W.H Lowe, Idarah – i – Adabiyat – i – Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1973, p. 309.

32. Nurul Hasan in the Encyclopeadia of Islam, Vol. I, E.J. Brill, Leiden, the Netherlands, 1960, p. 118.

33. Introduction to A’in–i–Akbari, Vol. I, Tr. H. Blochmann, Ed. Lieut.-Colonel D.C. Phillott, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 100 055, 1977, pp. l-li

34. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II Tr. W.H. Lowe, Idara–i–Adabiyat-i- Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1973, p. 202.

35. Ibid. p. 203.

36. Quoted from Introduction to A’in–i–Akbari, Vol I, Tr. H. Blochmann, Ed. Lieut.–Colonel D.C. Phillott,

67


Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110 005, 1977, pp. l-li.

37. See Stacy Waddy, The Great Mughal, Oxford University Press, Oxford, U.K., 1913, p. 128.

38. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History in Akbar’s Reign With Special Refrence to Abul Fazl (1556-1605), Munshiram Manoharlal Publications Pvt. Ltd., New Deljhi- 110055, 1975, p. 492.

39. Condoling the death of his mother, Akbar said to Abul Fazl, “If the people of this world lived for ever and did not surrender except on one path (death), kind–hearted friends would have not found balm (for their wounds), except in resignation and submision (to Him and His Will). As one stays in this Carvansarai (world) for long; where else the inflicted could get strength to such a measure (to sustain).”

40. For Salim, ‘loth to accept any employment, at a distance from the Capital’, had declined to accept the command in Deccan. Daniyal left Agra on June 4, 1599c.

41. Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir, Allahabad, 1940, p. 31.

________

68

Appendix

III

AKBAR: THE JUST AND MAGNIFICENT

The Ruler and his Reforms:

Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar (b. November 23, 1542, d. October 21, 1605) was proclaimed Emperor of Hindustan on February 14, 1556 in a ceremony, organized by Bairam Khan in a garden at Kalanaur; though earlier too on February 11, 1556, in a ceremony organized at Delhi, after the death of his father, Humayun (d. January 26, 1556c), he was declared Emperor of Hindustan. Akbar was about fourteen years of age then.1 The Khutba was read at Delhi, and the hemistich composed narrated: “More noble than all princes he”; at the date of (the death of his father) said he: ‘Prince of the age am I. And, another (mnemosynon) they found for the date, said: ‘The granter of desires.’ (The sum of the numerical values of the letters of each of these three (expressed), in Persian, gives the date 963 A.H.”2

“He was born king of men, with a rightful claim to rank as one of the greatest sovereigns, known to history, opines Vincent A. Smith; to Sir Wolsely Haig, Akbar was ‘unquestionably the greatest of all rulers of the Muslim period.” ‘Elizabeth I of England, Henry IV of France and Abbas I of Persia were great monarchs,’ records Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, ‘but none excels

69


Akbar either in idealism or in the conception of his duty, or even in concrete achievements. He legislated not only for his own generation but also for those that were to follow.”3 R.P. Tripathi remembers Akbar as ‘one of the greatest kings which historic India had ever had.’ To T.S. Roy, he is ‘one of the few royal figures that approach the stature of great men.’ J. Talboys Wheeler finds resemblance in the behavior of Akbar and Ashoka: Both were ‘kind hearted.’

Akbar found his Hindustan in anarchy and confusion. Sikandar Sur and Muhammad Shah Adil contested the sovereignty. Muhammad Shah Adil’s indomitable commander-in-chief, Hemu,4 captured Agra and then occupied Delhi – the Governor Tardi Beg, was defeated and put to flight. Hemu was now marching towards Punjab. Ultimately, he was defeated and was brought in bound by Shah Quli Khan. Akbar was begged by Khan–Khanan to slay him and ‘acquire merit by a holy combat.’ But, as put by Abul Fazl, Akbar “replied in words that were the interpretation of truth and were for the instruction of the wise, that his lofty spirit did not permit him to slay a captive and that it seemed to him that in the justice–hall of the Only One there was nothing meritorious in such an act. Though simple loyalists importuned and pressed him, the Shahinshah showed himself more and more averse to the proceeding…At last Bairam Khan, Khan–Khanan, when he perceived that H.M., was not inclined to take his view, withdrew from the attempt…. and killed Hemu with his sword.” 5

70

Appendix

Vincent A. Smith, describing Abul Fazl’s narration as ‘false’ and relying on Ahmad Yadgar’s account of the event rendered in 1595c i.e., forty years after the event, and drawing his logic from it, and confirmation from Van en Brocke, a Dutch writer (whose writing appeared after 1620c), said (that) ‘Akbar did severe Himu’s head.’ Those in agreement with Vincent Smith are Sukumar Ray (The Dacca University Studies, November, 1935, pp. 76-101) and Laet De Imperio Magni Mongolis, Sive India Vera (Lugduni Batavorum, Elzevir, 1631, pp. 174-181 - English Translation by E. Lethbridge as ‘Fragments of Indian Histroy,’ Calcutta Review, 1873, pp. 170, 220). Needless to say that those supporting Vincent Smith, do not provide first hand information.

Those disagreeing with Smith are Khawaja Nizamudin Ahmad (Tabq’at-i-Akbari, Calcutta, 1918-1935), Bad’auni and Jahangir (Tuzuk, Ghazipur and Aligarh, p. 17).

Bad’auni says: “Shaikh Gada-i Kamboh and the others said to the Emperor, “Since this is your Majesty’s first war against the infidels, you should flesh your sword in this unbeliever…” “Why should I strike him now that he is already as good as dead? If sensatition and activity were left in him, I would do so.” Then, the Khan Khanan was the first to strike his sword into him… and following his example Shaikh Gada-i, and the others, deliberately made an end of him….”6

71


Ashoka turned a kind-hearted saint after the battle of Kalinga. J. Talboys Wheeler states: “The reign of Akbar is one of the most important in the history of the world. He bears a strange resemblance to that of Ashoka. Indeed the kindness of Akbar and Ashoka is one of the most remarkable in history. They were separated from each other by an interval of eighteen centuries; the main features of their respective lives were particularly the same.”7

“Princes with sympathetic qualities were not entirely lacking in the seven centuries of Mohammadan dominion in India, and they shine forth as points of light from the gloomy horror of this time, but they fade out completely before the luminous picture of the man who governed India for half a century (1556-1605c) and by a wise, gentle and just reign brought about a season of prosperity such as the land had never experienced in the millenniums of its history. This man, whose memory even today is revered by the Hindus, was a descendant of Baber, Abul Fath Jelaleddin Muhammed, known by the surname Akbar “the Great,” which was conferred upon the child even when he was named, and completely supplanted the name that properly belonged to him. And truly he justified the epithet, for great, fabulously great, was Akbar a man, general, statesman and ruler, - all in all a prince who deserves to be known by every one whose heart is moved by the spectacle of true human greatness.”8

72

Appendix

Reference may be made here to a kind–hearted and benevolent ruler Akbar’s care for the poor. It was in 911 A.H., that “His Majesty,” says Bad’auni, “built outside the town two places for feeding the poor Hindus and Musalmans, one of them being called Khairpurah, and the other Dharampurah. Some of Abul Fazl’s people were put in charge of them. They spent His Majesty’s money in feeding the poor. As an immense number of Jogis also flocked to this establishment, a third place was built, which got the name Jogipurah.”9

Further, as told by Abul Fazl, “one of the occurrences was the laying the foundation of poor-houses. From abundant graciousness and kindness an order was given to the workmen that they should erect Sarais in the various quarters of the Capital, and make them over to benevolent and generous persons so that the poor and needy of the world might have a home whithout having to look for it, or to endure the pain of wanting. In short space of time, orders were admirably carried out, and those without resources enjoyed the comfort of a home in a foreign land.”10 A charity fund was established in the place, which received contributions from the officers as well. Besides this Tulad’an, the Emperor got himself weighed on different occasions against different materials which were distributed as charity to the poor.”11

Akbar was kind to animals also: on Safar 14, 986 A.H April 20, 1578c he resolved to have Gamargha hunt in the neighborhood of a place called Bhera (in Shahpur district of Punjab, or as put by Bad’auni, near

73


Nandana, or, as stated by the translater in Nandana Rohtak), situated at the banks of the Jhelum. The hunting was organized. But as described by Abul Fazl, “the ‘jazba’of cognition of God cast his ray…he in thanksgiving for this great boon set free many thousands of animals. Active men made every endevor that no one should touch the feather of a finch and that they should allow all animals to depart according to their habit.”12 Thus, as ordered, the hunting was stopped and the captured animals were freed.

Reaching Fathpur Sikri, he made a journey to Ajmer, and returning to Fathpur Sikri on September 12, 1578. There he “signalized his arrival .. by an act of profusion which may perhaps be connected with the vision at Bhera. He filled a dry cistern with coined money, to the value of four and a quarter million rupees, which was distributed in charity and gifts to his Courtiers and learned men..”13

Though a mighty conqueror, indeed, Akbar did not usually indulge in cruelty for its own sake. “On some rare occasions his temper got the upper hand; then the culprits were summarily dealt with… But he usually maintained perfect self control. His manners were extremely charming and his address pleasant, for which he has been highly praised by all who came in contact with him. He was able to win the love and reverence of his subjects….”14

Akbar could command love and respect of his subjects, because he was highly effective in

74

Appendix

communication skill, also; but then merely skill sans justice, reform and restoration of human rights without any bias, cannot take one long. Akbar knew the intricacies of ‘what,’ ‘whom’ and ‘when’. And, he was an effective orator indeed! Abul Fazl sayeth:

“…God be praised! H.M., the Shahinshah (Akbar) merely by the help of God, while he is in the crowd of the short– thoughed and superficial, does not proceed upon his God–given wisdom, but converses with every group, nay with every individual suitably with the latter’s comprehension. Accordingly, the acute of every group conjecture or rather are certain that the prince of the world has no other understanding or knowledge except what he shows to them!...”15

But then mere words, expressive of intentions, cannot do that good which is effected by action. Hence, the right approach to this would be: act and express, or, initially to express, devolve and involve to act, more so when decisions are to be made by a team, rather than by an individual. Akbar was sympathetic and considerate. He was born to rule and lead - careful in his approach and benevolent in action. “He was a born leader”, says K.P. Bahadur, “and can rightly claim to be one of the mightiest sovereigns known to history… His reign witnessed the final transformation of the Mughals from mere military invaders into a permanent Indian dynasty.”16

Thus, one can understand it well that the sovereign must have aimed at and worked for social

75


unity of his empire. And, social unity can best be achieved within the folds and working of a ‘Welfare State.’ “Akbar was the first architect of a welfare state, a ruler not of an empire but of a nation. He was the first to obtain obedience by love in addition to fear… A strict disciplinarian, he was also a shrewd judge of men, granting favours where deserved and punishing where needed…. When it needed someone to dig the foundation, it found Babur; when it needed someone to fill it up, it had Humayun, and when the foundation was ready and the edifice was to be built, there came Akbar.”17 Further, social unity coupled with political unity and stability leads to peace and development. “Akbar was the first Muslim ruler of this country to see the vision of a united India and to work ceaselessly for the consummation of this ideal. No. doubt Ala-ud-din Khalji and to a lesser extent Muhammad bin Tughlaq were the first in the field, but their ideal was restricted to political, and in some cases administrative unity only. They had no idea of providing a common literature, and a common art, and of creating one common society, at least for the intelligentia of the country. Akbar had a clear vision of the unity, which runs through his utterances and is recorded in Abul Fazl’s Akbar Nama… He… championed the territorial and national unity of India…Abul Fazl propounded the theory that for the sake of peace and prosperity, justice and good government, Akbar wanted the conquest of the entire county.”18

76

Appendix

Not only that, Akbar built the edifice; he gave a new look to it, blessed with the fragrance of love and care for his subjects, providing for future growth. Abul Fazl says, of course, with Akbar in his mind (that) “A king is .. the origin of stability and possession. If royalty did not exist, the storm of strife would never subside, nor selfish ambition (would) disappear… But by the light of imperial justice, some follow with cheerfulness the road of obedience, whilst others abstain from violence through fear of punishment, and out of necessity make choice of the path of rectitude.”19

To help create such a cohesive, and responsive polity, subjects must be made intellectually responsible and morally equipped and strengthened. One, therefore, finds in Akbar’s empire the post of Muhtasib (In–charge of reforming public morals). Besides practical regulation for material welfare of his subjects “Akbar’s efforts for the ethical uplift of his subjects”, says Richard von’ Gorbe, “are noteworthy. Drunkness and debauchery were punished and he sought to restrain prostitution by confining dancing girls and abandoned women in one quarter, set apart for them outside of his residence which received the name Shaitanpura or “Devil’s City”.

Required emphasis on spread of education, was laid, and as the Emperor was interested in it, a number of educational institutions were founded. The system of education was reformed and the knowledgeable teachers were provided. “In the first place, the curriculum was so

77


modified as to enable the students to equip themselves intellectually according to their aims and ambitions. Secondly, the modus operandi of teaching was so improved that it took comparatively very little time to acquire a fairly decent education. Stipends and scholarship were granted to deserving students and arrangements were made for the free education for poor students. Provisions were also made for the education of Hindu students in Muslim Schools and Persian was made a compulsory subject for all. Women’s education was not reglected. The Emperor himself maintained a girls’ school in his own palace at Fatehpur Sikri. Technical education was diffused by the system of apprenticeship.”20

Educating people by an imperial ruler must win the appreciation of all, for education empowers; makes one conscious of his surroundings, problems of life and also of the causes therefor, as also of the ‘causative factors’ of the causes. Ruthless rulers and dictators are averse to it. It will be interesting here to refer to what was said by Katherine, Czarina II, of Russia: “It is easy to rule ignorant masses”. But then a just monarch must never be afraid of all this. One, in his concern for enlightenment of the people, may find himself in tune with Akbar’s Scheme of Education, his desire to make Hindustan a ‘united nation’, verily so. Persian, being the State language, was made a compulsory subject of study for all. Spread of education and intellectual emancipation are inter-linked in more than one way, for education creates sensitivities, and individuals begin to

78

Appendix

question; gradually the entire surroundings are encompassed. With this in mind, it is found innovative and bold of Akbar. It is not that education as an intellectual activity was non–existent, then. Nay, it was not so. But notable is tthe keeness in spreading education in the Hindustan of those days by an Imperial Majesty. “There was but little”, says H.G. Keene, “in the Hindustan of those days, corresponding with the intellectual emancipation then beginning to break forth in Europe. Nevertheless, so far as one man could affect national movements, society in Hindustan was moving….”

Education and enlightenment of the people of Hindustan in general was sine qua non. These were needed, and Akbar was stressing at both, education and enlightenment. He was stressing at merit also. As mentioned in Dabistan, “Akbar paid no regard to hereditary power or pedigree, but favored those whom he found to excel in knowledge and in conduct.” Thus, we find that ‘knowledge’ and ‘morality’ both were assigned weightage. And, as the knowledgeable were encouraged and assigned responsibilities, we can safely say that it aimed at efficiency in administration and developing, what we call today, a ‘knowledge economy.’ When merit is given consideration, prejudice and bias are gradually shunned. We find (that) “Akbar appreciated and rewarded merit from whatever sources it was evinced, irrespective of caste and creed. The Imperial service was not the monopoly of the ruling class. It was open to all men of merits, rulers or ruled.

79


No ban was put on Hindus. Those among them, who deserved, were entrusted with the highest civil as well as military posts. As appointment to every post rested with the Emperor, he used his judgment independently in the selection of the pick for the Imperial Service. By opening career to talents, he secured the services of the best brains of India and outside. If the different departments of Mughal Government worked efficiently in the time of Akbar, it was because the Imperial Service was maintained in a state of efficiency.”21 It, therefore, became evident that instead of recommendations, independent judgment in matters of appointments was exercised, and that evidently recommendations were rejected. We may refer here to the non-acceptance of Shah Tahmasp’s recommendation to Akbar for promoting Sultan Mahmud of Bhakkar and decorating him with the title of Khan Khanan.

The recommendation was rejected because, as put by Abul Fazl, “the Khedive of the world, was seated on the m asned of appreciation of merit and justice, the currency required was merit, not recommendation.”22

Interestingly, we may refer to what Abul Fazl has written in his Preface to the A’in, expressive of rejecting the appointment of ‘low men’ – the dishonest, the vicious and the unmerited; and, if appointed, to treat them not at par with the merited, worthy and the honest, thus:

“It is.. necessary for the just kings, to make themselves first acquainted with the rank and character

80

Appendix

of men, by the light of insight and penetration, and then to regulate business accordingly. And hence it is that the sages of ancient times have said that princes who wear the jewel of wisdom, do not appoint every low man to their service, that they do not consider every one who has been appointed, to be deserving of daily admittance; that those who are thus favored, are not therefore deemed worthy to sit with them on the carpet of intercourse; that those who are worthy of this station, are not necessarily admitted to the pavilion of familiar address; that those who have this privilege, are not therefore allowed to sit in the august assembly; that those upon whom this ray of good fortune falls, are not therefore let into their secrets; and that those who enjoy the happiness of this station, are not therefore fit for admission into the Cabinet Council.”23

We find that high salaries were given to Mughal public servants. This helped attract men of merit and abilities, enterprising, and in quest for a career Akbar’s Hindustan, coming from Central and West Asia and other regions, but mainly from Persia (West Asia).

Appreciation and act of rewarding merits and abilities by the Great Moghul is marked by the presence of a number of poets, painters and scholars from Persia and other countries. A large number of Persian poets migrated to India: they came and mingled and won appreciation of the lovers of poetry and also of high ranking amirs and mansabd’ars. Ahmar Golchin M’ani says that the position of ‘Poet Laureate’ was created,

81


and it went to Ghaizath Mashhadi. Tufiq Sobhani mentions that 120 Persian poets were present in India at that time, and 59 of these were stationed in Akbar’s Darbar itself successively over the years. {Abul Fazl gives names of 59 poets, including those from Kashmir, Kabul, Mashhad, Isfahan, Heart, Marw and Bukhara etc. He places Faizi at no.1 – A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol.I, Tr. H. Blochmann} The renowned Persian painters and calligraphists including Khwaja Abd-us-Samad Shirin Qalam, Mir Syed Ali Tabrizi, Muhammad Amin Mashhadi, and Maulana Abdullah Qazvini were not only included in the galaxy, adding shine to the Great Mughal’s darbar, but they and their disciples added to founding of the Indian School of Painting. A number of historians including Riaz-ul-Islam in his Indo-Persian Relations (Iran, 1970) have made mention of this fact. Further, leaving aside the controversy in writing the Tarikh-i-Alfi (History of Thousand Years), we find that among those Seven originally appointed members of the Board of Compilers, five were Persian - Ghiasuddin Qazvini (Naqeeb Khan), Nizammuddin Ahmad Harvi, Hakim Ali Gilani and Hakim Hamman Gilani and Mir Fazlullah Shirazi.

Further, in September, 1582c the Emperor appointed some of the trustworthy amirs to supervise sale and purchase of one chosen commodity, assigned to each, to serve as measure of control over transactions in other commodities in the capital. Out of the twenty such appointees, ten were Persian, namely Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, Zain Khan Harvi, Shah Quli Khan

82

Appendix

Baharlu, Sadiq Khan Harvi, Mirza Yousuf Khan Mashhadi, Qasim Khan Khorasani, Hakim Abul Fath Gilani, Khwaja Abd-us-Samad Shirin Qalam, Ghiasuddin Qazvini and Habibullah Kashi.24

The Emperor fully patronized art and literature. A number of historical works of great importance – Akbar Nama, Ain-i-Akbari, Tarikh-i-Bad’auni (secretly compiled by Abdul Qadir Bad’auni), commentary on A’yat-ul-kursi, Tabaq’at-i-Akbari, and Munshiat of Abul Fath were completed during his (Akbar’s) reign. The Emperor asked Khan-i-Khan Abdur Rahim to put into Persian the Waqiat-i-Babari (Memoirs of Babar), originally in Turkish. Abdul Qadir translated Jama-i-Rashidi into Persian from Arabic, as also a geographical work of importance, Mu’ajam-ul-Buld’an, was translated by Mulla Ahmad Qasim Beg, Shaikh Munawwar, Abul Qadir and some other Scholars. Shah Namah was rendered into prose and the Hay’at-ul-Haiw’an into Persian.

Akbar’s help reached to patronize not only the literature, developed by the Muslims, but also that, developed by the Hindus: Many Hindi and Sanskrit books were translated into Persian. Nall and Daman, an eposide from Mahabharata, was rendered into Persian by Faizi and a number of learned Brahmans, working together. Then in 1582c Akbar ordered that the whole Mahabharata be translated into Persian. “Having invited some erudite Pandits”, Akbar directed “to write an explanation of the copious epic, and for several

83


nights, says Dr. Law, “he himself devoted his attention explaining the meaning to Naqib Khan, Mulla Sheri, Abdul Qadir, Sultan Haji Thaneswari and Shaikh Faizi, who were constantly engaged in its translation. When the arduous task was accomplished, the Great Shaikh wrote its epilogue and the book was rechristened as Razmnamah, or the Book of War.”25 It was at Shergarh (Kannauj) that the Emperor asked Bad’auni to translate Singhasan Battisi into Persian, receiving help from a Brahman scholar, Parshottam. The work was completed and it was given a new title ‘Khirad Afza-namah’ (Book of Inereasing Intelligence). Faizi translated Lilavati (a Treatise on Arithmetic), the Bhagwat Gita and the Atharv Veda; Maulana Sheikh Muhammad Shahabadi translated Rajtarangini, written by Kalhan. It is a valuable work on the history of Kashmir. Nasrullah Mustafa and Maulana Husain Waiz rendered Panchatantra, or Kaliladamnah into Persian. “The translation of the book last named being difficult, an easier adaptation was also made under the name of Ay’ar D’anish.” It was Amir Fathullah Shirazi, who supervized translation of a portion of the Astronomical Tables of Ulugh Beg. Likewise, Abul Fazl guided translation of the Sanskrit works of Kichu Joshi, Gangadhar and Mahesh Mahananda. Abul Fazl translated the Holy Bible into Persian, and artists were employed to provide charming illustrations.

Books were translated also for the sake of the Emperor, whose appetite for knowledge was insatiable – He wanted to know more and more of everything.

84

Appendix

“When Akbar’s recreation hours had come in the night”, says Richard von Garbe, “the poets of his court brought their verses. Translation of famous works in Sanskrit literature, of the New Testament and of other interesting books were read aloud, all of which captivated the vivacious mind of the Emperor from which nothing was farther removed than one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness. Akbar had also a discriminating appreciation for art…”26 He had a liking for art, and as put in the A’in, he said that a painter has quite peculiar means of recognizing God; … and is forced to think of God, the Giver of life, and will thus increase knowledge’; Adding to international import of the techniques of works of art, he encouraged to introduce Chinese or Mongolian paintings.

The monuments erected during his reign, have their own grandeur. “The splendor of his palaces,” says Monserrate, “approaches closely to those of the royal buildings of Europe. They are significantly built, from foundation to cornice, of hewn stone, and are decorated also with many pinnacles, supported on four columns, each of which forms a small covered portico.” (Commentaries, pp. 199-200). This candid statement fully justifies what was remarked by Abul Fazl: “His Majesty plans splendid edifices and dresses the work of his mind and heart in the garment of stone and clay”.

Akbar’s contribution in the art of war and of peace; his deliberate efforts to promote Indian literature, painting, architecture, calligraphy, and poetry bore his

85


spirit of catholicity. He permitted religious freedom. In the year 1002 A.H., being the beginning of the thirty-ninth year from his accession, Akbar promulgated new decrees, which included the following:

“If a Hindu, when a child or otherwise, had been made a Musalman against his will, he was to be allowed, if he pleased, to go back to the religion of his fathers.”

“If any of the infidel chose to build a church or synagogue or idol–temple, or parsi ‘tower of silence’, no one was to hinder him.”27 He permitted the Jesuits to propagate their faith. Akbar abolished Jaziya, or poll tax levied on Hindus and other non-Muslims, in the beginning of his ninth regnal year, (as put by Bad’auni, it was in the year 1579c); prohibited Sati and Female Infinitude, (unfortunately being reported in the 21 st

century Hindustan), took to encourage marriage of widows; prohibited slaughter of cows; forebade the marriage before sixteen and fourteen years for boys and girls respectively; introduced an elaborate system of land revenue, creating conducive atmosphere for development of agriculture, benefiting all concerned, and more importantly established peace with restoration of law and order by devising welfare–oriented polices and programs, “as issued not from a Parliament, a Cortes or a State–General, but from the head of one man, whose era was that of Queen Elizabeth, Philip II and Louis XIV, whose age was that of religious intolerance, rigid Inquisition and ruthless persecution,

86

Appendix

and oppression - (these) are the index of a genius unsurpassed in the annals of the world. From whatever side we approach him, whether as a man, a soldier and a statesman, or as a philosopher, a military commander and a political administrator; or as a reformer, a legislator and a peace–maker, the conviction is forced home on us that he was really one of those few inspired personalities of supreme powers and singular endowments who have, as it were, revealed the future to their present age.”28

“There was much practical simplicity says”, J. Tallboys Wheeler, “in Akbar’s character. It showed itself in a variety of ways.” To know whether divine language would be spoken by the children, if allowed to grow without hearing any human, he in 1579c, shut up twenty ‘wretched infants’, appointing dumb nurses’ to look after them. The children, emerging out after four years from their confinement, were found to be numb like their nurses. Akbar and those others who experimented likewise,29 were to know that while God has bestowed upon man powers of hearing, thinking and speaking, and hath said that ‘We have taught man with pen,’ man has to strive to learn by using his mental and physical powers: Verily, man acquires what he reads, ponders over (phenomena and subjects) and learns from others:

Akbar was illiterate, but being intelligent and having an inquisitives mind, he strived to know things and understand matters in his own way. The Ulama

87


were to satisfy his quest for knowledge, particularly that concerning his faith, for Islam does not prohibit questioning in the procers of acquisition of knowledge, even if it be acquired by going to China, as the holy Prophet said: Acquire knowledge, even if it be from China . To Montserrate, Akbar, in spite of his lack of education, was ‘most learned’, for he acquired for which the most leaned and able do aspire. His acknowledging ‘reason’ to understand religions, though citicized by the Jesuits continues to remain significantly important in understanding a true religion.

Mention may be made here of the Ibadat Khana: Akbar was convinced of the benefits of free discussions in matters of religion too. This idea prompted him to found at Fathpur Sikri, in the vicinity of Agra, the famous ‘Ibadat Khana’, which, says Richard von Garbe, was literally ‘the house of worship’, but in reality ‘the house of controversy.’ Here, scholars and religious men of all sects gathered every Thursday evening; entered into discussion, and, were given an opportunity to defend their creed. The Emperor himself remained present, and cooperated and presided. He was invariably accompanied by Abul Fazl. “How badly the Ulama came off on these controversial evenings, was to be foreseen. Since they had no success with their futile arguments, they soon resorted to cries of fury, insults to their opponents and even to personal violence, often turning against each other and hurling curses upon their own numbers.”30 “Akbar and Abul Fazl always preserved their serenity,” says Adolf Waley, “but by

88

Appendix

degrees the Emperor grew weary of the bigotry and narrowness of the disputing Ulama, and doubts arose in his mind….” Further, as stated by Richard von Grabe: “In these dissensions the inferiority of the Ulama, who nevertheless had, always put forth such great claims, was so plainly betrayed that Akbar learned to have a profound contempt for them.” In their contempt for each other, they called one another ‘Kafir’ (Infidel). Added to other factors, this led to the signing of the document by ‘the principal Ulama and lawyers’ in Rajab 897 A.H. (Bad’aouni, II, W. H. Lowe, p. 279).

Almost two years before promulgating Din-i-Ilahi on (February, 1582c), that the first Jesuit mission led by father Montserrate, reached Fathpur Sikri on February 18, 1580c, They were accorded honor. Their refusal to accept 800 gold pieces, offered by Akbar, impressed him. Akbar curiously enquired about their doctrine and allowed the Padrees of this and other missions to propagate their faith. They returned carrying the hope that “they might succeed in inducing him to become the Constantine of the East…(but) Some of the doctrines of the Christian faith, above all the Incarnation, presented difficulties to Akbar…”31

Further, in the event of his becoming Christian, Akbar was to divorce all but one of his wives. After a stay of three years at the Court, the mission returned in 1583c.

Another Christian mission arrived in 1591c, which stayed for three years: “In 1590 a Greek sub-deacon named Leo Grimon, passing through India with

89


the object of traveling to Europe by way of Goa, had reached Lahore, and had been entrusted with a letter to the Portuguese authorities, requesting that some priests might be sent to Court. The letter seemed to indicate a desire on Akbar’s part to embrace Christianity, and two Portuguese priests set out for Lahore with high hopes, only to discover on reaching the Court that the emperor was in his usual frame of mind… continued to issue regulations for his disciples in the Divine Faith .The priests were well content to find that he had abjured Islam…,”32 instead of being extremely unhappy at the utter failure of their mission.

The Third Jesuit mission arrived in 1595c at Lahore, where the Imperial Court was residing. “Of the Second mission the Provincial of the Order of Jesus at Goa had reported, with reference to its failure to convert Akbar: ‘Venerunt filii usque ad partum, sed virtus non est pariende.’ The new missionaries, Jerome Xavier, a grand–nephew of St. Francis, Father Pinheiro and Brother Benedict de Goes, had been sent in response to another appeal from Akbar, and though no prospect of his conversion remained, they were permitted to, even encouraged to preach the Gospel to the people.”33

Political realism cannot be altogether ruled out in all the above mentioned gestures.“To the Portuguese, Akbar was at first an encouragement, then an enigma, and finally a bitter disappointment. Why? – because his object in inviting the Portuguese missionaries to his Court was political rather than religious”,for, emphaizes

90

Appendix

S.M. Jafar, “he (Akbar) wished to befriend the Portuguese at Goa, who possessed a large park of artillery, and to secure their assistance against the stronghold of Asirgarh (which fell on January 17, 1601c) as well as against his own son, Salim, who had rebelled against him.”34 However, mention of the help by the Portuguese in the event of Salim’s rebellion seems to be a very early statement. In view of the Portuguese pursuing their own interest, it was not easy to determine the direction of their support. No doubt, the Emperor sought goodwill of the Postuguese for safe traveling of the pilgrims to Mecca, who were then taking to sea route, and the Portuguese had their mighty presence therein. Akbar sent his envoy to the Portuguese Viceroy, Dom Antonio de Noronha, who received the envoy, and sent on his returning Antonio Cabral with him, thus gesturing a friendly approach.

