A Guiuliani Guitar Kept in London

GFA Soundboard Fall 2001

A highly ornamented guitar, built by Pons in 1812, once belonging to Empress Marie-Louise, and then givento Mauro Giuliani, has recently come to light in a London bank. Prior to its discovery, no guitar having adirect connection with Giuliani was known to exist. This article describes the instrument and discusses the sequence ofevents that led to its coming into the possession of Christopher de Monte, a young English gentleman who was apparently thededicatee of Giulianis Concerto, Op. 36. Giuliani gave him the guitar in 1815, but de Monte died prematurely in 1816, whilereturning to England. His guitar and belongings were put in a storeroom at the bank of Coutts & Co. Today, some 180 yearslater, this discovery presents us with a veritable time capsule of musical knowledge.1

CHRISTOPHER DE MONTEThe story surrounding the Giuliani guitar and its own-ers is best told chronologically. The instruments short-lived final owner, Christopher de Monte (sometimes writ-ten DMonte), should be introduced first. We know abouthim from a unique primary sourcehis own diary, pre-served with his music and other personal effects in theCoutts & Co. Archive in London.2

Christopher Bilderbeck de Monte was the son ofJohn de Monte Esq., a distinguished merchant from theport city of Madras in southern India, and his wife, MaryBilderbeck. In 1810, at the age of sixteen, Christopher wassent to England to further his education. While there hewas placed under the care of Sir Coutts Trotter, a partnerin the bank of Coutts & Co., this firm having been associ-ated with his fathers business. Young de Monte faredwell in England, though he suffered from intermittentfever, probably having contracted malaria earlier, in In-dia. If he could survive the notorious British climate, hisdoctors told him, he could survive anywhere. This en-couraged Christopher to interrupt his studies to travelabroad. In early 1815, employing two carriages, he em-barked on a Grand Tour of the Continent, taking him toFrance, Belgium, Holland, Germany and Austria. Europewas in a turbulent period at the time. Christopher, a keenobserver, was to play his part in it, meeting some famouspeople along the way.

De Monte comes across in his diary as an opinion-ated person, with a special interest in the French Revolu-tion and the charismatic leader who emerged from itsaftermath, Napoleon Bonaparte. The Englishmans stayin France coincided with the fateful return of Napoleon

from Elba, during what became known as the HundredDays. While crossing the French countryside, de Montewould stop his carriage, asking peasants for their opin-ion on the former Emperor. He met with mixed reactions.One time he even had to flee in haste, when peopleshowed their hostility both toward Napoleon and towardhimself, for having asked the question.

In the capitals he visited, de Monte had entre tohigh society. For example, the Mayor of Brussels, BaronJ. Vanderlinden DHooghvoorst, invited Christopher toa ball where the King and Queen, the Anglo-Dutch mili-tary commander Wellington, the Prince of Orange, andmany high officers were among the guests. De Montewrote in his diary: Saw the Duke of Wellington whoseemed to be in very high spirits and looking better thanhe did in London, but pale.

Year, month, place and the particular guests presentindicate that Christopher seems to have witnessed a his-torically significant event: the ball hosted by the Duch-ess of Richmond on June 15, 1815. It occurred on the eveof the subseqent battles of Quatre Bras and Waterloo(which might go some way towards explaining whyWellington looked pale that night). The contrast betweenthe splendor of the ball and the carnage and catastrophicevents that soon followed was nothing short of remark-able. History does record that Wellington pretended notto be very worried, in an effort to reassure the high soci-ety of Brussels. Toward midnight, however, when in-formed that Napoleon had moved with all his forces onCharleroi and that there was nothing in front of Mons,the ball ended on a note of alarm. Wellington believed hehad been humbugged by Bonaparte. Before joining his

FOUND: A GIULIANI GUITAR,KEPT IN A LONDON BANK SINCE 1816

BY PAUL PLEIJSIER, AMSTERDAM

ThisarticleoriginallyappearedinSoundboard,publishedbytheGuitarFoundationofAmerica,volumeXXVIIII,fall/winter2001/2002.


army, he hastily studied a map provided by the Duke ofRichmond.3 Some of the officers present at this party ar-rived at the battlefield still wearing their formal dress.

Wellington succeeded in keeping the lid on panic.Christopher does not seem to have been aware of any.He described the ball as superb. Little did he knowthat the occasion would mark the definitive fall frompower of his hero, Napoleon Bonaparte, and that his ownpersonal Waterloo would not be far off as well.

