Aelius Aristides and Rhodes.pdf

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AELIUS ARISTIDES AND RHODES:

CONCORD AND CONSOLATION

C F

Introduction

The prosperous civic life of the Greek East under Roman rule may be

seen as the most complete development of Greek civilization in antiq-

uity. In this context the so-called Second Sophistic played a crucial role,

and its cultural, social and political dimensions continue to attract the

attention of contemporary scholars.1 Beyond its literary interest, the

rich and brilliant virtuoso prose of the Greek sophists, together with

the evidence of coins, inscriptions, and archaeology, provides histori-

ans with invaluable material for the study of civic life. The connections

between higher education and social power, rhetoric and politics, cen-

tral and local power, rulers and subjects, are becoming more and more

evident. On the surface, the subjects approached by the orators were

escapist (although perhaps no more escapist than a conference of clas-

sical scholars today), but on many occasions the sophists speeches were

closely connected to the time and place of their delivery, thereby open-

ing the door to historical analysis.

In this context, Aelius Aristides rightly ranks among the most inter-esting and intriguing personalities: apart from the fascinating Sacred

Tales and the solemn Encomium To Rome, other writings of his appear

worthy of careful study. Having examined the Smyrnean Orations else-

where, I will focus in this paper on two speeches about the ancient city

of Rhodes that are included in the Aristidean corpus.2 They are good

case studies for examining the impact of natural disasters on the Greek

1 Anderson;id.; Whitmarsh.2 These texts canonlybe understood when read in conjunction with other speeches

in praise of cities (Bowersock,).


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cities in the Roman Empire, as well as the social tensions that these

disasters revealed. The size and beauty of thosepoleis were sometimes

darkened and challenged by serious crises. But it was precisely in suchemergencies that the educated discourse of the orators played a pivotal

role. Leaving aside the momentous problem of the sophists political

efficacy, we may claim that their speeches met above all the emotional

needs of the cities: lamenting the disaster and preaching moral values,

the orators tried to restore mutual confidence and concord, thereby

preserving the deepest values of ancient civic life.3

The Rhodiakos

In modern critical editions of Aristides works, the sequence of the two

Rhodian speeches reverses their chronology: Oration , To the Rhodi-

ans on Concord, was apparently delivered more or less five years after

Oration, theRhodiakos. In order to examine those texts from a histor-

ical point-of-view, it is expedient to observe their proper chronological

order by considering theRhodiakosfirst.4

Oration was delivered in Rhodes some time after a tremendous

earthquake, which razed the city in AD. It is at once a commemo-

ration of the ruined city, a memorial of the catastrophe, and an exhor-

tation to the survivors.5 After an exordium, which laments the total loss

of Rhodes former greatness and beauty (Or. .), there is a heart-

felt exhortation to endure the disaster (). The earthquake and its

effects are vividly described in the central section of the speech (),

which goes on to reassess the importance of Rhodes and the duty of

endurance (). The oration then turns to a consolation, with an

empathetic narration of the most ancient traditions of Rhodes and aforecast of the reconstruction (). After a series of historical exam-

ples (), it ends with the appropriate peroration ().

In his edition of Aristides works, Bruno Keil asserted, primar-

ily on stylistic grounds, that the speech was not written by Aristides.

3 Leopold,.4 The speech has been often disregarded because of its similarity with Oration :

according to Reardon, Il ny a aucunement lieu danalyser le discours Aux Rhodiens(,). TheRhodiakosis not considered at all, following Boulanger, n. .5 Chronology: Behr , ; Guidoboni , . Local context: Papachri-

stodoulou, f.


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Keils judgment, accepted until recently,6 has heavily conditioned the

critical evaluation of the text: the speech has generally been considered

a spurious and tasteless piece, deprived of literary, not to say histori-cal, value.7 It may be useful to remember that, before Keil, important

scholars like Dindorf and Schmid judged theRhodiakosperfectly appro-

priate to the style of Aristides.8 Recent studies have reconsidered the

question and shown that Keils condemnation was too hasty and prob-

ably wrong. The bulk of the evidence adduced against an attribution of

the text to Aristides was discussed and rejected by Jones.9 Upon care-

ful scrutiny, no element of content and language was seen to conflict

explicitly with the authorship of Aristides.10 Nor do small factual dis-

crepancies with other Aristidean works support the attribution to a dif-ferent author.11 Consistency was not the mark of the genre. It was the

special occasion, the kairos, that dictated the choice of material to the

orator, even in historical narratives:ad tempus orator retractat sententiam, as

was wisely observed.12 If we were to adopt consistency as a criterion

6 Anderson,.7 Keil , , . As unauthentic, the Rhodiakos receives only a short mention

in Boulanger (, n. ). General introduction: Behr , (with analysis ofthe structure); Corts Copete , . For a different hypothesis, namely thatthe extant Rhodiakosis spurious and that the original Rhodian speech was delivered inEgypt and subsequently lost, see Behr , and n..

8 Aristides style was perfectly consistent with the Atticist mode. According to thecareful analysis in Schmid , vol. II, the Rhodiakosshows no remarkable differencefrom the other texts of the Aristidean corpus (Jones ). Norden (, )found the Smyrnean Monody and the Eleusinian speech divergent from the normal

Aristidean style.9 Jones. The highly mannered use oftopoiis studied by Pernota, II, index

s.v.; Corts; Corts Copete, ff.10 Much was made of the allocution to the daimones (Or. .). This seems allowed

by Men. Rhet ..: see Puiggali , quoting in a note not only Or. ., butalsoOr..,Or., andOr...

11 According to the author of the Rhodiakos, the members of the democratic groupthat recaptured Athens in BC were seventy in number (Or. ., as in Plut. Glor.

Ath.D; see Xen. Hell..., Diod..), whereas Aristides (Or..) says that theywere little more than fifty (sixty, according to Paus. ..). The contradiction is ofslight import and should not be used as a proof against the Aristidean authorship of theRhodiakos. A rhetor was not bound to consistency in the evocation of ancient deeds. Onthe treatment of the events of/ BC by the authors of the Second Sophistic: Oudot

.12 In the Smyrnean OrationsAristides gives three different accounts of the origins ofthat city, choosing between several traditions according to the circumstances and thedifferent aims of his speeches: Franco , ff.


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In addition to relevant similarities to the oration On Concord, which

might eventually outnumber the alleged discrepancies, the Rhodiakos

shares many themes, like the beauty or sea power of Rhodes, as wellas several stylistic echoes, with other works. All of these similarities led

a specialist like Keil to express the bizarre hypothesis that Aristides him-

self imitated the Rhodiakos (allegedly the work of a different author) in

his Smyrnean orations. It is high time to abandon such a theory, since

neither the analysis of content, nor that of style, provides irrefutable

evidence against the authenticity of the Rhodiakos.14 Indeed, the debate

on its disputed authorship is showing signs of reaching a generally

accepted conclusion. The diction of the Rhodiakos is compatible with

Aristidean authorship, and authorship of the Rhodiakos is also consis-tent with Aristides biography. In the description of the earthquake, the

author of the speech compares the rumble of the collapsing buildings

with the noise produced by the Egyptian cataracts (Or. .): this may

be a fresh memory, for, in fact, when he went to Egypt, Aristides saw

the cataracts, a customary detour for tourists on the Nile.15 Thus, the

Rhodiakoscould plausibly have been delivered during the journey back

from Alexandria to Asia.16 To sum up, I will assume that the speech

was written by Aristides. But in order to avoid bias in the analysis of the

text, I will for the time being maintain a neutral designation and speak

of the author of the Rhodiakos.

The first theme worth consideration in the text is the description of

Rhodes, which obviously refers to the days before its destruction. At the

beginning of the speech, the orator recalls the many great harbours,

the many handsome docks, the triremes and the bronze beaks along

with many other glorious spoils of war, the temples and the statues,

the bronzes and the paintings, the Acropolis full of fields and groves,and above all the circuit of the walls and the height and beauty of

the interspersed towers. Up until the day of the earthquake, he says,

the ancient renown of Rhodes had remained largely intact: although

the glory of past sea battles was irremediably lost, all the rest of the

city was preserved purely pure.17 All this material follows the familiar

14 Linguistic and philological analysis does not always definitively confirm or rejectthe debated authorship of ancient texts: see as a case-study the Tacitean fragment

created and discussed by Syme b.15 Arist.Or. passim; Philostr.VAp..16 Corts,.17 Or... All translations of Aristides are from Behr .