In his desire to know the truth, Akbar examined different doctrines and practices of different religions. “He summoned a general Council, composed of the high officials present at the Capital…. and, after discoursing on the evils of religious discord and strife, declared that all religious bodies ought to be united, “in such fashion that they should be both ‘one’ and ‘all’, with the great advantage of not losing what is good in any religion, while gaining whatever is better in another. In that way honor would be rendered to God, peace would be given to peoples, and security to the empire.”35 The Cambridge History contains a meaningful sentence; indicating that Akbar was “less fortunate in his

91


counselors than his predecessor, Ala-ud-din Khalji, who, when he conceived the idea of proclaiming himself the prophet of a new faith, had been dissuaded by a faithful and fearless servant from commiting an act of such folly and presumption…” To Vincent Smith ‘the organization of Din-i-Ilahi was that of an Order rather than of a church.’

Bad’auni, who remained involved in discussions, says that ‘Islam died in Akbar’s reign’, refraining to say as put by some historians, that Akbar had abandoned Islam. Jesuit missionaries described Akbar as an ‘enemy and persecutor of Islam; Vincent Smith and Sir Wolsley Haig voice the same ‘concern’. But S.R Sharma holds an distinctly opposite opinion: “Akbar’s Progressive reforms which were aimed at liberality to the majority of his subjects, could hardly have pleased Badaoni, for unfortunately they happened to be those very infidels, whom he so thoroughly hated.” As for the Jesuits, their frustration can be imagined when Akbar while permiting them to make willing converts, himself refused to be converted! So intense indeed was the rage of the Portuguese that when the English tried to get their hold on India, as they themselves already had, they told the Emperor that ‘the English were a complete nation of thieves.’

Akbar took to follow his policy of Sulh-i-Kul (toleration and peace with all). “He was far ahead of his age”, says the Cambridge History of India (of the Mughal Period). As regards the teaching of the

92

Appendix

principles of Sulh-i-Kul, Mir Abdul Latif, a person, appointed by Bairam Khan to teach Akbar, deserves credit, and the liberal minded Abdul Fazl too, whose discourses and views must have definity influenced the mode of thinking of Akbar, the Great Moghal. Supportive of Akbar’s fair deal to everyone is the point raised saying: ‘The only point on which he can be said to be unfair, is that he was fair to non–muslims.’ But then as all of us know, being fair in dealings with non–Muslim subjects, is fair in Islam.

“Akbar carefully fostered,” says Peter Hardy, “the inherited advantages of his own personality. A complex mixture of acute intelligence, great sensitivity and warmth, and an easy, yet never abandoned dignity marked his overwhelming appeal as a political leader. His open style was remarkable for an Indo-Muslim autocrat.”36

Vincent Smith, who has described Akbar as one, who actually penetrated a persecution of Islam, has also said: “Akbar, whatever may have been his failings in practice, was a sincerely religious man, constitutionally devout.” Further, referring to Jahangir, we find him saying that his father ‘never for a moment forgot God’, and that he not only performed prayers but also spent a considerable time over them. “According to Father Antony Botelho, a contemporary Portuguese’ missionary, ‘he (Akbar) died as he was born, a Mohammedan’. (The Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar, J.A.S.B., Part I, Vol LXV, 1896, by E.D.

93


Maclagan). Sir Thomas Roe supports the statement of Father Botelho when he says that, ‘he (Akbar) died in the formal profession of his sect’ (The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, Ed. Foster, Halkuyt Society, 1899).

“He (Akbar) had… desired me,” says (Jahangir), “to sent for Mian Sadr Jahan in order to repeat with him the Kalma Shahadat …. On his arrival, I placed Sadar Jahan on both knees by my father’s side and he commenced reciting the creed of the faithful…”37

The last days of Akbar were unfortunate, for “a man who,” says Richard von Garbe, “accomplished such great things and desired to accomplish greater, deserved a better fortune than was Akbar’s towards the end of life.” Khan Khanan, the Regent had already departed, after sad events - rebellion and then his murder. Akbar’s two sons – Murad (b. 1570c: d. 1599c) and Daniyal (b. 1572c, d. 1604c) – died of delirium tremens. The oldest son, Salim, was defiant and a rebel, and a drunkard, who caused murder of Akbar’s most worthy friend and adviser, Abul Fazl. Akbar was favoring Salim’s son, Khusrau, (d. January 1622 at Burhanpur) to take over the reign of Hindustan, so were Khan Azam and Man Singh. Salima Sultan Begum, Akbar’s cousin and wife, interceded with the Emperor’s permission. She went to Allahabad, and on her return in February, 1603, she reported that ‘Salim was now well disposed and wished to visit his father.’ And, the permission was granted by the ailing Emperor, who was indisposed, suffering from dysentery. When Salim

94

Appendix

visited his father, he was serious and unable to speak. He beaconed his son ‘to put on the imperial turban, and to gird himself with the sword of Humayan, which was hung at the foot of the bed. And, Salim did accordingly. Thus, he went out, acknowledged as Emperor Jahangir.

Akbar died in the mid-night of October 25-26, 1605, and thence a rebellious, but now forgiven “Salim, inherited a mighty empires38 as Emperor Jahangir. Akbar’s body was washed in accordance with the rites of Islam and he was buried at Sikandra, then known as Behishtabad. Prince Friedrich August, Count of Noer, who wandered on the track of Akbar’s activities and gave two of his volumes on Akbar, wrote on April 24, 1868, from Agra back home that he laid a bunch of fresh roses on Akbar’s grave, and that “no visit to any other grave had ever moved him so much as this.”

There at Sikandra lies the mighty sovereign whose, motto was “Tyranny is unlawful in everyone, especially in a sovereign, who is the guardian of the world” (The A’in). He was a magnificent ruler indeed, whose resounding words tell us: “It is my duty to be in good understanding with all men. If they walk in the way of God’s will, interference with them would be reprehensive; and if otherwise, they are under the malady of ignorance and deserve compassion.” (The A’in).

REFERENCES:

95


1. (i) Abdul Husain Naw’ai: 12 years; (ii) J.D. Rees and Masud-ul-Hasan: 13 years; (iii) Cambridge History, Vol. IV: A few months more than 13 years; (iv) James Fraser: 13 years 4 months; (v) Farishta: 13 years 9 months.

2. Al-Badaoni, Mantakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. W.H. Lowe, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1973 p.1.

3. Akbar The Great, Vol. I, Shivalal and Company, Agra, 1962, pp. 529-530.

4. Agra fell before Bairam Khan could reach to rescue. Hemu occupied Delhi and ascended the hithernow Mughal throne; issued coins in his own name, raised the Imperial Canopy over his head and added ‘Vikramaditya’ as title to his name. He was out to acquire the empire of Hindustan.

5. Akbar nama, Vol. II, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess Ess Publications, New Delhi – 110 002, 1979, p. 66.

6. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. W. H. Lowe, Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1973, p. 9.

7. India Under The Mughal Rule, Vol. II, Pt. I, Cosmos Publications, Delhi – 110 006, 1975, pp. 135-136.

8. Richard von Garbe, Akbar, Emperor of India, Tr. Lydia G. Robinson, The Open Court Publishing Company, Chicago, U.S.A., 1909, p. 4

9. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. W.H. Low, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1973, p. 334.

96

Appendix

10. Akbar nama, Vol. III, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess Ess Publications, New Delhi – 110 002, 1979, p. 381.

11. He [Akbar] also resolved that every year he should be weighed twice. Accordingly, as per his birth (on Rajab 5), he had been weighed on 5 Rajab in confirming with the lunar calendar, so also he should be weighed on the day of Ormuzd of the month of Ab’an of the solar year. The courtyard of bounty was thrown open, and twelve articles were prescribed for the solar weighing viz; (i) Gold, (ii) Silk, (iii) Quick-Silver (iv) Perfume, (v) Copper, (vi) Pewter (text bassad), (vii) Drugs, (viii) Butter, (ix) Rice and Milk, (x) Iron, (xi) Various Grains, and (xii) Salt.”—Akbar nama, Vol. III, Tr. H. Beveridge, p. 580

12. Akbar nama, Vol. III, Tr. H. Beveridge, pp. 346-347.

13. The Cambridge History of India Vol. IV: Mughal Period, Planned by Lt.-Colonel Sir Wolseley Haig Ed. Sir Richard Burn, S. Chand and Company, Delhi, - 100 001, 1963, p. 120.

14. An Advanced History of India, R.C. Majumdar, H.C. Raychaudhuri, Kalikinkar Datta, Macmillan & Company Ltd., U.K., 1961, pp. 460-461.

15. What is said, is true. The art of conversation and communication demands a clear understanding of the grasp and level of understanding of those addressed. People may be induced to willingly discharge their responsibility; abide by rules and regulation, or conversely to rise in revolt and in rebellion, and then again to restore peace and tranquility. “It is great wisdom to deal with the conditions of mankind in accordance with the notions and undersanding of each

97


of them” says Abul Fazl, “so that all may be brought to the condition of one’s audience. Every one who has studied ancient histories, knows that the chief cause of the troubles of the world has been that rulers and the great ones of the age have ignored the measure of the capacity of their hearers and have carried themselves towards the generality with reference to merely their own far-sightedness. The general public had no notion of the grand conclusions of the eminent. Few indeed comprehend such high matters, and hence they abide in exclusion and loss.”

- Akbar nama, Vol. II, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess Ess Publications, New Delhi – 110 002, 1979, p. 505.

16. A History of Indian Civilization, Vol. II, Part I (Medieval Period), Ess Ess Publications, New Delhi – 110 002, 1980, p. 37.

17. Ibid. (K.P. Bahadur).

18. Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, Akbar the Great, Vol. I, Shivlal Agarwal & Company, Agra, 1962, pp. 521-522.

19. Preface to A’in-i-Akbari, Tr. H. Blochmann, p. 27.

- Abul Fazl divides the people of the world into four classes: (i) Warriors (ii) Artificers and Merchants, (iii) the Learned, and (iv) Husbandsmen and Laborers, saying (that) “It is obligatory for a king to put each of them in its proper place, and by uniting personal ability with due respect for others, to cause the world to flourish.” (Preface to A’in-i-Akbari).

20. S.M. Jafar, The Mughal Empire from Babar to Aurangzeb, Ess Ess Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1974, p. 149.

98

Appendix

21. Ibid, pp. 147-148.

22. As believed by some historians, may be the other reason for non–acceptance of the recommendation was that Munim Khan was already occupying the position. Whichever, may be the reason, but non acceptance of recommendation leads to manifest banging of the door for recommendations, and thereby encouraging the deserving ones.

23. Preface to A’in-i-Akbari, Tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 8-9.

24. See Akbar nama, Vol.III, Tr. H. Beveridge, p. 586

25. S.M. Jafar, The Mughal Empire from Babar to Aurangzeb, Ess Ess publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1974, p. 165.

26. Akbar Emperor of India, Tr. Lydia G. Robbinson, The Open Court Publishing Company, Chicago, U.S.A., 1909, p. 15.

27. Al-Badaoni, Muntakhat-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II Tr. W.H. Lowe, Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1973, p 406.

28. S.M. Jafar, The Mughal Empire from Babar to Aurangzed, Ess Ess Publication, Delhi – 110 052, 1974, p. 179.

29. A Similar classical parallel to this incident is the experiment recorded by Herodotus which the Egyptian king Psammetich is said to have performed with two infants: It is related that after being shut up in a goat’s stable for two years, separated from all human intercourse, these children repeatedly cried out the alleged Phrygian word (Greek: bekhos), “bread,” which

99


in reality was probably simply an imitation of the bleating of the goats… Further on, we find an account of a similar attempt, made by James IV of Scotland as well as in the literature with regard to other historical and legendry precedents of this sort in both Orient and Occident.

- Richard von Garbe, Akbar: Emperor of India, f/n 35.

30. Richard von Garbe, Akbar: Emperor of India, The Open Court Publishing Company, Chicago, U.S.A., 1909, p. 15.

31. Lt.–Colonel Sir Wolseley Haig in the Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV, Ed. Sir Richard Burn, S. Chand & Company, Delhi – 110 001, 1963, p. 124-125

32. Ibid, p. 139.

33. Ibid, pp. 141-142

34. The Mughal Empire from Babar to Aurangzeb, Ess Ess Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1974, p. 91.

35. Lt.–Colonel Sir Wolseley Haig, Akbar’ 1556- 1573, The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV. Ed. Sir Richard Burn, S. Chand & Company, Delhi – 110 001, 1963, p. 130.

36. Authority of Muslims Kings in Medieval South Asia, Collection Perusartha, 9, 1986.

37. Major Price’s Translation of Tuzuk-i- Jahangiri.

38. Akbar’s Empire included a portion of what is now Baluchistan (West): (North) Afghanishtan and from Kabul southwards (the hill countries on the other side of the Indus were more or less independent); the

100

Appendix

southern portion of Kashmir and parts of Southern Kumaun. From Kumaun eastward, the northern limit of the Empire was set by the Himalayan forests as far as the Valley of the Brahamputra, where the boundary turned southwards, skirting the State of kuch and the territory occupied by the tribesmen of Hill Tippera (in the East). Chittagong was outside the Empire and probably Akbar’s Jurisdiction was limited in practice by the estuary of the Meghne. From the Meghne, the boundary followed the coast to a little south of Puri, whence it struck westwards across the Peninsula to Bombay. The position in the south was uncertain (W. H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, p. 6)

________

IV

AKBAR: ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE AND CONTROL

101


In a ‘Conquest State’, as the Mughal empire, has been recently referred, the ruler, was required to ruthlessly proceed, annexing territories and extending his sway, unmindful of the plight of the conquered. But, nay, not so: Akbar knew it well that while his grandfather, Babar, founded the Empire, his father, Humayun, suffered defeat, but could recover his lost empire, generously helped by Shah Tahmasp, the Safavid monarch of Persia. Now he was to hold it. But, then he knew this also that mere administration, stability and control without the love and support of the people, would not possibly do any good. He therefore, while laying a strong political and administrative system, did all to raise the structure on the edifice of love and reverence of the ruled, irrespective of their faith and belief. “…To do this in a seating, swirling welter races such as Hindustan– to make Mohammedan, Hindu, Buddhist, Jain equally content, to give all classes equal justice, to make them equally loyal to the State – this,” says Flora Annie Steel, “was not boy’s work. But he set himself to it, and he succeeded.”1

Praising Akbar and his administration, the narration proceeds thus: “it is to be doubted indeed if Akbar’s form of government is not to this day the one best fitted to the needs of India”.

Indeed, Akbar was an administrative genious, a man of vision, thinking ahead of his time, laying an administrative system and structure with which to effectively respond to the growing needs of a diversifying economic and social structure. He was

102

Appendix

‘centuries before his time’ with his thinking mind embedded there, analyzing and solving problems. Surely, “…he was earnestly bent on making India, so far as he ruled it, into a united nation; and we hear from his friend and biographer, not only of debates by mighty at the Fathehpur Academy, but also of silent meditations in the lovely hour of dawn, when Akbar would go forth and muse upon the problems of life, upon his own peculiar task.”2

Success in many, if not all respects, was possible under Akbar because of his lofty principles underlying just governance. “In summing up (Akbar’s) achievements Du Jarric writes: “And indeed he was a great king; for he knew that the good ruler is he who can command, simultaneously, the obedience, the respect, the love and the fear of his subjects. He was a prince beloved of all, firm with the great, kind to those of low estate, and just to all men, high and low, neighbors or stranger, Christian, Saracen or Gentile; so that every man believed that the king was on his side.” 3

His regard for justice and just governance can be well understood, if one refers to what he said in this regard. “If I were guilty of an unjust act, I would rise in judgment against myself. What shall I say, then, of my sons, my kindred and others.”4

A just ruler, a just administer and a just Head of any organization, is known by the reputation he keeps -reputation spreads like the fragrance of a flower. The functionaries and the public love him. If anything

103


wrong is committed by any of them, the person holding the hierarchical position must act not only to punish the erring ones, but also to undo the wrong and redress the grievances. The remarkable severity of Akbar towards errors and misdemeanor, committed by his officials in the course of government business, was found by an eye–witness, Monserrate, who saw Akbar ‘most stern with offenders against the public faith.’ Hence, all were “afraid of his severity, and striv(ed) with all their might to do as he direct(ed) and desir(ed). For the king (had) most precise regard for right and justice in the affairs of government.”5 Akbar was indeed the best judge of the people in his empire.

“In order to rightly appreciate Akbar’s greatness,” says Richard von Garbe, “We must bear in mind that in his empire he placed all men on equality without regard to race or religion, and granted universal freedom of worship at a time when…in the Occident men were imprisoned, executed or burnt at the stake for the sake of their faith or their doubts; at a time when Europe was polluted by the horrors of witch-persecution and the massacre of St. Bartholemew. Akbar’s rule in India stood upon a much higher plane of civilization in the sixteenth centry than Europe at the same time.”6 Thus, throughout Akbar’s empire “order and justice reigned”, and with increasing prosperity coming to the people, willing cooperation and obedience of the subjects gradually but surely became a reality. Akbar described himself as ‘guardian’ of the people, any tyranny committed by him was especially ‘unlawful’. Abul Fazl

104

Appendix

says that Royalty is….Ferr-e Yazdi (the divine light), and….many excellent flow from the possession of this light including paternal love towards the subjects.”7

As put by one European eye–witness, Akbar was careful in decision making and award of punishment – even open to discussion and change of opinion, if convinced:

“The following is the method the king employs in deliberations – he asks each counsellor privately for his own opinion and then himself decides upon the course which seems to be supported by the largest number and the most experienced. He asks their advices even about steps upon which he has already made up his mind, saying to the nobles, ‘this is what I think should be done, do you agree?’ They reply ‘Salam O’ King,’ whereupon he says, ‘then let it be carried out.’ If, however, any one of them does not agree with him, he listens patiently, and sometimes even alters his own opinion.”8

Akbar was careful in matters of delivering justice. Wherever he dwelt; wherever he used to be all disputes were brought to his court. There were regulated courts to try and pronounce judgments,9 yet, Akbar himself used to hold court twice a week. He tried cases, either originally brought to His Majesty for justice, or were the appeals from the lower courts. “However, on the king’s direction,” tells Monserrate, “all capital cases, and all really important civil cases are conducted before himself - Hence in the cases in which he himself

105


acts as the judge, the guilty are, by his own directions, not punished until he has given orders for the third time that this shall be done.”10 ‘Capital punishments’ required his concurrence, and no execution could take place, unless the sentence was pronounced thrice by him.

It may be drawn that justice, successful administration and rule of law must necessarily go hand in hand to give force and meaning to the spoken words and written promises. Hence, to find that the Emperor was the pivot of the government and its administration, is appreciable. No administrative decisions, except relating to routine matter could be taken without his approval. Matters were brought to him for consideration and decision making. As the Emperor (Akbar) was the highest Court of appeal and fountain-head of justice, it was but natural that to hold the promise true everyone should have free access to his Court. Cases of serious nature were referred to him. He heard and decided – decisions were annuled, or reversed depending upon the facts and related arguments. Akbar spent considerable time for the sake of administering justice: He heard petitions, asked questions, interrogated the petitioner, and then decided: As Justice was dear to him, he attended to complaints and petitions during tours also, and even while on hunting tours. If need be the petitions were read by Mir Arz.

J. Tallboys Wheeler says, “from the first break of dawn the whole day was filled up with the affairs of

106

Appendix

government and giving audiences. Anyone who had a request or grievance could have access to the Emperor, who was kind in showing the same interest even in ‘the smallest incidents and matters, as in the greatest affairs of State.” And, one should not doubt it because it was only with this approach that there opened many approaches reaching the pinnacle of success and shine. Moreover, it gave satisfaction to a ruler whose ideal of kingship was high, and who always cared for the feelings and rights and privileges of the ruled, and was not selfish and ruthless, nor was he ‘an unbridled autocrat.’ “Upon the conduct of the monarch,” the Great Mughal said, “depends the efficiency of any course of action. His gratitude to the Lord, therefore, should be shown in his just government, and due recognition of merit; that of his people in obedience and praises.”

In the fortresses of Agra, Delhi and Lahore, a balcony was provided. It overlooked the open space between the moat and the flowing river. Men in large numbers could gather there without any hindrance - some to have a glance of the Emperor, others to see and hear him speak. The large concourse of men included those who were seekers of justice and had some complaint against the imperial functionaries or others. Such ones, seeking reprisal of their grievances, were required to raise their hands, thus inviting the attention of the functionaries, attachéd to the department concerned – Department of Mazalim. The officials will locate and approach each complainant collect his

107


written petition, and would escort and reach him to the Emperor.

Public audience was usually accorded every day. There was a Hall of Public Audience. It was called Dawlat Khanah-i-a’m-wa-khas, and briefly and simply Diwan-i-a’m. One cannot but appreciate this method of administering justice, which permitted all to say what they wanted, boldly and without any fear. But the question is how many from outside the city could arrive there with a written petition in their hand? As Akbar is concerned, he permitted all, in all probability keeping in view his desire to develop an administrative system, based upon the principles of justice for all, with cooperation from all, near or scattered far and wide, for he was desirous of creating ‘common citizenship’ in India with a progressing humane and welfare–oriented administration. His professed principle of Sulh-i-Kul (Peace with all) endeared him to all. “There arose before him (Akbar)”, says Adolf Waley, “a new India of his own creation; an India no longer the land of warring creeds but a home in which all were permitted to Diety according to the tenets of their own faith..”11 Monserrate found Akbar more learned in spite of his lack of education, adding that “his universal toleration is proof of his broad-mindedness.”

As justice delayed is justice denied, Akbar was particular in reaching timely justice to his subjects without any delay. He appointed in 1585c ‘a kind of Commission’ to suggest reforms and ways to expedite

108

Appendix

hearing and judgment, thus to add to quality of justice. With care for his Hindu subjects, a year after appointing this Commission, he ordered that suits between Hindus should be heard by the Pandits and not by the Muslim Qazis. “As regards justice,” says Jadunath Sarkar, “the Mughal Emperor loved to pose as the fountain of justice and followed the immemorial Eastern tradition that the king should try cases himself in open Court.” 12 His domain throughout its length and breadth was “firmly and righteously governed. All people of every sect dwelt secure under his protection,” said Muhammad Amin of Akbar’s reign.

Desirous of giving a clean administration generally guided by the principles of justice, fair play and impartiality, Akbar remained watchful of his officers and functionaries. This was essentially required, if the confidence of the governed was needed. He was very strict in dealing with the offences, committed by the officers of the empire: Awards of sentences to the erring imperial officers demonstrate administrative transparency of Akbar: Sadr of Gujarat, Haji Ibrahim Sirhindi, found guilty after the matter, was got investigated on a complaint by the people of Ahmadabad, was imprisoned in the fort of Rathambhor.

Akbar’s Administrative Organization and its Structure:

Any administrative organization draws its structure and set up from the objectives which it is purported to be achieved. But the prevailing economic

109


and socio-cultural environment and as also the resources at command – material as well as human – have to be necessarily given due consideration, failing this, results achieved, or that which would be achieved, would continue to remain scanty and largely unreliable and sans any natural justice, leading to violation of human rights. Further, centralization or decentralization of authority for decision making is in itself an important decision to be made, as this decision in any administrative organization has a direct bearing on efficiency.

The administrative structures laid by the rulers and monarchs in the past, were guided by their quest to choose a rightly integrated whole, offering.

Clarity in Unified Command with or without delegated authority and power to punish.

Achievment of the desired results without any delay and loss of time.

Devoted to and having a clear understanding of individual responsibility and accountability.

Central command and goal–oriented vision.

Appropriate decision–making in line with the control of the Central/Main Authority.

Stability of the rule and its perpetuation.

Effectivity in communication, both written and oral, at all level’s, upward (specially), downward and laterally.

110

Appendix

The administrative structure laid in the past by the sovereigns to administer and rule, can be conveiently described as the Line, Scalar or Military-type organization.13 It was run on the basis of ‘the absolute power,’14 enjoyed by them. Jadunath Sarkar in his understanding calls it Perso-Arabic System of administration in Indian setting.

In the Line or Military type of organizational structure, all responsibility flows upward – from subordinates to the person at the top, holding pivotal position . But then the task assigned is to be performed as directed and prescribed, failing which punishments may, rather should, be awarded. There may be provision of ‘Staff Functions’ to be performed by the devoted and trustworthy, providing expert advice and services to the benefit of the administration/rule, as in the case of Abul Fazl in the Court of Akbar, prior to his being sent in active service to Deccan. Those assigned duties as per their position, are duty-bound not to lay “the burden of it on others”, as was prescribed in case of provincial Viceroy, Sipah Salar, literally Commander of the forces, Vicegerent of the ruler, Emperor Akbar. 15 Thus, his was delegated authority which he could further delegate to no other person: it was so because of the strategic nature of his duties. In case of adl (justice), we find Abul Fazl saying that “although the supreme authority and redress of grievances rest with sovereign monarchs, yet the capacity of single person is inadequate to the superintendance of the entire administration. Delegation was, therefore applied.16

111


“Before discussing the various positions, created by Akbar in his domain, it may be said that his administration was in effect highly practical. However, considering that it was one sovereign-ruled State, we find that the administration was highly centralized at the hands of the Emperor, being at the hierarchical top, as de facto and effective real center of authority. Any administrative decisions could not be taken without his cognizance and or concurrence; though he is seen consulting his trustworthy and knowledgeable functionaries and ministers, capabable of rendering ‘staff-functions’ and advice. Nevertheless, policy formulation was the prerogative of the Emperor; though routine matters of detail and those trivial in nature, performed by the trustworthy, were regularly brought to his notice. He is found appointing and placing two persons instead of one where the services or functions rendered by one, would not suffice: as such once he put his son, Salim, to supervise fiscal administration, asking the diwan’ to consult him in all related matters. This is what it was. There may be other hidden reason/s also on the part of the Emperor including his desire to keep Salim engaged, or a father’s genuine desire to train his son, as is put by one author.”17

* * * * * *

Keeping in view his administrative model, which

drew from the provisions by the earlier rulers – Sher

Shah Sur included - Akbar divided in 1579c-1580c his

realm into twelve provinces and later into fifteen

112

Appendix

provinces (Subahs),18 which for the sake of an elaborate

decentralized and local administration, were further

divided into administrative districts Sarkars and

parganah, covering rural areas. In this regard, it is

asserted (that) “under Akbar the rudiments of

departmental organization had come into existence.

Akbar divided his Empire into Subahs, or provinces,

and the Governor of the Suba, was responsible for every

part of its administration, but the actual administrative

unit was the Sarkar or district, each of which had a

military commander (Faujdar) distinct from the revenue

officer (Amalguz’ar). Further, the principal cities and

sea-ports were in charge of separate officers, but taking

the Empire as a whole, the separation of functions was

rudimentary compared with the present state of things in

India.”19 And, it should be so, for Akbar ruled during

1556c–1605c and not in the 21st century. What deserves

appreciation is Akbar’s vision in stratifying his

administrative domain and his choice of the dependable,

knowledgeable and capable persons like Abul Fazl,

Todar Mal, Shah Mansur and Mir Fath Ullah Shirazi

among others, and also Muzaffar Khan Turbati, for

instance.

On this functional division of his empire by

Akbar, Athar Ali opines: “Akbar’s division of his

empire into Subas, Sarkars and Mahalls, and his largely

successful attempts to make the entire administrative

113


structure of one Suba into an exact replica of the other,

with a chain of officers at various levels ultimately

controlled by the ministers at the Centre, gave identity

to Mughal administrative institutions, irrespective of the

regions where they functioned.”20

Any government functionary or officer could be

inducted into military service as a military commander

or sub-commander or in any other capacity, depending

upon the Emperor’s choice, for his administration did

not carry any sharp distinction between civil and

military services. Moreso, in the event of emerging

specific jobs, requiring their handling by some

trustworthy and competent person, as per the exigencies

and requirements including its time, area of operation,

and the required ability to command and offer

leadership responsibility, were the considerations in

identifying and choosing the incumbent.

Further, Akbar introduced and established “the

alternative system of ‘direct’ administration… which

Indians describe as holding office Kachcha, or Kh’am,

the official receives a fixed salary, and accounts to his

superior for all the revenue which he collects….

Akbar’s ideal was the modern practice of paying

salaries in cash from the treasury, but the older Indian

method of paying by Jagir was generally adopted by his

successors. A Jagir was the assignment, by way of

salary and allowance, of the revenue yielded by a tract

114

Appendix

of land, which the assignee took under management

almost as if it had been his own estate…”21

Akbar, on his accession, found three kinds of

lands in the country: (i) the Khalsa or Crown lands, (ii)

the Jagir lands, given to some nobles, called Jagirdars,

who collected local revenues and sent a portion of it to

the central exchequer, keeping the remaining unsent

part of the revenue with them, and (iii) the Sayurghal

lands, granted by the Crown on ‘free tenure basis’ for

benevolent purposes (which) were hereditary, thus

differing from jagir or tuyul lands, which were

conferred for ‘a spacified time.’ Discussion on these

will follow under ‘agriculture.’ It may be stated here

that the Jagiradar’s conduct and financial honesty

raised many doubts, as they were also to provide

contingent of men and horses for the imperial army

corresponding to the size of the estate, given to them as

fief. But it was discovered that the Jagirdars provided

“themselves with fewer soldiers and horses on military

expedition than at the the regular muster. Then too the

men and horses often proved useless for severe service.