MEETING GIULIANIDe Montes diary suggests he had a passion for music. Inthe Dutch town of Haarlem, De Monte paid no less than13 Florins to hear the great organ of the Sint Bavo Church,one of Hollands most famous instruments, which in thepast had attracted visitors such as Hndel and Mozart.While in Germany, he attended concerts and wrote: theSaxons are fine performers on the musical instruments.In addition to this, the Coutts & Co. Archive holds sev-eral receipts for unspecified music lessons received byde Monte in the course of his education. Although he wasan amateur (a lover) of the guitar, his father wanted himto put down that fiddle4 and take up the pianoforteinstead.

In Vienna, de Monte met Mauro Giuliani. The factthat Giuliani was not only a most famous guitarist, butalso chamber virtuoso to Empress Marie-Louise (1791-1847), wife of Napoleon Bonaparte, must have been adouble attraction to de Monte. If his possession ofGiulianis studies, Op. 1, 54, 55, and additional didacticmaterial by Giuliani in manuscript (for adiscussion of this, see below) indicates any-thing, it implies that de Monte took guitarlessons from the master. A teacher-studentrelationship would also serve to explain thepersonal rapport De Monte seems to haveenjoyed with Giuliani. Nevertheless, we lackan account of Giulianis teaching, since deMonte had discontinued keeping a diary ona daily basis. This was the result, most prob-ably, of an intensifying social life in whichbon vivant Giuliani may or may not havebeen a factor. There seems also to have beenanother connection between de Monte andGiuliani: the latters second guitar concertois dedicated to Mr. de Monte.

WHO EXACTLY WAS THE DEDICATEEOF GIULIANIS OPUS 36?Giulianis Grand Concerto, Opus 36, displaysa dedication to an unspecified Mr. deMonte. Giuliani-biographer Heck writes:Nothing is known of its dedicatee, a cer-tain Mr. de Monte, but his name conspicu-ously lacks a title. He could easily have been

one of the wealthy Viennese middle-class, a certain je nesais qui, who probably helped defray the publication costsand perhaps recompensed the composer in some way, aswas the custom.5 It is tempting to assume that this Mr.de Monte is one and the same as our Christopher. How-ever, as Erik Stenstadvold (who has been at Coutts) cor-rectly points out in a letter to the bank, Giulianis secondconcerto had already been advertised in 1812,6 and Chris-topher de Monte did not arrive in Vienna until 1815. DidChristopher just happen to have the same surname asthis certain je ne sais qui? Or was Christopher, indeed, thededicatee and was Opus 36 not published in 1812 afterall? Alternatively, did he contact Giuliani at a much ear-lier date without recording it in his diary? Judging fromthe printed music in Christophers possession, he wasnot a virtuoso guitarist capable of tackling the concerto.But then, among Christophers printed music are threecopies of said concerto, all bearing the Artaria plate num-ber 2251.7

Whatever the case, if Mauro Giuliani felt indebtedto de Monte for some reason, he must have realized thata special guitar he had in his possession would make aperfect recompense, given de Montes interest in theFrench Revolution and its protagonists. This was theguitar formerly owned by Empress Marie-Louise.

GIULIANIS ACCOMPANYING LETTERThe guitar, as kept by the bank, is accompanied by a let-ter in French signed Giuliani, together with someprinted compositions, most of them by Giuliani (see list

at the end of this article), and some musicalmanuscripts in two different hands. One ofthe hands, identical to that in the letter, cansafely be assumed to be Giulianis. Its styleof music writing is not far removed fromthe (later) Giuliani original reproduced onpage 268 of Hecks Mauro Giuliani... .

The letter by Giuliani was written andaddressed on a single sheet, folded overupon itself for mailing in such a way thatthe address alone would have appeared onthe outside (see illustration). It was sealedwith red wax, which is still much in evi-dence. Here is the transcription, followedby an English translation:

A MonsieurMonsieur de MontS.P.M.8

Cher Amie,Pour vous temoignez lattachementque jai pour vous, je me prive dunInstrument au quelle je mettais le plusgrand prix, tant plus que cette Guitarre


apartenoit a LImp:e Marie Louise.en vous la donnent comme souvenirdamitier inalterable: agrer lade votre devoue et sincere

Giuliani 9

Vienne12 Novem 1815

Dear friend,As evidence of my fondness for you,I herewith deprive myself of an instrumentwhich I have valued most highly, all the moreso since this guitar belonged to the EmpressMarie Louise. In giving it to you as a souvenirof enduring friendship, please accept it fromyour devoted and sincere

Giuliani.Vienna12 November 1815

In 1814, Empress Marie-Louise, ne Habsburg, had re-turned to Vienna following the banishment of her hus-band to Elba. In that year, or in 1815, Giuliani was ap-pointed chamber virtuoso. According to the earlyGiuliani-biographer Isnardi, Marie-Louise gave Giulianithe famous lyre guitar which Napoleon had orderedmade just for her.10 The roots of Marie-Louises goodwill toward Giuliani may have gone back to 1811, whileshe was in Paris. This was when Giulianis Opus 27 waspublished; a romance (song) entitled Marie-Louise auBerceau de son Fils. The elaborately engraved title pageshows a young mother, Marie-Louise, standing next toher baby son, who is lying in his imperial cradle.

