AMonarchyofDisseminatedCourts:

Theviceregalsystem.

ManuelRiveroRodriguez(InstitutoUniversitarioLaCorteenEuropaUniversidadAutnomadeMadrid)

PaperthatwillbereadbytheauthoratPanel

ThePoliticalOrganizationoftheSpanishCourt:Courts,Court,Courtiers~

20246

Friday,Mar27that10:15AMuntil11:45AM

LOCATION

Building:Hegelplatz,Dorotheenstrasse24/1

Floor:SixthFloor

Room:1.607

contents

Foreword

Foreword 1

KingsCourtandViceregalCourts 2

DevelopmentofViceroyalCourts 5

Councils,kingdomsandviceroys 6

AMonarchyofCourtsor...disseminatedCourt? 7

BIBLIOGRAPHY 9

This paper forms part of the research project funded by the Spanish

Ministry of Education and Science LA RECONFIGURACION DE LA MONARQUIA

CATOLICA (16401700): LA REORDENACION DEL SISTEMA VIRREINAL HAR.

HAR201237308C0503.DevelopedatIULCE[InstitutoUniversitarioLaCorteen

Europa,UniversidadAutnomadeMadrid]www.iulce.es

The viceroys had a capital relevance at the political and administrative

system of the Spanish Monarchy. Its institution was celebrated as an ingenious

legal biction thatsolved thequestion that thesovereignofsuchagreatvarietyof

territorieshadthechancetogovernallofthem,beingimpossibletobephysically

ineachofthematthesametime.DuringSixteenthandSeventeenthcenturies,the

viceregalinstitutiondidnothaveapreciseandspecibicreglamentation,becauseit

did not exist a normative apparatus that bixed its commitments (Itwasmade in

1680,whenanewsistemofgovernmentwascreated).Duetothis,theauthorityof

theviceroyshadvaguelimits.But,theextraordinaryfactthatthedifferentviceroys

were the incarnation of the king and its alter ego, situate us in front of the

problemof thenatureand limitationof theirpower.Theywerenot liable toany

laworrule,sotheycouldactaccordingwiththeirwillswiththeformulaofexcuse,

seobedeceperonosecumple(Iobey,butIwillnot).

KingsCourtandViceregalCourts

Shortly after Philip II had taken possession of his Spanish kingdoms, he

decided to break with the prevailing diversibied centre by concentrating

prerogatives in a single place, Madrid. This involved a radical reorganization of

power, which had a marked effect on the very concept of a viceroy and his

functions.Whatdoesmeanveryconceptofviceroy?Itmeansanentiresubstitute

ofthekinginthekingdomduringhisabsence.Phillipsfather,theEmperorCharles

V, employed pure viceroys, with long mandates, undebined in nature and not

limited in time. The reasonwas that he never stayed in one place for very long

time; theviceroywasanexceptional bigurewho ruledduring thekings absence,

occupying a position that he automatically abandoned when the sovereign

returned. The king was supposed to live among his subjects and it was

inconceivable that he should not do so. However, Phillips decision creating a

permanentplaceforhisCourtwasneitherasradicalasitmightappear.Thereisno

regulationmakingMadridthecapitalofSpain.Thecitydoesnotseemtohavebeen

viewedasthecourtoftheMonarchyratherthanasthecourtofalltheterritories,

norwasitperceivedassuchbyhiscontemporaries.Thechangesweregradualand

silent,andwentalmostunnoticed,asisclearfromthefactthatitisimpossibleto

identifytheprecisemoment, theexactdatewhenMadridwasdeclaredtheCourt

oftheMonarchy.Itneverhappened.