When the reserves were mustered the knights dressed up

harmless private citizens as soldiers or hired them for

the occasion and after the muster was over, let them go

again. In the same way, the horses brought forward for

the muster, were taken back into private service

immediately afterwards and were replaced by worthless

115


animals for the imperial service. This evil... was

abolished (by Akbar) at one stroke, by taking an exact

personal description of the soldiers presented and by

branding the heads of horses, elephants and camels with

certain marks.”22 The measure proved effective as now

it became almost impossible “to exchange men and

animals, presented at the muster for worthless material

and also to loan them to other knights during muster.”

Needless to say that the system truly invested the

jagirdars with sufficient authority, if he so desired,

under his greed and haughtiness, to become another

king within his own domain and to use the very troops,

raised by him with permission and on account of the

share of the revenue of the central authority, for

defiance of the master. Akbar changed the system by

issuing a decree, and putting Khalisa or Crown lands in

place of Jagirs. Thus, instead of Jagirdars, there now

appeard mansabdars, who combined civil and military

ranks. They were required to maintain za’t and sawar in

accordance with the rank, awarded to them. This

determined their emoluments and prestige. For carrying

out the reforms, Muzaffar Khan Turbati was appointed

Vakil (first Minister of the Empire) and Todar Mal was

asked to work as his assistant. But a reluctant Muzaffar

Khan failed to enforce them. He was then dismissed by

the Emperor. This administrative reform in its reaction

was generally unpopular, yet land was resumed in ‘more

settled provinces’ of Akbar’s empire.

116

Appendix

Awards of Ranks:

Akbar awarded ranks to his sons - Prince Salim

(10,000), Shah Murad (8,000) and Shahzada Daniyal

(7,000) - without any co-sharers - may be, it was to

avoid any misunderstanding and rivalry in the event of

there being co-sharers. Moreover, this arrangement

offered distinction and an exalted position to all of the

Emperor’s sons.

Translater H. Blochmann (A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol.

I) gives comparative deta on mansabdars of different

ranks during the reign of Akbar, Jahangir and Shahjahan

respectively, saying “We have no complete list of the

grandees of Jahangir’s reign; but the Dutch traveler D.

Laet, in his work on India (p.151) has a valauable note

on the numeical strength of Jahangir’s Mansabd’ars,

which may be compared wih the lists in the A’in and the

Padishahnama (II, 717).” Leaving out the princes and

the data concerning their ranks, we give here the totals

in the ranks between 5,000-500, 500-200, and 150-10

respectively:

Commanders Between Under Akbar Under Jahangir Under Shahjahanthe Rank of: (A’in) (De Laet) (Padishahnameh)

5000-500 249 439 563

400-200 163 438 Not Specified

150-10 1,388 2,064 Not Specified

PS: The Translator’s note says that ‘the Mansabdar’s, who had

fallen into disgrace or had rebelled, have mostly been excluded’

117


and also of ‘others, for whose omission it is difficult to assign

reasons.’

Considering the above data, we find that as compared to numbers of Mansabdar’s under Akbar in the lower ranks, their numbers stand higher during the reigns of Jahangir and Shahjahan both–439 mansabdars below the rank of 5000-500 in Jahangir’s reign and 563 mansabd’ars; in the same slab during the reign of Shahjahan, as against 249 mansabdars in Akbar’s reign, indicating a trend towards (i) co-sharing of the ranks by an increasing number of mansabdars, thereby bringing higher numbers of nobles in obedience and support, and (ii) delegation of authority to increased numbers by creating larger number of positions of mansabd’ars.

The data above indicate a rising number of the commanders under Jahangir and Shahjahan both; verily so, because of the need to administer the smaller areas with control of central authority and in the interest of continuance of the policies, and also due to administrative requirements.

Appointments were made by the Emperor; Farman’s (Decrees) were issued for the purpose, giving their nature such as Farman-i-Sab’ati (Special Farman for appointment of governors), and Hizb-ul-Hukm (As per the order (of the Emperor), appointing diw’ans. It bore the seal of the Wazir).

Other officers of the empire were appointed as per the recommendation of the heads of the departments. Nevertheless, appointments depended on

118

Appendix

the pleasure and dicision of the Emperor - and Akbar is known for giving weightage to efficiency and honesty. Appointments were made on the lowest position in a cadre, for the Emperor wanted the appointees to learn and rise.

Akbar’s empire had three–tier administration i.e., at the Central, Provincial and District levels, governed by the Emperor himself in all reality. His will and ideas found expression in the action of his men at all levels: Each functionary, whether at the highest or lowest ladders, was, in effect, responsible first to the Emperor and then to his departmental head.

The Central Administration:

The hierarchical administrative head in the Great Mughal’s realm was the Vakil, who was his lieutenant “in all matters relating to the realm and the household.” Required to be man of ‘wisdom’, the Vakil was to settle “with penetration in the great affairs of the realm. Promotions and degradation, appointment and dismissal, depend(ed) on his insight.” He was supposed to necessarily possess “wisdom, nobility of mind, affability, firmness, magnanimity,” and also to be “at peace with any one,… frank, single-minded towards relations and strangers, impartial to friends and enemies, who weighs his words, is skilful in business, well-bred, esteemed, known to be trustworthy, sharp and far-sighted, acquainted of the State secrets, prompt in transacting official business, unaffected by the multiplicity of his duties.” Further, he was required “to

119


promote the wishes of others, and base his action on a due regard to the different ranks of men, treating even his inferiors with respect, from the desire of attaching to himself the hearts of all.” As is evident, he was, required to take “care not to commit improprieties in conversation,” and (though) not under (his) immediate superintendence, (the Vakil) was to receive “the returns from the heads of all financial officers,” and to wisely keep “abstracts of their returns.”23

This high office required smooth personal equation between the incumbent and the Emperor. Bairm Khan discharged these functions smoothly, uninteruptingly and effectively, till Akbar grew in experience, and was not weary of him. Once the dissatisfaction grew, Bairm Khan met his ‘doom’; Akbar broke away from him in 1560c, and, in the same year he was assassinated by a gang of Afghans, headed by one Mubarak Khan, whose father was killed by the Mughal army, commanded by Bairam Khan at the battle of Machiwara (1555c). Afterwards, history does not present any Vakil as powerful as Bairam Khan – the office often remained unfilled, or there was an ornamental appointment. However, the Vakil’s position and his nearness to the Emperor conferred respect and authority, and also because papers, requiring decisions by the Emperor, were submitted by him. The Vakil, as part of his duty, was to account for mistakes and irregularities of those under his authority. It may be stated here that authority can be delegated but not the

120

Appendix

responsibility. Thus, he held a supervisory position next to and in nearness to the Emperor.

A‘in-i-Akbari’s daftari carries an entry, saying that when a qualified person, suitable for appointment as Vakil, was not found, a person carrying some of the qualities/qualifications could be appointed “as Mushrif-i-Diw’an”, which office was higher in rank than that of Diw’an, but lower than that of the Vakil.”

The division dealing with income and expenditure of the realm was headed by the Wazir, also referred as the (High) Diw’an. “Lieutenant of the Emperor in financial matters,” he superintended “the imperial treasuries” and checked all accounts.” He was the custodian “of the cash,” received as “revenue, (and) cultivator of the wilderness of the world.” His qualifications included his being “member of the Divine Faith, a skilful arithmetician, free from avarice, circumspect, warm–hearted, abstinent, active in (official) business, pleasing in his style, clear in his writings, truthful, a man of integrity, condenscending, zealous in his works….” “…in reality” required to be “a book–keeper”, he was to explain “all matters which appear too intricate to the Mustawfi (the deputy Diw’an).”24 And, “whatever” was “beyond his own ability,” he could refer it to the Vakil”. Thus, the following officers and functionaries were under the charge, who were required to “act by the force of his wisdom”:

121


1. The Mustawfi (the Auditor General/Deputy Diw’an as referred by Abul Fazl), 2. The Sahib-i-Taujih (The Accountant of the army), 3.The Awarja Nawis (The Accountant of the daily expenditure at court), 4. The Mir Saman (The officer in–charge of the court furniture, stores etc.), 5. The Nazir-i-Buyut’at (Superintendent of the Imperial Workshops), 6.The Diw’an-i-Buyutat (The Accountant of the Imperial Workshops), 7. The Munsif (Clerk of the Treasury), 8. The Waqia Nawis (the Event Recorder), and 9. The Amil (Collector of the domain).

The high Diw’an – Diw’an-i-Ala - was head of the revenue department. A capable high Diw’an was designated as Wazir; thus, as put by Jadunath Sarkar: “All diw’ans… were not wazirs.” Further, “the Wazir’s office received all revenue papers and returns and dispatches from the provinces and the field armies. He also acted as the king’s representative on many ceremonial occasions. He wrote letters (saying) “by order” (hizb-ul-hukm) in his own person; though under the Emperor’s directions. All orders for payment, except for small sums or money appropriated (funds) previously allotted, had to be signed by the diw’an, and the payment (except to the field army and the workmen of the State factories) was made through his department only; so too, all questions connected with the collection of the revenue were decided by the diw’an, who consulted the Emperor in important cases and frequently reported to him the state of the Treasury”25

122

Appendix

The Diw’an-i-Ala or Wazir in theory, subordinate to the Vakil, in actual practice held independent charge. Promotions and payments of large sums required his written sanction. Official records were sent to him for inspection. A tough Diwan-i ‘Ala or Wazir was favored by the Emperor, as he was forward by the march, as he could thus enforce fiscal discipline; though disliked by the unscrupulous, as it happened with Khwaja Shah Mansur, whose work earned him displeasure of some powerful officers of the State (and he was executed in 1581c). Needless to emphasize, all honest and hard task masters must be necessarily supported by the hierarchy, failing this the dishonest and the unscrupulous succeed with their cooked stories, false allegations and unfounded charges. Referring to Akbar nama, Volume III, we find that Akbar’s diw’ans were instrumental in effecting many administrative and procedural reforms, adding to efficiency in performance.26

The Wazir, with his exclusive authority, was in direct touch with the Emperor; he obtained orders directly from him; was consulted by the ruler, and his opinion counted. The Wazie controlled the provincial diw’ans, received financial statements from them, and securitized these. He was controller of the imperial treasuries also.

Assisted by three high-ranking officers, the Wazir had direct access to the Emperor, so too these officers. These three were directly responsible to the Emperor. It can thus be inferred that the Wazir had no

123


absolute control over them, eventhough he coordinated their work., and had precedence over them. These high officials were:

1. Diw’an-i-Khalsah

2. Diw’an-i-t’an, also referred as Sahib-i-Taujih

3. Mustawfi

The Diw’an-i-Khalisah shouldered the following responsibilities:

Posting of the subahd’ars, faujd’ars, amins, diwani officers, kroris,27 mushrif (who examined audited accounts as an officer of the treasury), Fotad’ar (cash-keeper/ money changer), who functioned as an officer in public establishments for ‘weighing money, bullion, and examining and valuing coins’, sazaw’al (‘a bailiff or agent, appointed to ‘compel payment and attendance’). He was a specially appointed officer with the duty to take charge of and collect the revenue of an estate, from the management of which the owner or framer has been removed, and daroghas of the provinces, - of the amins, mushrifs and tahvildars of mahalls, – of the fotahd’ars, clerks of issue (baramad-navis’an,) daroghas, of mushrifs and khaz’anchis of provincial treasuries, - the sazawals of papers, - the amins and kroris of arrears, – the collectors of the mutalib’at (…loans or advances, made by Government) and the dues from the zamindars.”28

In addition to the above, the duties of Diw’an-i-Khalsa included the following:

124

Appendix

a- To attend to Sending replies to the enquires made by the lower officials (‘amil),

b- Issuing letters–patent (sanad) for services,

c- Issuing orders (parwanahs) on the parganahs assigning

Payment of the cash salary (tankhah) of the Emperor’s sons and grandsons in accordance ‘with the daul, prepared by the cash department (of the Treasury),’ and issuing parwanahs for recovering advances, made by the State.

Payment of the fixed salaries of the servants (ahley–Khidmat), customery commission of the Fotahda’r and collection–fee of the karoris for attaching property or crops for unpaid arrears, for transfer of money from subordinate or sub-treasuries, for payment on account of manufactures (ordered on farm’aish by the State) and orders for the provinces and the troops, investigation of any matter (reported by Waqai-nawis), writing letters on any subject, as ordered (Huzb-ul-Hukm) by the Emperor, for permits (dastak), addressed to the clerks (Mutasaddi) of the treasuries, ordering to pay fixed salaries out of the public treasury, permits addressed to the Treasurers concerning payment of Tankhah (salary), ordered to be payed to the (Sub)–treasuries and the troops, and passports for roads and passes for workmen. It was the duty of the Diw’an’Ala to see whether the

125


Diw’an-i-Khalsa has written ‘mulahiza shud’ (seen) on each parwanah, and he himself has written ‘S’ad’ (correct) on it.

Furthermore, it was also the duty of Diwan-i- Khalsa to:

Prepare a summary of the dispatches, received from the lower diwani officers and ‘amils (clerks), and to dicide on matters (i) to be reported to the Emperor as per the regulations in force, and those (ii) for which reply is to be sent.

Decide on prayers to be reported, or to be simply initialed and filed by him.

Report ‘very frequently’ the figures of cash balances to the Emperor, and about the conduct of the zammdars.

Endorse the tam-as-suk’at-i-zamini (security bonds for land) of the workmen and those concerning repayment of State loans (Mutalib’at) and also the Muchalka (Indemnity bonds), signed by cartain officers, promising to perform their responsibility or pay fine.

Read the reports, sent by Fotahd’ars and Khazanchis of the parganahs and provinces, giving the amount recovered against loans and advances made by the State to the loanees and the needy ones.29

126

Appendix

Responsibilities and duties of the Diw’an-i-T’an fell into the following compartments:

(A) Submission of the following matters to the Emperor:

- Appertaining to Jagirs, and cash payment of salaries.

- Relating to zamindars.

- Daul of the jagirs under subahda’rs.

- Data on arrears.

- Awarijah of the parganahs.

- Taujih’at of the Jagird’ars.

- Ranks of each mansabd’ar.

(B) Issuing Parwanahs, (orders) concerning grant of Jagirs, cash payment of salaries, fixed salaries of workmen, and the people of the tahvils, complaints, and investigations thereof, as reported in news-letters.

Diw’an-i-T’an issued orders, attaching jagirs of those (officers), transferred from a parganah, and also for the recovery of advances made to any mansabdar. Besides, he signed the statement (Siahah) of jagirs, grants-in-aid (Musa’id’at), permits (dastaks) for tankhah.

Rolls (tum’ars) concerning arrears including the due (talab) pay of officers, issued by the Diwan-i-T’an after being approved by the Emperor, were to be signed by the Diwan-i-‘Ala also.

127


Imperial orders were communicated to Bakhshi and others without any delay. Audit Reports were brought by the Mustawfis of jargirdars to the Diw’an for his perusal and signature.

The Diwan-i-T’an signed statements of cash payments. He was required to peruse and write ‘approved’ on the sheets, giving branding data and verified statement of cavalry. This Diw’an was to verify and pass order for payment of tankhah in cash, clearly giving the date and year of the payment. The contents of memos of mansabdars were reported to the Emperor.30

Below the rank of Diw’an was placed Khan-i-Saman (the High Steward), who held charge of the whole Imperial household, of “great and small things.” He was required to supply all articles required. He was allowed to purchase these either in cash or on credit from the traders. He had standing permission to sell old and second hand store to the army. Furher, to control expenditure and reduce cost, he was required to keep himself fully informed about the market prices. 31

The Diwa’n of Buyut’at “registered the property of deceased persons, in order to secure the payment of the dues of the State and as to safeguard the property for the heirs of the deceased.” Further, among others of his duties, he was required to:

i. escheat the property of deceased nobles in cooperation with the Khan-i-Saman.”

128

Appendix

ii. write ‘brought for branding’ on the branding report and sign it.

iii. fix halting days for the cattles.

iv. sanction grants to officials for food storage (zakhirah), and

v. recieve Siahah of expenditure and the summary grant for food of the cattle which was to be sighned thenceafter by the Khan-i- Saman.

Mir Bakhshi (Pay Master General of State Officers : Blochmann, Pay Master of the Court): Mir Bakshi was entrusted to discharge the following functions:

vi. Recruiting army personnel.

vii. Maintaining list of mansabd’ars and other high officials of the State.

viii. Presenting a complete muster roll of the army unto the Mir Bakhshi, whose subordination to the Wazir was ‘nominal’: He was a highly placed Mansabd’ar, who presented able men, after his careful scrutiny, to the Emperor for appointment as mansabd’ars and thus assisted the Emperor in the matter.

The Muhtasib (Censor of Public Morals): Required to be vigilant, he was observant of public morals; was placed in-charge of observance of Shariah and the Islamic Law. During Akbar’s rule, public immorality was discouraged and punished – gamblers, drunkards

129


and those visiting the dancing girls, all were under surveillance. Those with proven guilt were taken to task.

The Sadr-us-Sudur (Chief Sadr ) supervised lands granted to men of piety, scholars of repute and monks by the Emperor. He also functioned discharging the responsibilities of Chief Qazi. He tried and decided cases at the Capital. As, he was empowered to appoint two other judicial officers to assist him, namely, Qazi and Mir Adl, if he found the “…capacity and vigour …not…united (in one), …one to investigate (Qazi), and the other… to carry out his finding (Mir Adl). Below the Sadr-us-Sudur were Provincial Sudurs, who tried cases, and administered, Sayurghal32 in the provinces. In Akbar’s system of justice, there were Muftis, to, expound Islamic law and help Mir Adl in trials and pronouncement of judgment.

Below the court of Qazis, there was no court of justice and, therefore, inhabitants in villages and smaller towns, turned to panchayats, or arbitration by an influential persons for justice. However, use of force and judgment in favor of those patronized by the rich ones - zaminadars and mahajans (money lenders) - stand reported can not be ruled out. Reference may be made here to the faulty working and scanty administration of justice by the Panchayats, even much later (in the nineteenth century) as put on record by Sir Sayyid.

130

Appendix

As already discussed, the Emperor was the highest and final Court of appeal. He functioned as the first Court of hearing also, particularly while traveling.

Below the rank of the above mentioned officers in Mughal administration, there were others also, as given below:

1. Darogha of D’ak Chauki, 2. Darogha of the mint, 3. Mir Arzi, officer in–charge of presenting petitions to the highest court, the emperor himself, 4. Mir ‘Atish or Darogha-i-Topkhana ,i.e., head of the artillery. 5. Mir Barr, the Superintendent of Forest, 6. Mir Bahri, Lord of admiralty, 7. Mir M’al, Lord Privy Seal (or officer in–change of Emperor’s private purse: Blochmann), 8. Mir Manzil, Quarter Master General, 9. Mir Tozak, Master of Ceremonies, 10. Mustawfi, Auditor General.

Further, included in the list of functionaries were: 11. Nazir-i-Buyutat, Superintendent of Imperial Workshops, 12. Akhta Begi, the superintendent of Imperial Stud, 13. Awarjah Navis, Superintendent of daily expenditure of the Court. 14. Khawan Salar, Superintendent of the royal kitchen, 15. The Munshi, Private Secretary, and 16. The Qush Begi, Superintendent of the aviaries.

Besides the above their were Daroghas in-charge of D’ak Chowki, Mint and of Karkhanas, etc.

Akbar, abolishing local coinages, established his system of imperial coinage. A master of mint was

131


appointed, who, stationed at the capital, excercised general administrative control over the provincial mints.33

The Provincial Administration:

The empire was divided into subahs (provinces) and the subahs into parganahs and mahalls. The administrative structure was to be necessarily akin and aligned to the central structure at different layers of authority, giving a clear demarcation of the duties and responsibilities of those at the Centre and those working in the Provinces. This was helpful in efficient and smooth flow of work and effective communication to and from the designated functionaries with clarity. Each one was required to perform in the rightly and effectively, as per the regulations given in the A’in-i-Akbari, and as indicated and prescribed in the Isn’ad.

We read that the administrative structure in each subah (province) was a replica of what it was at work at the Center. However, there was no Khan-i-Saman at the provincial level. Administration was run on the ‘Scaler Principle’, creating relationship, wherein superiors at higher layers of authority, more so at the Center, exercised direct supervision over their subordinates. Staff positions i.e., appointments of those, who, in view of their knowledge and experience, could render expert and valuable advice to help add to efficiency and effectivity in administration, were not ruled out. We have already referred to such appointment in the foregoing account. Those in line authority, were directly responsible to the Emperor and not to the

132

Appendix

authority under whose jurisdition they functioned, though they were accountable viz., the provincial Diw’an, who was independent of the Subahdar, officially known as Sipahsal’ar. Instead he is found reporting and responsible to the Emperor directly – His was a prominently peculiar position, for, though second in rank in official hierarchy, he was almost equal to the N’azim (The governor of the Subah i.e, the Subahd’ar). Nominated directly by the Diw’an-i-‘ala (Imperial Diw’an), he was required to send his confidential reports to him, also covering the Nazim’s conduct and performance. The arrangement, it seems purported to establish a system of ‘check and balance.’ He received secretarial assistance and other help in official matters from a Munshi (Secretary), whom, he was authorized to appoint. An important decision, taken in 1596c, placed all provincial Diw’ans under the orders of the Ministry.

“The troops and people of the provinces” were “under the orders of Provincial Viceroy/Sipahsal’ar” and their welfare depended “upon his just administration.” He was to “seek the Will of God in all that he” undertook “and be constant in praise and supplication. “He”, as per the provision was “never (to) lay aside the people’s property, nor suffer in his zeal to sleep.”

The A’in sought of him: to act as “the guardian” by exercising “caution…making a knowledge of the disposition of men a rule of government; live as it behaves his office. Levity and anger he should keep

133


under the restraint of reason…In judicial investigations, he should not be satisfied with witnesses and oaths, but pursue them by manifold inquires, by the study of physiognomy and the exercise of foresight, nor, laying the burden of it on others; have absolved from solicitude.” He, was required not to “inflict the distress of expectation upon supplicants of justice,” and to entrust each division to “zealous upright men.” “Provide for the safety of roads by the establishment of trust worthy guards” and keep himself informed by receiving reports;… and befriend “the agriculturists”; “retain impartial collectors of revenue” and to “obtain information regarding their actions;” take to make… gardens, Sarais….and set about the repairing of what” had “fallen into ruin.”34

The Provincial Diw’an possessed the power of the purse.’ Bills for payment were signed by him; and, thus passed by him. He supervised the revenue officers and collectors, and had authority to try almost all revenue cases. Selected by the Imperial Diw’an, he was in regular correspondence with him, and implemented his orders. The Sanad of his appointment provided what he was required to do. In case of any conflict between him and the Subahd’ar, the matter was referred to the Center for opinion and decision. As put by Sir Jadunath Sarkar, “he was the rival of the Subad’ar. The two had to keep a strict and jealous watch on each other.”35 The governors were changed usually after every three years. The Diw’an was required to take care of “the cultivation and select honest men for the post of amin”; report to

134

Appendix

the Imperial Diw’an twice a month, giving account of the occurrences is his Subah and also mention the cash balance in his custody. While appointing collectors (kroris and tahsildars), he was required to select men of practical wisdom, who could induce the ryot to pay State dues willingly and without any delay. Payments could be accepted only against receipts: This, besides being a proper accounting practice, ensured effective check on abw’abs (undue and forbidden payments).36

Maintenance of peace, realization of revenues and containment of towns was the responsibility of Faujd’ars. Executive functions were also performed by them. Faujda’rs held charge of sub-divisions of the Subahs – Jadunath Sarkar says )that( “these officers were placed in-charge of suitable sub-divisions of the province, provided that they were sufficiently civilzed or important on account of the presence of zaminadars or large sources of State revenue in them, and also if they contained towns.”37 Counted among his qualifications were his bravery, and politeness also.

Besides Collection of revenues, the duties of Faurjd’ars, as per the provisions and advices, given to them included:

i. Arrangement with a ‘trusty clerk’ of the Court to receive his letter and, on the basis of the information contained therein, to report the matter/s to the Court, obviously through proper channel i.e., through the Diwan-i-‘Ala.

135


ii. Regularly practice in exercise of ‘all weapons of war, in hunting, and riding horses’.

iii. Destruction of the forts of the law-less and the rebels, guarding roads, protection of revenue payers, helping the revenue collectors, avoiding dispossession of the people from their rightful property and obtainment of any abw’ab.

iv. Not to attack village unless a written requisition comes from the ‘amil of Crown lands or agent of the jagird’ar.

The duties of the faujd’ars, as per the practice, were clearly stated in the Sanad of their appointment. The A’in-i-Akbari has the following entry concerning the duties of the faujd’ars:

The Emperor “by his rectitude of judgment and wise statesmanship… apportion(ed) several parganahs to the care of one of his trusty, just and disinterested servants, appreciative of what is equitable, and faithful to his engagements; and him they style by the above name. As a subordinate and assistant, he holds the first place. Should a cultivator or a collector of the crown lands or an assignee of the government estates prove rebellious, he should include him to submit by fair words, and if this fails, he shall take the written evidence of the principal officer and proceed to chastise him… He should be vigilant against night attacks and devise a place of retreat, and be constant in

136

Appendix

patrolling…. If a balance of revenue be due from the village, this should be first taken into account…”38

Thus, so far as the revenues were coming to the State uninterruptingly, expressive of an established order; peace was not disturbed, and no rebels appeared; the Faujd’ar acted as a civilian officer. But in a situation contrary to what is referred, the Faujd’ar took to discharge his military duties. Nevertheless, his name and presence acted as a deterrent.

Then, there were the Kotw’als who were urban officers, acting as ‘chief of the city police’. The Kotwal, as provided in the A’in-i-Akbari,(iii, A’in 4, Vol. II., Tr. H.S. Jarrett.) was required to be vigoros, experienced, active, deliberate, patient, astute and humane. He was to be watchful, and do patrolling in the night, so that “the citizens should enjoy the repose of security, and the evil–disposed lie in the slough of non-existence. He should keep a register of houses, and frequented roads, and engage the citizens in a pledge of reciprocal assistance and woe. He should form a quarter by the union of a certain number of habitations, and name his intelligent subordinates for its superintendence and receive a daily report under his seal of those who enter or leave (mahall) and whatever events therein occur..” The Kotw’al kept himself informed of the happenings in each mahall by receiving reports from the watchmen and sweepers. Moreover, Piada (footmen) were also enlisted and posted as spies in each ward. The reports

137


received, from the above mentioned two sources, were compared to find out what was truthful?

Besides discharging the duties, given above, the Kotwal was required to ‘establish separate serrais’, ‘observe the income and expenditure of the various classes of men,’ look ‘see to the open thourough-fare of the streets and erect barriers at the entrances and secure freedom from defilement,’39 In matters of administering justice, the Kotw’al could state cases to the judge and receive the Qazi’s judgment and act accordingly.

We find the Kotw’als in Akbar’s administration, combining military and civil duties including those falling in the realm of trade. He was to separate ferries and wells for men and women. It is indicative of Akbar’s care of women’s comforts and their rights. Further, his duties included ‘forbidding the restriction of personal liberty and the selling of slaves.’ Sarkar, referring to the ‘dos,’ as prescribed, instead of appreciating the provisions serving as standards, says these represent “only the ideal for the Kotw’al” – So does the modern list of duties, not only, in the developing but developed countries as well.

It may be stated here that under the N’azim (the provincial governor) and the provincial diw’an, a number of other officers performed duties, assigned to them:

The provincial Bakhshi in the Subhas enjoyed the same status, as the Imperial Bakhshi within the

138

Appendix

administrative structure at the Center. He was responsible for military administration.

The Sadr, deputed in each Province by the Sadr-us-Sudur of the Central Government, functioned independently, as administration of justice necessity requires independance of judiciary. Hence, Sadr was independent of both, the Subahdar (Nazim or governor in modern parlance), and the provincial Diw’an. He was stationed in his separate office, where he tried cases. “At the beginning of Akbar’s reign,” says Ibn- Hassan, “the Sadars occupied an important position, but as far as the history of the period and its administrative side is concerned, their position appears to have been limited to the use of their power to award stipend to the Ulama and the needy people.”40

The Waqa’i-navis recorded happenings and events. He was present whenever the Sipahsal’ar held his court, and was seated close to him. Proceedings were recorded meticulously, of course, as these were to be submitted to Akbar’s Court, passing through the relevant offices of authority – through the Subahd’ar, or through the General in Command, if the matter fell within his jurisdiction. Thus, the Emperor kept himself informed of the civil and military situation in each Subah and the entire State. Any relevant action or policy decision depended on the readings of the reports. As appearing in He’ayet-ul-Qawaid, the Waqa’i-navis was “charged to send his reports of occurrences once every week, and the Swaneh-nig’ar eight times in a month. The language

139


implies,” says Sarkar, “that the latter officer reported on the whole Subah, while the former reported about particular locality only.”41

Thus, we infer that these news-writers in a way combined the functions of the present day district ‘information officers’, except that they worked single-handedly without any designated supporting staff to help them. Further, their communication were of great advantage to the ruler as also to the incoming rulers, who could refer to these reports as source–material for drawing official policies and programs. The unexplored Persian manuscripts in Indian archives are lying in wait for expert hands to read and interpret these to the benefit of devising our policy with futurity in mind.

Beside the Waqa’i-navis, there were Swaneh-nig’ars, who, unlike the Waqa’i-navis, were not recording all the events and occurrences. Rather, they were required to report only the important events and occurrences. “…a Waqa’i-navis,” says Sarkar, was “attached to every field army, province and large towns, and a Swaneh-nigar at special places and times only.” The latter was intended to be spy, keeping an eye over the former. Thus, a Swaneh-nigar’s work was of a secret nature. Then, there was Harkar’ah, a true Khufia-navis (a secret reporter), posted to the provinces. He carried the news and narrated these verbally, but at times also sent written reports.