Isnardi is known to have made mistakes in hisearly biography of Giuliani. Might the matter of the lyre

guitar be a slip of memory? Might it in reality have beenthe Pons guitar? The latters 1812 date fits the proper timeframe. Judging from its elaborate ornamentation, it cer-tainly could have been ordered in Paris especially forMarie-Louise. There may well have also been a lyreguitar, which Marie-Louise might have given to Giulianias well.

THE MUSICAL MANUSCRIPTS: A MISSING LINK?Upon first seeing the unknown Giuliani manuscript ma-terial at Coutts, the initial excitement of this authorquickly gave way to disappointment over the contents:seemingly endless repetitions of tonic and dominantchords in the keys of C and F, and nowhere a melody insight. Only a few first-position chords are employed.Arpeggios are rarely called for, most of the pieces beingof the oom-pah variety, where the three upper stringsare sounded simultaneously after the thumb has playedthe chords root.

The elementary technical level and the slight musi-cal value of the material initially made it seem unworthyof further attention, until it was realized that material ofjust this nature is rather unique in Giulianis known out-put. For the first time we see how Giuliani must havecatered to the absolute beginner, how he would havebridged the gap between zero-level and the next step up,the level required for his simplest published composi-tions. As such, this mundane stuff arguably forms a miss-ing link in Giulianis guitar didactics.

There are two manuscripts:

MS 1, entitled Raccolta / di Vari pezzi favoritidi / Opere e Balletti / missi per / Due Chitarre /da / Mauro Giuliani. 23 pages, of which 10 areused.


MS 2, entitled Raccolta / di / Vari pezzi perdue Chitarre / Chitarra 2, comprising 10 pages.

Selected titles of the contents are given at the end of thisarticle.

These two volumes (in the case of the second, arather flattering name for a gathering of loose papers)are very much ad hoc collections of elementary teachingpieces. MS 2 appears to be entirely in Giulianis hand.MS 1 shows two hands at work. Giulianis betrays itselfby the dash-like writing of the note heads, the skilled ex-ecution of musical clefs, and various other calligraphicdetails. The other hand looks neat but less experiencedin musical notation. It provides more rounded note-heads. In one of the musical pieces,Giulianis hand takes over from theother.11

The manuscripts containsimple themes taken from popularoperas and ballets (most of which arelong forgotten), in arrangements fortwo guitars by Giuliani. At Coutts,only the accompanying, chordal partsurvives. In a typical guitar lesson,these accompaniments would havebeen played by the student, whileGiuliani would have taken the taskthat was still well out of reach of thestudent: that of playing their melo-dies. Giuliani would have done thiseither from memory or from yet an-other manuscript, which is not partof de Montes papers at Coutts. Theobvious copying of material from MS2 into MS 1 would imply that MS 2was Giulianis personal volume,from which his students perhaps hadto copy material into their own note-books. However, as shown by MS 1,Giuliani did some of the copyinghimself, probably in situations wherethe source volume was not aroundor when time was tight and his ownvolume was needed for an upcom-ing guitar lesson. For reasons un-known, Giulianis manuscript endedup in de Montes possession.

All this suggests that Giuliani,as a teacher, drew upon the fashion-able music of his day for instruc-tional ends, as most applied musicteachers have done for generations.It is hardly surprising that exercisesof this type were not published.

While copying them out in manuscript, however, the stu-dent would learn the elements of music writing and pickup some theory. While practicing them, he would get ac-quainted with basic chords. Indeed, after diligently prac-ticing a prescribed dose of Giulianis Studio, Opus 1, toteach his right hand fingers some independence throughrepetitive arpeggiations, our student would have beenready to tackle a genuine little entry-level compositionlike Giulianis Opus 54. As noted earlier, both these workswere among those that de Monte left behind.

An interesting insight may be gained from examin-ing MS 2. Above some of the pieces, a musical staff iswritten in with small note heads. These so-called incipitsserved as a reminder of the melody of the piece in ques-tion. Significantly, in the Giuliani manuscripts, they are

notated in a different key. The keyof A is found whenever the accom-paniment is in C. In one case, D isfound over F. The melodic fragmentswill only fit their accompanimentswhen transposed upwards by a mi-nor third. This indicates that Giulianiplayed these melodies using a capoon his guitar, or, indeed, that he useda terz-guitar in his teaching.