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pattern of thelaudes urbiumand reveals a high level of rhetorical artistry:

its function is to prepare us for the subsequent reversal of destiny and

the total destruction of all the citys treasures, statues and monuments.Although largely conditioned by rhetoric, the description is not a mere

literary essay. The task of an orator in front of a civic community was

to choose relevant aspects of the local reality and to reshape them,

creating an idealized image of the city, not a false one.18 Thus it is

possible to compare aspects of the speech with the actual city, so far as

it is known from literary and archaeological evidence.

Let us first consider the naval structures. At the beginning of the

Imperial Age, the glory of ancient Rhodian sea power was still consid-

ered among the greatest and best-preserved sources of Rhodian pride.19

The time of its thalassocracy, however, was over. After the great bat-

tles of the Hellenistic age, the Rhodian navy had been marginalized

by the increasing, and eventually prevailing, role of Rome. During the

last century of the Republic, the Rhodians were still fighting against the

pirates and collaborating with Caesar.20 But after heavy depredations

at the time of the siege by Cassius in BC, the size and strength of

the Rhodian navy had been reduced to insignificance. Only commer-

cial exchange and the local patrolling of the islands still under Rhodian

rule continued.21 So the authors reference to triremes, some ready for

sailing, others in dry dock, as it were in storage, but if one wished to

launch and sail any of them, it was possible (Or. .), seems an ele-

gant way to describe the present state of the Rhodian navy: the docks

and the huge triremes are preserved, but not all of them are actually

in use. The author of theRhodiakosis fully aware of this situation, since

he praises this state of affairs as unique to Rhodes among the Greek

cities: only when one was with you, did he see precisely, not only hear,

what the city was (). Thus, the orator can transform the remains ofthe sea power into a justification for eulogy: for Rhodes has sensibly

18 This attitude allows us to undertake a historical analysis of these speeches, as inthe case of Dios speeches for Tarsus or Nicomedia, or Aristides for Smyrna: Classen; Bouffartigue.

19 Strabo .. reports that the roadsteads had been hidden and forbidden to thepeople for a long time, in order to preserve its secrets, as in the Venetian Arsenal:Gabrielsen, ff.

20

Pirates: Flor...; Caes.BC..; Cic.Fam.... Alexandria:BAl.,.,.,.,,., App.Civ...21 But see Cic. Fam. .. (Lentulus): Rhodiosque navis complures instructas et paratas in

aqua. Rhodes and commercial routes in the Imperial Age: Roug , f.


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given up its empire, without losing any of its structures or its name ()

and without diminishing the greatness of its ancestors.22 Archaeological

excavations have revealed significant traces of the dockyards beneathlater Roman structures;23 it is tempting to suppose that they were

abandoned after the earthquake. Surely, no one could possibly have

forecast at the time of the speech that the Rhodian navy would recover

something of its former glory when in the third century AD the seas

became less safe. A decree possibly dating to the beginning of the third

century AD honours an Ailios Alexander, who patrolled the area of

the Rhodian Chersonese and provided safety and security for sailors,

seizing and handing over for punishment the piratical band active at

sea.24

The memories of this great past provided the Rhodians with consid-

erable moral strength. As a witness to the fierce character of the citizens

in the face of extremely serious situations, the author of theRhodiakos

quotes an old local saying:

, , , , , , , , (.).

Now is the time, O men of Rhodes, to save yourselves from thesecircumstances, to aid the race of the island, and to stand gloriouslyagainst fortune, keeping in mind the words of your fellow citizen, thehelmsman, who, when his ship was tempest tossed and he expected thatshe would sink, made that famous remark: Know well, Poseidon, that Iwill lose my ship on an even keel.

Recourse to examples of vulgarized philosophy was common enough

in sophistic rhetoric, and especially in consolatory texts. The Rhodiakos

also reveals a rich display of traditional wisdom, very apt for a popular

assembly. Needless to say, the sailors phrase, which is widely attested in

the classical writers, was particularly fitting for a Rhodian public.25

22 See also DioOr...23 Cante , n. : bacini di carenaggio, capannoni dei neoria, piani di

alaggio.24 AE , = BullEp , ; see De Souza , . The brave

man was alsolimnarchs.25

Pernot a, II, . Other occurrences of the saying were collected first byHaupt , . A preliminary list ranks: Teles . Hense [= Stob. . Wachs-muth-Hense]; Enn. Skutsch [dum clavum rectum teneam, navemque gubernem = Cic. QF..]; Sen.Ep..[Neptune, numquam hanc navem nisi rectam];Ep..[aut saltem rectis,


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As a complement to the memories of past sea power, the author

mentions the monuments which had borne witness, at least until the

day of the earthquake, to Rhodes ancient strength: bronze beaks andmany other glorious spoils of war, some taken from the Etruscans

pirate fleet, some from the campaigns of Alexander, others from wher-

ever each had been brought into the city (). As is typical in the culture

of the Second Sophistic, the memory of the past is limited to the Age

of Alexander, and the approach is largely generic and selective. Rhodes

had fought against the pirates already in the fourth century BC, before

the Age of Alexander, and had won power and glory, but the author of

theRhodiakosdoes not mention this phase of Rhodian history.26 Actually

the spoils exposed in Rhodes were not all the result of military opera-tions, nor was the Rhodian attitude towards piracy unambiguous, since

Rhodes had taken part, as has been recently argued, in a system of

raids in the eastern Mediterranean.27

Other events in the local history enjoyed even greater renown. Of

the sieges, for example, the author says, and of old you showed to

visitors the engines of war made from the shorn hair of your women,

and it was a wonderful thing (

, Or. .). Apparently female hair was commonly used for torsion

catapults in the Hellenistic and Roman epochs: Heron asserts that

such hair is long, strong, and elasticparticularly suitable for military

engines. After the great earthquake of BC, King Seleucus II gave

the Rhodians, among many other gifts, a large amount of hair. And a

few years later, in BC, the favor was returned by the Rhodians, who

allegedly sent several tons of (female?) hair to Sinope as help against the

attack by Mithridates.28 In the tradition of war stratagems, the use of

female hair during sieges was seen as a sign of dramatic emergency andof a shortage of resources.29 Thus the machine is quoted as a brilliant

aut semel ruere];Prov. ..; Cons. Marc..; .[At ille vel in naufragio laudandus, quem obruitmare clavum tenentem et obnixum]; Quint. ..; Isid. Orig. .. (both quoting Ennius);Plin.Epist...; Max. Tyr.Decl..e.

26 Diod...; Strabo... See Gabrielsen, f.; Wiemer,ff.27 Gabrielsen, n. ;id..28 Heron Belopoiika ; Plb. ..; ... The chronology is somewhere blurred:

Walbank, I, pp. ; ad loc. In general see Marsden , ff. (and

n. : no evidence for womens hair in Plb. ..).29 Garlan,, n. . See in general Vitr...:ad ballistas capillo maxime muliebri,vel nervo funes, and anecdotes about different cities, e.g. Strabo ..; Frontin. ..;Flor. ..; .. (Carthage); Caes. BC .. (Salona); Polyaen. . (Thasos); SHA


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symbol of heroic endurance that encompasses the whole civic body,

from the soldiers to the women, and thus becomes an inspiring image

for the Rhodians resisting the present catastrophe. The war enginesdated presumably to the siege by Demetrius, more or less four centuries

before, but all details are omitted in the speech: the orator uses the

anecdote solely as a source of exhortation for the survivors. Some

have suspected a play on words involving the shorn women in the

past and Rhodes present condition, which is like that of a mourning

lady.30 The opposition is between the past and the present: before the

earthquake the Rhodians took pride in showing the war machines

that had preserved their city; now the city itself appears destroyed.

Nevertheless, there was chance in the misfortune, since

-, , , (Or..).

your city did not perish captured in war, nor was it seen to be con-quered by other men, nor did anyone triumph over it, nor will anyoneadorn their temples with your offerings, as you have adorned your citywith foreign spoils.

Thus, paradoxically, the orator may confidently judge the destruction

of the city by earthquakes a reason to praise Rhodes, since the city

perished with a record of total invincibility (), a claim that is surely

false, but aptly conceals the defeat inflicted by Cassius.

After praising the spoils and the memories of the past, the orator

turns to Rhodes artistic ornamentation:

, , ,

, (Or..).31

There could be seen the precincts of the gods, temples and statues, ofsuch number, size and beauty, that they were worthy thank offerings fromall the rest of the world, and that it was impossible to decide which ofthem one would admire more.