The letter of appointment (Sanad) of provincial Diw’ans contained, among other matters, the following

140

Appendix

instruction also: “Conciliate the local Waqa’i-navis and Swaneh-nig’ar (official news reporter) and Harkar’ah (spy reporters), in order that they may always write their reports of occurrences in a manner leading to your advancement.” Sarkar referring to Mir’at (Ms. 691 b) states that the harkarahs posted in the provinces sent their news-reports ‘of all sides’ and of ‘all occurrences’ to the governors of their subahs respectively, “closed in envelops for being dispatched to the imperial Court with the provincial post.” These “news-letters were first sent to an officer of the Court, named the Daroga of D’ak Chowki, i.e., superintendent of posts and intelligence, who sent them unopened to the wazir for submission to the Emperor, for his information, judgement and appropriate action. The “harka’rahs” also kept their agents” in the offices of the n’azim and in other places, just like the Waqa’i-nig’ar and Suwaneh-navis, and.. these three “were called Akhb’ar-navis all alike.”42

Thus, the flow of upward communication from the above mentioned, was through the Darogha-i-D’ak Chowki (Superintendent of post and intelligence). There was an amalguz’ar (Collector of Revenue) in each Sarkar (district), who, as given in the A’in V(A’in-i Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. J.S. Jarrett), was required to be (i) zealous and truthful in his public dealings and in his conduct as an officer, (ii) consider himself the representative of the lord paramount, (iii) permit ‘easy access to the agriculturists without a mediator by establishing himself at a convenient place,’ (iv) ‘deal with the contumacious and the dishonest by admonition,

141


and if this avail not, proceed to chastisement,’ (v) not to cease ‘from punishing highway robbers, murderers and evil-doers, nor from heavily mulcting them, and so administer that the cry of complaint shall be stilled,’ (vi) ‘take into account with discrimination the engagements of former collector and remedy the produce of ignorance or dishonesty,’(vii) be just and provident in his measurment’, (viii) take payments not only in cash but in ‘in kind also’, (ix) ‘see that the treasurers does not demand any special kind of coin but take what is of standard weight and proof and receive the equivalent of the deficiency at the value of current coin and record the difference in the voucher,’ (x) ‘…examine and count’ whatever was paid into the treasury, ‘and compare it with the day-ledger of the Karkun,’ and to ‘verify by signature of the treasurer and placing it in bags under seal, shall deposit it in a strong room and fasten the door thereof with several locks of different construction.’ He was require to ‘keep the key of one himself and leave the others with the treasurer’, (xi) take ‘at the end of the month…from the writer (bitikchi) the account of the daily receipts and expenditure and forward it to the royal presence,’ (xii) not to ‘make the occasion of journeying, feasting or mourning an opportunity for exactions, and refrain from accepting presents,’ and (xiii) to submit a monthly statement, covering different matters including he state of the poor and the destitutes.

142

Appendix

“The A’in (V) referred above, provided that should there be no Kotw’al, the collector (Amal-guz’ar) must take the duties of the office upon himself.”

The Bitikchi (the Scribe) whose essential qualifications, required of him to be “conscientious, a good writer,43 and a skitful accountant.” He was assisted by Qanungo,44 an officer in each district (Sarkar) in his work. He received from the Qanungo statements giving “the average decennial state of the village revenues in money and kind, and having made himself acquainted with the customs and regulations of the district, satisfy the collector in this regard, and lend his utmost assistance and attention.” Measurers and Karkuns used to tabulate seasonal crop statistics. “…the Karkun (registrar of collections) sets down the transaction of the assessments, the muqaddam (chief village revenue officer) and the patwari (land steward) shall keep their respective accounts. The collector shall compare these documents and keep them under his seal and give a copy thereof to the clerk. When the assessment of the village is completed, he shall enter it in the abstract of the village accounts and after verifying it anew cause its authentication by the Karkun.45 and Patwari…, this document, as provided in A’in V, was to be necessarily forwarded ‘weekly to the royal presence’.

The Bitikchi (scribe) who “must be conscientious, a good writer and collector,” besides performing his duties in matters of agriculture, revenues and

143


accounting, was required to shoulder the following responsibilities also.46

- When any cultivator desired a reference to his account, he was to settle it without delay. He shall,.. dispatch daily the price-current of mohurs and rupees and other articles under the seal of the principal men, and ..’.enter the effects and cattle plundered in any village, in the day ledger, and report the circumstances.’

- The Khazand’ar (the Treasurer), also called. Fotad’ar (whence the common name Poddar applied to a banker, cash–keeper, or an officer in public establishments for weighing money or bullion (wilson’s Glossary 160 and 422: Jarret), was in-charge of the Treasury, which, as provided, was to “be located near the residence of the governor”, at a carefully chosen placensuring that “the situation should be such where it is not liable to injury.” “On the door of the treasury, as sealed by the Collector, he” placed “a lock of his own, and” opened “it only with the cognizance of the Collector and registrar.” He was required to “consent to no disbursements without the Voucher of Diw’an, and (to) enter into no usurious transactions.” “If any expenditure should be necessary that admits of no delay, he (was allowed to) act under the authority of the registrar and Shiqd’ar and represent the case to government.”

- Thus, considering the forgoing account we find that Akbar’s administration provided care and protection to the primary units of administration also

144

Appendix

with the same interest and zeal which were applied incase of Sarkars and Subahs - villages and mahalls. Further,the institution of a ‘Record Office’ to retain “whatever proceeded from the court…so that the officers might have a valuable assistance and that administrative orders might be preserved”(Akbar nameh III, p.167) was helpful in the continuity of administrative decisions and their implementation.

REFERENCES:

1. India Painted by Martimer Menpes, Described by Flora Annie Steel, Neeraj Publishing House, Delhi - 110 052, 1982, p. 52.

2. H.G. Keene, History of India: From the Earliest Times to the Twentieth Century, Vol. I, Atlantic Publications and Distributors, New Delhi – 110 027, 1988, pp. 104–105.

3. Pyne, Akbar and the Jesuits, p. 205. Quoted from Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, Akbar The Great, Vol. I, Shivalal Agarwal & Company, Agra, 1962, p. 529.

4. Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. III, p. 434.

5. Commentaries, p. 209.

6. Akbar, Emperor of India, Tr. Lydia G. Robinson, the Open Court Publication Company, Chicago. U.S.A., 1909, p. 20.

7. A’in-i-Akbari, i, Vol. I, Tr. H. Blochmann, Aadiesh Book Depot, Delhi – 110 007, 1965, p. 3.

145


8. Commentaries, pp. 203–204 (Quoted from Akbar The Great, Vol. I, Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, 1962, p. 513.

9. There was a supreme judge in Akbar’s empeire, designated as Sadr-us-Sudoor, who, in his capacity, was also called Qazi-ul-Quzz’at. But the Emperor heard cases, even when he was on the move. Administration of justice was categorized into three: (i) Siy’asat, covering military and political offences, (ii) Maz’alim, covering causes arising out of the unjustified dealings of public servants, and (iii) Qaza, Hisb’ah and Religious Affairs, which fell under the jurisdiction of Sadr-us-Sudur, of the empire. Then, there was Mir-adl whose duties fell in the executive domain, relating to reaching of justice viz., production of litigants in the Courts and implementing decisions.

10. Ashirbadi Lal Srivastave, Akbar The Great Vol. I, Shivalal Agarwal & Company Agra, 1962, p. 209.

11. A Pageant of India, S.P. Publications, Delhi – 110 006, 1975, p. 261.

12. Mughal Administration, M.C. Sarkar & Sons Ltd., Calcutta – 12, 1952, p. 12.

13. Line authority commands a Superior–subordinate authority relationship; “whereby a superior makes decisions and tells them to a subordinate, who in turn makes decisions and tells them to a subordinate, and so on”. It thus forms a line from the very top to the very bottom level of the organization–structure. The line authority gives rise to the name ‘Line Authority’. Thus, Line consists of an uninterrupted series of authority steps and forms a hierarchical arrangement, present in all formal organization types.”

146

Appendix

-See Principles of Management, George R. Terry Stephen, Stephen G. Franklin, All India Traveler Bookseller, Delhi – 110 051, 1994, p. 229.

14. “Power, a much broader concept than authority, is the ability of individuals or groups to induce or influence the beliefs or actions of other persons or groups. Bases of power arise normally ‘within our cultural system of rights, obligations, and duties, whereby a position is accepted by the people as being ‘legitimate.”

-Harold Koontz, Heinz Weihrich, Essentials of Management, MacGraw,–Hill, International Edition, MacGraw–Hill Publishing Company, 1990, p. 177.

15. A’in i. A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett.

16. Ibid, A’in III.

17. See Akbar: The Architect of the Mughal Empire, Idarah-i-Adabiyat–Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1987, p. 25.

18. The number was raised to seventeen under Jahangir, and to twenty-one during the reign of Aurangzeb.

19. W.H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar: An Economic Study, Low Price Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1990, p. 33.

20. Mughal India: Studies in Polity, Ideas, Society and Culture, Oxford University Press, New Delhi – 110 001, 2006, p. 62.

21. W.H. Moreland, From Akbar to Aurangzeb: A Study in Indian Economic History, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, Now Delhi – 110 005, 1972, p. 235.

147


22. Richard von Garbe, Akbar, Emperor of India: A Picture of Life and Customs from the Sixteenth Century, Tr. Lydia G. Robinson, the Open Court Publication Company, Chicago, U.S.A., 1909, p. 9.

23. Abul Fazl, A’-in-Akbari i, Vol.I, Tr. H. Blochmann, p. 5.

24. Ibid.

25. Mughal Administration, M.C. Sarkar & Sons Ltd., Calcutta - 12, 1952, p. 21.

26. Abul Fazl, Akbar nama, Vol. III, Tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 560-566, 687 & 698.

27. Collector revenue of a (revenue) area, with an income of one Kror d’ams i.e., 2.5 lakh rupees. Akbar instituted this office in his stead to develop a different pattern of authority to help curb corruption, maximize (revenue) receipts and to ensure smooth flow of work.

28. See Mughal Administration (Sir Jadunath Sarkar), M.C. Sarkar & Sons Ltd., Calcutta-12, 1952, p. 35.

29. For further details, see Mughal Administration by Sir Jadunath Sarkar, cited above.

30. Ibid. For details see pages 40-41 of the book, cited above.

31. See Appendix I.

32. Madad-e M’ash: Free grant land, conferred ‘for benefit of various classes: firstly, on inquirers of wisdom who have withdrawn from all worldly occupations and (are)… after knowledge; secondly, on such as toil and practice self-denial, and…have renounced the society of men; thirdly on such as are weak and poor;…fourthly, on honorable men of gentle birth, who from

148

Appendix

want of knowledge, are unable to provide for themselves by taking a trade.” (A’in 19, A’in Akbari ii, Vol. I, Tr. H. Blochmann, p.278)

33. Five mints were established, ‘which were entrusted to Afzal Khan, Muzaffar Khan, Khwajah Shah Mansur, Khawajah Imam-ud-din Husain and Todar Mal respectively.

34. Abul Fazl, A’in I, A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol. II, Tr. Col.H.S.Jarrett.

35. For a detailed account see Mughal Administration by Sir Jadunath Sarkar, M.C. Sarkar & Sons Ltd., Calcutta-12, 1952, pp. 49–52.

36. The news-writers (waqa’i navis) and their vigilance in report writing and surveillence that followed,checked the governors from going astray. The Intelligence Department like the CBI, as at present in India, working under the charge of Bakhshi, kept the high officers under its control.

37. See the source at Sl. No. 36 above and also Akbar nama, Vol. II.

38. Mughal Administration, M.C. Sarkar & Sons Ltd., Calcutta-12, 1952, pp. 54-55.

39. A’in IV, A’in-i-Akbari , ii, Vol.II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett; See Appendix II

40. The Central Structure of the Mughal Empire and Its Practical Working up to the Year 1657, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt., Ltd., 1986, p.258.

41. Mughal Administration, M.C. Sarkar & Sons Ltd., Calcutta-12, 1952, p. 62. A’in X, A’in-i Akbari i, (Vol.

149


I, Tr. H. Blochmann) provides the duties of Central Waqia’i Navis in detail, mainly concerned with reporting of the events and happenings at court or the Emperor’s gestures or issuance of decrees and sanads, etc.

42. Perhaps, it refers to having a good hand writing, for in book-keeping and accounting figures must be very clearly and neatly written to avoid any misreading, misunderstanding, and disputes.

43. The Qanungo occupied an important position in the parganah administration. Copies of the Statements, prepared by him, were sent to the provincial diw’an: These were, however, to be certified by the ‘amil, the chaudhuri (who reported ‘all land’ under cultivation to the office of the ‘amil truthfully, and by the qanungo’ himself, prior to the sending of the statements. Contents of the statements included details relating to the (i) area cultivated, (ii) crops grown, and (ii) the expected and the actual yield. In the event of damages to the crops, caused by unforeseen circumstances, he assessed the extent of the damages and recommended remission in the State demand. It was the Qanungo who issued to each assessee a signed document, called the Pattah, containg information pertaining to his holding. The assessees, in turn, executed a deed, called qubuliy’at, confirming their acceptance of the royal assessment. While the original was retained by them, its copies were sent to the provincial diw’an.

Further, “in certain areas the duties of a qanungo were combined with those of the Chaudhuri, who was also associated with parganah administration, as a

150

Appendix

person cognizant of the conditions in the Parganah. The Chaudhri was especially required to report to the ‘amil’s office all land brought under cultivation (Shakir Khan f.154a). He was punished if he suppressed any information about cultivated area.”

-I. H. Qureshi, Akbar: The Architect of the Mughal Empire, Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1987), p. 186.

44. Instead of the two Karkuns in each parganah, one for keeping the records in Persian and the other in Hindi, Akbar kept only one bitikchi, who kept the records in Persian (Kewal Ram, f. 146 b)

-- Quoted from Akbar: The Architect of the Mughal Empire, p. 185.

45. Abul Fazl, A’in VI, A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol.II Tr. H.S. Jarrett.

46. Ibid, Ain VII.

________

V

INDIAN AGRICULTURE IN AKBAR’S REIGN

Interested in establish ing a lasting peace within his real m , Akbar did all to render his administration

151


effective. He implanted his ideas in each of its aspects. His able functionaries always support ed him in his endeavors. More interesting to the presently strife-ridden world , it should be to refer to Akbar’s endeavors and achievements in establishing an order, marked by prosperity, justice being its underlying principle . It will be appropriate here to refer to what Abul Fazl writes under the sub-title “Currency of the Means of Subsistence:

“Thus , the currency of the means of subsistence rests on a two-fold basis, viz., the Justice of sovereign m o narchs, and regard to the welfare of well-disposed dependents. The base materialist understands not the language of reason and never transcends the limits of bodily sense. This unfertile soil needs water of the sword, not the limpid spring of demonstration.” 1

Needless to say that , any just administration necessarily demands reward and punishments.

Referring to the cultivated areas and the State-peasant relation, we find it essential that ‘the possessions’ were to be given due recognition . Describing this phenomenon in his literary prosaic style, Abul Fazl adds meaning to it , when he says:

“It is evident th at in all cultivated areas, the possesso r s of property are numerous, and they hold their lands b y ancestral descent, but through malevolence and despite, their titles become obscured by the dust of uncertainty and the hand of firmness is no

152

Appendix

longer stretched above them. I f the cultivator holds it in awe, the power of the adorner of the universe and the Elixir of the living, and the merchant turn back from evil designing and reflect in his heart on the favor of the lord of the world, the depository of divine grace, his possessions would be approved of wisdom. Thus, the virtue of property lies in the pledge of intention, and a just ruler, like a salt-bed, makes clean the unclea n and the evil good. But without honest co - adjusters, abundant accessories of state and a full treasury even he could effect nothing and the condition of subserviency and obedience would lack the bloom of discipline” 2

It is, therefore, evident that a good and prosperous agriculture and dependable system of land tenure are to the advantage of both the State and the cultivators.

i) The Khalis’at or Crown L and: This land was not assigned, and was under the State management. Akb a r intended that these Crown lands (imperial territories) be managed b y his own revenue official s and the imperial R evenue M inistry. These were thus reserved territories, and were the major source of providing ( liquid ity ) cash to the treasury.

ii) The J agir L ands: T hese were bestowed by the ruler, transferred to the possession of and benefit to some nobles or those who render valuable service to the Crown, subject to an unflinching and continued loyalty.

153


iii) The S a yurghal L ands: These were granted for assistance towards livelihood (Madad-i-M’ash) of the learned and the benevolent, whose purpose was to add to knowledge and help the seekers of good.

As different instruments for measurements were being used, it led to difficulties in standarlizing measures of control and assessment, misunderstandings, as also administrative inco nv enience. Akbar, therefore, t ook to standardize measurements by introducing I l a h i G az 3 (Yard), Ta n ’ab ,4 and standard measure of l an d , a bigha .5 He c lassified the lands, fixing ‘a different revenue’ to be paid by each, as mentioned her e under:

i) Polaj Land: ‘Annually cultivated for each crop in succession and.. never allowed to lie fallow.’

ii) Prauti La n d: ‘Left out of cultivation for a time that may reco ver its strength.’

iii) Chacher Land ‘that has lain fallow for three or four years,’ and

iv) Banjar Land, ‘uncultivated for five years or more.’

Polaj and Para u ti lands were each sub-divided into (a) Good, (b) Middling, and (c) Bad. 6

The Great Mughal knew it well that continuity and change in an agrarian economy is positively linked to development of agriculture and welfare of the peasants. The revenue rates in the Mughal empire may or may not be found high, when compared to the present day rural- welfare oriented rates and system of taxation,

154

Appendix

but, while assessing the rates revenue in the empire, consideration musbe given to the then emerging critical military situations, entailing huge expenditure - raising of Serrais, laying roads, wells and reservoirs and, of course, help to the deprived and the destitute. Thus, part of the revenues w as spent on welfare and development works, and for creating infrastructure. Officers were instructed to ensure help to the peasants , whenever and wherever necessary.

The State functionaries in each Subah (Province) from the rank of Subahd ’ ar to Qanungo and Patwari , in fact, all were instructed and assigned the duty to especially take care of agriculture and the agriculturists. Thus, the Subahad ’ ar was to “turn his attention to the inc rease of agriculture and the flourishing condition of the land , and earn the gratitude of the people by the faithful discharge of his obligations and account the befriending of the agriculturists as an excellent service to the Almighty.” He was also required to make “reservoirs, wells, water c ourse s, gardens, Serrais and other pious foundation, and set about the repairing of what has fallen into ruin.” ( A’in 1, Ain-i-Akbari iii , Vol. II, Tr. H.S J arret t, pp. 39-40 ) .

As provided in the A’in -i- Akbari , it was the duty of the Faujd ’ ar to maintain calm, obviously to the advantage of the S tate as well as the community, in turn, benefiting the agricultural and industrial activity as well.

155


The Faujd ’ ar (Commander of the Armed Forces) held his position as a provincial officer in which he was posted ( A’in II, A’in-i-Akbari iii , Vol. II, Tr. H.S. J arret t, p. 41) . H is services touched agriculture also , as t he extracts from a S anad , appointing a Faujd ’ ar to this office, do indicate that he should “urge the Thanad ’ ars (men in command of the outposts or smaller areas within a faujd ’ ari ) …to take complete possession of their charges to abstain from dispensing people from their rightful property and from l ev ying an y forbidden c es s ( ahw’ab ).” It may be state d here that the thanad ’ ars were appointed by the Faujd ’ ars and they worked under his authority . F urther, the faujd ’ ars were to ‘inc l ine’ the leading men of the village ( s) …to “the peaceful pursuit of agriculture.” While asked to “chastise the evil men,” the Fauj ’ dar was instructed not to “molest (ordinary) peasants.” 7

The Kotw’al was duty-bound to “examine the weights, and make the Ser not more, nor less th a n thirty d ’am ,” and not to permit any decrease, or “increase in the gaz ,” the measuring rod .This must have surely benefited benefit the cultivators as well. Further , the Kotw’al was duty-bound to “direct that no ox or baffallo or horse, or camel be slaughtered,” as these were of use in cultivation , and allied agricultural activities ( A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S. J arre t t, p. 45 ).

The Amalguz’ar (Collector of revenue) was duty-bound “to be a friend of the agriculture,” and to check the land falling waste,” and to “assist the needy

156

Appendix

husbandman with advances of money and recover them gradually.” “ W hos o ever cultivated un r eclaimed land,” says Richard v on Garbe, “was assisted by the government by the gr an t of a free supply of seed and by a considerable reduction in his taxes for the first four years. To discharge his agriculture-related duties and to be helpful in the collection , the Amalguz ’ ar was required to “ascertain the extent of the soil in cultivation and weigh each several portion in the scales of observation and be acquainted with its quality , ” a s “the agriculture value of land varies in different districts and certain soils are adapted to certain crops. He (was) to deal differently, therefore, with each agriculturist and take his care into consideration… (and to) strive to bring waste land into cultivation and take heed that what is in cultivation , fall not waste.” He was to “take care that land cultivated by the farmer himself and not by the tenant, as well as resumed lands, should not be suffered to fall waste.” Not only this, the cultivators were to be encouraged by the Amalguz ’ ar to take to “stimulate the increase of value produce and remit somewhat of the assessment with a view to its agumentation. And, if the husbandman cultivate less and urge a plausible excuse, let him not accept it.” Thus, the imperial government ensured output and use of human and non-human resources. Further, if there remains “no waste land in a village and a husbandman be capable of adding to his cultivation,” t he Amalguz’ar was, as per the provision in the A’in, “to allow him land in some other village.” The provision in itself is

157


indicative of (i) the care of the State to encourage the entrepreneurial cultivators, and to expand agriculture to the advantage of the then agrarian economy of India, and (ii) to generate resources, augumenting the recourses of Akbar’s Ministry of Revenue. Moreover, the amalguz’ar was h e ld responsible to help cultivators by increasing “the facilities of the husbandman year after year, and under the pledge of his engagements, take nothing beyond the actual area under tillage.” Likewise, he was to be essentially “just and provident in his measurement,” and to “carefully inspect the S a yurghal tenures, sending copies” of his inspection report “to the registry office” for comparison. Further, ascertainment of “the correctness of the Chaknam ’ ah (the document, granting alienated lands with specification of their boundaries, and as defined by Elliot, ‘ a pathch of rent-free land , detached from a village - W ilson 97 ) was also one of his responsibilities. The Amalguz’ar was forbidden to “make the occasion of journeying, feasting or mourning an opportunity for exaction.” He was asked to “refrain from accepting presents. Whenever a muqaddam (chief village revenue officer), or patwari (land steward) shall bring money or, advancing to the dais, shall present a d ’ am in obedience, he shall not accept it. In the same way, he shall renounce balk’ati ” which, as described by Abul Fazl, was “the practice of taking a small fee from each village when the harvest” was ‘ready for reaping. ’ ( A’in V, A’in-i-Akbar i iii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S. J arret t ). Another of the Amalguz’ar’s du t y was to “du ly keep under ward” any property of “the

158

Appendix

obentec or of him that dies without an heir” and “to report the circumstances.” This , it may be discerned, was in the interest of both the State as well as the rightful claimants. Further , in case of the sown-fields any care exercised, was to add to the total output of the village. Likewise, the land could be put to use at the hands of the available hewers of the soil.

In the welfare measure s to be looked after by the Amal-guz’ar , profitably affecting the peasants, counted was his “ascertain ing the exact particulars on the spot” concerning any disaster to the crop” and to “calculate the extent of the loss” an d to record “it in writing (and) transmit it without delay in order that it may be approved or a commission” to enquire and assess the loss , be “dispatched.” ( A’in V, A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S. J arret t ) .

The Bitikchi (a writer or Scribe) lent his “utmost assistance and attention to the Amalguz’ar . Receiving reports from “the Patwaris of new cases of alluvion and dilution, sales, leases, gifts of land, he updated his register of mutation.”

Added to his duty, was the recording of "all eng a gements made with the agriculturists," defining "the village boundaries," and estimating "the amount of arable and waste land . " These measures beneficially led to maintenance of dependable land records.

The Bitikchi was duty-bound to "note the names of the Munsifs (officer s employed to superintendent the

159


measurement of lands of a village in concert with the villagers - (W ilson, 356) , the superintendent ( z ’ abit ), the land-surveyor an d than a d 'ars , also th a t of the cultivator and headman, and record below the kind of produce cultivated." ( A'in VI, A'in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S J arret t , p. 51) Included in his duty was also the work to "set down the village, the parganah and the harvest, and subtracting the deficiency , take the value of the assets, or after the manner of the people of the country, inscribe the name, the kind of produce, and the deficiency below the date of cultivation. ” Thus, comparative data on produce could be compiled.

T he ' dos ' on the part of the Bitikchi , make it evident th at there in Akbar's empire due emphasis was placed on record keeping, ‘ as an d what is written ’ , does not only severe as a recorded fact, but also as evidence to help decide claims and avoid undue h oa rse and ruinous rivalry . It is also a guara nt ee for smooth functioning of any system: This must have surely a i d e d and ensured continu a n ce of peace in the villages at the primary level. The system of administration, fed by justice, provided av enues of peace to expand and get established . Dwelling upon Akbar’s achievements, Tapan Raychaudhari while complaining of "the negative record" of the Mughals, puts that it is balanced by one positive feature of the empire : “If the Mughals were ruthless in expropriation of the surplus , their rule beyond doubt brought a high level of peace and security. From the 1570s - by which time Akbar had consolidated his empire - for more than a hundred years

160

Appendix

the greater part of India enjoyed such freedom from war and anarchy , as it had not known for centuries." 8

The economy being basically agra r i a n at the time and agriculture being labor-intensive, availablity of willing tillers of the soil, unless offered ince n tives, was likely to be lesser than an expanding and exporting empire would demand. Therefore, the Mugha l administration took care t o get the fields increasingly cultivated. Concessions were granted to those bringing land under plough for the first t im e. This done, the results with reference to yield and kinds of crops, especially the cash crops, must be varied, for the quality of the soil, availability of wherewithal and the ability of individual cultivators , as also their resourcefulness , must be more distinctively differing , as it is now. Moreover, there was concentration of the population around fertile lands and flowing waters in Akbar's India also . K eeping in view the increasing burden on fertile land and the land first cultivated, one may appreciate Abul Fazl ’s narration, that in case there remains 'no waste land in a village and a husbandman be capable of adding to his cultivation,' the Amalguz'ar was 'to allow him land in some other village.' Thus , the administration concerned with the policy not to permi t cultivated land to become barren or uncultivated, asked its officers to encourage cultivators to expand their holdings of cultivable land and improve the quality of cr o ps. The statements concerning cultivation and holdings, submitted by the officers, showed t he newly cultivated areas separately. Thus, uptodate information

161


on the expantion of cultivated area was readily made available. This makes one to consider that the size of the holdings differed, as also the ability and command of individual cultivators. Knowing (that) “It is estimated that the Sub-continent did no t have a population of more than a hundred mil lion at that time" and that the “ .. n umber of people who cultivated the soil, was no t too large prop o rtionately," one can understand that "there was the ever present danger of agricultural production falling below the needed quantities and thus affecting both industry and the fo o d situatio n ." 9 This speaks of the concern of Akbar's administration for expansion of agriculture for prosperity of the empire and its people , and also of constant vigilance to enlist additional number of cultivators.

Further, to ensure continual cultivation the Mughal administration provided help to t hose cultivators, who were unable to cultivate their holdings for want of resources. The State ever managed to get their land cultivated, and later recovered the total cost along with the State demand of revenue, when t he harvest was reaped. 10 One thus finds that with the State offer ing help and encouragement, those experienced and entrepreneurial must have taken to improve upon their techniques and choice of better-yielding crops, cash crops included in the scheme, albeit subject t o suita bi lity of th e soil of their holding, as also the availability of resources , and the outl e t of their produce . Dear to Akbar were t he development and upkeep of agriculture at dynamic level s of adequacy .

162

Appendix

A prosperous agriculture was needed, also because of growing need of foodgrains, cotton and other crops: "In each distr ic t he had store house s , erect ed to supply animals, the property of the State, with fo o d; to furnish cultivators with grain for sowing purposes; to have at hand a provision in case of famines; and to feed the poor. These st ore houses were placed in charge of men specially selected for their trustworthy qualities." 11

With the facilities differing in case of different cultivators, as also the productivity of land of their produce, the value and size of individual holding differed.

“The difference between the size of the holdings and resources of the peasants had their implications for the cultivation of different crops. The market - or cash crops, such as cotton, sugar - cane, indigo, betel leaf and opium (and, to a lesser extent, wheat) involved frequent ploughing and watering and thus, demanded larger investment in cattle , and wells, i nstallations , specific to different crops as of sugar - cane presses boilers , and indigo-vats , etc. This meant that those crops could be cultivated only by the well-to-do, bigger peasants (or small zamindars). The returns on these crops , were much higher. This is reflected in the very high rates of revenue , per bigha , assigned to them”. 1 2

What is describe d above, led in effect to th e emergence of a distinct well-to-do class of cultivators and zamindars ; while the re were others , who were living on subs is tance agriculture or below the level

163


(uneconomical) agriculture, facing hardships, yet sticking to their land.