CHRISTOPHERS WATERLOOTo complete the biographical sketchof Christopher de Monte, a wordabout his demise: correspondence(preserved in the Coutts Archive) be-tween Coutts Trotter and de Montesuggests that the young Englishman,after he recovered from a serious ill-ness, intended to visit Italy. This isalso confirmed by a pack of (un-opened) letters of recommendationto several firms in that country.However, disaster struck. His healthgave way. Instead, he left Vienna forEngland. On the journey home hevomited blood on the road in suchquantities, that he felt embarrasseddespite his illness. There was evi-dently another problem as well. DeMonte had run out of money. De-spite his connections with Coutts &Co., no bank would help him. Formedical assistance, he had to rely onthe sympathies of physicians alongthe way, indemnifying them withsome of his own possessions. Never-theless, the trophy of his Grand Tour,Marie-Louises guitar, he kept untilthe end.


De Monte died on February 5, 1816, in the Germancity of Rastatt, situated close to the French border, appar-ently having suffered the fatal effects of both malaria andtuberculosis. The few belongings still left in his posses-sion, among them what was described in an accompany-ing letter12 as the beautiful guitar, were sent to Couttsin London. According to the burial register,13 his dis-consolate parents removed his remains from Rastatt toa chapel in Covelong, India. Christopher had been in the22nd year of his age.

THE GUITARThe guitar looks virtually new, showing no dents or blem-ishes. This superbly built instrument rests in a case fin-ished in green leather. A mother-of-pearl shield inlaid inthe headstock proudly displays the makers name. Itreads:

Pons Fils, Paris 1812

The guitar represents the state-of-the-art in French gui-tar building during the early years of the 19th century.The body shape with its small upper bout and flat bot-tom is an intermediate between the old Baroque style andmore curved contemporary French designs. Given itsmodest size, it could be considered a ladies model. Backand sides are made of quilted maple, the flat back beinglined in spruce. (Gary Southwell: You could use rejectedtops as back veneer.) String length is 63 cm., relativelystandard for the time. The guitar does not have a raisedfingerboard (a feature not commonly found until the1820s). It has seventeen silver frets of rectangular section(sometimes called bar-frets), making its highest note ana. Its twelfth fret lies well within the confines of the body.14

Clearly, the Pons is a no ordinary instrument. Thebridge has elaborate mustaches in a garland pattern,finely cut from ebony; they cover a large part of theguitars lower bout. Precious materials abound. The edgesof the soundboard and soundhole are lined with pearlfloral motifs in black mastic. A tortoise-shell ring linesthe end grain inside the soundhole. The pearl-inlaidbridge holds the strings by means of six routed pearl pins.Nut and saddle are both mother-of-pearl (which, apartfrom looking special, would also contribute brightnessto the sound, says Southwell). Silver is used in the tun-ing mechanisms. Despite its decoration, the guitar defi-nitely was not meant to be all show no go, as several per-formance-related details will show.

Luthier Pons took special care to give the uppernotes on the first string their due resonance. In additionto stiffening the upper bout of the soundboard by twocustomary crossbars, he joined them with a member run-ning parallel to the strings as well. This little brace is lo-cated under the chanterelle and is about half as high asits neighbors. This technique was known to lute makers,

but was not a common feature of early 19thcentury gui-tars. It can be found on certain flush-fingerboard guitarsmade by Lacote, one being dated Paris, 1830.15 Before theintroduction of raised fingerboards, construction tech-niques like this may have favored the exploitation of theguitars highest register.16

The bracing of the soundboard of the Pons guitar.

Two transverse bars support the guitars lower bout. Oneof these is placed in a slanted position, giving the trebleside of the table greater stiffness than the bass side. Thiseffect is enhanced by the use of an unfinished one-piecespruce top with its grain diverging from fairly wide onthe bass side to very fine on the treble side.

ADJUSTABLE-FRICTION PEGS:A FRENCH EVOLUTION?The guitars locking tuners are very impressive. Their de-sign is an improvement over the ordinary wooden fric-tion peg. Here the peg, sitting in a metal sleeve in theheadstock, has a threaded metal rod running through itscenter. By means of a little wing-nut on top of the peg, itsfriction can be adjusted. During tuning, the peg can bemade to turn easily without slipping. This allows for one-handed operation. Often a wooden friction peg requiresthe use of two hands in tuning: one hand to turn it andanother to provide support as it is seated firmly into theheadstock. Upon attaining the right pitch, the Pons ad-justable-friction peg could be secured in place. This ele-gant and effective tuning system forms an intermediatephase in the transition from wooden friction pegs toworm-gear machined tuners. Pegs of this type seem tobe a French invention. They were used by different gui-tar makers, such as Lacote and G. Martin, and were pos-sibly derived from similar mechanisms first seen on lyreguitars. On the Pons guitar they were beautifully executedin silver, the ebony buttons sporting finely engraved pearlinlays.