At the same time, there are some decisions restraining the authority of

viceroys. The resolutions issued onMarch 10, 1555 by the emperor in Brussels,

whichlimitedthemandateoftheviceroysoftheIndiestothreeyears,anticipated

anideaworkedonlaterbyhisson,whenhelimitedthemandatesofthoseofItaly

andthecrownofAragon.Limitingthemandatewasregardedasaproblemtodo

withthepermanentabsenceoftheking,sinceitimpliedthatthealteregoswere

notconceivedofastemporarysubstitutesfortheroyalpersonbutashisdelegates

with limited attributes, or, as Juan de Vega feared, governors more akin to

corregidores thantokings.1

There were some complementary regal commands reorganizing the

CouncilsoftheIndiesandAragonandcreatingtheCouncilofItaly,partofageneral

intentiontoconcentratethecapacityforinterventiononthenewcourt,tomakeit

the only source of authority. Madrid will be a place where all the networks of

patronage and clienteles would converge and through which the effective

governmentoftheMonarchywouldbeexercised.Fixingtheresidenceofthecourt

of the king, who did not travel except on rare occasions (and never outside the

Iberian peninsula). At the same time, Philip II introduced the innovation of

appointingviceroysforonlythreeyears,theproposaltolimitviceregalautonomy

was precisely in order to give some content to a superior court. In 1558, the

wordingoftheregulationdoesnotstatethisexplicitly,butitwasclaribiedlater,in

1574,whentheviceroysofItalyexperienceddifbicultiesinreconcilingtheirown

courtswiththekings. Ina lettertothegovernorofMilan,thenatureofthealter

egowasconbirmed:theywerevicarsofthekingintheexerciseofroyalauthority,

hisdoubles,orotherself,althoughthisdidnotpreventPhilipIIfromwantingto

be informedabouteverything theydidor toapprove thedecisions they took.As

timewent by, somepolitical essayists saw this decision to supervise and keep a

close eye on matters as a distinctive mark of restricted otherness in viceregal

authority. Pietro Corseto pointed it out by underlining the fact that the king

authorized the person of the viceroy in public affairs by conferring potestad

ordinaria [ordinaryauthority]onhim,butwithout transferringpotestadabsoluta

[absoluteauthority]tohim,sincethiswasinalienabletothepersonoftheking.A

clear difference was established, in this way, between the sovereign and his

double.Thekingrecognizednopersonsuperiortohiminthetemporalworldand

was also above the law, whereas the viceroy had to account for his actions and

faculties, abiding by the legal system in force at the time. As a consequence, the

viceroybecamean instrumentof royalauthority,notaparallelone (ashadbeen

thecaseinthetimeoftheemperor).Agenericmandatecouldbeestablishedbut

not exhaustive supervision nor, as Juan de Vega had already remarked, was it

possibletotransformthemintocorregidores.

ThedebatesurroundingtheforeignviceroyinAragonmaybeillustrativeof

the limitsof thesubordinationof theviceroy,since inthatkingdomthe local law

(fueros)didnotallowthekingsofbicerstobeforeigners.Everypost,fromthemost

exaltedtothehumblest,fromthegovernortothepalacegatekeeper,wasreserved

fornativesofAragon.Havingaviceroyfulbiltheroleofheadofgovernmentwasan

innovationthathadnotreallybeenacceptedand,toavoidfrictionwiththenative

population,CharlesVhaddonehisbest toappointviceroys fromthe territory in

question.Inakingdomdominatedbysmallgroupsandfactions,thenotionthatthe

absence of the king was transient meant that the viceroy was limited by the

provisional nature of his mandate, whilst the sovereigns frequent visits to the

territoryrestrictedthepossibilityofhisviceroygoverningsolelyforthebenebitof

membersofhisfamilyandcircleoffriends.In1554,theappointmentofDonDiego

UntranslatableintoEnglish,isakindofroyalmayors1

HurtadodeMendozatooccupytheposition,demonstratedthesovereignsconcern

tointroducechangesintheviceregalregime.Hisintentionwasnottosubjectthe

kingdomtoaforeignpower.Themonarchsideawasthatitwasmoreeffectiveto

putsomeoneneutralinplace,giventhathisabsencewaslikelytobepermanent.