Maxim. . (Aquileia); Lact. Div.Inst. ..; Serv. ad Aen. .; Veget. . (Rome,Gallic siege). The mention of Rhodes and Massilia in Frontin. .. was apparently

interpolated.30 Dindorf, I. n. , ad loc. Towers as the citys hair: Eur. Hec. f.; Troad..

31 Apparently no mention of the Deigma: Plb...; Diod....


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The praise of Rhodes artistic treasures was typical. Some celebrated

paintings by Protogenes were said to have been spared by Demetrius

and were later recorded by Strabo.32 Pliny the Elder, relying on theauthority of Mucianus, stated that there were thousands of signa in

Rhodes,33 although the famous oration by Dio Chrysostom informs

the reader that, in his time, the Rhodians engaged in the dubious

practice of recycling old statues for new honorands.34 The practise,

albeit common elsewhere, was criticized by Dio.35 The author of the

Rhodiakos, to be sure, does not mention this deplorable habit, but states

that any one of the monuments that could be seen on the island was a

sufficient source of pride for another city ().36

The speech then turns to the city walls, a wonder [] which couldnot satiate the eye (). This sort of praise also was very common

in ancient descriptions of cities.37 According to Strabo, the Rhodian

enceinte was among the most noteworthy structures of the island, and

Dio Chrystostom assures us that the Rhodians took great care and

spent a large amount of money in order to keep their walls well-

maintained (although they were reluctant to pay for new statues!). Pau-

sanias ranked the Rhodian walls among the best fortifications he had

seen: since his journeys are dated to the middle of the second century

AD, this could mean that he saw them after their reconstruction.38 But

an orator was not supposed to give technical or realistic details; rather,

his task was to select relevant elements and convert them into perfect

32 Demetrius: Gell...; Strabo...33 NH ... See alsoNH ..;..,;.,,, for more informa-

tion on Rhodian artistic treasures.34 On the image of Rhodes in Dio Or. : Jones , ff. See Plb. .. for the

dedication of a Colossus to the Roman people in the precinct of Athena (Lindia?).Post-Hellenistic Rhodian statuary has not been the subject of intensive research: seeGualandi , . Late Hellenistic casting-houses for large bronzes are studied inKanzia and Zimmer . Some monuments appear to have been restored afterearthquakes: Papachristodoulou , n. b (dated to the first century AD forpalaeographic reasons).

35 Recycling of statues at Athens: Paus...; Mycenae: Paus..., where criticismof the practice appears implicit in the text. As a sign of economic shortage: Sartre ,.

36 The sametoposappears in Plin. ..in reference to the Colossus and otherlarge statues: sed ubicumque singuli fuissent, nobilitaturi locum. In the Rhodiakos, mention of

the Colossus occurs atOr...37 Franco ,ff.38 Strabo..; DioOr..,; Paus..., with Moggi and Osanna,

(ad.).


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forms of the topos. The Rhodiakosdescribes the towers, which could be

seen from a distance when sailing to or from Rhodes and served as

a sort of lighthouse.39 Enceintes had no real importance in a worldcompletely pacified by Rome, but the Rhodian walls had a long history.

They had played a role in a huge flood at the end of the fourth

century BC, and later in the great siege by Demetrius Poliorcetes.40

Following those events, according to historical tradition and to the

archaeological evidence, they had been restored after the earthquake

in BC (this phase is probably the one alluded to by Philo) and again

after the Mithridatic wars.41 But such wars and troubles had no place

in the eirenic discourse of the orators. Praise belongs to a peaceful city,

where walls are no longer used and buildings fill the areas close to theenceinte (Or..), a situation exactly contrary to what ancient military

engineers recommended for defence in the case of a siege.42

In comparison with other elements of the speech, the description of

the city itself is rather hasty. The author takes note of the Acropolis,

whose terraces have been identified in modern excavations,43 and the

general appearance of the city, marked by the regularity of its build-

ings: Nothing higher than anything else, but the construction ample

and equal, so that it would seem to belong not to a city, but to a

single house ( ,

, , , ). The

shape of the city was especially praised in antiquity, not only because

of its regular grid but also because of its theatre-like structure, which

Rhodes, among other cities, shared with Halikarnassos, although the

resemblance between the citys shape and a theatre belonged more to

the citys ideal image than to its real layout.44 In his description of the

39 On thetopossee by contrast Arist. Or..(after the building of the great temple,only Cyzicus does not need a lighthouse).

40 Flood in BC: Diod. .. On Demetrius siege see now Pimouget Pdarros.

41 Diod..; Philo Byz. Bel. f.,; App. Mithr. ; Kontis ; Konstantino-poulos ; Winter , Philemonos-Tsopotou . See the historical analysis inPimouget Pdarros.

42 See the prescriptions of Philo Byz. Bel. . This was actually attested by thearchaeological excavations.

43

Kontis, esp. f.; Konstantinopoulos, esp..44 Theatroeids: Diod. .., ..; Vitr. ..; Arist. Or. .. Modern researchin Kontis ; id.;id. ;id. ; Wycherley; Papachristodoulou, id.; Cali and Interdonato, esp. ff. about Rhodes.


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city, the author considers only the elements pertaining to Hellenic cul-

ture (like the Rhodian fondness for paideia),45 but he does not record

any Roman element: this is hardly surprising, when we consider theattitude of intellectuals in the Second Sophistic. Thus, no mention is

made of the many statues decreed (or reused) to honour Roman cit-

izens, nor is there any mention of the imperial cult.46 The author is

silent, too, about the gladiators, although this may reflect the actual sit-

uation: Louis Robert years ago remarked upon the peculiar absence of

gladiatorial documents in Rhodes.47 In the Rhodiakos by Dio Chrysos-

tom, the consistent preference for Hellenic practices is strongly con-

trasted with the excessive acceptance of Roman customs in Athens. Dio

quotes a law from Rhodes that forbade the executioner to enter thecity (.).48 The author of the Rhodiakosmay refer to the same law

when he writes, it was not even in keeping with your religion to pass

a death sentence within the walls. The allusion to the Rhodian law is

debatable, however, since the orator is making a rather different point

about the perverse impact of the earthquake, which transformed the

city which could not be entered by murderers into a common grave

for the inhabitants (Or..).

It is easy to see that any orator appointed to praise Rhodes could

walk a well-trodden path, a path amply supplied with literary and

historical models; it would be even better if the author, as is the case

here, was familiar with the place and the local traditions. The outlines

for a eulogy of Rhodes were already established in Hellenistic times,

as Polybius digression on the great earthquake of Rhodes in / BC

makes clear.49 Relying on local sources, the historian lists in great detail

the gifts received by the city from several kings, dynasts and cities after

the disaster. He sings the praises of Rhodian freedom, opportunity,

and conduct, following the classical scheme described by the rhetoricaltreatises (thesis,physis,epitdeumata).50

In Polybius epoch, Rhodes was at the peak of its international

power: the historians statements, or those of his sources, were the basis

45 Oratory and culture: Arist. Or. . (and Or. .). Rhodian citizens praised forpaideia: Blinkenberg, . and . D (second century AD). Decay of Rhodianrhetoric in the Imperial Age: Puech ,.

46 Statues of emperors and Romans: Dio Or..,.47

Robert,.48 DioOr.., with Swain ,.49 Plb.., with Walbank, I,; Holleaux[].50 On Polybius sources see now Lenfant .


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for all subsequent praise.51 The tone of Strabos Rhodian section is

similar to that of Polybius. Here again, contemporary elements and

second-hand information are mixed together:

, , (..).52

The city of the Rhodians lies on the eastern promontory of Rhodes andit is so far superior to all others in harbours and roads and walls andimprovements in general, that I am unable to speak of any other city asequal to it, or even as almost equal to it, much less superior to it (trans.

H.L. Jones).

Strabo praises above all the eunomia, the politeia, the care for naval

affairs, and the citys faithful conduct towards Rome, all of which

resulted in Rhodes being granted the status of autonomy and receiving

the large number of votive offerings that adorned the city. Especially

celebrated are the provisions granted by the local government to the

poor: the redistribution of wealth is considered an ancestral custom

(patrion ethos). The description of the city, stylized rather than based

on autopsy, is nevertheless not remote from reality: some elements,such as the Hippodamian plan or the harbours, have been confirmed

by modern archaeological research.53 A brief historical outline also

provides some useful hints. The Dorian origins of Rhodes are discussed

in reference to Homer: here Strabos fondness for the poet joins with

local tradition.54

The image of Rhodes put forth by later authors followed the same

pattern. The loyal attitude displayed by the city during Mithridates

siege won it wide celebrity and esteem.55 In the second century AD,

Aulus Gellius quotes at length from Catos speechPro Rhodiensibus, writ-ing that the city of the Rhodians is renowned because of the location

51 The local historians are likely to have played an important role in the formationof this literary image of Rhodes, but their works are irremediably lost to us: Wiemer.