A nice touch, found in numerous contemporary in-struments, is an ebony veneer covering the back of theneck. This produces a luxurious, non-sticky surface, en-abling position-shifts to be performed without lifting thethumb from the neck. The guitar has a carved strap but-ton located in the endblock. It is not placed centrally be-tween back and top, but like other early French guitars,rather more towards the top, giving the guitar less op-


portunity to topple over when played with a strap. Theother side of the strap would have been tied to the head-stock. Incidentally, Giuliani probably used just such ashoulder strap in performance. He appears to be depictedin a standing position, his guitar supported in this man-ner, on the illustrated cover of Hummels GrandesSrnades.17

THE MAKER, PONS FILS PARISSeveral instrument makers by the name of Pons are knownto have produced bowed instruments, guitars and lyreguitars in Grenoble, Paris and London. These differentlocations, coupled with the frequent absence of givennames on Pons labels, make it difficult to tell how manyPonses there actually were, and whether or not they wereall from the same family. Vannes18 and Ltgendorff19 bothgive Csar (1748-1831) as the oldest known Pons. Bornin Paris, he had a commercially successful business inGrenoble.20 Our Pons from Paris must have been a son ofthis fairly well known Csar, as his use of the fils tag wouldnormally indicate a father active in the same trade. OldCsar had two sons. Vannes provides the names LouisDavid, working like his father in Grenoble, and Joseph,baptized in Grenoble September 25, 1781, working in Parisat the turn of the century. This Joseph, then, was probablythe maker of our guitar. Vannes cites a label Pons fils /rue du Grand Hurleur Paris 1813.21 Later, the Paris Ponsis known to have used a Pons Paris label, having droppedthe fils designation. Vannes reports a guitar by Josephhaving been sold to the Russian court.

A luthier called Pons was active in London as well:guitars and lyres are known to exist with a Pons Londonattribution. Vannes believes this to have been Joseph. Jo-seph would have been one of several luthiers, like thePanormo family and the Roudhloff brothers, who mi-

grated there from Paris. Vannes mentions having seen adecorated guitar, formerly in the possession of QueenCharlotte of England, apparently similar to de Montes,and sporting a similar shield in the head, reading Pons,London, 1819. Wherever he worked, Joseph Pons seemsto have succeeded in attracting notable customers.

In addition to emerging as an important earlymaker, Joseph Pons also has the accolade of havingtaught an apprentice who was later to become the mostrenowned 19th-century French guitar maker: RenFranois Lacote (17??- after 1853). Lacote set up his ownbusiness in Paris around 1820, an early guitar of his dat-ing from that very year.22 On its label he calls himselflve de Mr Pons, Pons obviously having been consid-ered a reputable firm. We do not know when Lacote en-tered Ponss service, nor when he left. But in 1812, whenMarie-Louises guitar was being built in the Pons work-shop, a young Lacote might have had a hand in it.

SIGNS OF PLAYING WEARWe took special care to examine the Pons guitar for play-ing wear. Could evidence of, say, Giulianis skill still betraced in some way? We were prepared to check formarks on the table indicating possible use of the nailsand favorite playing point, soiling of the soundboard thatwould have indicated contact with the little finger of theright hand,23 traces of use of a capotasto, possible signsof the use of the left thumb as a fretting finger, fret wear,and the presence of broken-off string knots in the box,indicating string types and gauges used. Unfortunately,the Pons guitar turned out to be virtually unplayed. Itsfrets were hardly worn. The back of the neck showed nowear at all. We measured bridge height at the first string:a mere 6mm. Had its owner used his nails for playing,even very short ones would have left some marks in the

Headstock with adjustable-frictionpegs and mother-of-pearl nut

Inlaid shield on headstock readingPons Fils Paris 1812

Back of headstock with mother-of-pearl inlaid pegs


table. The original strings, apart from being corroded,didnt show signs of excessive wear either.

Although definitely a quality instrument, worthyof being in the possession of a Giuliani, it is highly un-likely the Pons was Giulianis concert guitar. Nor wouldthere be reason to hope so, as no concert player wouldever part with his favorite instrument.

WHY WAS IT GIVEN AWAY?One can only guess at the reason why Marie-Louise gaveaway a gem-like guitar, given to her by Napoleon in theearly days of marriage. She might not have been an ableplayer, but then, a nice place in the music room or in theboudoir could easily have been found for the little in-strument. The fact is, she had no great affection for Na-poleon whom she married for political reasons. In a let-ter to her father dating from 1814, she is known to havesaid: Napoleon lost the battle, a pity he didnt lose hishead as well. Marie-Louises low regard for the Emperormight have caused her, by extension, to devalueor atleast to part more easily withthe presents he gave her.Another factor probably played a role: soon after she hadreturned to Vienna, Marie-Louise was in the arms andbed of the Austrian Hussar general placed at her side toprotect her.24 Any gifts that reminded her of her timewith Napoleon mighthave had to go.