His intentionwasnot toalter thedelicatechecksandbalanceswhichkept

thekingdomsinequilibrium;thenewviceroyofAragonhadtocomefromoutside

the place hewas going to govern and be free of ties of any kind binding him to

thoseheadministered.ThispurposeispatentlyclearinPrincePhilipsinstruction

toHurtadodeMendoza;thefactionalconblictsaredescribedinthetextasbeingat

the heart of the kingdoms problems, and it is tacitly understood that only

somebody from outside and impartial will be able to resolve them. In Aragon,

however,abigureofthiskindhadneverbeencalleduponbeforeand,sinceHurtado

deMendozawasnotapersonofroyalblood,theAragonesesooninterpretedthis

asmeaning thatwithout family connectionsandwith limited reason, theviceroy

oughttobeanativeofthekingdom,notaforeigner.Therewereinterpretersofcivil

law,suchasAntonioLabataorthepublicprosecutor,PrezdeNueros,whostrove

toprovethattheviceroywasnotanofbicer,because,amongotherthings,hewas

not subject to any ordinance, but a royal person, as the king could appoint him

withoutreferencetowhatwasstatedinthefuerosonthesubjectofofbicesinthe

administrationandgovernment.

Atlast,thekinghadapragmaticsolution;HurtadodeMendozawentonto

presideovertheCouncilofItalyandwasreplacedbyabettercandidateinAragon.

Between 1566 and 1575, an Aragonese viceroy of royal blood, Hernando de

Aragn, archbishopof Saragossa, combined in his personboth thewishes of the

king and the regulations enshrined in the fueros. Nevertheless, the question

remained latent, resurfacing in 1590when viceroyArtal of Aragon, the count of

Sstago,triedtopreventhissuccessor,themarquisofAlmenara,fromtakingofbice

on the grounds that it infringed the local law. Sstago was unable to delay the

moment when he had to step down from ofbice and, in May, Almenara took

possession. Shortly after, the disturbances known as theRevolt of Aragon began

and the issue of his appointment was regarded as one of the prime causes

triggeringtheconblict.

Almenaraspowersmadehimsubordinatetothekingscourt,yet,paradoxically,he

alsoowedhisauthoritytothestrengtheningofthebigureoftheviceroy,detached

fromthelocalpowers,whichqualibiedhimtosetupabona2ideviceregalcourtin

SaragossathatwasnotincompatiblewiththekingscourtinMadrid.Infact,after

annexing Portugal in 1580, Philip II had given the binal impetus to a model of

territorial governmentwhose two fundamentalpillarswere tobe the councilsof

theCourtofMadridandtheviceroys.Subsequently,underPhilipIIIandPhilipIV,

thismodelwasexpressedinapparentlycontradictorytermsintheinstructionsto

viceroys:

The power to exercise this position and ofbice is very wideranging and free

because,inpublic,itiswellthat,sinceyouhavetobethereinmyplace,youshould

have all the authority that is necessary for it. But notwithstanding that power, I

herebydeclaretoyouthatmyintentionisthatyoukeeptoandcomplywithallthe

abovementionedthingscompletely.

DevelopmentofViceroyalCourts

There is no doubt that in the binal decades of the sixteenth century the

courtsoftheviceroysgrewinsplendourandpomp.Theirpresencegrewnotonly

at a symbolic level but also as centres of power, as evidenced by the growth in

personneltoservetheviceroys.Thedevelopmentofthebigureoftheviceroyasthe

political hub of a large number of states within the Monarchy is only

understandableifwelookattheroleofhighnobilityingovernment,mostlyfrom

Castile. Quite obviously, harmonious integration had ever existed because the

nobilityhaditsrootsinroyalty,asitwastheCrownthatbestowedtherank.Atthe

end of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth, the Castilian

noblesoccupied,asof right, thecaptainciesgeneral, embassiesandviceroyalties,

becauseonlytheyrepresentedtheking,whetherasexecutorsofhismonopoliesor

as negotiators in his name with other princes or parliaments, that is, with the

kingdoms.Thischaracteristicwasreinforcedbecausetheverypositionofviceroy

implied a way of belonging to royalty, of entering the sovereigns family,

expressed in the formula our cousin, viceroy and captain general; this is one

reasonwhyvisitorsinItalywereneverallowedtotouchthepersonoftheviceroy

orhishousehold.20Weobservethiscontiguitybetweenkingandviceroyintheir

households,whichwereassociatedbothsymbolicallyandphysically.

Thissymbioticrelationshipwassuchthatitpermittedallthewealthofthe

highnobility tobeplacedat thedisposalof theCrownso that theirmonopolyof

themostimportantpostsconstituted,infact,asafeguard;intheabsenceofawell

organized bureaucracy, they provided the structure for government, supplied

throughtheirclientnetwork,theirstockofprestige,theirhonourandtheirgoods.