The cultivators raised a good number of crops, both in the Rabi ( S pring) and Kharif (A u tumn) sowings , raising food grains and cash crops . Food grains produced included wheat, rice , barley, gram, mille t and pulses , etc. Referring to revenue-rates ’ tables provided by the A’in-i-Akbar i ii i , Vol. II (Tr. H.S. J arrett) for the Subahs , we find that wheat was grown in the Subahs of Agra, Allahabad, Oudh, Delhi, Lahore, Multan, Malwa and Ajmer. Wheat produced in Kashmir, was of a low quality: it was black in color and smaller in size; it was not a favorite consumption . Wheat, grown in Rabi in Qandahar, is described to be ‘extremely white’ . It was sent ‘as a present of value to distant countries’. Barely was not produced in Bengal and Orissa , though it was grown in all other parts of the e mpire. Rice was favorably grown in Bengal, Orissa, Bihar, Agra, Allahabad, Oudh, Delhi, Lahore, Khandesh and Berar. The Emperor’s encouragement of cultivation led to “choicest production of Turkestan, Persia and Hindustan” – Berar’s cultivation was “remarkably good”. Sarkar of Garha (Malwa) produced in plenty : “Its agricultural produce (was) sufficient to supply fully both Gujarat and the Deccan. Gujarat imported wheat and some foodgrains from Malwa and Ajmer, and rice from Deccan”. Bengal producing abundant rice , could supply it, as told by Ralph Fitch ‘to deficient areas including Cochin’. In Multan river Sind inclining “every few

164

Appendix

years alternatively to its southern and northern banks”, village cultivation followed its course”.

In the M ugh u l empire, villages due to sparce population , were generally surrounded by vacant lands meant for pasture , and forests which could supply fuels and timber for use by the village population mainly. Availability of timber led to encourage house-building.

Each village had its cropping pattern in line with the climate and also with cultivators’ own ability to invest and also their experience in sowing and harvesting. The crops sown then, were much the same as those in contemporary India, ex ce pt the willingness of peasants to readily accept not only the newer additions to sowing and cropping, but also the new techniques and implements, as also the hybrids, which were largely rather wholly non-existent then. Tobacco was introduced either late in 1604c or early in 1605c.

Sugar-cane was cultivated in many parts of Bengal, Bihar , and Malwa and Agra, which produced sugar also. It can be said that sugar-cane supply must have kept pace with its demand in Agra. Further, sugar-cane produced was carried to other places in India. Indigo was produced (in Autum n ) in the Subahas of Agra, Allahabad, Oudh, Delhi, Lahore and Multan, as per the 19 years’ revenue tables. “Pelsaert definitely tells us of the large-scale production of manufactures of indigo in the Jum n a Valley and central India. To meet the demand of wide-spread manufactures of Cotton and Silk goods, both cotton and silk were cultivated

165


extensively in certain parts of India… Agricultural implements were also very much the same as those of the present day, and such was the case with the agricultural system with the exception of the comparative absence of artificial irrigation….” 1 3

Referring to irrigation, we read that “it seems clear from a reading of Abul Fazl’s of the various provinces in the A’in that he found it superflous to say anything about the role of irrigation if the crops depended mostly on rainfall and only partly on wells (As Sujan Rai, II, remarks of Hindustan, “although in some parts cultivation depends on wells and some regions the land is lalmi ”, 1 4 taken as Ilahi (God-sent), referring to B’arani (dependent upon rain).

A’in 85 ( A’in-i-Akbari i, Vol. I, Tr. H. Blochmann) puts: “Many lakes and wells are being dug for the benefit of men and the improvement of the soil,” sufficiently indicating benefits and utility of irrigation.

While thinking of irrigation in Akbar’s empire, we may r efer to the existence of ‘a large reservoir of water’ in the Sarkar of Sonargaon (Bengal), whose water gave a ‘peculiar whiteness to cloth es washed therein. Other uses of the water with whatever technique existing then, cannot be ruled out. In Malwa, “at every two or three kos clear and limpid streams (were) met.” Further, Abul Fazl records that in Malwa ‘lakes and green meads are frequent’, signifying moisture and availability of water. Near Malgarh in Berar, there existed a spring (which was utilized for petrifying wood

166

Appendix

and other substances). But then the flowing water must have been utilized in other avenues of its use also, and agriculture cannot be altogether excluded. In Gujarat, there was a well near Pattan, whose water gave to swords ‘a keen edge’ – Here too no one would obviously think only of this use of the well’s water. In Kashmir, the land was also ( then and is now) ‘artificially irrigated, or (was) dependant on rain for irrigation’. Water fall in Shahlamer (Shalim’ar) is recorded in the A’in-i-Akbari and so is the Wulur Lake. Any irrigational need must have turned the cultivators to look to the water of both, the waterfall and the lake s.

Natil (at a distance of 16 kos from Qandahar) used to be “full of water–courses… (and) the mountains registered ‘several clear springs”. In Adinahpur (in the Sarkar of Kabul ) “nine streams .” says Abul Fazl, “irrigate d the cultivated land”. Further, a good number of rivers flowing in and across the Subahs in Akbar’s e mpire provided opportunity for irrigating the fields. A’in-i-Akbari mentions of irrigating lands by Saru (Sarju) and Ghaghara waters in Oudh. Underneath the discussion on Sarkar of Pakli, Abul Fazl writes: “It is watered by three rivers”. In the discussion on Qandahar Sarkar , he mentions the flowing Hirmand river, and of “much cultivation on both sides of the river.” Abul Fazl thus speaks of the facility of irrigation. Likewise, it is mentioned that in Ghaznin (called Zabulistan) “a river runs from North to South which waters all the arable lands.” In the Subah of Delhi, “much of the land was subject to inundation”. It was in the Subah of Lahore

167


that irrigation was “chiefly from wells”. As regards the lands subject to inundation, we read under A’in XIII (the A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S. J arrett, p. 74) about the ‘proportion of revenue from one bigha of Banjar land’, for Spring as well as Autumn harvests. In case of each crop, the State revenue rates are separately stated for the inundated land and for the land that suffered from rains. It means that land not only in the Subah of Delhi , but also in other places was inundated.

A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II ( H.S. J arret t, p. 408) makes mention of two canals: one was in Kabul, named after Akbar’s foster mother, Mahun Anagah’s name; the other , called Nahr-i-Shihab , which was , in fact , earlier cut by Firoz Shah “from the Parganah of Khizrabad to Safidun”. This canal was repaired during the time of Shihab (Shihabud-Din-Ahmad Khan, a S ayyid of Nishapur, whose wife, Baba Agha, was related to Akbar ’s mother. He was Governor of Dihli.” “This canal was again repaired, on the order of Shahjahan, by the renowned Makramat Khan, and called Faiz Nahr (20 th year of Shahjahan ). During the reign of Aurangzeb, it was again obstructed ;15 and then was again , as per Asar-us-Sana did of Sir S ay yid, repaired and enlarged by the British.

Shihabuddin “repaired the canal ‘to extend cultivation’ in his jagirs, Nur-uddin Muhammad Tarkhan probably only repaired or re-excavated the bed of this canal, for according to Bad’auni, III, 198, his canal, named Shaikhu-Ni after Prince Salim, was “cut

168

Appendix

from the Yamuna and ran for 50 Kurohs in the direction of Karnal and beyond , presumably past Safedun, which he himself held in jagir. Arrangements were made to distribute water from the canal at the season of cultivation (Akbar’s Farm’an of 1570-71c). At the time of the A’in , the canal was apparently carrying water past Hansi only and disappeared finally at Bhadra ( Ain I, 514-15).” 1 6

To help irrigate the land, as already referred, the provincial Viceroys ( Sipah Sal ’ars ) were instructed to make “reservoirs, wells, water courses .. and set about repairing what has fallen into ruin . ” (A’in I, A’in-i-Akbari ii)

Remarkable it is indeed that the Mughal State , in spite of its spending on the digging of wells and canals, d oes not seem inclined to maximize revenue by demanding payment of any c ess on the use of water for irrigation. It is indicative of help to cultivators and thereby to a developing agriculture, which, with its increasing productivity and yield, is always capable of sharing its prosperity by paying more revenue s; thus accounting for the help given to it. It would not be out of place to mention that in Ghorband the rise in revenue in spite of the remission granted, was attribiuted, among other factors, to ‘improved state of cultivation .’

Considering the following account of the state of agriculture and the cultivation of the crop - paddy - requiring plenty of water, one may draw that Abul Fazl speaks of paddy– fields, irrigated by wells also.

169


Good quality r ice was grown in Bengal (yielding three crops in a year). The subah , due to its good climate, produced rice of various kinds ( Sukhdas , Kar , Madhkar ). It raised three crops in a year. Rice was also grown in Orissa, Bihar (of good quality – Sukhdas , Madhkar and Jhanwar ), Oudh (‘unmatched rice’ sown ‘three months earlier than other parts of India ), – in Sarkar of Bahraich (good rice ), Dandes (‘rice of fine quality’ at places three crops in a year ) and Multan (Shali rice in abundance and of good quality), where rice and fish formed ‘staple food ; ’ thereby indicating a high requirement of rice. However, no account of its import by Multan is given. Kashmir sarkar grew Shali rice in plenty . Rice was also produced in Agra , Allahabad, Delhi, Lahore which enjoyed a healthy climate and ‘agricultural’ fertility, rarely equaled’ and in Berar . The description above goes to indicate that all rice growing which required plenty of water, got its due generally, and was not required to remain dependent on rain-fed availability of water alone.

Referring to Nineteen Years’ Tables, giving revenue rates per unit of area of the crops , sown in Agra, Allahabad, Oudh, Delhi, Lahore and Multan, we find ( in A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II , Tr. H.S J arrett) that the following crops were sown in Spring ( Rabi ) and Autumn ( Kharif ) in the Subahs of Agra, Allahabad Oudh, Delhi, Lahore and Multan, with the exception of some of the crops in some of Subahs as given in the notes:

170

Appendix

Spring Crops:

Wheat, Cabul Vetches, Indian Vetches, Barley, Pot-herbs, Poppy, Safflower, Linseed, Mustard, Adas (Pluse), Arza ’n (Millet) . Peas, Persian Musk Melons, Indian Melo n s, Kur Rice, Ajwain, Liqusticum Ajowain,* Onions, Fenugreek, Carrots, and Lettuce**.

* It was not sown and harvested in Allahabad, Oudh, Delhi,

Lahore and Multan.

** It was not produced in Oudh.

Autumn Crops:

Su g ar cane ( Paunda ), Common Sugar - cane, Shali Mushkin (Dark Colored rice), Common rice, Munji rice, Cotton, Pot herbs, Seasame seed, Moth (Lentils), M’ash, Peas*, Mung,** Jowar, Lahdarah, Lobiya , Kodaram , Kori , Shamakh , Gal (a sort of millet), Arz’an , Mandwah , Indigo, Hemp, Turiya , Turmeric + , Kachalu (Arum c olo c asia) + , Kult + , Hinna + , Water melons + , Pi’an + , Singarah, + Arhar (Pulse) ++ .

* Of all the Subahs , only Malwa produced Peas in the Autumn

** Mung was not produced in Malwa.

+ These items were not produced in Malwa : P’an and Singharah

were not produced in Delhi also; Lahore did not produce

Sinaghara

++ Arhar was produced only in the Subhas of Allahabad, Oudh

and Multan.

Abul Fazl describes agriculture of Agra in the state of ‘perfection ’; of Malwa , saying its ‘every part

171


(is) cultivable’, and ‘both harvests (are) excellent’ . I n Dandes there grew ‘chiefly Jowar i, at places three crops in a year’; cultivation in Berar was ‘remarkably good’; agricultural fertility of Lahore was ‘rarely equaled’ , and in the sarkar of Kashmir, cultivation on the constructed ‘floating islands’ in the Dal Lake. In Ghorband, the rise in revenue in spite of remission is attributed among others to “improved state of the cultivation.”

In Akbar’ s e mpire , the landless labor, was free to move to new places, and possibly to new avenues of employment, if readily available, either in or around the place of their residence, or to near by places, depending upon acceptance of the offered services by the prospective employers and facility to move. Migration may also be conveniently attributed to those who had acquired some skill viz., making and repairing agricultural implements; who migrated and took either to join an already existing work place or ventured to undertake work on their own. Other reasons for migrating included ruthless treatment and infliction by the zamind’ars, and for social reasons, forcing individuals and groups to opt for other places. This is how the guilds began. But then in an agrarian economy, marked by the presence and domination of the wealthy and the influential, a number of ‘negatives’ cannot be ruled out. Reference may be made to the system of administering ‘justice’ and the role of Panchayats.

To help develop agriculture, it was provi ded to make available seeds, and cash loans. Arrears could be

172

Appendix

remitted in genuine cases. Collectors submitted information on calamities, hails, floods and drought to facilitate administrative decisions to the favor of cultivators, loyalty being the consideration . Cultivators who were robbed, or suffered losses at the hands of the unlawful, were compensated. The Emperor “took care that neither the owners , nor the tillers of the soil should be injuriously affected by his own movements, or by the movements of his armies. With the object of carrying out this principle, he ordered that when a particular plot of ground was decided upon as an encampment, orderlies should be posted to protect the cultivated ground in its vicinity”, and assessors were appointed “to examine the encamping ground after the army had left it, and to place the amount of any damage done against the government claim of revenue. The historian of Tabaqk’at-i-Akbari adds that this practice became a rule in all of his campaigns; and sometimes even bags of money were given to these inspectors, so that they might at once estimate and satisfy the claims of the raiyats and farmers, and obviate any interference with the revenue-collectors”. 1 7 This of Akbar ’s concern for safety and upkeep of agriculture, speaks of Akbar’s ‘justice’ also.

The Assignments, and the Intended Reforms:

Akbar inherited a system of administration wherein the empire was carrying a large number of ‘assignees’, who were to perform civil as well a s military duties. W. H. Moreland finds , “…the great bulk

173


of the Empire, sometimes seven-eighth of the whole … in the hands of assignees … ”. “As the designation implies, the essence of the system was to set aside particular items of recurring revenue to meet particular items of recurring expenditure, usually, but not invariably, the salaries and expenses of the Imperial services. ” 1 8 Claims of salaries and of any reward were “always defined in money” but in practice payments were made either in cash or by assigning the revenue , derived from a specified area, or partly in this way and partly in cash. In return, the Mansabd ’ars were to maintain, “establishment of horses, elephants, camels, carts, etc., which Abul Fazl specifies for each rank,” as also law and order. S. M. Jafar refers to the system as ‘excellent organization of the cavalry’. Besides, Mansabd ’ars , there were other military personnel, known as Dakhli (under the charge of Mansabd ’ars , though appointed by the State, as they could not ‘furnish men’ and Ahadis , (described by Abul Fazl those ‘fit for a harmonious unity’). They were placed under the ‘guidance of one commander’ , hence, the name!

The mansabd ’ari system , established by Akbar, was unique in its approach. Now, the fief holders ( jagird ’ars ) were to collect revenue and send a part, as per the agreement, to the Imperial treasury, and with the other part to raise and maintain troops, for the imperial service.

174

Appendix

The Jagird ’ars indulged in cheating by presenting borrowed horses for mustering. Akbar “established great principles for regulation of the army and the peasantry and for the prosperity of the country; among them was the institution of Branding ( D’agh )”. 1 9

It was made “compulsory in addition to the Descriptive Roll System…. Easy - minded idlers thus passed through a school of discipline and became worthy men….the army resembled a newly irrigated garden. Even for the treasury, the new regulations proved beneficial”, says the A’in-i-Akbari (ii, A’in, I). The branding system was envisaged by Alaud din Khalji. It was devised by Sher Shah, and judiciously implemented by Akbar .

Further, enquir i es were made and (i) “the grades of the offices were settled”, and the (ii) “ Shahinshah in order to arrange the foundation of the kingdom, and for the peace of the subject s , made the imperial territories C r own-lands”, for “the … imperial clerks (had) increased immoderately the assessments on the territories, cities, towns and villages and opened the hand of embezzlement in raising and diminishing them. Whoever acquired their good grace, gained his ends, and whoever’s heart was not in quarter of giving, became a loser. Also, who whenever was well-treated, was from his unfairness and avarice, ungrateful, and whoever was less successful , was on account of his discontent and disloyalty a grumbler…” Now “the officers and other servants received money-salaries and their ranks were determined in accordance with their merit and the extent of their command” 20. “To implement the newly thought

175


scheme, “able and trustworthy men were appointed to survey the spacious territories of India and determine the amount of production and substitute payments in cash, so that the market of the embezzlers might fall flat… 182 c ollecto r s (‘ Amils ) were sent off to take care of his crown lands ( Khalis’at ), and as every collector was appointed over an extent of territory which yielded a Kror tangas (or tankas synonymous with da’m ) they were properly known by the name of Karori … (1573c) ” 21 Abul Fazl, finding merits in the scheme says: “By these measures the equipment of the army was provided for, and the country was well governed, while at the same time there was a safeguard against the trickery and embezzlement. His Majesty also gave attention that cultivation might be increased.” 2 2

As against the above, Bad’auni, referring to it, says: “In this year … a new idea came into his ( Emperor’s) mind for improving the cultivation of the country and for bettering the conditions of the raiyats (peasants). All the pargana h s (fiscal unions) of the country, whether dry or irrigated, whether in towns or hills, in deserts or jungles, by rivers or reservoirs, or wells, were all to be measured, and every piece of land large enough to produce, when cultivated, one Cror of tanka s, was to be divided off and placed under the charge of an officer, called the Crori, selected for his trustworthiness and without regar d s to his acquaintance with the revenue officials: so that in three years ’ time all the uncultivated land might be brought under crops, and the treasury be replenished. The measurement was

176

Appendix

begun near Fathpur, and one Cror was named Adampur , another Sethpur , and so on after prophets an d patriarchs. Rules were laid down, but were not observed, and much of the land was laid waste through the rapacity of the Croris ; the peasant ’ s wives and children were sold and disposed, and every thing went to confusion. But the Croris were brought to account by Raja Todar Mal, and many pious men died from severe beating and the torture of rack and pincers. Indeed, so many died after long imprisonment by the revenue officers that the executioners or headman forestalled. ” 2 3

Before the Karori reform, Akbar ordered in 1566 c for undertaking a new valuation. It was done, but was falsified.

To carry and implement the reforms, Akbar chose Muzaffar Khan Turbati, and appointed him Vakil (first Minister of the e mpire, and Todar Mal as his assistant). But Muzaffar Khan, who personally disapproved the plan, did not enforce it. Earning displeasure of the Emperor, he was dismissed. But, then the question arises whether the plan later failed because of its improper implementation, or there were inherent weakness es in it: It is, therefore, imperative to explore facts by referring also to the requirement of adequate medium of exchange to me et payments in cash - the coined - money - and also the availability of the required quantity of the precious metal. Reference may be made here to the order passed by Ibrahim Lodi, asking the assignees not to take revenue in cash in view of the prevailing scarcity of (silver) currency. For an

177


arrangement of the kind , not only the availability and use of adequate numbers of medium of exchange, but also a well-working market system sans any negative role of village sahukars and merchants, with their tendency to buy at lesser prices, hoard and create ‘difficulties’ in the economy, is also sine qua non .

However, the Karori reform lasted for five years with a number of encountered difficulties including fixation of assessment rates , expressed in term of money. In 1579 c, ‘a new valuation was made, calculated on the precise data furnished by the ten years’ operation of Todar Mal’s assessment rates’ (implemented in 1570-71c). New schedules of assessment rates for all lands were applied. This completed the empire’s cycle of agrarian reform, and the imperial practice of ‘assignments’ reappeared in 1579c.

With Todar Mal proceeding for military duty, the charge of the Ministry was given to Khwaja Shah Mansur, who replaced the staff, chosen by his predecessor, and then, as narrate d ‘a period of corruption and extortion ensued’. As regards the abilities of Shah Mansur, Abul Fazl says: “There is seldom found such an acute accountant and one so laborious , so discriminating, and so plausible of speech,” 2 4 adding further that “from love of office and cupidity , he was always laying hold of trifles in financial matters and displaying harshness. Sympathy with debtors never touched the hem of his heart”, and thus we find that

178

Appendix

“forged letters were produced as if he was conniving with the traitors. He was hanged on tree near Kot Kacwaha” (Akbar n am a III pp. 502-503) It is said that Rajah Birbar induced Akbar to kill Shah Mansur. Later , the Emperor ‘deeply regretted the necessity of his execution’.

After the execution of Shah Mansur (in February 25, 1581 c ) Wazir Khan was appointed in his place. Then in the same y ear (1581c) Todar Mal resumed effective charge of the Ministry : “this far sighted and incorruptible man was appointed to the lofty office of the Diw’an ( Ashraf-i-Diwan ) and virtually the position of Vakil (Prime Minister) was conferred on him ….he proposed several regulations. These, as reproduced below, and also the account given by Mir Fath u llah Shirazi, that follows, will help understand. Akbar’s revenue system and its working: 2 5

1 st : The Collectors (‘ Amalguzar’an ) of the Crown-lands ( Khalsa ) and the jagird ’ars should collect the rents. If from wickedness and tyranny, they took from the cultivators more than the agreement, it was to be reckoned as the legitimate rent, and the oppressors were to be fined, and the amount entered in the monthly account. They should at every harvest inquire into the minutest details and protect the subjects. The thread of the administration of justice was to be a double one, suppliants were to be reimbursed, and extortioners to be punished.

2 nd : The collectors of the crown-lands had two clerks. ( bitikc hi ) – a Karkun and a Khasra-navis . Generally both of these men were corrupt, and in collusion with the village

179


Headman ( Kalantaran ), and they oppressed the peasantry. If in place of these two dishonest men, one trustworthy and rightly acting officer were appointed, the country would be developed, and the peasant would be at peace.

3 rd : It appeared that in the Crown- parganahs the cultivated lands were diminished year by year. If the cultivable lands were measured once for all, the peasantry would cultivate more and more land in proportion to their ability and the arrangement of progressive payments should be made. They should give one another as securities and should execute documents. Consideration should be shown in the exaction of dues. In the case of land which had lain fallow for four years , only half of the stipulated rent should be taken for the first year , three-fourths in the second , and in the third the peasant s should be responsible for the full rent . For land which had been uncultivated for two years , one fourth of the rent should be deducted for the first year. In the case of uncultivated lands, they were to be allowed to keep back a small amount of grain , so that their lands might become capable of yielding rent. If destitute cultivators were assisted (by giving advance, etc.), documents should be taken from unknown men, and recoveries made, partly at the spring harvest, and partly at the autumn harvest, so that the country might soon be cultivated, the peasantry satisfied, and the treasury replenished. When the collectors increased the (total) rental, demands should not be made (from them) about deficiencies in some items. Every year reports about the collectors should be submitted to his Majesty in order that good servants might be rewarded, and promoted, and those who were of another sort, punished.

4 th : When the crops are standing, let several measuring (survey) parties be appointed, in proportion to the

180

Appendix

amount of land, and let the measurement be started in an intelligent manner, and the kind and quality of cultivation be noticed. The collector will choose a control spot for himself, and carefully visit every part of the land and examine its condition.

When there has been an abundant rain and the fields are lying in water, and amount of land upto two and–a-half biswas should be left out of account, and in jungle and sandy tracts as much as three biswas . Abstract accounts should be sent in weekly and the daily journal of collectors month by month to the head office.

5 th : An imperial order should be issued that a list of damaged lands should be sent to Court so that orders might be passed concerning them.

6 th : The dwellers in ravines, who are of a turbulent disposition, think the ruggedness of their country a protection and make long the arm of oppression. Orders should be issued to the collector that they should act together and remedy matters:

7th: they should admonish, and if this prove

ineffective, they should raise the flag of activity and chastise

the malefactors, and devastate their ‘ab’adi (habitations).

The jagird ’ar should get an exchange, and the Must’afi

should not make a demand on this account. If the soldiers

should injured in these operations, a fine should be levied

[for taw’an (compensation)]. Further, the sums extorted from

the peasantry, are to be produced before the treasurer and he

is to give credit for them in the ryot’s receipts. The

collectors should be paid their wages quarterly – the last

181


payment being made when there are no arrears due from the

ryots.

8 th : The ryots should be in such a state of obedience

that they should bring their rents to the treasury without its

being necessary to set guards over them. Sufficient security

should be taken from the refractory, and if such cannot be

found, watchmen should be sent over their harvested grain

and the rent be realized. An account of the rent to be

collected from each person according to the amount of his

cultivation, should be prepared and the date should neither

be postponed nor preponed. The patwari of each village

should allot these, name by name, among his subordinates.

The collectors should send the cash along with the patwari’s

signature to the treasurer. They should be vigilant to put

down oppression, and should make their words and their

works accord.

9 th : The treasurer should receive muhrs , rupis and

d’ams which bear the august name (of Akbar) and make

allowance for obsolete coins, so that the collectors and the

money-changers may reckon the old and new, and ascertain

the difference. The L’al Jalali of full weight and fairness, is

worth 400 d’ams, the square rupi is worth 40 d’ams. The

ordinary ashrafi , and the round Akbarshahi rupi which has

become worn, shall be rated as follows:

Coins Va lue

- Ashrafi of good quality, deficient by:

* 2 gra in s of rice ( biranj )

* 3 grains of rice (upto one Surkh )

360 d’ams ,

355 d’ams

182

Appendix

* if deficient by 1½ to 2 Surkhs

- Rupi , deficient by:

* 1 Surkh of full weight

*1½ -2 Surkh of full weight

- L’al Jalali of full weight and

fairness, if deficient by:

*1½-2 Surkh s , and Sikka Sawant

Akbarshahi deficient by 3 rice ( biranj )

350 d’ams

39 d’ams

38 d’ams

Upto 1 Surkh

Coins found with greater deficiency, were to be kept

separately duly entered in the Day Book, and daily account

of these was to be sent to the head office.

The Jagid ’ ars , treasurers, and Sarrafs (money

change r s) were to act upon these rules.

10 th : The office of the Khalsa and Jagird ’ars should

make correct reports about the well-conducted, and the ill-

conducted, the obedient and the disobedient, in their estates,

so that recompense and retribution may be bestowed, and the

thread of the government be strengthened.

11 th : Instead of the old charges, one d’am per bigha

of cultivation should be fixed. It is hoped that by this

arrangement, 24 d’ams should be allowed to the

measurement party. Their allowances should thus be:

“15 Sirs flour at the price of : 7 D’ams

1¾ Sirs butter (roghan zard) ,presumably Ghee 5 D’ams

2½ Sirs grain (for animals) : 4 D’a ms

Cash 8 D’ams

Of this : Total : 24 D’ams

183


The amin would get 5 Sirs flour, ½ Sirs butter, 7 Sirs grain (and) 4 D’ams

The Writer (would get) 4 Sirs flour, ½ Sir b u tter, 5½ Sirs grain, 2 D’ams .

Three Servants (would get), 6 Sirs flour, 3¼ Sirs b utter, 3 D’am s . ”

It was prescribed that during the Rabi Crop, when the days are longer, at least 250 bighas of land should be measured, and during the Kharif not less than 200 bighas. The proposals were examined and accepted by the Emperor”.

It may be stated here that after Shah Mansur, Todar Mal harshly dealt with those guilty of misconduct, recovering the embezzled and extorted money; detaining the suspects and torturing them till a settlement was reached. This uncertain position was set right by Mir Fath Ullah Shirazi, who was appointed Amin-ul-Mulk . Todar Mal was asked to conduct financial and administrative offices of the empire according to Mir’s counsel; The Mir was required to ‘bring to conclusion the old transactions, not examined ‘since the days of Mozaffar Khan.’ He submitted ‘certain propositions’, and made the E mperor ’s ‘exquisitive replies thereto his guide’. The measures were introduced in 1585c. Abul Fazl records these, as given hereunder:

“ Firstly : the accountants have not rendered clear statements, and have not observed the sacred regulations. They have based this business - w hich rests upon inquiry and

184

Appendix

investigation - on conjecture and approximations. In the year when the whole empire became Crown - land ( Khalsa ), the officers, on account of excessive work, could not go to the bottom of this business and wrote down large sums as arrears. They decided the matter upon the fifth or sixth share of the produce. The cunning got the joy of their hearts, while the honest fell into soul-exhausting trouble. Those who had gone a little astray, were kept back from paying by the enormity of the demand. If accounting were done according to knowledge, the former inconveniences would cease.

Secondly : It was a regulation that the collectors of revenue should give receipts to the ryots (of what is received – y’aftah ) and that they should make a list, and that the clerks should base their accounts thereon. Now, the arrangement, ( Sarishteh ) has been given up, and whatever the Khalsa -collectors write in the names of the cultivators, and which they make the cloak of their embezzlements, is accepted. It is right that in future the two documents, above named, should be used.

Thirdly : The accounts are made up according to a perfect year ( S’al-i-K’amil , a “Sixteen Anna Year”, during which there was no loss of crops) or according to Krorbandi papers which have been written by honest inconsiderate persons. In consequence of this, many have been imprisoned. The just course would be to base the demand simply and honestly on a series of years ( paiwasta s’al ) - (Beveridge says that actual words are ‘ Mawazneh Dah S’ala . It would then mean ‘balance of ten years’).

Fourthly : Owing to the samnolence of the collectors, the agents ( gom’ashtag’an ) have been powerful and have robbed the cultivators.

185


The Patwari rejects from his account ( Waq’a-i-Qar’ar ) private documents and vouchers, commonly known as ‘crude papers ( Kagha zat-i- Kh’am ). The proper course is that whatever appears in them, should be entered in his name and he should be responsible for the contents. If he (the Patwari , or perhaps the collector) does not produce what his agents have taken, he should be obliged to refund; otherwise, the oppressed will cope from his obligations. Whatever stands in the name of extortionate persons, such as qanungoes, muqaddams , and paiq’ars (middleman or sub-collector) , should be accounted for by such individuals.

Fifthly: Any over plus…should be created to arrears due by the ryots, name by name, or should be carried to account in the next year, and there should be no second demand for it, nor should it be again demanded from the collector. And, as the computes of the current revenue ( Siy’aq Navisan-i-h’al ), demand village expenses (on account of malba (dirt) cleaning) which in clerical phraseology are termed istisw’abi (a legitimate demand) and akhraj’at , this also should be deducted from the demand.