Just what it was thatmade Giuliani, in turn,give the Pons guitar awaydoes not become clearfrom merely examining it.He might have regarded itas a ladies instrument, un-suitable for his own use.Yet, in the end, Giulianisactual concert guitar(s)simply must have had abetter, bigger sound.Giulianis instrument(s) hailed possibly from Naples, animportant center of early six-string guitar making andthe place where Giuliani most likely had his formal mu-sical education.25 Perhaps the Pons guitar stems from theperiod in which in the goodness of the body or box, theNeapolitan guitars in general surpassed those of Franceand Germany.26

STRINGSThe most interesting single aspect of the de Monte gui-tar (in this writers view, at least) is the survival in thecase, if not on the guitar proper, of six original stringsdating from 1816 or before. No other strings of this vin-tage survive in quite this way, revealing to us what theywere like, what gauges were in use, and how they mighthave been manufactured.

Sometimes old strings are found in cases of oldguitars, but none of these can be dated with certainty.Easily datable though the de Monte strings may seem,they nevertheless seem to raise new questions. First ofall: were they a set? As they are now off the guitar, this isimpossible to say with certainty.27 However, if they were(and their graduated sizes merit consideration of this pos-sibility), the Pons had been strung in a non-standard way:five of its strings are wound (silver or silver-plated cop-per on silk) and only the first string is plain gut.28 Unfor-tunately it is impossible to tell whose taste this supposedstringing would have reflected: Ponss, Marie-Louises,Giulianis, de Montes, or anyone elses. The gauges are:

1: 0.90 mm plain2: 0.79 wound3: 0.89 "4: 1.18 "5: 1.30 "6: 1.50 "

The first string alone will give a tension of more than13kgf when tuned to e1 (with a1 at a low 415hz). This isan impressive 5kgf more than the first string of a (very)high tension set on a modern 65cm concert guitar (a1 =

440 hz). This tension mayseem too high for a gutstring, but theoretically, agut string will not break atthis pitch.29 A more likelycandidate to snap at con-cert pitch would be thewound second string withits thin silk core. Or couldthese six strings, if theywere a set at all, have beenassembled to sound welland give a good string ten-sion at a pitch level well

below standard tuning (maybe up to a quarter), perhapsto accommodate a particular singers voice range? Asidefrom the set-question, research of the individual stringsmay yield invaluable information to stringmakers inter-ested in recreating the strings of the past for use withhistorical guitars.

CONDITION OF THE GUITAR WHEN FOUNDOnce put in the storeroom, the Pons was exposed to aclimate of extreme dryness. As a consequence, when itscase was opened for the first time in almost two centu-ries, its neck had become detached, its garlands had sepa-rated from the top and most of the inlay had fallen out.Mr. John M. Lodge, a restorer of bowed instruments, wasengaged by Coutts. He managed to conserve the instru-ment, but did not restore the original angle between neck


and body. As a result, the (replacement) strings now lieflat on the frets.30 This makes it impossible to assess theguitars most important characteristic: its sound. GarySouthwell reckons it not worthwhile to bring the instru-ment back into playing condition. A de-naturing of thewood should have brought about a decisive loss ofstrength and elasticity, particularly in the soundboard.As a result, Southwell feels the guitar would soon col-lapse under full string tension.

WHAT WILL HAPPEN TO THIS GUITAR?As the banks present days archive department couldnot trace any living member of the de Monte family, theguitar and Christophers other belongings were regis-tered as customer oubliette. Normally, the contents of abanks storerooms and safe deposit boxes are secret, butnow the existence of the Pons could be made public. TheArchivist had advised us that Coutts has no intention todispose of customer oubliette, lest any unknown descen-dant turn up.

It cannot be denied that this poor Pons has had arather unlucky life. Created to be treasured, it was passedcapriciously from one hand to the next. There is no evi-dence that any of its three owners gave it any seriousplaying. It spent most of its existence in a storeroom.When finally rediscovered, it was already beyond resus-citation. What little chance there was left for the guitar toraise its voice was precluded by the resetting of the neck.Is this where the story must end?

Fortunately, the beautiful guitar may finally getsome of the attention it has long deserved. This author,living in the Netherlands, has arranged for it to be partof an upcoming exhibition at the Gemeentemuseum, inThe Hague.31 There, among a great number of other his-torically interesting 19th-century guitars, Marie-Louisesonce-proud Pons instrument will again be in the lime-light.