52 See Pdech.53 Harbours: Kontis, esp. n. .54 The other poetic authority incorporated into the praise of Rhodes was Pindar. As

we know from a scholion to the seventh Olympian, the text of the Ode was carved ingolden letters in the temple of Athena Lindia: Gorgon,FGrH F.55 App. Mithr. ff.; Liv. perioch. ; Vell. ..; Flor. ... See Campanile ,

f.


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of the island, the beauty of its monuments, their skill in sailing the sea,

and their naval victories (..), and repeats this praise in the context

of an anecdote about Demetrius siege of the island (..). Apolloniusof Tyanas short visit to the island is also of interest: according to

Philostratus, the holy man debated with Damis in the vicinity of the

Colossus, engaged a talented flautist in conversation about his art, and

rebuked both a rich and ignorant young man and an overweight boy

fond of food. The island appears here in all its wellbeing and prosperity,

although apparently Apollonius did not pay homage, not even from a

critical perspective, to the beauty of Rhodes, as he did, for example, in

Smyrna.56 The brilliant ekphrasisof Rhodes from the beginning of the

Amoresascribed to Lucian is also worth attention. After his departurefrom Tarsus and his visit to the decayed cities of Lycia, on the way

to Cnidus, the narrator arrives in Rhodes (), where he admires

the Temple of Dionysus, the porch, and the paintings; he does not see

any sign of decline or crisis, nor does he mention the earthquake.57

The Amores are commonly believed to be a later composition.58 The

authorship of Lucian has been denied because the text does not allude

to the earthquake ofAD, among other reasons. But this silence does

not imply a terminus ante quem. In Xenophons Ephesian Histories, which

are dated toward the middle of the second century AD, there is a

nice description of Rhodes that includes the crowded festivals of the

Sun, the votive offerings, and the altar of the gods, without making any

reference to the earthquake:59 the peculiar atemporality of these texts,

which show no interest in historical change, conditions the selection of

local details.

The earthquake of AD suddenly destroyed this magical world:

The beauty of the harbours has gone, the fairest of crowns has fallen,

the temples are barren of statues, and the altars, the streets and theatresare empty of men (Or. .). The orator turns the description into the

lamentation, exploiting the same classical topoiof the laus urbis, such as

the origins of the city, but from a different point of view: if, according

56 VAp.and.for Smyrna. For the flautists name Kanos seeSEGXXIb;Suet.Galba; Plut. Mor. B. See also the rebukes by the cithara-player Stratonicusin Plut.Mor.B.

57 The omission of the earthquake has been considered, perhaps erroneously, a

relevant proof against Lucianic authorship. Aristides, too, in the speech On Concord,evokes the incomparable beauty of Rhodes without a hint of the recent disaster.58 Jones; Degani, esp..59 Xen.Eph...


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:

to the myth, Rhodes had emerged from the sea, now the city has sunk

beneath the earth and has gone from mankind (). And if Zeus had

poured wealth and rained down gold on the island, as Homer andPindar had once sung, now the god of fortune has poured on Rhodes

very different gifts ().

The orators efforts are directly primarily to restraining the grief of

the survivors and delivering a persuasive exhortation to them: their

sufferings do not admit of any consolation, nonetheless, they must be

endured (). He must prove that so terrible a catastrophe is bearable

and that the Rhodians, because of their glorious past, must be confident

that the city will flourish again. The skill in arguing in many different

ways about a single subject was a sophistic heritage: the author of theRhodiakoshad only to follow the scheme of reversal. For as far as sophis-

tic rhetoric is concerned, just as destiny transforms happiness into des-

peration, so misfortune will assuredly be transformed into a renewal of

prosperity. Take Rhodes past, for example. When the Rhodians cre-

ated the new city of Rhodes by unifying Lindos, Cameiros and Ialysos

at the end of the fifth century BC, they did not choose an existing

schema, but created a totally new one.60 Thus the reconstruction of the

city after the earthquake is much easier [] than the original foun-

dation was, because what is needed is only to make a Rhodes from

Rhodes, a new city from the old one (). The argument about the

monuments in the city, like the walls, is different. The earthquake has

destroyed them, but their loss is bearable because, according to the old

saying, Not houses fairly roofed, nor the well-worked stones of walls,

nor avenues and docks are the city, but men who are able to handle

whatever circumstances confront them (

,

,). Thus, even if yourwalls fell ten times, the dignity of the city will not fall, so long as one

Rhodian is left.61

All of the local traditions could be used by the orator to promote

endurance and confidenceexcept, it would appear, the tradition of a

negative omen that had oppressed the city from its very foundation.62

60 All the ancient sources are collected in Moggi,.61

See alsoOr. .. On the topos, which comes from Alcaeus fr.LP and Thuc..., see Pernota, I,ff.62 Not considered in Blinkenberg, who focuses above all on Homer and ancient

legends.


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The author asserts that the earthquake has already fulfilled the oracle,

so that one can hope that the reconstruction of the city may rest upon

more fortunate and better omens (). The reference would have beenperfectly plain to the audience, but it is less evident for us. One must

turn to Pausanias. Speaking about Sikyon, he attributes the final decline

of the city to an earthquake that damaged also the Carian and Lycian

towns, and shook above all the island of Rhodes, so that it was believed

that the ancient prediction of the Sybil to Rhodes was accomplished

(..). It is difficult to define the period alluded to by Pausanias, since

the passage seems to be vague in its chronology. Elsewhere, Pausanias

records the same earthquake, adding that it occurred under Antoni-

nus.63 Thus, even if the identity of the events is not assured, one mayassume that the oracle alluded to by Pausanias is the same as that men-

tioned in the Rhodiakos. The content of the prophecy is preserved, as it

seems, in the so-calledOracula Sibyllina, among several others concern-

ing earthquakes. The tone is obscure and allusive, and thus does not

allow irrefutable identification, but the passage provides good elements

for the analysis of theRhodiakos.

, / ,

,/ , **(Orac. Syb..).

O poor Rhodes! I will mourn you as first. Thou shall be first among thecities, but also first in ruin, deprived of your men, totally *deprived* oflife.

And again:

, , ,/ , / , (Orac. Syb..).64

And you, Rhodes, for a long time shall be free from slavery, O nobledaughter, and great prosperity shall be upon you, and on the sea youshall reign over other peoples.

Similar oracles could refer to any big earthquake from BC onwards,

including the serious one of AD. The Sibylline prophecies are a

reminder of the symbolic and religious dimension of earthquakes in

antiquity. Apart from the gods, however, there was also the political

63 Paus...;...64 Orac. Syb. . = . may refer to the earthquake recorded in Paus. ..: see

Geffcken,ad loc.


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:

dimension of the event, such as the request for help and the problems

of reconstruction. This was the task for the ambassadors, and required

careful study: it is hardly surprising that natural catastrophes becamea common subject in imperial and late antique literature. This subject

was studied in the schools of rhetoric and appeared in the works of men

of letters and historians.65 More than a century ago, Rudolf Herzog

proposed the label ofgenos seismikon for this specific genre of speeches

about earthquakes and suggested locating its origin in Rhodes.66 This

kind of rhetoric was particularly linked to the life of the ancient city,

and orators focused their attention especially on the cities. The collapse

of buildings, the destruction of urban beauty, and the death of men and

women struck the general imagination much more than the destiny ofthe rural areas did.67 This explains why in the Rhodiakos, after a sym-

pathetic description of the earthquake, small islands around Rhodes

receive only a short and dismissive mention: to the dismay of the culti-

vated, a great and beautiful city was in ruins, while unimportant places

like Carpathus and Casus remained intact (Or..).68

But let us come to the earthquake itself. The author of the Rhodiakos

was not in Rhodes when the disaster occurred. Thus the speech does

not reflect any personal experience of the events, and the high dramatic

style, the impressive list of ruins and casualties, and the heavy rhetorical

expression are the substitutes for autopsy; this is the normal case in

antiquity, with the possible exception of the letter of Pliny the Younger

about the eruption of the Mount Vesuvius. At that wretched noon

hour says the orator,

, - . , ,

, , (Or..).

