A Middle Bronze Age IIB Tomb at Azor

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/ A Middle Bronze Age IIB Tomb at Azorקבר מתקופת הברונזה הקדומה באזורAuthor(s): Amir Gorzalczany, Daphna Ben-Tor, Jonathan Rand, אמיר גורזלזני, דפנה בן-תור and יונתן רנדSource:'Atiqot /עתיקות

44 / 2003), pp. 171-178 )התשס"גPublished by: Israel Antiquities Authority / רשות העתיקותStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23461392Accessed: 06-12-2015 14:57 UTC

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'Atiqot 44,2003

A Middle Bronze Age iib Tomb at Azor

Amir Gorzalczany, Daphna Ben-Tor and Jonathan Rand

In December 1996, during the demolition of

a building on Spinoza Street in Azor (Fig. 1:

1; map ref. 13156/15902), a tractor damaged a Middle Bronze Age IIB tomb which lay beneath its foundation. The tomb had already

suffered considerable damage at the time of the

building's construction. A salvage excavation

was undertaken by the IAA in order to document

what remained of the tomb and its contents.1

Dothan (1958:272-273) excavated another

MB IIB tomb nearby (Fig. 1:2). This tomb

was a burial cave containing pottery, numerous

scarabs and remains of horses interred alongside

human skeletal remains. The discovery of two

Middle Bronze Age tombs at a short distance

from each other is not a coincidence but rather

an indication that a cemetery once existed in the

vicinity. The area continued to function as burial

grounds in subsequent periods (Dothan 1993).

Fig. 1 Location map of the MB IIB tomb discussed

in this report (1) and of the tomb published by M.

Dothan (2).

The Tomb

The remains at Spinoza Street were too

sparse to allow us to characterize the tomb's

construction. It had been hewn into the kurkar

bedrock, but its outline was unclear. The tomb

cavity had filled up with a loose sandy matrix

mixed with nodules of eroded kurkar. The finds

were concentrated in a relatively small area

(0.7 x 1.2 m) in the center of the tomb (Fig. 2). In the northwest part of the tomb some unfired

reddish mudbrick material, possibly used for

flooring, was uncovered. The small size of the

tomb and the presence of this mudbrick material

lead us to believe that it was most likely a cist

grave.2

The Finds

Skeletal Remains

The heavily disturbed skeletal remains of at

least three individuals in primary burial were

recovered from the tomb. Anthropological

analysis of the remains reveals that these

Fig. 2. Pottery vessels in situ.



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A Middle Bronze Age iib Tomb at Azor 173

individuals were between the ages of 20-40

when interred, and that at least one of them

was positively identified as female.3 Although no specific pattern for these remains could be

observed, two of the three recovered skulls

were found adjacent to each other, with the third

found in the bowl illustrated in Fig. 3:1.

Hematite Cylinder Seal

For the seal recovered in the tomb see Stein, this

volume.

Pottery

A small group of ceramic vessels (Fig. 3) was recovered from the tomb, most probably

representing an incomplete sample of the

tomb's original assemblage. The pottery was

in poor condition, primarily due to the soil

conditions, but also due to the damaged state

of the tomb. The assemblage is homogeneous and characteristic of local pottery from the MB

IIB period; some forms suggest an early MB

IIB date (see below). Similar assemblages are

found at the nearby cemeteries at the Rishon

Le-Ziyyon Dunes (Levy 1993),4 the Tel Aviv

Harbor site (Kaplan 1955), and, somewhat

farther away, at Tell Beit Mirsim Stratum E

(Albright 1933).

Platter bowls (Fig. 3:1-3).— All three platter bowls are shallow with thin everted rims. One

(Fig. 3:3) has a red burnished cross decoration and band along the inner rim on the inside of

the bowl. This type of design has its beginnings in the MB IIA, but continues through the

transitional period and into the MB IIB (e.g.,

Kaplan 1955: Fig. 4:11 and from Rishon Le

Ziyyon Dunes where this design is found

on bowls of both the MB IIA and MB IIB). Similar bowls are known from Gezer (Dever 1986: PI. 3:24), Jatt (Porat, Yannai and Kasher

1999:27, Pis. 20:8,9; 23:1-3) and Tel Megadim

(unpublished; Sam Wolff, pers. comm.). The

same vessel type but lacking the cross design was found at Tel Michal Stratum XVII (Negbi 1989: Fig. 5.1:8) and Tell Beit Mirsim Stratum E

(Albright 1933: PI. 10:6).