MUSIC AT COUTTS, FORMERLY IN THEPOSSESSION OF CHRISTOPHER DE MONTE

Printed works by Giuliani:(Modern, abbreviated titles are given as in the Heck check-list, op. cit., pp. 194-229.)

Guitar solo:Opus 1: Studio. Vienna, Artaria.Opus 38: Six Variations on a Schisserl und a Reindl.Vienna, Artaria.Opus 54: Les Varits Amusantes (Recueil de Pices faciles lusage des Commenans). Vienna, Imprimerie chimique.Opus 62: Six Variations on an Original Theme. Milan,Ricordi.

Two guitars:Opus 16(a): 16 Oesterreichische nazional Lndler. Vienna,Artaria.Opus 55: {12 } Lndler. Vienna, Steiner.

Voice and guitar:WoO, vocal-3: Le Troubadour du Nord. Cahiers 1-8. Vienna,Artaria.

Guitar and string quartet:Opus 36: Grand Concerto. Vienna, Artaria. Three completecopies.

Arrangements by Giuliani in manuscript:Two guitars:MS 1: Raccolta / di Vari pezzi favoriti di / Opere e Balletti/ missi per / Due Chitarre / da / Mauro Giuliani. 23 pages,of which 10 are notated.

MS 2: Raccolta / di / Vari pezzi per due Chitarre /Chitarra 2. 10 pages.

Selected titles found in the mss. (no composers mentioned):Marche de la Vestale, Marcia dellOpera Sargino, BallettodellOpera Ferdinand Cortes, Pices du Ballet de Zeffur 1-4, Nina,Nella Nina (Nina might be the Ballet by Persuis of which deMonte possessed printed music, see below), Tre Walzer. Theonly original Giuliani composition included is 12 Lndlerper due Chitarre Opera 55. It is technically on the same levelas the other pieces.

Printed works by other composers:Guitar solo:T. Gaude: Kleine Stcke fr die Gitarre. Hamburg,Rudolphus.[Various authors]: Pices choisies, 1e Livre. Hamburg,Rudolphus.

Visitors to Coutts & Co. on February 2, 1998. Fromleft to right: Gary Southwell, Paul Pleijsier, and the

archivist, Tracey Earl.


Two guitars:A. Spina: Pices Choisies du Ballet Zephir. Vienna, Mechetti.

Flute and guitar:C. Frstenau: Trois thmes varis. Hamburg, Rudolphus.

Other:Jusdorf: Zehn Leichte Lieder fr Gitarre und Pianoforte, Opus1. Hamburg, Rudolphus.Persuis: [Music from the ballet] Nina oder Der Wahnsinnigeaus Liebe. 3 Vols. Vienna, Steiner.Schlottauer: [Music from the ballet] Arlequin undColombine. Vienna, Cappi.

ENDNOTES1 Guitar maker Gary Southwell, an expert on early 19th centuryguitars, photographer Klaas Fopma, and the author were al-lowed to examine the guitar and its paraphernalia. Sincerethanks are due to Tracey Earl, archivist at Coutts & Co., whowrote the original story of Christopher de Monte in the 1990summer edition of Coutts in-house journal, The Three Crowns.Ms. Earl constructed Christophers biography from his own di-ary and various other documents at Coutts. All biographicaldetails in the present article were taken from that research. Theauthor also thanks Dr. Thomas Heck, Giuliani scholar and con-tributing editor of Soundboard, for helping to prepare the En-glish version of this article for publication. An earlier, less com-plete version of it appeared in two installments, in German, inGitarre & Laute, XXI, nos. 4 & 5 (1999): 21-26 and 23-28 respec-tively.

2 The frequent short quotes that appear throughout this article,unless otherwise stated, are all drawn from de Montes diary.

3 Various modern historians fault Wellington for his presenceat the Richmond ball with reproaches such as, Instead of di-recting his troops, he was dancing in Brussels. They attributehis ultimate victory at Waterloo not so much to the effective-ness of his own strategies as to his sheer good luck.

4 From a letter of de Monte Sr. at Coutts. Fiddle is an expres-sion of sarcasm and is not to be taken literally.

5 Thomas Heck, Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer(Columbus: Editions Orphe, 1995), p. 52.

6 Heck , op. cit., p. 200.

7 In reviewing this manuscript for publication in 2001, ThomasHeck observed, Title-page plates were quite easy to change inold Vienna; revisions were not uncommon. Artaria might wellhave brought out a few early copies of Giulianis Guitar Con-certo, Op. 36, without a dedicatee on the title page, between1812 and 1815. De Montes name, as a dedicatee, could easilyhave been added to a (hypothetical) revised title page, in 1815,perhaps in return for favors received. No copies of an earlier orfirst state of the Op. 36 title page (without dedicatee) survive,to my knowledge, but that does not mean that this scenario didnot occur.