Sixthly: The fluctuations of cultivation are apparent to everyone. If in a village some land fall out of cultivation, one endeavors to increase cultivation elsewhere. Similarly , if crop be lost or damaged, compensation for this should be sought elsewhere. The accountant ( ahl-i-Siy’aq ) look only to the diminution and tighten the load of the demand. If they would look to the total assessment, the ryot would be relieved.

Seventhly: The mustaufi (editor) holds in deposit one-fourth of the collector ’ s (salary) for the purpose of clearing off arrears. If the arrears result from desertion or contumacy of tenants, and the efforts of the collecto rs are

186

Appendix

without avail, or if they are the result of his having been untimely removed, they are not due to his fault. If there have been remissions in making demands that reason should be entered in the arrears, on condition that the arrear appear in the revenue roll ( Taujih ).

Eighthly: Some persons are occasionally appointed to assist the collector and their pay is allowed to them for a fixed time. Sometimes, they remain longer and draw their pay for that time, but no such allowance is made to the collector. If their being kept on be necessary, t he y should be allowed the expenses thereof, and the circumstances be reported.

Ninthly : It would also be just if the (cost of) calling for the accounts ( Talab-his’abi ) of the former collector and his subordinates were allowed among his expenses.

Tenthly: After the collectors have been removed, they remain in the pargana h for the purpose of collecting the arrears. If their pay for that time and for the period before the notification of dismissal has reached them , and for the period of traveling (to court) be allowed among their expenses ; it would be just”.

Dwelling further upon the administrative points of importance, the Mir recorded that the collector be allowed his pay and also the branding officers for the duration of their being on duty at court, after their removal ( Point Eleven). Similarly, under point Twelve , it was recommended that if a former incumbent enters the arrear of the pay of the Kumaky’an (auxiliaries) as payable after realization of the arrears from the ryot, and ryot is non-existent, or is refusing to acknowledge

187


it, or the arrears are unrealized, (then) if the collector pays these wages, he “should get credit” for it. U nder point Thirteen , it is recorded that those arrested on account of non-submission of reports required of them , say that they submitted these to the court, but received no communication. To render such ‘defence’ futile, Mir Fate h Ullah recommended that it would be better if the event recorders ( waq’a-i-navis’an ) would look after the department and would make over the i r replies to the collectors’ agents, rendering such defence impossible.

“Fourteenthly: It would be a comfort to the collector, if he got half his pay by assignment.

Fifteenthly: For the purpose of work of collection , footmen ( piad’as ) should be given, equal in number to the troops, or to the half thereof. If it is indispensable that the former collector be kept under surveillance, respectable men should be appointed to guard him”. 2 6

The Sixteenth recommendation of the Mir referring to ‘great profit’ accruing to the Qanungoes , stressed at the enlightenment on this subject, and posting of ‘a man’ (obviously Qanungo ) from each parganah to Court: However, it seems unrealistic to post so many persons from the lower order to court in swelling numbers – but a recommendation is a recommendation. The Seventeenth recommendation referred to appointment of ‘able and upright men as paraganah treasurers, required to handle large sums, given as advances to ryot ( Dadani : payments of advances to ryots). The Eighteenth recommendation

188

Appendix

provided that the arrears’ statement be acquiesced without any scrutiny’.

Nineteenthly, whoever keeps his life in a good state and has the capacity to take to ‘distribution of corn when other estates are suffering loss’, should have a u gumentation of his rank with an increase in the demand of revenue.

The Twentieth recommendation referring to a dead horse and buying of a new horse, talks of loss to the soldier and injury to the King’s property. It says that if ‘on account of the distance’ a soldier ‘cannot bring the animal to be branded, deduction from his pay from the date when he ceased to have a horse, will be hard’. Therefore, “if they transfer the ajn’as to the new horse, and do not make a deduction from his pay, he will be relieved”. 2 7

The measures , stated above, were approved by the Emperor and introduced in 1585c for reforming the Ministry and its working.

Revenue Administration :

To discuss Akbar’s system of revenue, and its administration, we will refer to Sher Shah’s methods of realizing revenue and its effectivity, and then proceed to dwell upon what Akbar did in this regard. Sher Shah’s method of re alization of revenue cultivators at one-third of the produce, after his accession to the throne in 1540c, was based upon the system of measurement. His concern for shortage of the medium of exchange i.e., money [in silver and copper (coins )], causing difficulties in transactions and payments including that on account of the due revenues, 2 8 led him to issue silver

189


and copper in adequate numbers. This facilitated payments of revenue in cash. Further, the distinctive feature of Sher Shah’s revenue administration was the way the State demand on the peasants was arrived at : standard yield of each staple crop was calculated or estimated for each category of land – ‘the good’, ‘the middling’, and ‘the inferior’. Their yield was totalled and then the average (yield) was arrived at, and one-third of this average (figure) was claimed as revenue from each unit of cultivated area, irrespective of its productivity. “The basis of Indian administration is the assessment and collection of the land revenue, and Sher Shah’s system was his own. To each pargana h he appointed an amin responsible for the general administration, a Shiqqdar , his assistant, who supervised the assessment and collection of the revenue, a treasurer, and two clerks, or secretaries, to keep the records or accounts, one in Persian and the other in Hindi. The cultivated land was measured every harvest, and the revenue was assessed in cash on the value of the produce. To each Sarkar , or revenue district, were appointed a chief Shiqqdar and a chief munsif , whose duty it was to see that the revenue was collected in full, but that the cultivators were not oppressed.” 2 9

The method of assessment leading to realization of one-third of the average yield , caused heavy burden on ‘the inferior land’ which stood over-charged : ‘ The good land, whi ch enjoyed all the advantages in sowing and harvesting, stood relatively under-charged . This in effect violated the principle ‘what the peasant could

190

Appendix

pay’. Thus, “ in case of wheat the charge works out at about 24 per cent of the estimated produce of ‘good land ’, while on ‘inferior’, land it was 48 per cernt. The inequality would, however, naturally adjust itself by variations in the crops grown, so that excessive charges would tend to be elimenated.”30 The argument that ‘ inequality would, however, naturally adjust itself by variations in the crops grown, so that excessive charges would tend to be eliminated ”, is subject to argument , because it is too simple to conjecture like this, as the suggested variations would be attempted on all classes of land, with the entire possibility of better results on better land, touching higher productivity, thus the comparative difference shall continue to remain there. However, it is indicative of extolling peasants to work hard, and prosper.

The Cambridge History complains of the unclear position regarding the calculation of standard yields separately for each agricultural tract, or setting up of a single-standard for each class of land in the whole Kingdom. In any case, while the single standard rates were to ignore the difference in yields, the separate rates for each agricultural tract appear justifiable, as these could avoid undue burden on the cultivator s in less–productive tracts, thereby relieving them of undue burden.

Collectors were made responsible for collection of revenue in lieu of the assignments. Needless to say that in spite of Sher Shah’s administrative control, they

191


must have enjoyed freedom to act as per their notions , as they did in Akbar’s reign. In spite of the system of administration including the fiscal management laid down , the revenue experiments done with results, and the details implemented by Sher Shah, matters were decaying during the reign of Islam Shah (enthroned four days after his father’s death on May 26, 1545). He is referred as ‘suspicious, cruel, vindictive and narrow-minded… dominated by cla n or family feeling .” Surely, what was lost, was valuable ; what remained was significant. Customs and procedures, which were a continuum, though slowly but surely , began changing .

Thus, Sher Shah’s System and his methods formed basis and the starting point of a number of experiments made by Akbar. These marked the first half of Akbar’s reign, more particularly after Bairam Khan, and after his freedom from the harem party (1562c): “Much information regarding these experiments is furnished by the authorities, but they are in some respects incomplete…the account which follows …deals in order, first, with the experiments in assessment made in the heart of the empire from the Punjab to Bihar; next, with the practice in regard to assignments; and then with the working of the arrangements finally adopted for the empire as a whole”. 31

Revenue was calculated and realized on the

produce and not on land under the plough. Peasants

were encouraged to add to cultivation by cultivating

vacant land, either in the village of their residence or in

192

Appendix

another. They were likewise encouraged and helped to

effect improvement in the crops, grown by them, as also

to add new crops. As a major source of revenue in a

basically agrarian empire , agriculture always received

Akbar’s attention. In his early years, revenue assessment

was based on measurement, and the demand made, was

based on a schedule of assessment rates. It was only one

schedule that was applied. (Cash) demand was arrived

at by valuing the payable quantity of produce as tax in

terms of its price which was approved by the Emperor –

most probably being , as put, the one prevalent in the

vicinity of the court. In the tenth regnal year, instead of

varying local price, a uniform scale was adopted again.

Yet, difficulties in assessment continued, and just three

years later use of the schedule in the referred areas , was

abandoned, ‘though, seasonal cash rates continued to be

calculated from it, for use by assignees. Then, in the

fifteenth regnal year (1570-71) new schedules of

assessment rates for all land, reserved or assigned, were

prescribed. These asked for one-third of the average

produce of a unit of ‘the best’, ‘middling’ and ‘worst

land’ – the average was arrived at by totaling the produce

of a unit (a bigha ) of all the three classes of land, and

then dividing the total by 3. “Average produce was now

estimated separately for each pargana , and not for the

empire as a whole”, says W. H. Moreland. This

accounted for the local differences in productivity.

Revenue demand, stated in terms of produce, was

193


valued in cash in terms of the prices which were duly

approved by the Emperor. These new schedules were

worked out for each pargana h by its Qa n ungo - Todar

Mal being in supervision and Muzaffar Khan being in-

charge of the Revenue Ministry.

The assessment schedules, introduced in 1570-

71c , were applied for ten years. Abul Fazl says : “One

of the occurrences was fixing of the assessment rates for

ten years. In as much as Time produces, season after

season, a foundation for rates, and there are great

increases and decreases, there was a regulation that

every year some experienced and honest men should

send in details of the rates from all parts of the country.

Every year a general ordinance ( Dastur al-amal ) was

framed with respect to the payment of dues. When the

imperial domain became extensive, and territories of

many great rulers came under the shadow of the world-

lord’s justice, these reports arrived late and at different

times. The soldiers and the peasantry suffered loss, and

there were disturbances about arrears and about excess

demands. It was also rumo ured that some of the m had

gone aside from the path of rectitude. The officers at

head quarters were harassed, and were unable to find a

remedy. The wise sovereign gave relief to multitudes by

introducing the new system of payment of dues. The l ist

of the invention was that the condition of every

pargana h during ten years, according to the degree of

194

Appendix

cultivation and the price of the produce, was

ascertained, and the one-tenth thereof was fixed a s the

revenue of the year.” 3 2 The work was completed by

Khwaja Shah Mansur who ‘arranged the exquisitive

plan’ by dint of his sagacity’ comprehending ‘the

sublime instructions’. It was the difficulty in arriving at

the ‘seasonal cash-demand’ that led to its abandonment,

delay in communicating the approved price included.

Moreover, the empire was now an extensive one and the

Emperor was always on the move. Eventually, Akbar

discarded the produce-schedule and fixed assessment

rates in cash. This facilitated the revenue work, as it

was now not required to refer to the court on the matter

of price fixation, making it easy to apply the rates,

given in the schedule, to the cropped area season by

season. For this purpose, grouping of parganas into

revenue circles, keeping in view the topographical

homogeneity was given effect, and schedule of rates

were prescribed, showing revenue demand on each unit

of cultivation, bigha , in terms of money.

Taking a schedule into consideration, we find

that some of the crops were assessed as under:

Revenue Rates Applicable on the Produce

Crop

(Bigha of Land)

Rate in D’ams*

195


Millet:

-Small

-Large

Barley

Wheat

Sugar-cane and Indigo

Betel

11

25-30

40

60

120

220

*1/40th of a Rupi

As regards, realization of revenues prior to the prescription of cash revenue, the average output , as already explained, was arrived at by combing the produce of the ‘good’, ‘middling’ and ‘inferior’ lands and then dividing the total by 3 : one-third of this average was prescribed as the revenue demand ‘payable by each of the cultivators of the three classes of land ; The revenue burden on the cultivators as percentage of their output on a unit of land is given in the Table below :

Percentage Share of Revenue on Each Category of Polaj Land’s

Output in Spring

Sl.

No.Crop

Revenue in Kind

Percentage Share of Revenue on the Output

Average Revenue

% of produce each in

Column iv,v/,vi

Md. Seer Best Land

Middling Land

Worst Land

I ii iii iv v vi vii

196

Appendix

1. Wheat 4 12¾ 23.99 35.99 48.66 36.21

2. Nukhud 3 18 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13

3. Adas 2 06 26.06 33.08 46.49 35.19

4. Barley 4 12½ 23.96 34.50 51.49 36.65

5. Linseed 1 29 26.54 30.00 46.00 34.18

6. Safflower

2 12 26.29 34.07 43.81 52.68

7. Arz’an Millet

2 27½ 25.60 31.62 52.44 29.89

8. Mustard

2 27½ 25.60 31.62 52.44 29.89

9. Peas 3 28 28.46 35.24 42.90 35.53

10. Methi 3 35 27.68 35.23 39.24 34.05

11. Kur Rice

6 10 26.04 34.72 43.86 34.87

Source : Data given under A’in XI, A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H..S.

Jarrett, p. 69

-Percentages calculated by the author;

It may be discerned that the tax burden on Polaj land’s Best one unit ’s barley output is 23.96%, while on the ‘Worst’ unit’s produce of the same crop, it is 51.49% i.e., higher by 27.53%. Similarly, the tax burden on Best Polaj land’s produce of mustard is 25.60% of the output while it is 52.44% on the Worst category of the Polaj land, showing a difference of 26.84% to the disfavor of the latter.

Thus, we find that the taxation is regressive in

nature. But then, it is often argued that a higher burden

197


works as a challenge to strive hard and maximize the

returns, and that the Emperor ’s intention was to

improve cultivation and achieve a prosperous

agriculture and prospering agriculturist s too.

Further, looking to tax burden on the ‘Best’,

‘Middling’ and ‘Worst’ categories of Polaj Land’s Kharif

output, we get the following data in terms of percentages:

Percentage Share of Revenue on each Category of Polaj Land’s Output in Autumn

Sl.No.

Crop

Revenue in KindPercentage Share of

Revenue on the Output of

Average Revenue % of Produce

Each in Columns iv,v&iv

Md. Seer Best Land

Middling

LandWorst Land

I ii iii iv v vi vii

1. Molasses 3 18 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13

2. Cotton 2 20 25.00 33.33 50.00 36.11

3. Shali Mushkin

6 10 26.04 34.72 43.86 34.87

4. Common Rice: Not of above Quality

4 13 25.44 34.60 46.13 35.39

5. Mash 2 23 ½ 24.64 34.50 49.29 36.14

6. Mash Siah 2 23 ½ 24.64 34.50 49.29 36.14

7. Moth (lentil)

1 29 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13

8. Jowar 3 18 32.86 40.59 67.32 46.92

9. Shamakh 2 27 ½ 25.60 31.62 52.44 36.55

198

Appendix

10. Kodron 4 12 ½ 25.37 34.50 46.00 35.29

11. Sesame 2 0 25.00 33.33 50.00 36.11

12. Kanguri 1 29 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13

13. Turiya 1 29 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13

14. Arz’an 4 18 27.81 39.96 41.88 36.55

15. Lahdarah 2 23 ½ 24.64 34.50 49.29 36.14

16. Mandwah 3 00 26.09 33.33 46.15 35.19

17. Lobiya 2 23 1/3 24.60 34.44 49.20 36.08

18. Kudiri 1 29 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13

19. Kulta 2 23 ½ 24.64 34.50 49.29 21.14

20. Barti 1 29 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13

Source : Data given under A’in XI, A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H. S.

Jarrett, pp. 70-71.

-Percentages calculated by the author.

In case of the autumn crop , raised on the three categories of Polaj land, we find that the burden of taxation on cotton produce is 25.00% (Best land), 33.33% (middling land) and 50.00% (worst land), causing an average burden of 36.11% of the total produce, going towards revenue payment. Thus, the ‘worst’ land , as compared to the ‘best land ’, was paying 16.67% higher land revenue. The revenue rates in case of Shali Mushkin on the three categories of land stood at 26.54%, 32.86% and 46.00% respectively. This too, like the revenue charged for the spring harvest is regressive in nature.

199


However, as discussed, help to the cultivators, extended by Akbar, is notable indeed : In case of droughts, floods, inundation, famines, and the land lying out of cultivation for unavoidable reasons, rebates and/or exemptions were allowed. In case of famines, remissions were common. Loans ( Taq’awi ) were given to the cultivators to help them buy seeds, agricultural implements and cattle. Poor cultivators received sowing seed from government stores. 3 3 Recovery of loans was made in easy instalments.

Abul Fazl records that “owing to the goodness of the administration, grain became very cheap in the provinces of Allahabad, Oudh and Delhi, and it was difficult for the cultivators to pay the revenue. The just sovereign remitted one-sixth. In the Khalisa lands 34 this amounted to four crors, five lakhs, sixty thousand and five hundred and ninety -six (4,05,60,596) d’ams. From this some estimate may be made of the reduction to the Jagirdars . A multitude of men obtained relief, and formed assemblies for thanksgiving and rejoicings”. 35

Further, “one of the occurrences was a great act of liberality on the part of the Shahinshah . Owing to civilization and justice there was a great cheap ness of the articles so that it was difficult for the peasantry in some provinces to pay the revenue. Accordingly, in the spring instalment for the provinces of Agra and Delhi a deduction of one-sixth was made, and for the autumn instalment a deduction was made of one in 4½ and in Agra, Oudh , and Delhi of one-fourth . In the exchequer

200

Appendix

lands this came to 19 Krors, 32 lakhs, 80,175 d’ams . From this, an estimate can be made of the amount of the reduction in the fiefs.” 3 6

As against the above, land revenue was increased also: In the 43 rd reg nal year, the Shahishah’s prolonged stay in Lahore, led to increase in demand of commodities, and thereby rise in price. With their rising income, the cultivators in this regards, were required to pay 20 per cent higher revenue (Akbar Nama III, p. 747).

To facilitate payments of revenue, husba ndmen were allowed to pay either in kind or in cash , though the former method was preferred. They were encouraged to bring their rents personally to avoid tricks of the intermediaries. In case of any doubt of the State claim being unduly high or any other dissatisfaction viz., the fixation of average, they could demand actual measurement, division and ‘valuation of crops’. They were allowed to approach t he Emperor.

The cultivators were also benefited because of exemption from payment of a number of taxes viz., ‘tax on each oxen, ( g’ao-shumari ), a tax on each tree ( Sar-i-darakhti ), presents ( Pesh-Kash ), darogha’s fees, ( daroghan’ah ), and treasurer ’s fees ( Fotedari ) , etc.

Stanley Lane Poole , crisply summarize d the surveying, and classification of land and the working of Akbar’s revenue system by saying: “A fixed standard of mens uration having been adopted, the land was surveyed. It was then classified, accordingly as it was

201


waste, fallow, or under crop. The last class was taken as the basis of assessment, that which produced cereals, vetches, or oil-seeds being assessed to pay one-third of the average gross produce to the State, the other two-thirds being left to the cultivators. It is very noticeable that Akbar added to his policy of union the equally important policy of continuity of system. The need of husbandman was furnished with advance, repayable on easy terms. The assets when once made , were assessed for nineteen years; and after the twenty-fourth year of the reign, the aggregate collections of the past ten years having been added together and divided by ten, the future collections were made on th e basis of this decennial average.

Care was taken to provide an easy means of complaint when undue collections were exacted , and to punish severely the guilty exactors. The cultivators were to be made responsible, jointly as well as severely; the cultivators of fallow land were to be favored for two years; advances of seed and money were to be made when necessary, arrears being remitted in the case of small holdings. Collectors were to make yearly reports on the conduct of their subordinates. Monthly returns were to be transmitted to the imperial exchequer. Special reports were to be sent up of any special calamities, hail, flood, or drought. The collectors were to see that the farmers got receipts for their payments, which were to be remitted four times in the year; at the end of that period no balance should be outstanding. Payments were, if possible, to be voluntary, but the

202

Appendix

standing crops were theoretically hypotheticated, and, where needful, were to be attached. Above all, there was to be an accurate and minute records of each man’s holding and liabilities”. 3 7

REFERENCES:

1. Preface, A’in-i-Akbari, Volume II, Tr. Col. H.S. Jarrett, Ed., Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi -110 055 1978, p.53

2. Ibid, pp. 55-56

3. A gaz (yard) was ‘authoritatively declared’ to be 33 inches long. In 1588c, “an order was issued that throughout the empire only the gaz Ilahi should be used”. [Akbar nama III, H. Beveridge, p. 806]

4. The Tan’ab, introduced in the 19 th year of Akbar’s era, was made of bamboo rods, joined by iron rings. Unlike the rope, whether wet or dry, was subject to no variation, for a dry rope lengthened, while a wet or damp one shrunk, causing inaccuracy in measurement. “By this device”, Abul Fazl records, “men’s minds were quieted and also the cultivation increased, and the path of fraud and falsehood was closed [See Akbar nama III, H.Beveridge, p.167]

5. The bigha of Akbar was 3,600 sq. Ilahi gaz. It “was considered to be equal to 3,025 sq.yards of the bigha of Hindustan”. “A bigha, as measured by the tanab, of hemp, was two biswah and 12 biswansi smaller in extent than the bigha, measured by the Tanab of

203


bamboo.” Thus, bigha Ilahi was 0.59 acre or a shade less than 0.24 hectare.

6. A’in XI, Ain-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II. Tr. Col. H.S. Jarrett, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi 110 055, 1978, p. 68

7. Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, M.C. Sarkar’s & Sons Ltd., Calcutta-12, 1952, p. 56

8. The State and the Economy, The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol.1, c1200-1750, Eds. Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, Orient Longman in Association with Cambridge University Press, Orient Longman Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi 110 002, 2004, p.184

9. I.H. Qureshi, Akbar: The Architect of The Mughal Empire, Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Dehli 110 006, 1987, p. 208

10. Amalguz’ar was instructed to: “…assist the needy husbandman with advances of money and recover them gradually.” A’in V, A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol.II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett, p. 46.

11. Col. G.B. Melleson, Akbar: Ruler of India, Ed. Sir William Wilson, Claredon Press, Oxford, U.K., 1890, p.186

12. Irfan Habib, The System of Agricultural Production, The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol. I c1200-1750, Eds., Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, Orient Longman in Association with Cambridge University Press, Orient Longman Pvt., Ltd., New Delhi, 110 002, 2004, p. 222.

204

Appendix

13. R. C. Majumdar, H. C. Raychudhuri and Kalikinkar Datta, An Advanced History of India, Mac millan & Company Ltd., U. K., 1961, p. 571.

14. Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1556-1707, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 110 001, 2008, p. 29

15. A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol. I, Tr. H. Blochmann, Ed., S.L. Goomer, Aadiesh Book Depot, Delhi- 110 007, 1965, p.353

16. Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1556-1707, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 110 001, 2008, p. 34

17. G. B. Melleson, Akbar: Ruler of India, Ed. Sir William Wilson, Claredon Press, Oxford, 1890, p. 1 78

18. The Agrarian System of Moslem India, Kanti Publications, Delhi – 110 053, 1988, p. 93

19. Akbar name , III, p. 165

20. Ibid, p. 166

21. Ibid.

22. Ibid, p. 16 7

23. Muntakhab-ut-Taw’arikh , Vol. II, Tr. W. H. Lowe, Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Del li , Delhi - 110 006, 1973, p. 19 3

24. Akbar nam a III, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess Ess Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1977, p. 504

25. Ibid, pp. 561-556

2 6. Ibid, pp. 687-692

205


27. Refer to Akbar nama iii, Tr. H. Beveridge, pp. 692-67

2 8. Reference may be made on this to the order issued by Ibrahim Shah for payment of revenue in grain, because of the shortage of currency. The situation greatly improved under Sher Shah due to his coining of silver and copper currency in adequate numbers.

2 9. The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV: The Mughul Period, Ed. Sir Richard Burn, S. Chand & Co., New Delhi – 110 001, 1963, p. 56

30. Ibid, 457 : Refer to the two Table, giving data of produce and revenue burden on the three classes of land, included in this Chapter.

31. The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV : The Mughal Period, Ed. Sir Richard Burn, S. Chand & Co., New Delhi – 110 001, p. 458

3 2. Akbar name III, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess Ess Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1977, pp. 413-414

3 3. “His Majestry takes from each bigha of tilled land ten sers of grain as a royalty. Store-houses have been constructed in every district. They supply the animals belonging to the State with food, which is never bought in the bazaars. These stores prove at the same time of great use for the people; for poor cultivators may receive grain for sowing purposes, or people may buy cheap grain at the time of famines. But the stores are not only used to supply necessities , they are also used for benevolent purposes , for his Majesty has established in his empire many houses for the poor….

- A’in 21, A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H. Blochmann

206

Appendix

34. I. H. Qureshi says (that) “ Khalisah lands …have been erroneously called Crown Lands by many authors. In fact, such land as was not given out in assignment at a particular time, was called Khalisha ”. But, the question arises, who managed it – obviously, the Diwan-i-Khalisa . Thus, it was the Crown Land till it was assigned to some noble or a grandee. But, all land belonged to the ruler. The right of the tiller were, of course, duly recognized in Akbar’s reign.

3 5. Akbar nama , Vol. III, Tr. H. Beverdge, Ess Ess Publications Delhi – 110 052, 1977, p. 749

3 6. Ibid. p. 812

3 7. Medieval India under Mohammedan Rule (AD 712-1764), T. Fisher Unwin Ltd., London, 1917, pp. 263-264

________

VI

ECONOMIC ACTIVITY, RESOURCE- BASE AND TRADE IN AKBAR’S REIGN

To know how much developed and prosperous India was during the reign of Akbar, one may begin by

207


referring to her urban and rural settlements, her resource base, and agricultural and manufacturing activities in pursuit of the well being of the people: There were 120 big cities, and 3,200 townships (qasb’at), each having around it 100 to 1,000 villages” (Tabq’at-i Akabri, 1593c). The population contained in these growing settlements necessitated pursuit of dependable agriculture and manufacturing activities to provide goods and services. Monserrate, who accompanied Akbar through Lahore to Kabul, saw “attractive cities from a distance, but inside them all the splendor .. lost in this narrowness of the streets and the hustling of the crowds. …Rich men (had) gardens, ponds and fountains within their walls, but externally there (was) nothing to delight the eye. The common people live(d) in huts and shovels...”1 Such a duality and distinction is found to exist in all settings and in all socio-economic structures as per their own standards.

Resource-base of the Mughal Economy:

Production, industry and trade, and for that matter all economic activities are interlinked: Further, output of agricultural and industrial goods is based on the availability and judicious use of human and non-human resources. Thus, a flourishing agriculture is possible with the availability and appropriate use of land and other resources including human resource. Economies having abundant natural resources and other wherewithal, can pursue agriculture profitably. Appropriately productive endeavors help maximize returns, adding to increase in the aggregate consumption, output and income.

208

Appendix

Akbar’s empire was basically agrarian. Hence, we find that land revenue was the main source of income to the Mughal exchequer: All efforts by Todar Mall and Fateh Ullah Shirazi, and earlier by Shah Mansur, and, in fact, by the entire imperial administration, were directed to achieve a prosperous and dependable agriculture and maximum of revenue yield – it be the laying of ten years’ revenue schedule (1570-71), the Karori reform, or earlier assessment effected in 1566c, or restoration of assignment system in 1579c, or reliance upon the Nineteen Years’ Rate - all were directed to develop agriculture, maximize revenues and add to peasants’ prosperity. Akbar’s administration is found relying on land revenue more than on any other source. It is confirmed by the revenue figures which stood at L 16,582,440 in 1594, as against 17,500,000 of Jahangir (1609-11c) and Shahjahan;s 22,000,000 (1648-49c) Even with increasing outlay on administration and developmental activities, Akbar is not seen unduly increasing taxes and levies on manufacturing and trade to maximize returns to the exchequer: These, as compared to agriculture and allied activities, were not in a position to provide sufficient income for meeting the outlay on imperial administration and management and upkeep of the economy. The phenomenon is expressive of a favorable attitude of the Emperor towards manufacturing and internal and external trade. Abul Fazl states that under Akbar the custom duties did not exceed 2.5 per cent, and the charges do not appear to have been materially higher.

209


The empire was fairly engaged in the pursuit of agricultural and allied activities. A number of branches in manufacturing were also developing due to the care, encouragement and help offered by the administration. The choice and consumption pattern of the nobles and the rich class had its impact on the production: It manifested conspicuous consumption; while the people in general were living and consuming, as has been made evident by Engel’s Study of the family budgets in Saxony i. e., the poor, the middle and rich class of consumers differ sharply in their outlay on necessities of life – the poor spending bulk of their income on food, leaving little for spending on items of comfort.2

Nevertheless, this too was a source of creating demand for agricultural produce, adding to rural income in general. Manufacturing and trading in a variety of goods was being progressively entered into - with village and cottage industries and the karkhanas playing their roles.

Industrial activity progressively consumes agricultural and non-agricultural inputs. Thus, industrial progress is linked with the availability and use of factors of production. Therefore, to assess the potential of growth in any economy, its resource-base must be necessarily kept in mind. As regards the resource-base of the Indian economy during Akbar’s reign, we have the following account:

Referring to A’in-i-Akbari, we find that Abul Fazl in its dafter iii has briefly but aptly enumerated the

210

Appendix

natural resources, industrial raw material, art and crafts, output, both agricultural and industrial, mines, water resources, trades and trading, etc., thus:

The Subah of Bengal produced mats, resembling woven silk; fabricated boats of differing kinds, silk and a kind of sack cloth (jute cloth), ‘ganjal’, a kind of fine cloth, long thick timbers from its extensive forests, used in making masts. In Sonargaon were produced species of muslin in great quantity and very fine in quality. There was much activity in the city of Chatgaon due to its being near the sea. Being an excellent port, it was a resort of merchants. Satgaon and Hugli emerged as the two ports at a distance of half a kos from each other. In Mantaran, small stones from its diamond mine, at a place called Harpah, were produced. The A’in-i-Akbari records that in the Sarkar of Katak (Cuttack) in Orissa, fourth floar of one of the palaces, built by Raja Mukind Deo (not supported by history), contained ‘the workshop’.