65 In the Progymnasmataby Aelius Theon, the seismos is listed among the themes forekphraseis(. Patillon-Bolognesi).

66 Herzog,ff.67 Guidoboni ; Traina , and now Williams . Contempt for outlying

areas: Arist.Or...68 This may explain also some inaccuracies about the administrative status of theislands in relationship to Rhodes: Fraser and Bean , esp. n. ; Papachristodou-lou, ff., Carusi, esp.ff.


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The sun for the last time shone upon his city. And suddenly every terrorwas at hand at once. The sea drew back, and all the interior of the

harbours was laid bare, and the houses were thrown upwards, and thetombs broken open, and the towers collapsed upon the harbours, andthe storage sheds upon the triremes, and the temples upon the altars,and the offerings upon the statues, and men upon men, and everythingupon one another.

The destiny of the population is a plurima mortis imago:

, , , , -

, , -, ,. , , . ,,, (Or..).

Some in fleeing from their houses perished in those of others, otherstransfixed by fear perished in their own, some overtaken while runningout; others left behind half alive, unable to emerge or save themselves,starved in addition to their other miseries, and profiting only to theextent of knowing that their country did not exist, they perished. Others

bodies were sundered by chance, half left within doors, half lay exposedwithout. And in addition other bodies fell upon them, and householdimplements, and stones, and whatever the earthquake carried off andtossed upon each.

Nor is the description of the aftermath much better:

- , -, , (Or..).

The ensuing days and nights revealed those who were alive, at least whowere breathing, to be wounded and those who had already died to berotting, and without any limbs intact, but however the ruin had workedits amputations and its graftings on each.

This description is very different from the euphemistic and pathetic

but reticent approach that a reader observes in other Aristidean writ-

ings, say, in the SmyrneanMonody. Some scholars have considered the

entire description tasteless and abhorrent to the writers style.69 Their

69 Swain , n. , still rejects Aristides authorship, underlining the gorydetails.


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:

disappointment originates, perhaps, from a misunderstanding about the

genre. The style of the Rhodiakos has been judged in comparison to

the restrained grief of the Smyrnean Orations. In fact, it shares with themonodies some stylistic features such as parataxis, dramatic questions,

repetitions,pathos, asyndeta, antitheseis, figures of speech especially rapid

and vigorous (gorgotera kai akmaiotera),70 but it goes beyond the measure

and the restraint typical of the monodies.71 Thus there are abundant

details about the catastrophe, which is described prolixe vehementerque.72

In fact, the Rhodiakosis not a pathetic lamentation, but a consolation.73

At Smyrna, Aristides pours tears onto the ruins of the city, then goes

on to seek support from the emperor; he selects his topics according

to his different aims, describing in great detail the damage suffered bythe buildings, but speaking more cautiously about the dead citizens.74

In Rhodes, the commemoration of the catastrophe is focused rather

on the survivors. Thus, much as in a funeral speech, the details are

pertinent and would have been requested; the style could develop at

length what Apsines called graphic descriptions (hypographai).75 There

was no obligation to temper dramatic elements in the narration or to

conceal the worst aspects of the catastrophe; indeed, these descriptions

satisfied the victims need to feel that they were not neglected in their

suffering and their fear.76

A striking difference between the Rhodiakos and other Aristidean

writings does exist: notwithstanding some echoes in the Monody for

Smyrna, carefully noted by Keil,77 the search for parallels goes beyond

the age of Aristides. Apart from some Latin examples,78 one may refer

in particular to the impressive tsunami that occurred inAD, which

was described by Ammianus.79 More striking similarities are to be found

70 Apsines.Patillon. See Demoen .71 Men. Rhet...72 As Dindorf noted (, III, xlv).73 On theparamythtikos logossee Men. Rhet. .(syngraphikosstyle).74 Arist.Or.: see Franco,.75 Apsines . and Patillon. To be sure, Apsines does not suggest noting every

detail, in order to avoid excess: .Patillon.76 Leopold,.77 Keil,ad loc.78 Sen. Ep. . (Lugdunum destroyed in one hour); NQ .. (the earthquake

annihilates great cities).79 Amm. ..: Mare dispulsum retro fluctibus evolutis abscessit, ut retecta voragineprofundorum species natantium multiformes limo cernerentur haerentes, with Kelly ; onAmm...(Nicomedia) see de Jonge ,ad loc. See also Smid.


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in the oration composed by Libanius for the earthquake of Nicomedia

in AD. Intertextual analysis leads to the attractive hypothesis that

the Rhodiakositself was a model for Libanius: in both writers one findsthepolyptotonevoking walls collapsing over other walls and an allocution

to the Sun, who sees everything but did not prevent the disaster.80

Together with minor narrative details,81 these similarities might be an

argument for the attribution of authorship of theRhodiakos to Aristides,

since the speech in Libanius epoch was probably included in the

Aristidean corpus.

The horrific evocation of the earthquake constitutes the negative side

of the speech, which in the end tends towards consolation and exhorta-

tion. The past and the present of Rhodes become the basis for a rapidreconstruction: upon the sudden catastrophe a prosperous rebirth will

follow. The Rhodians are happier than their ancestors, who founded

the city in times of war and unrest (Or. .), since the present is a

time of much peace and deep calm, which has benefited and prospered

the affairs of all mankind (). Thus, they should confidently expect

that there will be many Greeks to assist the restoration. Such was the

glory of Rhodes and the gratitude towards its inhabitants, who were

the common hosts and friends of all and also the saviour of many (),

that everybody, when asked to give help, will think that he gratifies

himself rather than that it is a favour to them (). Here is another

line of argument: after the earthquake of BC, according to Poly-

bius (or rather, we may confidently assert, according to his source), the

Rhodian ambassadors who were requesting aid for the citys recon-

struction behaved in such a wise and dignified manner that they were

able to transform the disaster into an opportunity for the city.82 Such

was the strength of the delegates request that those to whom it was

addressed felt obliged to honour it, and it was not Rhodes that wasindebted to the donors, but quite the opposite, since the recipient was

so great. Similar arguments recur in other texts of the genos seismologikon,

such as Aristides ownSmyrnean Orations: beyond the rhetorical motiva-

80 Lib. Or. .. ff. = Arist. Or. . (collapsing buildings); Or. . = Arist. Or..(allocution to Helios).

81 Such as the time at which the catastrophe occurred, an element clearly derivedfrom funeral orations and the equation between city and man. The Rhodiakosdoes not

mention the fire.82 Plb. .. Dignity: nounechs, pragmatiks, semns, prostatiks. Opportunity: m blabs,diorthses de mallon [] aition. Reversal:hste m monon lambanein epidoseis hyperballousas, allakai charin prosopheilein autous tous didontas.


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:

tions, this attitude reveals a consistent and shared faith in the system of

reciprocity, which regulated the relations between cities and the ruling

power. On a higher level, the assistance of the gods, Sun and Neptune,is invoked. The invocation participates in a religious system of divine

justice,83 but in the text there is no explicit theodicy: only the god of

Fortune is held responsible for present sufferings, and all will revert to

happiness in the future.

Besides willing Hellenes and compassionate gods, there was another

leading figure to invoke as a source of assistance: the emperor. Above all

the Rhodians must have hope in a ruler who should certainly decide

apace to restore the city as much as he can, so that the fairest of his

possessions may not lie upon the earth in dishonour ( ,

, Or. .). The

dynamics of imperial subventions in the face of natural catastrophes

have been repeatedly studied: theRhodiakosfits by and large the typical

patterns.84 Our information about the provisions granted to the island

for its reconstruction comes first from Pausanias. In his detailed eulogy

of the emperor Antoninus, he says that when the Lycian and Carian

cities, and Cos and Rhodes where shaken by a formidable earthquake,

the emperor restored them too, with large gifts of money and great zeal

(..).85 Actually, epigraphic evidence demonstrates that Antoninus

was honoured in Rhodes as ktists.86 His generosity towards the island

was referred to as a model by Fronto when he pleaded in the Senate for

the reconstruction of the Carthaginian forum.87 In Rhodes, imposing

Roman architecture began to transform the shape of the city.88 Thus,

the author of the Rhodiakos correctly forecast imperial aid. Like most

of his Greek contemporaries, however, he did not take an interest in

the broader dimension of the Empire. In this respect, at least, thisintriguing speech is reassuringly similar to other texts of the time.

83 Theodicy in this text is complexe et paradoxale (Pernot , ). On reci-procity: Lendon,.

84 Waldherr.85 On the relationship between this passage and .., see above. Some information

about the provisions granted by Antoninus is given also in SHAAnt...:omnia mirifice

instauravit.86 Pugliese Carratelli= AE ,;BullEpn. .87 Fronto,Pro Carthaginiensibus, pp.van den Hout2:Rhodum condidisti().88 Tetrapylon: Cante(late second early third century AD).