Inotherwords,theirpersonalcreditconstitutedareservefortheroyalserviceto

drawon.Onthisspecibicpoint,forexample,theinstructionsoftheIndiesviceroys

included some directives relating to the organization of the viceroys household

which,inthemselves,demonstratethewayinwhichthehouseholdofthealterego

dovetailed with the sovereigns, fulbilling the functions of an alter domus: The

viceroys should endeavour to use and have in their households the sons and

grandsons of discoverers, peacemakers and settlers and other distinguished

people,thattheymightlearnurbanityandhaveagoodeducation.

FromJuandeVegasletter,writtenin1558,toOlivaresmemorandaof1590,

theviceroysalwaysrespondedontheassumptionthattheybelongedtoadomestic

order,oneoffamiliaritywiththeking,andwere,therefore,immunetohavingtheir

function controlled externally by the law courts and royal ofbicers. They never

admitted to being subject to higher administrative powers. The honour, the

underlying philosophy of viceregal governmentmade it impossible to invest the

bigureof theviceroywithabureaucraticconceptionofhisofbice; theviceroywas

inspired by a chivalric ethic and understood his function as deriving from the

personalbondthattiedhimtotheking.

Councils,kingdomsandviceroys

Linkedtotheproblemofredebiningtheofbiceofviceroywastheissueofthe

inexorable rise of the lawyers and the development of the machinery of royal

councils inMadrid.Philip IIsplans forreformcametogether in thecreationofa

blueprint thatwouldbereproduced insimilar terms throughouthispossessions,

andwhosemost rebined formwas the viceroyalty in the Indies. The viceroys of

PeruandNewSpainembodiedall the sovereigns functionsat thehighest levels:

military ones as captains general, judicial ones as presidents of the assize court,

andecclesiasticalonesasvicepatronsof thechurch in the Indies.Thegovernor

presidents of the assize courts who exercised similar functions in Chile, New

Granada, Guatemala, Terra Firma, and so on were in their turn their viceroys.

Lalindeemphasizedthefactthatfromthekingandhiscouncilsrightdowntothe

last viceroy with his assize court, the entire government of the Monarchy was

organizedalongbinarylines;hetermedthisaviceregalsenatorialregime,andits

specialfeatureineachofthekingdomswastoactasacheckandkeepacarefuleye

ontheviceroys.HecitedthecaseofCatalonia,whoseassizejudgeswereappointed

directly by the kingwith the aim of counteracting the power of the viceroy and

limitinghisautonomy.Thisinterpretationappearstobeconbirmedbytheserious

conblicts thatarose in1599and1626between theviceroysand theirofbicerson

theonehandandthejudgesoftheassizecourtontheother.Atthesametime,this

schemawas imposed in the rest of the Crown of Aragons domains, so that it is

reasonable to conclude that correcting the lawcourtswas theprerogativeof the

king:theyweredirectlyaccountabletohim.Ashasbeenobserved,thismodelwas

validoutsideCataloniaandAragon,andwasapplieduniversallyfromwhatcanbe

deduced from the texts of Italian jurists, such as Carlo Tapia, or experts in

institutionsintheIndies,likeSolrzano.

Itisverycommontoconfusethevoiceandstanceoftheassizecourtswith

central government; the fact remains, though, that they only ever showed one

very limited aspect of royal authority. In the sixteenth century, the concept of

tyranny shiftedaway from the rulerwhomerely followedhisownwhimwhile

holding thecommongood incontempt towards thekingwho ignored the laws

andruledwithoutcounsel.Theactofprovidingadvicehadbeentransformedintoa

legalrulingandentailedcompliancewiththelaw.Theeffectofthelegalarguments

supporting judicial reviewswas to underlinewhatwas forbidden to the idiots,

those untutored in the lawwhowould fall into despotism if they took decisions

withoutknowledgeofthelaw.Aroundtheyear1600,lawyersacquiredavisibility

inpublicpreviouslyenjoyedonlywhencarryingouttheirfunctionsinthecourts;

this can be deduced from many testimonies, such as the letter written by the

Councilof ItalytotheviceroyofSicily, thedukeofMaqueda,remindinghimthat,

accordingtothepragmaticsanctionofjudgesgownsof1599,theyshouldwear

their ofbicial dress to all public ceremonies and not only when going to court.