The Subah of Bihar produced excellent sugar-cane. {This must have been utilized for producing sugar and ‘gur’ (raw sugar)}. It also produced gilded glass, a sort of stone resembling marble, used in ornament making, and good quality of paper.

The Subah of Allahabad was known for its production of ‘beautifully woven ‘Jholi and ‘Mihrkah’ quality cloth, especially produced at Benaras (Varanasi), Jalalabad and Mau. Woolen carpets were

211


produced at Jaunpur, Zafarwal (Zafarabad) and other places.

In the Subah of Agra, “Jamuna flows through it for five kos, and on either banks are … pleasant stretches of meadows” said Abul Fazl, and (that) “it is filled with people from all countries and is the emporium of the traffic of the world.” Fatehpur Sikri contained “quarry of red stone, whence from”, says Abul Fazl, “columns and slabs of any dimensions” could “be excavated.” In the two cities - Agra and Fatehpur Sikri – were ‘woven fine stuff’. Here numerous handicraftsmen had their ’full occupation’. Bianah grew ‘finest quality’ of indigo, which fetched as high a price as 10 to 12 rupees per man. Excellent hinna (Lawsonia inermis), having industrial value, was also found here. The Subah manufactured extremely white sugar. Cakes were also manufactured here. It also produced weapons of war and copper utensils. “In Todah Bhim, mines of copper and turquoise were “said to exist”. But these were uneconomical. There was an iron-ore mine in the sarkar of Gwalior. Bairat contained a profitable copper mine, and also a silver mine, but it was uneconomical to operate it. Kalpi produced ‘excellent’ sugar candy. Alwar manufactured glass and woolen carpets. Abul Fazl says that Singhanah, Udaipur and Kotputli in the sarkar of Narnol, contained copper mines.

The Subah of Malwa grew willow, a marketable product, sugar-cane and cloth of ‘best texture’. The people in Ujjain fabricated vessels and used these. It is

212

Appendix

indicative of the use of Sipra river water-course for travelling and trading activities.

In Dandes, good cloth stuff, called Siri Saf and Bhiraun, was woven at Dharangaon. Sandal wood (having commercial value) was produced here.

In the Subah of Berar, existence of a diamond mine in Biragarh, finds mention. “In Indur and Nirmal, there exist mines of steel (iron-ore) and other metal (ores),” says the A’in-i-Akbari. A spring existing near Melgarh was used for petrifying wood and other substances.

The Subah contained ‘the essential materials for the manufacture of glass and soap’.

Subah of Gujarat, carried its industrial and commercial activity in abundance. Salt was produced in a pit at Patri. Besides, it was also produced in the low lying tract between Jhalwara in the sarkar of Ahmadabad and Pattan and Sorath, called the Ran (the Runn); due to the rising of sea and its covering the tract, which once dried, gave salt. Use of tiles and of burnt bricks and lime, indicates their commercial output and use. The A’in-i-Akbari records ‘production of countless painters, seal-engravers and other handicraftsmen ... who inlaid ‘mother-o-pearl’ with great skill and (made) beautiful boxes and inkstand. Stuff worked with gold thread and of the kind of Chirah (a parti-colored cloth, used for turbans), Fotah, Jamehwar, Khara and velvets and brocades’,was ‘skillfully manufactured’ here. Besides,

213


‘imitations of stuffs from Turkey, Europe, and Persia’, excellent swords and daggers ‘of the kind Jamdhar’ and Khapwah, and bows and arrows’ were produced. Pattan, being both a ‘spacious harbor’ and a town, produced good swords and good cotton cloth, which were “taken to distant parts as gifts of value.” It possessed nine stone quarries. A village, ‘three kos from Batwah (Patwah), named Sarkhech (Sarkhej) produced indigo of good quality’. Surat produced oils of all kinds and high rate perfumes. Bharoch (Broach) was ‘accounted a maritime town of first rate importance. Ahmadabad, named after Shaikh Ahmad Khattu, was ‘in high state of prosperity, which ‘for the pleasantness of its climate and its display of the choicest productions of the whole globe’ was reported to be (then) ‘almost unrivalled’. In Kambhayat (Cambay) ‘much merchandise was found.”

As per the entry in the A’in-i-Akbari, the northern mountains of the Subah of Delhi, called “Kumaon, contain(ed) mines of gold, silver, lead, iron (ore), copper, orpiment and borax.” Rhinoceros, found in the sarkar of Sambhal, gave shields, made of its skin and horns, and finger guards from its bow-strings. Existence of a sulphur mine in Salnah is also described.

In the Mughal Subah of Lahor(e), ‘soil was washed to obtain gold, silver, copper , rui (as being composed of 4 sers of copper to 1/2 of lead, and in India called Bhangar), zinc, brass and lead ..’In the neighborhood of Cell of Balnath Jogi (called Tilah Balnath), near Shamsabad and in the middle of Singh

214

Appendix

Salar, rock-salt was found… From this salt artificers made dishes, dish-covers, plates and stands. .4 There were “skilful handicraftsmen of various kinds.”

In the sarkar of Tattah of the Mughal Subah of Multan, Plawah, a kind of fish ‘unrivalled for its fine and exquisite flavor’, came up ‘into the Indus from the Sea.’ It carried industrial value, as its oil was ‘extracted and used in boat building.’ There existed Salt-pit and iron (ore) mines, and a mine of yellow stones at a place six kos off Tattah; wherefrom large and small slabs were ‘quarried and used for building.’

In the sarkar of Kashmir in the then Mughal Subah of Kabul, there lived ‘artificers of various kinds’, who deserved to be ‘employed in the greatest cities.’ Abul Fazl describes Kashmir as “the home of the artificers of various kinds. Here beautiful shawls were woven; woolen stuffs were ‘extremely soft.’ ‘Durmah, pattu and other woolen material were prepared, but the best,’ says Abul Fazl, ’were brought from Thibet (Tibet)’. In ‘the village of Pampur ..fields of saffron to the extent of ten or twelve thousand bighas’ existed.3 Saffron was also cultivated in Paraspur. In the village of Dakhamun, there was a quarry (probably a kind of Jade, says. H. S. Jarrett, the translator) in the vicinity of which utensils were fashioned. ‘About the parganah of Phak’ grew ‘a variety of herbs and plants.’ – many of these must have been of medicinal value too. Gold was obtained in Pakli, as also in Gilgit by soil washing’. Manglor, situated east of sarkar of Swad (Swat), says the A’ in, contained an iron (ore) mine at the base of the mountain near Qalat, and also ‘an iron-foundry for the smelting of

215


the ore’. Abul Fazl states that in the town of Ghorband ‘the metal called ruin (composed of four sers of copper to 1½ of lead) is here abundant..’ ‘Mines of silver and lapis-lazali’ were found here. In the sarkar of Swad (Swat) an iron-foundry was at work.

Thus, we find that the industrial raw material was available in plenty in the Great Mughal’s empire. Many of these were being utilized in the home industry and the village level work-places: It was this sort of village organization that prompted Sir Charles Matcalfe to describe the Indian village4 as the “little republics, having nearly every thing they want with themselves and almost independent of only foreign relations.” Matcalfe was also to add, what was told earlier by Abul Faz: In each of the Pura (a quarter or ward of town, with its own gateway) in Ahmadabad “all the requisites of a city” were to be found (A’in Akbari).

Resource use, Manufacturing and Trading:

An increasing use of the available resources was possible at varying levels in different subahs, based on the availability of techniques of production and of tools and equipments, forthcoming investment and the willingness of the investing class to engage in entrepreneurial manufacturing and trading activities. The nobles and rich business men are found favoring horticulture. Other avenues of investments offered better avenues, but, perhaps the risk factor, made many to ignore these. Bernier noting the availability of large quantity of cotton and silk manufactures observed that “…the kingdom may be called the commerce storehouse

216

Appendix

of those two kinds of merchandise, not for Hindustan or the Empire of the Great Moghul only, but of all the neighboring kingdoms, and even of Europe.” Both cotton and silk weaving as also woolen developed due to the patronage of the Emperor, nobles and high income group including the wealthy businessmen. Ralph Fitch who visited Agra and Fathepur Sikri in 1581c noted (that) “Agra and Fatehpore are two very great cities, either the much greater than London. Between Agra and Fatehpure are 12 miles and all the way there is a market of victuals and other things, as full as though a man were still in a towne, and so many people as if a man were in a market.” Likewise, Father Monserrate, who accompanied Akbar in his journey to Kabul in 1581, describing the prosperity and thus development of Lahore, said that it is second to ‘no city in Asia or Europe’ and that ‘its shops were so full of every kind of merchandize, that its streets were so full of people that passage was difficult’. Referring to Kabul, he added that it ‘was a great emporium of trade being located on the cross roads to Iran, India and Central Asia.’ With encouragement being given by the Emperor, industrial activity was picking up and the industries located in the urban centers were being benefited most – industries located in the subahs of Agra, Oudh, Gujarat, Lahore, Delhi and Bihar included: The A’in tells us that sarkar of Satgaon in the Subah of Bengal has been the traditional mercantile capital. (Vol. II, H. Blochmann, p. 183). Burhanpur in the Subah of Dandes was known for sandalwood, a product of commercial value. It was

217


“inhabited by people of all countries”, and here handicraftsmen plied “a thriving trade.” Dharangaon produced good woven cloth stuff, called Siri Saf and Bhiraun. Pattan (in Gujarat) produced good cloths which were “taken to distant parts as gifts of value.” In the Subah, three kos from Batwah (Patwah), a village Surkhech (Sarkhej) produced indigo of good quality which was ‘exported to Turkey and other countries.’

The ports in Khambhayat (Cambay) and Ghoga,which were included in Gogo sarkar, had brisk activity. Khambayat was a large city where lived “merchants of diverse kind; wherein much merchandise was found. From here vessels sailed to Ghoga and traded there:” The cargoes were “put into small ships, called Tawari, which transported them to Khambayat.”

Here some workmen excavated rock-salt and obtained three-fourth share, one-fourth going to the carriers. Merchants,” says Abul Fazl, “purchase(d) it at from half to two d’ams a man and transport(ed) it to distant countries. The land-owner (took) 10 d’ams for every carrier and the merchants (paid) a duty of one rupee for every 17 mans to the State.”5

Abul Fazl praises the quality of shawls woven in Kashmir but adds that “the best were brought from Tibhet (Tibet).” Regarding the sale and manufacturing of shawls in Kashmir, he tells us: “His Majesty improved this department in four ways: including in the Tus shawls, …made of the wool of an animal of that name …in the Safid Alchas (corded stuff) also called

218

Appendix

Tarhdars, in their colors… in the width of the shawls, adding that “His Majesty encourages, in every possible way, the manufacture of shawls in Kashmir. “Woolen industries raw material was brought from Thibet through Kashmir.” (Bernier) A’in-i-Akbari i tells us about the settling of “all kinds of carpet weavers here” and their driving “a flourishing trade. They are found in every town, especially in Agra, Fathpur and Lahor.” (A’in 21, A’in-i-Akbari i). Not only this, Akbar’s Kitchen employed “from all countries “who prepared “a great variety of dishes of all kinds (A’in 23, A;in-i-Akbari i)

In Lahore also there were more than a thousand workshops. A kind of shawl, called mayan, is chiefly woven there; its consists of silk and wool mixed. The positive impact on the movements of men and good is evident when Abul Fazl says that the Khaibar road which “was formerly somewhat difficult, but by the command of His Majesty it (was) made easily practicable for wheeled conveyance, and the present time travelers from Turan and India take this route.”

Here in India, an indication of the rising power of the Mughals was the growing importance of Agra which had become a great resort of merchants from Persian and out of India, and very much merchandise of silk and cloth and of precious stones, both Rubie, Diamonds and Pearls.”6

Trade between India, Persia and the Levant received impetus with the opening up of the Persian Gulf to all shipping. Significantly, this reactivated local shipping along with increasing volume

219


and value of freight, carried by the Dutch and English Companies, which have been exploiting the opportunities, accorded to them.

Bianah indgo was of a good quality, it fetched high price, and was exported. In the sarkar of Bahraich in Oudh, Digan, in its vicinity possessed ‘a mint for copper coinage’.

Cotton cloth was widely produced and traded both within and outside the country. Karkhanas played their role in meeting the household demand as also of the military requirements, thus adding to industrial progress during the period. “Skilful masters and workmen,” says Abul Fazl, “… settled in this country to teach people an improved system of manufacture. The imperial workshops in the towns of Lahor, Agra, Fathpur, Ahmadabad, Gujrat, turn(ed) out many masterpieces of workmanship; and the figures and patterns, knots, and variety of fashions which now prevail, astonish(ed) experienced travelers…All kinds of hair-weaving and silk-spinning were brought to perfection; and the imperial workshops furnish(ed) all those stuffs which (were) made in other countries.” A’in-i-Akbari i tells us about the settling of “all kinds of carpet weavers here” and their driving “a flourishing trade. They are found in every town, especially in Agra, Fathpur and Lahor.” 7

As people generally imitate the etiquette and fashion of the affluent, it worked in the Mughal India also. As put by Abul Fazl: “A taste for fine material has since become general, and the drapery used as feasts

220

Appendix

surpasses every description.” The tendency was further facilitated because “..the prices became generally lower. Thus, a piece woven by the famous Ghiyas-i-Naqshband may now be obtained for fifty muhrs, whilst it had formerly been sold for twice that sum; and most other articles have got cheaper as the rate of thirty to ten, even forty to ten” (i.e., less by 66⅔ and even by 75%). The statement is indicative of the improvement in the artisans’ skills.. The A‘in tells us of salt-petre’s use for cooling, using Akbar’s technique of refrigeration (A’in 22, A’in-i-Akbari i), extraction of oil, tinning (polishing) of utencils (A’in 23, A’in-i-Akbari i) of seal-engravers, mints, rolling iron sheets for musket barrels and multiple drills, use of camphor, rose water, indigo manufacturing, (i), paper manufacturing, dishes of gold, silver (with mines and output) gold, stone and earthen-ware, swords, knives, and daggers, naqqar’as, lac, building materials such that “roof of house “in Baroda “ are usually of tiles and the walls of burnt brick and lime. (A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S Jarrett) Further, it tells us that in windows glass was being used (A’in 88, A’in-i-Akbari i), and about the technique of building - the living example of which is the Jaunpur Bridge on the river Gomti, built in 1567-68c. Ain-i-Akbari ii (Vol. II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett} tells us that good quality paper was being produced in Bihar.

The Imperial Karkhanas:

The karkhanas were so important in the industrial development of India that the Emperor

221


created a high level post of Diw’an-i-Buyut’at to take care of their general and financial administration, their raw material requirements, fixation of price of different products, signifying that the Diw’an was required to know not only financial accounting but also some cost accounting as well. Akbar encouraged shawl making in Kashmir and Lahore and in other places also. Lahore manufactured mayan shawls, made of silk and wool mixed.8 Bernier noted shawl manufacturing and described it as “a sort of embroidery made on loom.’

As regards, carpets, its making and sale, Akbar “appointed experienced workmen, who.. produced many masterpieces. The glims of Iran and Turan are no more thought of, although merchants still import carpets from Goshoka, Khuzistan, Kirman and Sabzwar. All kinds of carpet weavers have settled here, and drive a flourishing trade. They are found everywhere especially in Agra, Fathpur and Lahor”. Giving the cost of the glims made in the imperial workshops, Abul Fazl puts it “at 1,810 rupees”..”which those who are skilled in the business .. valued at 2,715 rupees”, thus earning 50% profit on sale of glims. (A’in 21, A’in-i-Akbari, i, Vol. I, H. Blochmann) It is indicative of the profit earned by the businessmen and their increasing prosperity.

Shawl stuff demand and for that matter demand for all stuff must have looked up, making the buyut’at

9

to see that the imperial karkhan’as endeavor to meet it, but, then the private karkhanas must have also shared the gronwing demand. And, “His Majesty also ordered

222

Appendix

that people of certain ranks should wear certain articles; and his was done in order to regulate” (and give effect to increase in demand). Agro-rural development generating returns must have prompted the enterprising and possessors of means to take to horticulture, and also to grow cash crops. It is reported that the rich nobles invested in horticulture.

Within the fortress “large halls … seen in many places” by Bernier were the “…karkhanas or workshops for the artisans.” He narrates: “In one hall embroiderers are busily engaged, superintended by a master. In another you see the goldsmith; in a third painters; in a fourth varnishers; in a fifth joiners, turners, tailors and shoe-makers; in a sixth manufacturers of silver brocade and then fine muslin of which are made turbans girdles with golden flowers and drawers worn by females so delicately fine as frequently to wear out in one night which are beautifully embroidered with needle work. The artisans return every morning to their respective karkhanas where they remain employed the whole day; and in the evening return to their houses. The embroider brings up his son as an embroider, the son of a goldsmith trains a goldsmith, the physician of the city educates his son for physician.”10 The State successfully proceeded with the karkhanas: “There are more than one hundred office and workshops each resembling a city, or rather a little kingdom” and by the unremitting attention of his Majesty, they are all conditioned with regularity, and area constantly increasing, their improvement being accompanied by additional care and

223


supervision on the part of his Majesty.”(A’in-i-Akbari i, Vol. II, Tr. H. Blochmann, p. 12)

“Private Enterprise run industries confined to textiles (cotton), hemp and jute, sugar, indigo and dyestuff, metal, mines, pepper, pottery, oil processing, tobacco manufacture, drug and intoxicating liquors and spirit together with small crafts such as gold and black smithy, etc. “In Agra alone, and of the stone-cutters belonging to that place only, every day l employed on my palaces 80 persons and in Agra, Sikri, Bianah, Dholpur, Gwalior and Koil, there were every day employed in my works 1,491 stone cutters. The State industries concerned textiles (silk, wool and hair) carpet, tent, metal (arms and ammunition, copper products, wood working, leather, minerals (salt, salt petre) and such other as working in ivory, perfumes and perfumery, etc. Imperial workshop provided fine silk goods etc., from yarn from private spinners and private workshops.”11

Manufacturing during the reign of Akbar, was a ‘domestic industry’. The families and individuals in each were known by the trades they specialized in, thus, it was described as being caste-based: And, as described by W. W. Hunter, industries ‘were, conducted by special castes, each member of which wove at his own hereditary loom, and in his own village or home-stead’. True, but the imperial karkhanas under Akbar, who counted merit, are not described with this ‘qualification.

Foreign Commerce: Taxation

224

Appendix

“The attitude of the central administration towards foreign commerce was at the period usually favorable, and the prescribed scales of customs duties were distinctly moderate. Abul Fazl states that under Akbar the duties did not exceed 2½ per cent, and the charges of which ..do not appear to have been materially higher …” The customs duties fixed by the State, were not very high; for example, at Surat these were 3 ½ percent on all imports and exports of goods, and 2 per on money either gold or silver. (Finch: The charges at Surat (were) 2 ½ per cent on goods, 3 per cent on provisions, and 2 per cent on money (Purchas, I. iv 423) The rates were increased during the seventeenth century, but not to an excessively high level: in Thevenot’s time they ranged from 4 to 5 per cent (Thevenot, p. 7). “At the Sea ports, however, as through out the country the personality of the local officers counted far much, the more so that the customs seem to have been commonly let on contract, or in Indian phrase, were held Pukhta. An individual officer might welcome merchants and give them all facilities for trade, He might also refuse to admit their goods at all.”12 As regards the transit dues, Akbar remitted it on at least two occasions during his rule. “The low prices,” confirms Monserrate, “in Akbar’s camp were due to in part with the exemption from the taxes of goods brought in for sale.” “Charges at Surat (were) 2 ½% on goods, 3 % on provisions, and 2% on money.” (Finch: Purchas, I, iv 423)

225


“Duties at ports” says N. J. Shah, “were generally ad valorem on the prime cost of goods, as given in the original invoices or on the value realized on sale of these goods at the places of importation, that is, market prices at ports. Actually, it depended very much on the discretion of the customs officers.” Further, “the native system of transit duties was more of the nature of a toll levied in every sub-division of a district on each load of goods or produce passing through it or imported for consumption therein or exported there from to other sub-divisions. Each sub-division was taken as a unit. The goods moving within it were free from duties until they reached the frontier.” (History of Indian Tariffs, pp. 12 &. 2) “His Majesty (Akbar)”, says Abul Fazl in his A’in, “in his wisdom has regulated the revenues.. He reduced the duty on manufactures from ten to five percent ..”

The Emperor in his care to control the prices and make goods cheaper took decision to reduce taxes, thus: “Many imposts, equal to the income of Hindustan were remitted by His Majesty as a thank-offering to the Almighty. Among these were the following:

…The port duties, mir-bahari (a tax on ‘the building of boats varying from 8 annas to one rupee four annas according to the size of the vassels: It was also laid upon all boats arising the dock yard whose crews were foreigners, that is to say, not residents of the district (D. Pant),, a tax on each head of oxen, gao-shumari, a tax on each tree, sar-i-darakhti, .. a tax on the various classes of artificers, peshawar, …treasurer’s

226

Appendix

fee, fotahdari, ccomplimentary offering on receiving a lease and the like, lodging charges, waju-e kiraya, money bags, kharitah, testing and exchanging money, sarrafi, market duties, h’asil-i-ba’zar.

Likewise, the taxes were remitted on sale of cattle (nakh’as); also on hemp, blankets, oil, raw hides, weighing (kayyati), scaling; butcher’s dues, tanning, .. pass-ports for goods, .. fees on the purchase and sale of a house, on salt made from nitrous earth, balk’ati permission to reap the harvest, fees on anu- facture of lime, spirituous liquors, brokerage, catching fish, the product of the tree Al (Morinda citrifolia – from which dye is extracted); in fact all those imposts which the natives of Hindustan include under the term Sair-i Jih’at, were remitted.” (A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol, II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett, pp. 73-74)

These remissions directly and directly affected the cost and prices of the outputs. Remissions were possible due to a rising revenue, derived in Akbar’s Hindustan: Sir William Hunter says that the revenue derived from Northern India exceeded that levied by the British, of course, from many different sources, as against the revenues derived in Akbar’s Hindustan mainly from agriculture.

As put in the History of the Rise of Mohammedan Power in India, “the inland transit duties were many and vexatious….”. Further, in Thevenot’s time – on the road from Aurangabad to Golconda, he counted sixteen taxing posts in twenty-three leagues,

227


says W. H. Moreland. But while thinking of this, we can turn to the existence of a large number of customs posts within Germany prior to the formation of Deutscher Zollverein in 1834c between German States, created as a customs union.

The Prices:

The Emperor and his courtiers were sensitive to price rise: The Emperor appointed in 1582c “acute and unavarious overseers” to control “much oppression in the conduct of the work of buying and selling, and that the traders were injured, he for the love of justice and from graciousness, ordered that various articles should be put into the charge of tactful and honest men in order that the unjust might be placed in the corner of failure.”13 Prices in Akbar’s reign were generally low. This is supported by the increasing number of incoming trading caravans and the international community of traders looking to India for their purchases. Further, transport cost which adds to the cost of merchandize, whenever found unreasonable, was checked: Rahhdari i.e., exaction from a boat passing through a river in zamind’ars’ territory, which added to cost of the products and merchandize for sale, was considered an ahw’ab (illegal exaction).

To give effect to honest trading, Akbar prescribed ‘the principal weight, length, and surface measures’. It led to confidence building: ‘Mutual confidence’ of buyers and sellers, and for that matter of

228

Appendix

importers and exporters on each other adds to maximization of sale and purchase.

The Monarch as an Entrepreneur:

Akbar brought the ‘banking business’ under his monopoly, and by permitting others to carry it within specified limit, subject his control, earned profit. Thus, he was ‘not averse to commercial profit’. Likewise, some of the fine and profitable industries in Agra, Gujarat and Kashmir were also reserved in his name and thus he earned ‘a good sum of money’. “He” (Akbar), says Monserrete, “also engages in trading on his own account, and thus increases his wealth to no small degree for he eagerly exploits every possible source of profit. He allows no bankers or money changers in his Empire …This enormous banking-business brings the King great profit .. There is a law also that no horse may be sold without the King’s knowledge or that of his agents.” (Commentary of Father Monserrate, Hoyland and Benerjee, p. 27) The same views concerning profits, earned by Akbar, have been expressed by Vincent Smith. However, he was highly careful in safeguarding the interests of his realm and that of the producers and workers in it. Moreland says: “…ports and cities were not open to settlements of foreign merchants as a matter of course; such settlements were based on special conventions or agreements, and the position of the merchants with regard to the authorities was determined by these conventions rather than the ordinary law.” (W.H. Moreland, From Akbar to Aurangzeb... p. 221)

229


Unlike Jahangir, in spite a very polite letter from the Queen of England, requesting the Great Mughal to accord due permission and help to a group of businessmen visiting India, rather looking eastwards, he did not yield 14 as did his son, Jahangir, later..

As regards, creating monopoly for the ruler himself, a parallel to this is found in Persia, where the emperor Shah Abbas I “…by his commands prohibited all men what nation soever to buy silks unless from his hands, and to the ende all should be collected and brought into his Magazenes, he sent his owne servants with ready Money to all places where silk grew to buy from the Countreye people… att such rates as the owner could afforde itt..”( -1.0, E/3/12/1347, Gambroon to East India Company, 11 March 1630/I). The practice was discarded by Shah Safi who made trading in silk free. When he failed to honor the commitment with the English merchants, he wrote to Charles I saying: “in my grand father’s tyme he made Crooke, that no man could buy any but himself and of himself…but since my tyme I have broken that Crooke, that Middlemen in my country might reape the benefit therof; and that those who are the owners of the silke might sell it to whom they could.”15

Internal Trade:

“Ever since the conquest of Kabul, Qandahar and Kashmir”, says Abul Fazl, “loads of fruit are imported; throughout the whole year the stores of the dealers are

230

Appendix

full, and the bazaars well supplied.” (A’in-i-Akbari i, A’in 28).

Gujarat “imported wheat and some food grains .. from Malwa and Ajmer and rice from the Deccan”.

In Tattah, a sarkar of the Subah of Multan, Palwah, a fish with ‘exquisite flavor’ and having industrial value, flew into Indus from the sea. It was caught and ‘smoked and loaded in boats and exported to the ports and other cities affording a considerable profit.’ In the sarkar of Kashmir, which greatly carried the commercial activity, “the bazaar system’ was ‘little in use, as a brisk traffic” was “carried on at their own places of business, from the Deccan.” (the A’in)

The Subah of Lahore imported melons from Turkestan, and bought these from Badakhshan and also from Kabul. Further, Lahor(e) was among the first in size and population, being a resort of people from all (the) countries, “whose manufactures,” presented “an astonishing display.”

In Loner, a division of Mehkar in the Subah of Berar, salt-petre was produced. It yielded ‘considerable revenue’.

For inland trading and transportation Ganges and Indus played an important role in inland trade, and transportation of goods. Boats sailing from Bengal reached goods and travelers up to Bernaras (Varanasi) and then reached them to Allahabad. In fact, the Tributaries of Ganges handled bulk of the traffic. The Brahamputra and the Irawadi rivers occupied their place

231


of importance in the inland navigation, moving goods and people including workers; ‘but they flew outside the Mughal dominion’. River Jamuna, like the Ganges, was also navigable. The Indus was not relied upon much due to the spates, yet it handled great traffic. The three of-shoots of the Ganges in Bengal - the Bigirathi, the Jallangi and the Matabhan - were flowing with much water, ultimately mingling with river Hugli. Streams in the South were not considered reliable during the rainy season due to the spate and the risks involved. As regards sea-power, Akbar did not pay much attention to develop it, as it was not considered important for his empire. Further, it involved huge expenditure, and also because it was not considered essential for his Empire.16

“Mercantile affairs in this country (were) mostly transacted in round muhrs, ruyiyas, and dams.” (A’in-i-Akbari i, A’in 10)

Foreign Trade: Import and Export:

The affluent in the Mughal empire also consumed goods of value – utensils of copper and silver, furniture, leather goods, stitched cloth, writing material, jewelry, perfumery, harness and saddler items – the products of correspondingly varied group of manufactures. Details may be seen in A’in-i-Akbari i, Vol. I , Tr. H. Blochmann.

Merchants traveling outside, were not allowed to carry with them any silver money. A significant feature of India’s trade during the reign Akbar was that the Europeans – the Dutch and English – had established their factories in India They came and gradually spread

232

Appendix

over over a wide area, keeping in view their supply line and, of course, safety of their installations as well of their own. They imported bullion to buy Indian products, as the demand for their high priced products was only in the high income group; thus the sales were not of the required quantum - they could not earn, but spending they had to do because of high demand of Indian products back home in their markets; though they were criticized for this of their method of trading, particularly in England. W. H. Moreland contends that the European traders in India during the Mughal period could not have “matters all their own way,” as they experienced difficulty in dealing with Indian merchants and brokers, whom they described “generally subtle and clever”. The commercial monopolies and the behavior of the local governors and high officers were considered as obstacles. The chief obstacle in their way was the interference of local ‘governors’ and other high officers.”17 In spite of good glims being produced in Akbar’s Hindustan, merchanats still import(ed) carpets from Goshkin, Khuzisan, Kirman, and Sabzwar, says Abul Fazl..