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To the Rhodians, On Concord

Oration , To the Rhodians, on Concord, was written in Smyrna between and AD.89 Because of his physical condition, Aristides did not

deliver the speech personally, but rather sent the text to be read in

Rhodes. His intervention had been requested: some Rhodian delegates

had come to visit him to ask for his help in settling some internal

troubles, and he had declared himself ready to intervene, being deeply

involved in the citys conditions as if it were his own country (Or.

.). After an exordium that defines the authors attitude towards

Rhodes (), the speech begins with a discussion about the good effects

of concord and the evil consequences of faction (). Then followsa section devoted to historical examples from the Greek past ()

and a moving eulogy of concord (): this attitude is repeatedly

declared to be best suited to the Rhodian temper and the citys political

traditions (). An affecting peroration closes the speech ().90

The object of the quarrels itself is alluded to in the text in a manner

that is dramatic, but also quite general. This approach may be due

to the situation of the author, who would have been less informed

about local matters, as well as to his decision to euphemein, that is, to

allude only cautiously and indirectly to the problem. Civic dissent was

considered a serious and unpleasant subject, and therefore in need of a

very prudent approach.

, , , , (Or..).

But when the present situation, which is much more terrible, if it ispossible to say so, was reported to me, that you distrust one another,

have taken sides, and are involved in disturbances unsuited to you, I didnot know whether I should credit it, or disbelieve it.

The city was apparently split into factions, each of whom Aristides tries

to placate in the speech.91 He speaks of the envy felt by the poor for the

rich, of the greed of the rich against the poor (), and later of those

89 The chronological span depends on the notorious problem of the proconsulate ofAlbus in Asia: see Behr, ; id., n. for the later date; for the earlier

(JulyOctober ), Behr,.90 Structure: Behr,.91 The honorific decree from Lesbos (IGXII ,;SEG,,) might refer to

the same crisis: Buraselis , esp. ff.


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:

who think that they should be superior and those who are deficient

either in property or in some other fortune (). The quarrel probably

had social and economic roots, which is why Aristides has recourse tothe authoritative example of two ancient poets: Terpander, who settled

civic unrest in Sparta (), and Solon.92 The Athenian legislator was

most of all proud of the fact that he brought the people together with

the rich, so that they might dwell in harmony in their city, neither side

being stronger than was expedient for all (). Beyond the cultivated

reference to an ancient figure of Greek history, the example of Solon

reveals the role that Aristides himself hoped (or pretended) to play in

the matter.

The argumentation follows a regular pattern. The undesirability offaction is a self-evident truth, needing no demonstration: within the

city, the house, and the individual, discord makes clear its negative

impact, involving evil, peril, and dishonour. In the same way, everybody

must recognise the good of concord: thus the present attitude of the

Rhodians, so unworthy of local traditions, is patently dangerous and

absurd. The social unrest involved in the stasis threatened to subvert

the traditional structures of power. This may explain why, in the midst

of numerous exhortations and pathetic appeals, there is in the speech a

particularly frank passage:

-, . , (Or..).

There is a natural law, which has truly been promulgated by the gods,our superiors, that the inferior obey the superior. And if some oneregards the corruption of law as a sign of liberty, he deceives himself.

Here, the topical reference to a natural law, while mitigating the

strong and conservative political advice, does little to conceal the rhe-tors effort to protect the privileges of the higher ranks by means of

a message of reconciliation and amnesty: those who have suffered

should not await the punishment of those who have committed these

wrongs, since evil is not the remedy for evil, and good things should

be underlined by memory, and bad things crossed out by forgetful-

ness.93

92 Terpander, testt.(Gostoli). Aristides had recourse elsewhere to this poet: Or..;Or..,. On Solon see alsoOr..,,.

93 Arist.Or..,. See Behr,n. .


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Our information on Rhodian society in this period does not permit

us to be more specific about the context and the nature of the crisis,

although the decline of the coinagethere is no minting later thanCommodusmight be considered evidence of the islands economic

decline.94 We may also link the troubles and the stasis, which challenged

traditional forms of social appeasement, to the aftermath of the earth-

quake that had occurred some years before. Whatever relationship we

may suppose between theRhodiakosandOn Concord, the cautious way in

which the latter speech alludes to the earthquakes may be revealing.95

The memory of the earthquake is minimized: Aristides does not men-

tion his prior intervention for Rhodes, nor does he develop a classical

consolation argument, but keeps silent about the internal and externalsolidarity expressed on the occasion of the catastrophe.96 We are led to

the conclusion that the rebirth after the earthquake had been very dif-

ferent from the happiness prophesied by the author of the Rhodiakos: if

it is Aristides, it is evident that he decided to omit any mention of his

previous actions towards the city, since the predictions of prosperity and

recovery had been disproved by subsequent events, notwithstanding the

efforts displayed by the emperor.

As many critics have noted, the speechOn Concordcomprises a num-

ber of general thoughts, which recur in similar works by Dio Chrysos-

tom and by Aristides himself and could fit any troubled situation.97 In

fact, the text contains scant reference to the local situation and lacks

an adequate context.98 Aristides was aware of these limits. At the very

beginning of the text he anticipates all possible objections:

, . ,

, , ; ,

94 Kromann ; Ashton . See in general Head , esp. CXVIVII, andRPC I (2),; II (),; Suppl. I (),.

95 The present situation of Rhodes is considered much more terrible, if it is possibleto say so than the misfortune of the earthquake (Or. .), and in the peroration thecitizens are requested to desist from this earthquake ().

96 Contrast Arist.Or..and Or..: Franco,ff.97

See now Heller.98 Leaving aside some minor discussions, the bulk of the analysis is to be found inDindorf , I, ; Boulanger , ff.; Behr , f.; Pernot a, I,ff.


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:

, , , .

, , , (Or..).99

I would most willingly, I think, be criticized because my arguments wereold and I had found no new ideas. For is it not strange for you to blamethe speaker because his advice is well-known, stale, and accepted by all,yet for you yourselves not to dare to make use of such obvious arguments,but not only to be facetiously disposed toward one another, but also to beat odds with your history up to now? I believe that neither an adviser nor

those who employ him should give any consideration to the following,the one to how his remarks will be original, the others to how they willhear new material, but that they should prefer a speech on what willbe expedient for all in common. In our bodily needs each of us has notsought to learn of some new treatment, but the best doctor is the onewho knows how to make men well. No one of you will be annoyed if heis saved by the same means as someone has been before.

But the orator knew well how to turn this kind of generic composi-

tion into a useful exhortation, carving the epideictic langue into the

parole of an oration directed toward a specific audience. The choiceof local themes was crucial. From the very beginning of the oration, the

troubled status of Rhodes is contrasted with the tradition of long-lasting

concord, so that present disturbances can be defined as unsuited () to

the citys attitude.

Ample use is made of examples from the Hellenic and Rhodian

past. The vicissitudes of the Athenian and Spartan empires were an

overused point of reference forOn Concordspeeches during the imperial

period: many centuries before, the two cities had lost their hegemony

because of endemic discord.100 In order to make these models moreeffective for his audience, the orator had only to underline a connection

between them and Rhodes. The Athenians shared the Rhodians love

for democracy and sea power,101 the Spartans were fellow tribesmen

99 See alsoOr... The rhetor like a medical doctor: cf. Jones ,.100 See Arist.Or..and in general Bowie[]; Schmitz; Oudot.101 In the Rhodiakos, a brilliant connection is developed between the deeds of those

major powers and the local traditions of Rhodes through the mention of Conon (

). It was a troubled phase in local history when the Athenian admiral promoted ananti-Spartan rebellion in Rhodes in BC: Diod. ..; HellOxy , with Barbieri,ff. Note especially Paus. ., where Conon is included in a list of benefactorsof Greece, obliterating his collaboration with the Persians.