Wherevertheyhappenedtobe,theywerealwaysjudges,thelivingembodimentof

theLaw.

Furthermore, themagistrates, togetherwith the Castilian nobility and the

military, constituted an inherently itinerant social group, birstly, because their

careers ordinarily took them to all the courts the length and breadth of the

kingdom, and, secondly, because the Court of Madrid was the pinnacle of their

professional lives. There was a constant stream of judges passing through the

councils,courtsandassizes,onvisitsbothprivateandgeneral,makingenquiries,

compilingreports,carryingoutinvestigationsandsoforth.Weknowthatlawyers

trained in Bologna, who completed their cursus honorum in the Milanese

magistracy,endedtheirdaysaspresidentsoftheassizecourtinCharcas, inPeru.

The various local judiciaries, apart frombeing subject to constant vigilance, also

enjoyedahighdegreeofintercommunication,enablingthetransferofprocedures

andatendencytowardsstandardizationofpractices,illustratedbytheattemptto

create a Sicilian Consiglio Collaterale in 1612, or the reform of the Sardinian

assizesin1606whichseparatedcivilfromcriminalaction.

The result of all this was that the lawyers, formed a social group able to

visualize the Spanish Monarchy as a political and jurisdictional unit, not as a

compositeoffreestandingstateswithnoconnectionsbetweenthem.Thepractice

ofjudgesbeingcooptedontothecouncilsofMadrid(whichbegantobecommon

from 1595 onwards, and general from 1600) demonstrates this fact. The

attendanceofcooptedjudgesandcouncillorsatcouncilmeetingsarosefromthe

practiceofcallinginmembersofacouncilworkinginanotherareatoaskfortheir

opinion as legal experts. Jurisprudence and legal practice made it possible to

discussmattersoflaworgovernmentwhichwentbeyondthescopeofthelawsof

each individual kingdom, with the Italian, Castilian, Portuguese and Aragonese

magistratesexchangingknowledgeandexperienceor binding commonground in

law.

The unitary vision that the lawyers displayed implied a perception of the

kings council thatwasnot tied to a singleplace;when the judgesof theMexico

assizes introduced themselves in public, they stated after their name that they

werefromtheCouncilofHisMajesty inNewSpain,asimilarafbirmationto the

one made by the judges of the Consiglio Collaterale in Naples or those of the

Audiencia in Catalonia. They situated themselves in an intermediate position

between the king and the kingdom: before the king, they were the voice of the

kingdom; before the kingdom, the voice of the king and before everyone, they

representedtheLaw.

AMonarchyofCourtsor...disseminatedCourt?

In the second half of the twentieth century, historians of institutions

sustainedan interpretation thatpaidprivilegedattention to thebureaucracyand

origins of the modern state. In line with this type of analysis, it was taken for

grantedthatthepoweroftheviceroyswanedtothebenebitofthecourtinMadrid.

From1561,centralpowerwasstrengthenedasaresultofbixingapermanentseat

ofgovernment,andthepowerrelationswithinthevastCatholicMonarchybecame

interplayofopposingforces,ofthecentreversustheperiphery,astateoftension

between centrifugal and centripetal impulses. This reading of the situation saw

administrative renewal at the level of the state cancelling out particularisms,

developingantinobleandanticonstitutionalpolicies(inotherwords,contraryto

therepresentativeassembliesoftheEstatesandthelawsemanatingfromthem),in

favourofabsolutism.AwellknownseriesofstudiesonthekingdomofNapleshas

pointed out that the buildup of power at the centre converted the potestas

viceregia intosomethingresidual, theresultantstrippingawayofauthoritybeing

linkedtotheexpulsionoftheNeapolitanaristocracyfromhighofbice.Thejudicial

institutions,thatis,theNeapolitanhighcourts,theCollaterale,theSommaria,the

Vicara, and the provincial assizes wielded power because they were state

institutions.