Storage jar.— The lower half of a storage jar

(Fig. 3:4; cf. Kenyon 1960: Fig. 183:2) was also

recovered, the upper half having been removed

by the tractor.

Juglets (Fig. 3:5-8).— Four juglets were

found. Of these, two (Fig. 3:5, 6) were only

partially recovered (rim and handle) and may be of either piriform or cylindrical shape.5 A

complete cylindrical juglet (Fig. 3:7) is typical of the MB IIB period and finds parallels at Jericho (Kenyon 1960: Fig. 309:14) and

Ginnosar (Epstein 1974: Fig. 13:14). Another

common form of this period is the dipper juglet

(Fig. 3:8) which conforms to Kenyon,s type Bib with a slightly rounded body (e.g., Kenyon 1960: Fig. 151:8; cf. Kaplan 1955: Figs. 3:16; 4:

5). Another parallel was found at Jatt (Porat, Yannai and Kasher 1999:31, PI. 22:12-15).

The Scarabs

Two scarabs5' (Figs. 4, 5) were found in the

tomb which, as was demonstrated in the pottery discussion above, dates to the early MB IIB.

Scarabs found in the archaeological deposits

ranging between the late MB IIA-early MB

IIB reflect the earliest occurrence of scarabs

in Israel and comprise the "early Palestinian

scarab series" (Ward and Dever 1994:5, 6,

Groups IIA-III). A recent study of these scarabs

(Ben-Tor 1997) argues that they correspond with the middle/late Dynasty XIII in Egypt and that they are mostly local Canaanite

productions, imitating Egyptian late Middle

Kingdom prototypes. The two scarabs found

in the Azor tomb are typical examples of these

locally-made scarabs, the production of which

continued and developed throughout the Middle

Bronze Age.

The analysis of the scarab's designs and

features follows the Tufnell-Ward typology, which is the best one established for the relative

sequence of Middle Bronze Age scarabs although their absolute dates can no longer be accepted

(Ben-Tor 1997:163-166). The designs follow

Tufnell (1984:115-140) and the scarab features

follow Ward and Dever ( 1994:162-165).



174 Amir Gorzalczany, Daphna Ben-Tor and Jonathan Rand

Scarab 1 (Fig. 4) L: 17 mm; W: 12 mm; H: 8 mm.

Design class 3D1—Egyptian signs and

symbols: Cartouches—simple oblong (Tufnell

1984:121-122, PI. 17). A simple oblong cartouche in the center is

flanked by two addorsed red crowns on nb signs

and two addorsed red crowns symmetrically

displayed below them. Above the cartouche are a

winged sun disk and a three-stem papyrus plant.

At the bottom of the base below the cartouche is

a nb sign. The cartouche encloses a vertical line

of four signs: hr, htp, r,r.

Back type: Lined Stylistic. Head type: D6.

Side type־. e9.

Discussion־. The signs enclosed by the

cartouche comprise a variation of the so-called

cnrc formula, the origin and meaning of which

have been the subject of much debate (Richards

1992:29-32; Keel 1995:175-176; Ben-Tor

1997:175; Richards 2001). Variations of this

formula are amply represented on Middle

Bronze Age scarabs (Tufnell 1984:121, Pis.

16-20), including many examples in the early series (Kirkbride 1965: Figs. 282:8, 16, 19, 20;

283:23; 285:9,14-17,19; 286:12,13,18; 287:1,

9; 288:12; Tufnell 1973: Fig. 1:18,22,47; Ward

and Dever 1994:99, Fig. 5:1a: 9, 11-13). No

examples of this design were found in Egypt in

1 0 1 1

Fig. 4. Scarab No. 1.

contexts earlier than Dynasty XV, corroborating

Ward's observation that the design occurs

in Canaan earlier than in Egypt (Ward 1987:

524-526). It has been largely accepted that the

variations of this formula have no meaning in

the Egyptian language (Tufnell 1984:121; Keel

1995:176; Ben-Tor 1997:175). Moreover, the

common occurrence of misrendered signs and

pseudohieroglyphs suggest that these formulae

reflect ignorance of the form and meaning of

the Egyptian hieroglyphs. The few attempts that have been made to read these formulae

(Keel 1995:176; Richards 2001:150-163) are

not convincing, as there is no consistency in

the choice of the signs or in their order. For

the same reason, suggestions implying that the

signs represent local Canaanite script (Kitchen

1989:278-280) are equally unacceptable. One form of this formula, however, displaying

the hieroglyphs htp n 7־r (Tufnell 1973: Fig. 1:

47; Tufnell 1984: PI. 10:1522, PI. 17:1794),

suggests knowledge of the Egyptian language

and therefore may be considered a highly

probable Egyptian prototype for many of the

rnrc formula variations (Ben-Tor 1997:175). An

example found at Nubt represented by two seal

impressions made by the same scarab (Petrie and Quibell 1896: PL 80:45) was considered as

the only surviving Middle Kingdom prototype for this formula, based on the late Middle

Kingdom date of most sealings found at the

site (Ben-Tor 1997:175). However, a study of

Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate

Period scarabs currently being prepared by

this author (Daphna Ben-Tor) reveals that

the design occurring on the Nubt sealings,

depicting a three-stem papyrus plant above and

below the central base motif, is not attested in

the known corpus of Middle Kingdom scarabs.

The design is, however, found in the Second

Intermediate Period excavated series both in

Egypt and in Palestine (Griffith 1890: PI. 10:

38; Petrie 1906: PI. 9:148; Tufnell 1984: PI.

3:1086, 1089, 1091, 1105, 1106, 1111, 1112),

strongly arguing for a Second Intermediate

Period date for the scarab used on the Nubt

sealings. There is no conclusive evidence




to determine a Canaanite or Egyptian origin for the scarabs bearing the htp n rr formula.7

Whether these scarabs originated in Egypt or in

Palestine, many variations of this formula found

in Canaanite sites demonstrate local Canaanite

developments (Tufnell 1984: Pis. 10:1521; 16:

1700, 1716, 1757; 17:1776, 1777, 1787; 18:

1806; 29:2272; Ward and Dever 1994: Fig. 5:

la: 11). The order of the signs is often alternated,

reflecting a decorative preference and ignorance

of the original meaning (Ben-Tor 1997:175). This scarab, displaying a meaningless

variation of the formula, bearing three of the

original signs: htp r r, is a clear Canaanite

variation of the Egyptian prototype. The other

decorative elements on the base of the scarab,

such as the three-stem papyrus plants, addorsed

red crowns and the simple oblong cartouche,

were commonly engraved on Canaanite

scarabs (Tufnell 1984: Pis. 3, 12, 17), imitating

Egyptian signs and symbols which occur on late

Middle Kingdom scarabs (Tufnell 1975: Figs.

2:22-57; 5:248-255; 9:382). The winged sun

disk, however, is not found on Middle Kingdom

scarabs and its occurrence on Canaanite scarabs

(e.g., Tufnell 1984: Pis. 9,10:1488, 1489, 1491,

1492, 1495, 1524) was most probably inspired from Syrian cylinder seals (Teissier 1996:

95-98).8

Scarab 2 (Fig. 5) L: 16.5 mm; W: 12 mm; H: 7.5 mm.

Design class 3E1—Egyptian signs and symbols: Panels—three or more signs in margins (Tufnell

1984:122,123; PI. 19:183-1-47). The base is divided vertically by two lines

into three panels. Inside the panels, the three

signs r, n, r are repeatedly displayed, arranged in vertical lines.

Back type: Plain stylistic. Head type : D4.

Side type: d4.

Discussion: The vertically arranged cnr signs

inside the panels display the most common

variation of the cnrr formula, after which the

design was named. Panel designs are not found

on Middle-Kingdom-design or private-name

1 0

Fig. 5. Scarab No. 2.

scarabs but commonly occur on Middle Bronze

Age scarabs (Keel 1995:180), already in the

early series (Tufnell 1973: Fig. 1:22; Tufnell

1984: PI. 19:1832; Ward and Dever 1994: Fig. 5:

lb:37). The signs inside the panels are primarily variations of the rnrr formula (Tufnell 1984: PI.

19:1831, 1832, 1834-1847) corroborating the

Canaanite origin of the panel designs.