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of the Rhodians, and the citizens of Argos their ancestors ( ff.).102

Each of the three cities had experienced the evils of faction: Now it is

fitting, O men of Rhodes, to believe that a common embassy has comefrom all these cities, urging you to reconciliation (). The Dorian past

conveys the more explicit caveat: the city, suffering from self-inflicted

divisions, is compared to the Laconian Cleomenes who chopped up

his body, beginning with his feet (): the remote source for the whole

story is obviously Herodotus (.), but the reference to it in Pausanias

(..) bears witness to its popularity in the second century AD. And

the example of the Doric past is particularly fitting for an audience that

is said to have preserved perfectly the qualities of its ancestors: the pure

Doric temper was a symbol of manliness.103 That symbol is exploited byDio Chrysostom in theRhodiakos, as well as by Aristides, and not only

in the Rhodian orations.104

The prevailing attitude to faction in Rhodes is presented as com-

pletely unsuited to the Dorian tradition, which the Rhodians have

carefully preserved: You are originally Dorians from the Peloponnese,

and alone to this day have remained purely Greek (), so that in the

recent past it was impossible to find any word among you which was

not Dorian (). How far do these aspects correspond to the actual

situation in Rhodes? Pride in being purely Hellenes, as well as the

preservation of the Doric temper, were topics of praise attributed to

several cities.105 The concern for purely Greek names, too, was typi-

cal of the Greek East. Apollonius of Tyana was said to have rebuked

the Smyrneans because of the diffusion of Roman names in the city,

whereas Aristides could praise Smyrna for its care in the preservation of

its Ionian character.106 On the other hand, the Dorian language was not

universally appreciated. If Marcus from Byzantium was famous for the

Doric flavour of his oratory, the Atticists considered this dialect ratherrough.107 This opinion was shared by Tiberius: the emperor did not

102 On the links between Rhodes and Argos, which share the common ancestorTlepolemos:ISEI; Thuc...; Pind.Ol.. ff.

103 Men. Rh... f. (andriktat); cf. .. ff. on Dorian origins.104 Dio Or. .; Arist. Or. .. where the author quotes the rule of the sons of

Asclepius as a source of Rhodian pride.105

See DioOr..on the citizens of Prusa; Paus. ..on the Messenians.106 Philostr. VAp..(Smyrna); Franco,.107 Marcus: Philostr. VS .. (dorizontos); Swain , f.; Schmitz , ff.,

ff.


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:

appreciate men who spoke Greek with a Dorian accent, since it was an

unpleasant reminder of his long sojourn in Rhodes.108

For a Rhodian audience, needless to say, things were different. Therenaissance of Greek literary dialects has been sometimes considered

an artificial and literary phenomenon, largely surpassed by the diffu-

sion of the koin. Some Dorian elements in the language of Rhodian

inscriptions in the Imperial Age may be a superficial phenomenon,

but, in fact, Roman names became widespread on the island only at

a late date. Along with other elements, this has been judged as a sign

of resistance to Romanization. The loss of civic freedom in the early

Imperial Age probably involved a softening of this proud attitude.109

But the author of the Rhodiakos goes so far as to proclaim that evenforeign residents in Rhodes spoke a pure Dorian dialect (Or. .).

As for the archaeological evidence, the absence of permanent Roman

settlement was interpreted years ago as proof that Rhodes was largely

uninfluenced by Rome because of a lack of penetration of Roman

civilization in depth.110 If that is true, it is not the whole truth, for

we have learned of some Rhodian citizens who were deeply interested

in Roman politics; we know, too, of important Roman elements that

penetrated the religious sphere of Rhodian life. The cult of Rome, for

example, included a priest and a festival from the second century BC

onward; the imperial cult, then, is already documented in the reign of

Augustus.111 Thus the pure Doric temper was only one part of Rho-

dian identity, although the diminished visibility of the Roman element

allowed the ancients (and sometimes the moderns) to minimize the

influence of the barbarians.

References to local culture were more beneficial and more suitable

for the audience than remote events from Greek history, although

the speech treats events from local history only in a selective andsomewhat random way.112 The leading principle is not historical truth,

108 Perhaps his own pronunciation of Greek had been conditioned by his time onRhodes: Suet.Tib...

109 Linguistic analysis: Bubenik, ff.; historical analysis: Bresson;id.;Rhodian civic exclusiveness and conservatism: Jones , . On bilingualism ingeneral, see Adams; Adams, Janse, and Swain .

110 Fraser, esp., f.111 See Erskine;ISEIII for the inscription in honour of Eupolemos.112

In the Rhodiakos, the dominion of the sea was rightly abandoned as the newRoman power grew, but as far as the praise of the city is concerned, no clear distinctionis made between the ancient glory and the contemporary inactivity. On differentgrounds, this is even clearer in DioOr..,.


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but rather the kairos, that is, the search for what is expedient in a

given situation. The theme of origins, for example, was particularly

well-suited to preaching the good of concord.113 Since the Sun was thefounder of their race, the propatr and archegos tou genos, the Rhodians

should feel a sense of shame (Or. .) on account of their improper

attitude.114 All of the arguments that might support the traditional

inclination of the Rhodians towards concord are carefully exploited:115

the solidarity of the ancestors when they unified the three communities

of Lindos, Camiros and Ialysos and Homers references to Rhodes are

quoted as the perfect counterbalance to the present state of division.

How could the Rhodians ruin the renown they had won on the basis

of their ancient spirit of concord? It was only on account of suchconcord that they had successfully fought against the Etruscans and the

pirates, ruled the seas, adorned their city, and left their descendants

the right to be proud over these deeds (). No detailed account is

given, only a sequence of uninterrupted examples of military virtue.

Difficult moments in local history are silenced, particularly those such

as the siege by Cassius, which caused faction in the civic body, and

times when an improper attitude was adopted towards Rome.116

The most explicit political point in the speech concerns the problem

of democracy and freedom. As in many other orations delivered in

the cities of the Greek East, exhortations to peace and concord in

civic conduct aimed at deterring people from actions that would lead

to the undesirable intervention of the Roman authorities.117 Rhodes

was at the time a free city in the Roman Empire. Thus, the broader

political context of the strife did not fall within the sphere of the

Roman governor and his legions.118 The danger that the citizens of

Rhodes faced was that they might provoke a tightening of indirect

Roman rule and, as a result, lose their precarious privilege, which had

113 In the Rhodiakos the rebirth of Rhodes is also linked with the myth of its origins:if the gods blessed the emergence of the island from the sea, they will in the same waycare for its reconstruction.

114 Sun: Diod... On the local cults see Morelli; Papachristodoulou, withreference to recent discoveries and ongoing research.

115 See Or. ., with the mention of the nymph Rhode, symbol of the unitedcity: Robert,.

116 Schmitt , ff.; Kontorini,.117

Classic reference to Plut.Praec.ger.Eff., and some speeches by Dio Chrysostom:Lewin, ff., Sartre,ff.; Salmeri.118 On the status of free cities in the empire: Millar . On political problems:

Kokkinia.


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already been revoked several times. In the first century of the Empire,

the island had many a close relationship with the Julio-Claudians, from

the visits of Augustus to the long stay of Tiberius to the quarrels thatled to its loss of freedom under Claudius.119 Rhodes experienced the

same change of status as Cyzicus, perhaps on the same grounds: the

mistreatment or killing of Roman citizens.120 Some years later, Nero

granted the Rhodians the recovery of their freedom and reportedly

did not plunder their statues. Imperial favor ceased under Vespasian,

perhaps unexpectedly.121 Once again freedom was lost, but after further

quarrels under Domitian, the island probably recovered it in the early

eighties.122 Incapable of stability, the Rhodians alternated between good

faith (and flattery) towards Rome and unrest and internal sedition.Aristides reflections are supported by an acute awareness of the

Rhodian situation: You are proud of the fact that you are free and

you praise your democracy so much, that you would not even accept

immortality unless someone would allow you to keep this form of

government (Or..), says the orator, adding that since the Rhodians

are not able to calculate that if things continue in this fashion, it is

quite possible that you will be in danger of being deprived of this

apparent liberty. And if you do not voluntarily heed this advice, another

will come who will forcibly save you, since, as a rule, rulers are neither

ignorant of such behaviour nor disregard it ().123 This remark follows

a long section about the dynamics of tyranny that contains, it would

seem, historical analysis that draws on remote epochs of Greek history.

It is true that the reference to Lesbos () does not hint at the

contemporary situation of the island,124 but alludes to the troubled times

of Alcaeus. The orator could address a concealed admonition to his

audience: at the present, faction was the best ally of Roman power.

Of course, Rome and Roman magistrates are not explicitly namedin the speech. More explicit caveats in Plutarch and Dio, however,

119 Augustus: Jos BJ ... Tiberius: see recently Jacob-Sonnabend , withsources and literature.

120 Suet.Claud.; Tac.Ann..; Cass. Dio... Thornton, esp.ff.121 Nero: AP .. See the prudent treatment of the matter in Dio Or. ., with

Jones , ; Swain , ; Salmeri , ff., . Vespasian: Jos.BJ,..; Suet.Vesp..; Dio..