In the other side,most recently, someHistorians focused their studies on

power microphysics. In line on Foucault philosophy, they paid attention on a

differentscheme,debiningtheSpanishMonarchyasaPolycentricone.Theyignore

theCourtdisseminationandtheroleofcouncilsandlawyers.Whenthesocialand

political processes are scrutinizedmore closely, these analytical schemas do not

work.Earlierwedescribedhow, at the endof the sixteenth century, the concept

andpracticeofgovernmentwasconsolidatedasadualitybetweengubernaculum

and jurisdictio,making thepairedviceroyjudiciarymodeluniversaland that this

relationship was more complex than the one expressed as a system of mutual

surveillance.Inunireddatur,maxim57oftheEmpresasmoralesypolticaspara

unprncipeCristiano[MoralandPoliticalMaximsforaChristianPrince],Saavedra

FajardoemphasizedthatthegovernmentoftheMonarchyofSpain[is]foundedon

such sound judgement that the kingdoms and provinces that Nature separated

havebeenbroughttogetherbyprudence.EveryonehastheirrespectiveCouncilin

Madrid:oneeachforCastile,Aragon,Portugal, Italy,theIndiesandFlanders.But

healsoadvised,ThekingofSpaindoesnotruleinItalyasaforeignprince,butas

anItalianprince.Thepointhewasmakingwasthatthankstotheviceroys, Italy

wasgovernedinItalyandfromItaly.

In the seventeenth century, the power of the viceroys was anything but

residual.Inprotocol,thestyleofaddressforaviceroywasequivalenttothatfora

Prince,becauseaviceroywithplenipotentiarystatuswasthekinginthekingdom.

Duality between Senatus and viceregal government is explained in a text called

NoticiageneraldeelEstadodeMiln,sugobiernoy formaao1645, itsays:only

twobodiesrepresent theking in thisState, thegovernor in thenatural formand

the Senate in the mystic. The quotation in itself is quite enlightening. In

Covarrubiassdictionary,naturalisdebinedasEverythingthatisaccordingtothe

natureofeachonewherenatureisacondition,whereasmysticmeansmuchthe

sameasbigurative:thatwhichgivesshapetomatter.(IntheVocabulariodelasdos

lenguas,toscanaycastellanabyCristbaldelasCasas,mstico[mystic]istranslated

intoItalianby2igurativo[bigurative]).Mysticrepresentationisnoneotherthanthat

manifestedby theregepatria identity,embodying thedefenceof theLawand its

observance;anaturalrepresentationwhich,comingdirectlyfromGod,subjectsthe

populationtotheobedienceofhisperson.

Both these representations of the sovereign, the natural and themystic, neither

transmitadistantcentralpowernoraretheyextensionsofit.Webindourselves,in

fact, in aMonarchywith adiversibied court,where theking is absent, but at the

sametime,presentonaccountofthedualityofhisnature.

In this way, the kingdoms across the councils were permanently in the

presence of the king and he could attend to them in person, for themagistrates

keptthepatriaaliveintheroyalretinue.Conversely,theviceroyswiththeircourts

kept the presence of the natural lord alive among his subjects. The relationship

betweenthecourtinMadridandthecourtsoftheviceroyswasbasedonthisdual

interplay.Thisrelationship,however,graduallybecameunbalancedbecauseofthe

changeswroughtduringPhilipIVsreign.ThecountdukeofOlivaressetinmotion

changesthatdelegatedgreaterexecutivepowertotheviceroysatthesametimeas

heremovedCouncilsauthoritycreatingalotofjuntas(informalcommissions).It

is aworking hypothesis thatwe are exploring in current research, probably the

revoltsof1640werenot the resultofa reactionagainst centralization,butquite

the reverse; they were a reaction to an imbalance in which the courts of the

viceroysweregraduallycuttingtheirtieswiththecourtoftheking.Inthestrictest

sense,theywererevoltsofloyalty.Thepopularcry:longlivetheking,deathtobad

governmentcalled,precisely,fortherestorationofthebigureofthekingasfather

andprotector, one thathadbecome increasingly remoteandmediatedbynobles

andlocalelites.Theycryagainsttheabsenceofatruekinginthekingdom.

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