Conclusions

The tomb described here can be added to the

increasing data concerning MB IIB burial

customs as revealed by recent excavations

conducted in the area. It is unfortunate that

no large settlements were excavated in the

area, rather only a few small unwalled ones

and mostly cemeteries at Fladar Yosef, Tel Ha

Shomer, Bat Yam, Rishon Le-Ziyyon and Yavné

Yam (Gophna and Beck 1981:48-63; 1988;

Levy 1993:49-50), the Country Club Junction

(HA 1978:21), Kefar Shemaryahu, Sedé Dov

Airport and The Exhibitions Grounds at Tel Aviv

(Kaplan 1971:305; 1978), the Tel Aviv Harbor

(Kaplan 1955), Dharhat el-Humraya, Nes

Ziyyona and El-Jisr (Ory 1926; 1945; 1948), Bet Dagan, located to the east of Azor (Gophna

1967), and several additional unpublished tombs excavated recently in Tel Aviv and Petah

Tiqva (Martin Peilstôcker and Kamil Sari,

pers. comm.). To these sites one might add

several MB IIA and MB IIB sites (Sites 20, 74




and 91) reported in the Herzliyya survey map

(Gophna and Ayalon 1998:25*, 36*, 91*, 92*, with additional references). Finally, a large EB

I cemetery which was partially reused in the

MB II was recently excavated at the Kaplan Junction, Tel Aviv, yielding, among other finds, bronze weapons and scarabs (Edwin van den

Brink and Eliot Braun, pers. comm.). It is worth noting that as far as we know,

the MB IIA period is characterized by the

blossoming of settlements in the Sharon area

(Kochavi, Beck and Gophna 1979:161-162). The MB IIB-C, on the other hand, shows

a major southward shift in settlement patterns, with remarkable emphasis in the coastal area

and the Western Negev (Oren 1997:255-257). The Nahal Yarqon Basin, as we can judge by means of the increasing number of burials

discovered in recent years, seems to represent

an intermediate phase during the shift toward

the south, during the late eighteenth and the

early seventeenth centuries BCE. These sites

may represent primarily undiscovered rural

settlements that presumably existed in the area

circumscribed by the major sites (Jaffa, Aphek and Gezer) attributed to this period. Since those

rural villages were small and are presently covered by thick layers of alluvium, it is difficult

to locate them, but we can be assured of their

existence mostly through the existence of those

cemeteries cited above. This settlement pattern could be related to "the remarkable extension

of land use in the coastal plain region during the Middle Bronze Age II" (Gophna and Beck

1981:78); that is, the inclusion of previously uncultivated regions into the regional economic

framework.

Notes

1 Salvage excavations (Permit No. A-2402) were

conducted by Jonathan Rand who also prepared most of the material for publication, on behalf of

the Israel Antiquities Authority in December 1995.

The Corporation for the Economic Development of Azor sponsored the excavations. Our thanks go to Marik Molokondov for his assistance during the

excavation; Erela Tzarfaty (pottery restoration); Marina Shuishka-Arnov (draftsperson); Tsila

Sagiv (object photography); Z. Shurrer and Sam

Wolff (editing); Edwin van den Brink for kindly

providing me with the location of the Azor MB II

tomb excavated by M. Dothan; Edwin van den Brink

and Eliot Braun for permission to mention the recent

excavations at Kaplan Junction; and Eli Yannai for

his observations concerning the ceramic assemblage.

Daphna Ben-Tor is responsible for the scarab section, and Amir Gorzalczany for the remainder. 2 For a discussion of tomb construction in the Middle

Bronze Age see Hallote 1994, especially pp. 51-55.

We are grateful to Sam Wolff for this reference. 3 We express our appreciation to J. Warden, IAA, for

his analysis of the skeletal remains from the tomb.

These remains were transferred to representatives of

the Ministry of Religious Affairs for reburial.

4 Our thanks are extended to Yossi Levy for kindly

allowing us to see the material from his recent

excavations at the Rishon Le-Ziyyon Dunes site,

whose final report is in preparation. 5 A button base, presumably belonging to the juglet illustrated in Fig. 1:5, was also recovered. 6 These scarabs were previously published in Keel

1997:756, 757, Nos. 22, 23. 7 A Canaanite origin for these scarabs does not argue

against the Egyptian origin of the formula itself,

which may have been adopted on Canaanite scarabs

from media other than Egyptian scarabs. 8 The scarab categorized by Ward as a royal name

scarab of Senwosret II from Bet She'an (Tufnell 1984: Pl. LIL3037) is most probably a Canaanite

production of post Dynasty XII date. Reissues of

royal-name scarabs of early Dynasty XII rulers are

well attested; defining contemporary examples is

a problematic and controversial issue (Ward 1971:

127-135; Ward 1984:151-154; O'Connor 1987:

7, 37, 38; Ward and Dever 1994:128). Canaanite

imitations of Dynasty XII royal-name scarabs are

attested (Ben-Tor 1997: Fig. 4:7-10; 9:1).




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A Middle Bronze Age IIB Tomb at Azor

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