122 Quarrels: Plut.Praec.ger.C. The chronology is much debated: see Momigliano

, and now Bresson.123 Apparent liberty (tn dokousan eleutherian): supposedly a negative judgement, but itsmeaning seems debatable. See DioOr..:tn legomenn eleutherian.

124 Labarre, ff.


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are illuminating. If a stasis allowed the Roman rulers to assume a sort

of tyrannical power over the Greek cities (Dio Or. .), the risk of

losing the existing freedom was serious and became a strong argumentfor preaching self-restraint.125 And if the precarious status of freedom

granted by the emperor did not automatically imply exemption from

tribute, at least it allowed the cities to control their own laws and

institutions and partially freed them from the obligations connected

with their status within the province.126 Beyond the arguments created

out of conventional topoi, care for civic concord was indeed the last

resort of the local authorities, as Plutarch knew:

, - , , (Praec. ger.D).127

The present situation leaves the politicians a benefit, which is not ofslight importance: to develop concord and mutual friendship among thepopulace, to eradicate quarrels, discords, enmities.

To be sure, the oration On Concord is far from the polemical attitude

of Dio Chrysostom, and does not express an anti-Roman attitude. As

Aristides argues now, the present state of things is the best foundationfor concord, for the empire brings unity and freedom for everybody (Or.

.). Thus the Rhodians must preserve their wisdom and reason, as

well as their (limited) freedom: Believe [] that is more profitable to

be a slave than to use freedom as a means for evil, and that nonetheless

there is some fear that you may even be deprived of this means ().

Whatever its actual content, the democratic pride of the Rhodians

deserves closer consideration. Modern information on local institutions

is unsatisfactory. The Rhodian politeia was analyzed by Aristotle, who

studied the troubled political situation of the island.128 After changeswere introduced in the early Hellenistic age,129 the politeiawas praised

by Polybius for its concern with isgoriaandparrhsia. Diodorus called it

125 Contra: Stertz , . The care for concord and autonomy was also part ofthe system of honour which was very important in the civic life of the Empire: Lendon,ff.

126 But not from the correctores or from the inspections by the governor, if needed:Sartre , f.

127

See now Bost-Pouderon, II,ff.128 Aristot. Pol. ., b; ., b. On the Constitution of Rhodes see Aristotlefr.R3 = Gigon, but also Heraclides, Excerpta Dilts.

129 Pugliese Carratelli.


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the best of all politeiai, and Strabo, who wrote at length about social

welfare in late Hellenistic Rhodes, specified that their rule was not

democratic.130 Strabos statement on the Rhodian welfare has beenrepeatedly discussed: from a social point of view, we may note that if

the government cared for the have-nots, this implies that they actually

existed and needed help.131 Like Cyzicus, Rhodes could benefit from

a real eunomia (Strabo ..). This was perhaps due in both cities to

the permanent efficacy of the civic courts: during the Hellenistic age,

Rhodes apparently hosted no foreign judges, but was able to send its

own arbitrators to other Greek cities, as Aristides aptly remarks (Or.

.).132

Perhaps influenced by the authority of Panaetius and Posidonius, theRoman tradition followed the same path: Cicero in the De re publicahad

special praise for Rhodes, which he considered together with Athens

as a city with a sort of mixed constitution and as a place where the

defaults of democracy were limited.133 A later allusion in Tacitus Dia-

logusagain couples Rhodes and Athens, where oratory flourished, but

under an ochlocracy where omnes omnia poterant, and his words appear

more as an allusion to the situation of Rhodes in the first century

BC than to the Hellenistic age.134 The troubles of the Roman civil

wars apparently destroyed that admired democratic balance and trans-

formed Rhodes, as they did many other Greek cities, into a battlefield

of local factions. When Cassius approached Rhodes in the late spring

of BC in order to collect ships and soldiers against Dolabella, he

met with resistance:135 a faction faithful to Caesar held power on the

island and refused to help him. Cassius delegate Lentulus branded the

Rhodians as foolish and arrogant (amentia, superbia).136 The subsequent

siege worsened the situation, with devastating effects on Rhodian poli-

130 Plb.... See also..; Diod..; Strabo...131 ONeil ; Migeotte ; Gabrielsen , ff. and ff. on economic in-

equalities.132 [Sall.] Ep. Caes. ..: Neque Rhodios neque aliae civitates umquam iudiciorum suorum

paenituit, ubi promiscue dives et pauper, ut cuique fors tulit, de maximis rebus iuxta ac de minimisdisceptat; Gauthier,.

133 Cic.Rep...;.., etc.134 Tac.Dial..: the sarcastic remark by Maternus is currently thought to refer only

to Athens. The text does not guarantee it.135

Cic.Fam...;.;..136 Not entirely new: Catos speech quoted by Gellius . refers often to the famosis-sima superbiaof the Rhodians: Gell. ..,[= frr.andSblendorio Cugusi].See also the speech referred to by Liv. ...


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tics. Before launching the final attack on the island, Cassius met some

Rhodian delegates, among them his former teacher during his stay on

the island. Archelaos begged him to spare the city, using typical Rho-dian arguments like the citys love for freedom, its Dorian origins, and

its warlike attitude against Demetrius and Mithridates.137 This concrete

exhibition of Rhodes goodwill towards Rome proved useless: the Rho-

dians were defeated by sea, they lost many ships, and after a short siege

they surrendered to Cassius. According to Plutarch, some Rhodians

tried to flatter the conqueror by proclaiming him king and lord. Cas-

sius refused the honours: instead, talents were collected by the

seizure of all private treasure, and the city paid an indemnity of tal-

ents. Later, in BC, thirty more Rhodian ships were seized by CassiusParmensis, and the remains of the navy were burnt.138 It was the end

for the Rhodian navy. But tradition might prove stronger than reality.

Stereotyped and out-of-date as it might be, praise for Rhodian eutaxia,

eunomia, and sea power endured until the imperial period, as the Rho-

dian Oration by Dio Chrysostom repeatedly shows.139 In the same way,

the myth of Rhodian freedom survived in the literary tradition until the

days of Aristides.140

The orators of the Second Sophistic repeatedly urged the cities in

the Greek East to preserve even the palest form of freedom.141 This

behaviour has been considered both by the ancients and the moderns

to be a kind of wishful thinking that concealed the real situation of

total submission. The Rhodians called democracy what was in fact

a timocratic and elitist form of rule, where most of the local power

was in the hands of a restricted elite of families.142 The winged words

of Aristides were part of unceasing efforts to preserve local autonomy

137 App.Civ...ff.: see also Gowing.138 Tribute: Plut. Brut. .; .. Burning: App. Civ. ... Further data in Dio Or.

.,.139 Or..,,, and also Or. ., where the behaviour of Rhodes is positively

contrasted to that of the Alexandrians (these lines however were bracketed by vonArnim).

140 Also, the collection of possibly fictional epistles attributed to Brutus preserves acouple of letters to and from Rhodes: Ep. Brut. Hercher. In Ep. (Letters toand from Cos), Rhodes appears as having been won over by Cassius. Links betweenBrutus and the islanders are unattested, but the material is close to the Plutarcheannarration, and might be of some historical relevance. Asked to choose between enmity

or friendship, the Rhodians give a proud answer, which exhibits a deep fondness forfreedom.141 Guerber, esp.ff.142 Schmitz , ff.; Bresson.


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vis--vis Roman power and internal social balance in favor of the

wealthy.143 The orator had the cultural and political skill necessary to

shore up the pride of the imperial oligarchies, since his celebration ofconcord opened the path to the preservation of a total subordination of

the masses to the few.144 It was for the wealthy that the Roman Empire

formed a comfortable structure. Freedom, octroye as it might be, was

still preferable to a complete dependence within theformula provinciae:

, ; , , , ; (Or..).

But now what cause is there for faction, or what lack of opportunity fora pleasant life? Is not all the earth united, is there not one emperor andcommon laws for all, and is there not as much freedom as one wishes,to engage in politics and to keep silent, and to travel and to remain athome?

I cannot say whether this attitude was realistic or pessimistic, ingenu-

ous or marked by illusion: I only understand very well that these texts

express above all the fear of losing a privileged status and reveal sad

resignation to the limits of political participation.145 Both attitudes make

the study of the Second Sophistic particularly fitting for our disillu-sioned times.

143

Ferrary.144 Schmitz , ff., with reference to Arist. Or..;Or.., and bibliogra-phy; Connolly. On the role of the mob see also Thornton ;id.,ff.

145 Veyne, esp., about DioOr..


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