“Some fur and fine varieties of cloth were imported from Aden (Annadorai, Economic Conditions in Southern India, Vol. II, p. 548) “From Samarqand even they bring melons, pears, and apples.”(A’in-i-Akbari i, A’in 28) Giving prices of Gold Stuff, the A’in mentions import of brocaded velvet from Yazd, Kashan (Iran), Europe, and from Hirat.; Deba silk from Europe, Yazd, Chinese Tartary, Tafsila (a stuff) from Mecca,

233


plain silk from Kashan Yazd Mashhad, woolen stuff and Scarlet Broad cloth from Turkey, Europe and Portugal. Burd-i Yamani, Takyl namad from (Kabul and) Persia; kamkhwab from (Kabul and) Persia and Mushajjar from Europe, and cotton cloth from Deccan.

The export basket contents, as compared to its presently containing a larger number of products, were limited in numbers.

As regards overland trade, (we have the following account, which pertains in all probability to Nepal, which from Mahinpurva (in Bahraich) is nearby:

From the northern mountains, quantities of goods (were) carried on the backs of men, of stout ponies and of goats (Yak, Ferishta, II, p. 359) including gold, copper, lead, tails of the Kutas cow (a little differing from the common cow except in the tail (Abul Fazl) honey, chuck (a mixture of ‘orange juice and lemon, boiled together’), pomegranate, honey, seeds, ginger, long pepper, majitha (Rubia Munjista) root, borax, zedoary, wax, woolen stuff, wooden ware, hanks, falcons, black falcons, merlins, and other articles, and in exchange, they (took) with them white and colored cloths, amberm salt, assafoetida, ornaments, glass and earthen ware (A’in-i-Akbai iii, Vol. I1, Tr. H.S. Jarrett).

Composition of Trade:

India’s Imports And Exports:

India imported horses, gold, silver, raw silk, copper, tin, zinc, lead, mercury, ivory, coral, amber,

234

Appendix

precious stones, silks, velvets, brocades, spice, perfumes, China goods (The A’in says that Akbar left Chinese porcelain in Agra alone at two and a half million rupees), wines and African slaves. Mercury came from China and Lisbon, lead from Europe, which also supplied coral, superior woolen cloth, silks, velvets, and other fabrics, wines and spirits, glass and mirrors (imported into India by the Portuguese, who were conducted what is referred as ‘the reserve trade’).

William Hawkins tells us that “India is rich in silver, for all nations bring coin and carry away commodities for the same; and this coin is buried in India, and goeth not forth.”

The exports consisted of textiles fabrics, pepper, brought from Java and Sumatra, spices (cloves from Moluccas, made and nutmegs from the island of Bandar, ginger from Calicut, cinamom from Ceylon, turmeric from Coromandal (Madras), etc., dyes (Indigo from Sarkhej and Biana), Opium (from Malwa and Benaras). Considering the imports and exports then and comparing it with the contemporary imports and exports, it is revealed that food-grains did not appear in the list of import. This speaks of prosperity of Indian agriculture then.

Akbar’s coins were readily accepted due to purity of metal, fullness of weight and their artistic presentation.(Reference may be made to A’in 10, A’in-i-Akbari i) We find in the A’in discussion on the

235


value of debased coins, ensuring confidence of the buyers and sellers in the currency management by the empire, thus safeguarding against the use of debased coins in the prescribed full value – a phenomenon, explained by Sir Thomas Gresham, popularly known the Gresham’s Law, saying ‘bad money tends to drive good money out of circulation’.

India’s Trade with Persia:

“The Persians were addicted to the Articles-de-luxe manufactured in India. These articles-de-luxe like perfumes, kimkhwabs (gold and silver threads inter-woven in a costly specially prepared cloth), musk, cinnamon and other spices, malmal (fine cotton cloth), silk, etc., …were sent to them on camels from the banks of the Indus to those of the Oxus, down which river they were conveyed to the Caspian, and then circulated wither by land – carriage or by navigable rivers to the various parts of Persia.18

Exports to Persia consisted of copper, iron (carried overland as the Potuguese had objections), cloth, particularly from Agra and Patna – colored, produced at Ahmadabad, Agra and Lahore, powdered sugar, from Bengal, Surat, Agra and Lahore, brought and then exported to Persia., conserves viz., of ginger and mirabolins, cassia fistula, indigo, camphor, paper, spices, cinnamon Mace. etc.

”The Indian cloths came mostly from Sind, Coromandal, (and) Surat which handled the production

236

Appendix

from Agra, Broach, Ahmadabad, and other north-west Indian textile centers, Bengal and Kutch.” The pattern and flow of trade between India and Persia was influenced among other factors, by the presence of a large number of Persians including Persian merchants in India. Both the volume and value of trade continued to rise. It is estimated that about “a third of Indian textiles production went to the Red Sea and Persian, and onwards to Arabia, the Levant, Turkey, Russia and Central Asia.” Frayer noticed the predominance of the textile and spice imports into Persia. (Ronald pp.448-449)

As regards Persia’s exports, silk was of great importance, for ‘while Persia generally carried an unfavorable balance of trade with the east, it remained favorable with the West’. Proceeds from the silk exports were used to finance imports - of cotton goods, spices and drugs etc., from the East, and also for acquiring coined money to pay the import bill.

India’s Imports from Persia consisted of runars – madder: a red dye - grown around Ardabil but was procured by the merchants from Isfah’an; pearls, rose water and other essences, silk, ardass, ardasett, and canaree. The Khuras’an silk which used to be of a ‘very fine quality, was ‘unsuitable for carrying to Europe’. A considerable quantity was carried overland to Mughal India via Lahore or transported by ship from Hurmuz to Sind. Beside England, Mughal-India was the favorite export destination for silk.

237


Describing the Island (Hurmuz) in its zenith in the beginning of the 16 th century, Duarte Barbosa said: In this city are many merchants of Substance, and many very great ships. It has a right good harbor where many sorts of goods are handled which come hither from many lands, and from here they barter them with many parts of India. They bring hither spices of all sorts, and divers(e) kinds to wit pepper, cloves, ginger, cardamoms, eagle wood, sandal-wood, brasil-wood, myrobalans, tamarind, saffron, indigo (indo in Portuguese text), wax, iron, sugar, rice (great store) and cocoa-nuts, as well as great abundance of precious stones, porcelain and benzoin, by all of which they gain much money. They have also great plenty of Combaya, Chaul and Dabul cloth, and from Bangala they bring many Synbafos which are a sort of very thin cotton greatly prized among them and highly valued for turbans and shirts…and from the cities of Arabia a great number of horses come which they carry hence to India, whither every year they used to take one and at times two thousand horses…And in the ships in which these horses are taken, they carry also abundance of dates, raisins, salt and sulphur, also coarse seed pearls in which the Moors (Muslims) of Narsingua (Vijay Nagar) take great delight.19 And, Van Linschoten said: “It is the staple for all India, Persia, Arabia and Turkie, and all the places and countries about the same, and commonly it is full of Persians, Armenians, Turks and all nations, as also Venetians, which lie there to buy spices, precious stones that in great abundance are brought thither (of all parts)

238

Appendix

of lndia, and from there sent overland to Venice, and also carried throughout all Turkie, Armenia, Arabia, Persia, and every way.” 19

In spite of the Pass System, imposed by the Portuguese, who were controlling the Sea-routes of this region (between India and Persia), there was no significant change in the traffic of goods and commodities passing through Hurmuz. L’aris, coined at L’ar from fine silver, as mentioned by Van Linschoten, were ”brought thither, in ‘great numbers, because of the gain in exchanging these in India, leading to treasure-drain, even before the arrival of the European trading companies in the 11th/17th Century.” At Diu, Cambay and Chaul, there continued to exist much traffic to Hurmuz (of course subject to the Portuguese Pass restrictions).

Trade between India, Persia and the Levant received impetus with the opening up of the Persian Gulf to all shipping. Significantly, this reactivated local shipping along with increasing volume and value of freight, carried by the Dutch and English Companies, which have been exploiting the opportunities, accorded to them.

Trade Routes:

As regards internal movement of merchandise, as also the travel, we find that camel and mules, horses, elephant and others modes viz., sukhasan, carried by

239


men, were in use. For inland navigation, Ganges and Brahamputra rivers were utilized mainly.

Navigable rivers including the Indus, the Ganges, and the Jumna carried importance as high water-ways, carrying large volume of heavy traffic throughout the north of India then. There was a route from Benaras to Kathmandu (Nepal). Ralph Fitch (1582-1591c) described a route from Tripolis via Syria to Aleppo, down to Euphrates and the Tigris to Ormuz, and from Omuz to Chaul (a port near Bombay). Other routes were as under: 20

There were two main land routes for export trade on the north-west from Lahore to Kabul and from Multan to Qandahar, while there were a few more in other parts. The traffic along these routes was restricted and insecure. The Sea and the rivers were more advantageous for commercial purpose. But due to [problems in the availability of the carriers – plied mostly by the Portuguese, and their supremacy in sea (and then the implementation of the Pass System) and the technicalities viz., of packaging, loading and unloading and the clearance required from the Port officials, the land route to Persia from India and vice versa was more easily relied upon. The trade caravans moved for Persia either via Qandahar or via Multan. In case of disturbance caused to land route and the alternative there for, the maritime traffic in goods used Surat (or Coromandal). The chief ports of India were Lahori Bandar in Sind; the group of Gujarat ports like

240

Appendix

Surat, Broach and Cambay; Bassein; Chaul; Dabul (modern Dabhol) in the Ratnagri district; Goa and Bhatkal; Malabar ports, the most important of which were Calicut and Cochin; Negapatam, Muslipatam and a few minor ones on the east coast; and Satgaon, Sripur, Chittagong and Sonargaon in Bengal.

Khaibar and Qandahar served as points of overland trade routes to the north-west. Similar had been the position of Bolana and Qandahar. The main overland trade routes to the north-west,” says W. H. Moreland, ”were via Khaibar and Kabul, and via Bolan and Qandahar. The traffic along these routes was mainly in the shape of large caravans, sometimes escorted by armed guards, and their progress through the sparsely inhabited westerns tracts and the tribal areas was not without hazards.” But, as provided out in Akbar nama III, (Tr. p. 815) the Mughal administration charged the governor of Qandahar with the duty “to restrain the tribal free booters and protect travelers and traders.” While Her’at and Farah served as strategic and important commercial outlets; it was Qandahar which occupied importance as a nodal point in overland trade between Mughal-India and Safavid –Persia. The two English merchants passing through Qandahar in 1615 found it much enlarged due to frequent passage of caravans, saying that “the Suburbs are bigger than the cities.” Qandahar brings customs to the kind of Persia for there’s noe way into the Northern parts of it from Multan and other Indian parts by land except it come by way of Sindy…”21

241


Ralph Fitch (1582-91c) gave his route from Tripolis in Syria to Alleppo, down to Euphrates and the Tigris to Ormuz, and from Ormuz to Chaul (a port near Bomaby). The route from London to Qandahar, one of the important outlets was as follows: London-Zante-Go(scio)-Syrna-Constantinpole-Scanderone (Alexandretta) in Asia-Aleppo (overland)-Bir-Urfa-Caraemit (Diabekar)-Bitelio-Yan-Nacshin-Chiulfal (Julfa)-Sultania-Casbin (Kazvin) in Persia-Com (Kun)- Cashan-Yesd-Curman-Sigistan (the old name of Seistan in Eastern Persia)-Candhar-Multan-Agra

The Portuguese: Purpose of Arrival:

The Portuguese expansion looked to acquisition and fortification of their naval bases in India as elsewhere in search of imperial acquisition, domination and control, and for drawing trade benefits. The Portuguese who were controlling Hurmuz and subsequently obtaining their dominating presence in the Indian Ocean, introduced their ‘Pass System’ which gave them authority in the movement of merchandise through the Sea, though all to the dismay primarily of the Shah – Shah Abbas I—of Persia, and then to the Indian merchants and rulers. They issued safe conduct passes particularly to the powerful kingdoms in the Deccan and Gujarat, permitting movements of their trading vessels.” Akbar sent ships from Gujarat to the Red Sea, but they sailed under the license from the Portuguese. The sea-borne trade of Vijyanagar was placed practically in Portuguese hands by the Treaty of 1547c, while the

242

Appendix

Deccan kingdom of Bijapur appears to have been content to quarrel with the Portuguese on land.22

Incidentally, it may be stated here that ‘the Portuguese succeeded in proving their supremacy in weapons and in military power on the Sea’, but failed to command respect and prestige, of which the Mughal India, the Persians, the Chinese, the Ottoman and Japanese were in possession. All of these, it may be stated here, “were widely recognized in 1,600 as the seats of great, though non-Christian civilization, whose artisans produced goods of quality that as yet European could not hope to equal…”, says Hold Furber . 23

Referring to the account given regarding the available land and maritime trade routes, we find that in view of the then availability of the limited approaches from India to Persia and vice versa, the trade caravans moved for Persia either via Qandahar or via Multan. As regards the disturbances caused to land-route and the alternative there for, the maritime traffic in goods used Surat or Coromandal, depending upon the available choices, and facilities needed and available. Of course, geographical condition was always counted as a significant factor, influencing choice of the route. However, “in general, pattern of route did not change significantly during the Safavid period. Political troubles (such as on Qandahar) deflected the routes temporarily. Trade might, where practical, be moved by Sea rather than land, but in the main geographical conditions determined the choice of routes. In some way, seasonal

243


changes of the mansoon affected sailings. Ships came up from Indian ports to the Gulf generally from November… to …May at the latest, but from June to October, there were only small local movements of shipping, “24

“The British were beginning to appear in India. Throughout the previous century the Portugal had held the monopoly of the Indian trade. Before the death of Akbar, they were in friendly alliance with the Great Moghal. But Dutchmen and Englishmen were already spying out the land. In 1599 the merchants of London subscribed a capital of thirty thousand pounds. In 1600 the East India Company obtained its first Charter from Queen Elizebath. In 1601 the first ships were dispatched from England to open up a trade in Eastern seas. It was not, however, until the year 1608 that an Englishman of any mark reached the court at Agra” 25

Considering the go of things historically, it will be better if,, India in the context of her international and inter-regional trade, gives priority to her trade relations with close-by countries. This, while adding to reliability, peace and friendship with the neighboring economies, will add to Asian identity; will save time, cost of production and that of transportation, and in packaging, as the durability of packaging is also directly linked with the distance and handling of packages. Further, we must consider what the present author wrote (1984) in his theoretical rendering - Export-oriented

244

Appendix

Location of Industries – i.e, locating units at nearer outlets, subject to feasibility studies, to save time in transportation and handling of cargoes. Thus, it will be more convenient to locate high value adding units.

REFERENCES:

1. Quoted from W. H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar: An Economic Survey, Low Price Publication, Delhi – 110 052, 1990, pp. 8-9.

2. Engel studied the family budgets in Saxony, and based upon the collected data on family budgets of the poor, middle and rich class consumers, found that while the rich spent a lesser percentage of their income on food, the poor spent 65 per cent or more of their income on food and necessities of life.

3. Cultivation of saffron on such an extensive tract is non existent now.

4. He was testifying before the Before the Select Committee of the House of Commons in London in 1832.

5. A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett, p. 319.

6. Ronald Ferrier, The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. VI, Ed. Peter Jackson and Lawrence Lockhart, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, U. K., 1986, p. 437.

7. A’in 21, A’in-i-AKbari i.

8. A’in 322, Ibid

245


9. Buyut’at, commonly used for Diw’an-i-Buyut’at, who was responsible for the upkeep and working of the karkhan’as in all respects. He was responsible for running the karkhanas with efficiency and performance. He was to obtain daily figures from the karkhan’as, and when accompanying the Emperor, he was to present these to the Emperor.

10. Bernier’s Travel, pp. 258-259. Quoted from J. D. Rees, The Muslim Epoch, Asian Publication Services, New Delhi – 110 024, 1978.

11. S.M. Jafar, The Mughal Empire from Babur to Aurangzeb, Ess Ess Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1974, pp. 49-50.

12. W. H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar: An Ec.onomic Study, Low Price Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1990, pp. 46-47.

13. Akbar nama III, Tr. H. Beveridge, p. 95.

14. See Appendix III

15. Ronald Ferrier, The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. VI, Eds. Peter Jackson and Lawrence Lockhart, Cambridge University Press, U. K., 1986, p. 468.

16. Akbar was personally interested in ship-building. In 1594c, he constructed a sea-going ship at Lahore (to be sent down to river to sea), about 11.5 tons of iron were used up to nail together 2,936 planks of sal and pine wood. (Irfan Habib, Technology in Medieval India c650-1750, Tulika Books, New Delhi, 2008, p. 109)

246

Appendix

17. See R.C. Majumdar, H.C. Raychaudhuri, Kalikankar Datta, An Advanced History of India, Macmillan Company Ltd., U.K., 1961, p. 576.

18. D. Pant, Commercial Policy of the Mughals, Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 100 006, 1978, p. 6.

19. The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Edited and annoted by Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. I, Asian Educational Service, New Delhi, AES Reprint, 1989, pp. 92-93.

-Duarte Barbosa describing the Island (Hurmuz) in its zenith in the beginning of the 16 th century said: Ormuz (Hurmuz) in Arabia was an Arab principality which at this period was subordinate to the newly established Safavi Kingdom of Persia. In Arabia, it extended along the Coast from the limits of Hadramaut, through Oman and the Straits of Ormuz into the Southern part of the Persian Gulf. It had been playing an important role through out the sixteen century, having a “greate traffique”.

20. For Trade Routes see Commercial polcy of the Mughals (D. Pant).

21. Ronald Ferrier, The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. VI, Eds. Peter Jackson and Lawrence Lockhart, Cambridge University Press, U. K., 1986, p. 469.

22. W. H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar: An Economic History, Low Price Publication, Delhi – 100 052, 1990, p. 203.

23. Ibid, p.172.

24. The Cambridge History of Persia, Vol. VI, Ed. Peter Jackson and Lawrence Lockhart, Cambridge University Press, U. K., 1986, p. 476.

247


25. J. Talboys Wheeler, India Under the Mughal Rule, Vol. II, Pt. I, Cosmos Publications, New Delhi – 110 006, 1975, p. 190.

_________

APPENDIX – I

APPENDIX -I

The duties of Khan-i-Saman as enumerated in the Dastur:

1. Attestation (of the bil l s) of the workmen and menials from the monthly, yearly and daily rolls (of attendance) of those newly appointed , as well as increment (in the salary) of the old ones.

2. First appointment, dismissal and posting of daroghas , amins, mushrifs , and ta h vild a rs (of the various Ka r khan a s ).

248

Appendix

3. Laying down rules for the work of the Karkhan ’as and treasuries (of the Household Department).

4. (Writing) sl ips for hire and wages of labor.

5. Raplying to the prayers of the managers of the Karkhan ’as.

6. Issuing permits for the granting (of State houses) as reward , and for allowing (nobles to lodge temporarily in) them.

7. Inspection of nim-gosht and pao-gosht .

8. Taking bonds for money–security from the menials and managers (of Karkhan ’as ).

9. Considering applications from the workshops and stores.

10. Taking care of the nazr , charity fund, and presents.

11. Fi x the daily r ations of cattle.

12. Permit for the loan of articles from the Ka r khan .as .

13. Permit for the distribution of food (from the royal kitchen), its increase or decrease, the letters of order ( ahk’am) – except the letters of the female apartments. These were to be signed first by the Khan-i-Saman and then by the Buyuta’at .

14. Reply to the final presentation of accounts ( mu h asib’at ) concerning the recovery of State advances ( mutalib’at ) .

15. Escheat of property. If the order is to restore (to the officer under audit), then to send a copy of the order to the office (of the Diw’an ), so that his tankha may be paid according to it.

249


16. Things made o n order ( farma’ish ) of the Emperor in the provinces.

17. Taking the income from the gardens and the rent from the shop s and residential houses ( belonging to the State).

18. Long Sheets of letters from the Karkhan ’as .

19. The diaries and awari j a h of the subahs as well as the awari j a h of the imperial camps are to be sealed without change.

20. Initial the petition from the officers asking for advances and the granting of residences for alighting in, etc.

21. Attestation of the attendance of the Daroghas , amins , mushrifs and ta h vild ’rs of Karkhanas .

22. Appraising the different articles of peshkash (Tribute /P resent) and amu’al (escheated personal property of dead m ansabd ’ars ).

23. Attestation of the cash re w ard which appertains to the commanders of squadrons ( Sa h ib’an-i-risalah ).

24. Distribution of porters among the different Karkhan ’s.

25. Arrangements for the marriages of the princes.

26. The tum ’rs (registers) of the cash realization of the amounts due on audit ( muhasib’at ), should be sent by the auditors to the office of the Khan-i-Saman , and copies of them should be given to the office of the Buyu a’at .

27. Plans (Variant : “Expenditure o n lodging and buildings (D.) of lodgings and b uildings (belonging to the State).

250

Appendix

- Sir Jadunath Sa r kar, Mughal Administration, M. C. Sa r kar & Sons Ltd, Cal c utta – 12 , pp. 42–44.

_________

APPENDIX: II

And, this was the beginning of the thirty ninth year from Accession…. New decr e es were promulgated. Of this number is the following:

The Chief Police Off ice r was to take cognizance of the streets and houses of the city one-by-one, and to require of the heads and chief persons of every street: To keep a close watch on every one who came in or out of whatever degree he might be, whether merchant, soldier or otherwise. Not to allow troublesome, and disorderly fellows, or thieves to take up their abode in

251


the city. That if he saw any one whose expen di ture was greater than his receipts, he should follow the matter up, and represent to the Emperor through. The Chief Police Officer, that all this extravagance of his was probably paid for with money, irregularly acquired. That he could inform Chief of Police of all rejoicings and feasts, and mourning, and lamentations which might take place, especially marriages, birth, feasts. (‘ Khoon ’: Lowe has translated by taking it as plural of ‘khw’an’ – Table, food , though there appears mourning and lamentations also in the text: Feasts in marriages and birth etc. , is implied . ‘ Khoon ’ is expressive of mourning and lamentations. Hence, it would be more proper to take it as blood-shed rather than feasts.. and such like. That he should have continually in his employ in every street, and lane, and bazaar, and at every ford of the river , a person whom he could trust to keep him informed of everything that went on, whether good or bad. And that he would so manage the roads, that no one who had lost his way, or who was a fugitive , should be able to get out of reach, and that no merchant should be able without an order to take away horse + not to bring in a pack from Hindustan.

- A l-Bad’auni, Muntakhab-ut-Twarikh, Vol.II, Tr. W.H. Lowe, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, Delhi – 110 006, 1973.

+The exportation of horses from Hindustan was strictly

prohibited by Akbar, who made the Kotwals resplonsible

for it (vide Badaoni, II p. 390)

-See A’in II, A’in-i-Akbari ii, Tr. H. Blochmann.

252

Appendix

________

APPENDIX -III

Queen Elizabeth’s letter to Emperor Akbar:

“Elizabeth by the grace of God, etc. To the most invincible, and most mightie prince, Lord Zelabdin Echebar, king of Cambaya. Invincible Emperor, etc. The great affection which our subjects have to visit the most distant places of the world, not without goodwill and intention to introduce the trade of merchandise of all nations what so - ever they can, by which means the mutual and friendly trafique of merchandize on both sides may come, is the cause that the bearer of this letter Iohn Newbery, iyontly with those that be in his

253


company, with a curteous and honest boldness, doe prepare to the borders and countreys of your Empire, we doubt not but that your imperial Maiestie through your royal grace, will fovourably and friendly accept him. And that you would d oe it the rather for our sake, to make Us greatly beholding to your Maiestie; wee should more earnestly, and with more wordes require it, if wee did think it needful. But by the singular report that is if your imperial maiesties humanitie in these uttermost parts of the world, wee are greatly cased of that burden, and therefore wee use the fewer and lesse words: Only wee request that because they are our subjects, they may be honestly intreated and recei ved. ‘And that in respect of the hard ijourney which they have undertaken to places so for distant, it would please your Maiesty with some libertie and securitie of Voiage to gratifie it, with such privilege as to you shall seeme good: Which curtesie if your Imperiall maiestie shall to our subjects at our requests performe, wee, according to our royall honour, will recompence the same with as many deserts as we can. And herewith the same with we bid your Imperial Maiestie to fare well.”

_________

254

Appendix

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Abdul Husain Nawa’i, Rawabit-e-Siyasi Wa Iqtis’adi-e-Iran Der Daurah-e-Safawiya. S’azm’an-e-Mutalleh WaTadween-e-Kutub-e-Uloom-Ins’ani-e-D’anishg’aha, Iran, Tehran, IR Iran, 1385 (Persian)

2. Abul Fazl-A’in-i-Akbari i, ii, Vol. I, Tr. Henry Blochmann, Ed. Lt.,-Colonel D.C. Phillott,

255


Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, 1977.

-A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol, II, Tr. Col. J.S. Jarrett, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, 1978.-Sir Syed Ahmad, Sir Syed Academy, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 2005 (Persian)..-Akbar nama, Vol. II, Tr. Beveridge, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, 1978.-Akbar nama, Vol III, Tr. H. Beveridge, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, 1978.

3. Al-Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. W.H. Lowe, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi –110 006, 1973.

4. Adolf Waley, A Pageant of India, S. P. Publications, Delhi – 110 006.

5. Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, Akbar The Great: Society and Culture in 16th Century India, Shivalal Agarwala & Company, Agra, 1972.

6. Cambridge Economic History of India (c1200-1750), Vol. I, Eds. Rauchaudhuri and Irfan Habib, Orient Longman in Association with Cambridge University Press, 1982.

7. Cambridge History of India, Mughal Period, Vol. IV, Planned by Colonel Sir Wolsely Haig, Ed. Sir Richard Burn, S. Chand & Company, Delhi, 1963.

8. Col. G. B. Malleson, Rulers of India, Ed. Sir William Wilson, Claredon Press, U. K., 1890

256

Appendix

9. D. Pant, Commercial Policy of the Mughals, Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Delhi - 110 006, 1978.

10. Edwards S. Holden, The Mogul Emperor, Metropolitan Book Co., Pvt., Ltd., Delhi - 110 006.

11. Hadi Hasan, A History of Persian Navigation, Methuen & Co., Ltd., London, U.K., 1928.

12. H. G. Keene, History of India: From the Earliest Times to the Twentieth Century, Vol. I, Atlantic Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi – 110 027, 1988.

13. Harold Koontz, Heinz Weihrich, Essentials of Management, MacGraw-Hill International Edition, MacGraw-Hill Publishing Company, 1990.

14. Holden Fuber, Rival Empires of Trade in the Orient 1600-1800, Oxford University Press, U. K., 1990.

15. Ibn Hasan, The Central Structure of The Mughal Empire and Its Practical Working up to the Years 1657, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, Pvt., Ltd., New Delhi, 1986.

16. India Painted by Martimer Menpes, Described by Flora Annie Steel, Neeraj Publishing House, Delhi – 110 052, 1982.

17. I. H. Qureshi, Akbar: The architect of the Mughal Empire, Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1987.

18. Irfan Habib

257


-The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1556-1707, Oxford University Press, New Books, 110 001, 2008.- Technology in Medieval India c650-1750, Aligarh Historians Society, Tulika Books, New Delhi – 110 049, 2008.

19. J. D. Rees, The Muslim Epoch, Asian Publication Services. New Delhi – 110 024, 1978.

20. J.Talboys Wheeler, India Under the Mughal Rule, Vol. II, Part I, Cosmos Publications, Delhi – 110 006, 1975.

21. K.P. Bahadur, A History of Indian Civilissation, Vol. II, Medieval India, Pt. I, Ess Ess Publications, New Delhi – 110 002, 1980.

22. K. N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilization in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750, Cambridge University Press, U. K., 1985.

23. M. Athar Ali, Mughal Indian Studies in Polity, Ideas, Society and Culture, Oxford University Press, New Delhi – 110 001, 2006.

24. Mohomet Kasim Ferishta, History of the Rise of Mohomedan Power In India, Vol II, Tr. John Briggs, Munshiram Manoharlal Publications (Pvt) Ltd., New Delhi – 110 055, 1981.

25. Radha Kumud Mukerjee, A History of Indian Shipping, Orient Longman, Bombay, 1957.

26. R.C. Majumdar, H.C. Raychaudhuri, Kalikankar Datta, An Advanced History of India, Macmillan Company Ltd., U. K., 1961.

258

Appendix

27. Richard von Garbe, Akbar: Emperor of India…, Tr. Lydia G Robinson, The Open Court Publishing Company, Chicago, U.S.A., 1909.

28. Ronald Ferrier, The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. VI, Ed. Peter Jackson and Lawrence Lockhart, Cambridge University Press, U. K., 1986.

29. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar’s Reign with Special Reference to Abul Fazl (1556-1605), Munshi Manoharlal Publishers Pvt., Ltd., New Delhi – 110 055, 1975.

30. Shah Nawaz Khan (and .. Abdul Hayy),The Ma’athir-ul-Umara, Vol. 2, Pt. II, Janki Prkashan, Patna-4, 1979.

31. Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, M. C. Sarkar & Company Ltd., Calcutta -12, 1952.

32. S.M. Jafar, The Mughal Empire from Babar to Aurangzeb, Ess Ess Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1974.

33. S.M. Waseem, Safavid Persia’s Commercial Relations with Mughal India, Institute of Persian Research, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh – 202 002, 2008.

34. S.M. Edwards and H.L.O Garrett, Mughal Rule in India, Asian Publications Services, New Delhi – 1979.

35. Stacy Waddy, The Great Mughal, Oxford University Press, Oxford, U. K., 1913.

36. Stanley Lane-Poole, Medieval India Under Mohammedan Rule, Fisher Unwin Ltd., Great Britain, 1903.

259


37. T. Fisher, Medieval India Under Mohammedan Rule (A.D 712-1764), Unwin Ltd., London, U. K., 1917.

38. W.H. Moreland --From Akbar to Aurangzeb: A Study in Indian EconomicHistory, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi -119 055, 1972.-India at the Death of Akbar: An Economic Study, Low Price Publications, Delhi – 110 052. 1990.-Agrarian System of Muslim India, Kanti Publications, Delhi – 110 053, 1988.

_____________

260

Ain-Akbari_Final

Documents

Transcript of Ain-Akbari_Final