8 It has been suggested (by T. Heck) that these letters mightsignify hand delivery. If so, they might stand for either French(Sa propre main, Ses propres mains,) or Italian (Sua pro-pria mano, Sue proprie mani).

9 Despite some phonetic spelling, this letter does generally dem-onstrate Giulianis correct usage of the French language. Theauthor thanks Dr. Marie-Jos Gambin, for help with transla-ting Giulianis letter, and for her opinion on Giulianis knowl-edge of French.

10 Heck, op. cit., p. 7.

11 One could assume this other hand to be De Montes. How-ever, at first sight, the writing style is not comparable to thatfound in the diary. The diary generally contains quick and flu-ent writing, whereas the titles found over the MS pieces seemto have been written slowly and deliberately. This author doesnot feel qualified to draw any conclusions in this matter.

12 Held by Coutts.

13 Photocopy supplied to the author by Coutts.

14 The following measurements, all in cm. unless specified asmm., were made by Gary Southwell: string length63, overalllength90.5, body length44, upper bout21.2, waist17.2,lower bout28.4, depth of sides7.2-8.7, soundhole7.4, neckwidth at nut4.5, neck width at body joint5.6, neck thick-ness at first fret18 mm., neck thickness at 9th fret22 mm.,string spacing at bridge11.6 mm. between each string, heightof string at bridge6 mm., 17 silver nickel frets.

15 See Lacote guitar on page 83 of Alex Timmerman, De mandolineen de gitaar door de eeuwen heen (Zwolle, 1994). In this case, thebrace is as high as the transverse braces. The upper-bout bracein question can be seen, as well, on two Lacote guitars restoredby Sebastian Nues of Utrecht.

16 Giuliani was an innovator in this respect, having employedthe guitars highest notes in his most virtuosic compositionsearlier than most other players. Possibly this practice was en-abled by the full-length, non-raised ebony fingerboard foundon many Fabricatore guitars from Naples (and later, on VienneseStauffers as well). This relatively stiff construction may havebenefited the quality of the highest notes, as opposed to thetraditional construction, whereby the highest frets were inlaiddirectly in the guitars soundboard, usually giving muffled topnotes, as the fretting finger impaired soundboard resonance.

17 Heck, op. cit., pp. 64-68.

18 Ren Vannes, Dictionnaire universel des luthiers, 2me d.(Bruxelles, 1951), p. 285.

19 W.L. Freiherr v. Ltgendorff, Die Geigen und Lautenmacher vomMittelalter bis Gegenwart (Frankfurt, 1922). See the Pons en-try.

20 William Henley, Universal History of Violin and Bow Makers,vol. IV (Brighton, 1960), p. 160.


21 Ren Vannes, Dictionnaire universel des luthiers, Tome additif etcorrectif (Bruxelles, 1959), p. 46. Without explanation why thislabel would not be Josephs, he attributes it to Louis David who,inexplicably, is supposed to have worked in Paris. Probably amistake.

22 Formerly in the possession of the late Mr. Peter Pieters ofGhent, Belgium. An earlier Lacote guitar with a label readingLacote Sr. de Martin, Luthier, Elve de M. Pons, RueMontmartre 109, Paris 1819, is in the collection of Mr. TetsukazuHosokawa. Thanks to Mr. Kurt Decorte of Ghent, for bringingthis fact to the authors attention.

23 Like other early guitarists, Giuliani might have used this tech-nique.

24 Graf Albrecht Adam von Neipperg. Alan Schom, One Hun-dred Days (London, 1993), p. 70.

25 Heck, op. cit., p. 27.

26 Ferdinand Sor, Mthode pour la guitare, p. 10. English transla-tion by A. Merrick.

27 Opinions differ as to the number of strings originally attachedto the guitar. Coutts archivist Tracey Earl: Id estimate threestrings were on the guitar, one of them broken. Some morestrings were rolled up in the bottom of the case. John Lodge,who restored the guitar in 1989, remembered having receivedthe guitar without any strings. Moreover, as a restorer, he wouldnot have thrown away any original material. He may have madea photo of the instrument before restoration.

28 In 1826, Aguado mentions three wound bass strings and threeothers of plain gut (Mthode complte, 9). Ferandire makes anearlier mention of this practice in 1799.

29 As explained to this author by Mr. E. Segerman, a stringmaker.

30 In 1990, the newly restored, but still stringless, Pons was totake part in a Coutts in-house exhibition. Mr. Julian Bream, whowas invited to inspect the guitar, suggested putting strings onthe instrument. He took this upon himself and strung it in anappropriate way, using gut treble strings.

31 Projected starting date: August 2002.

A Guiuliani Guitar Kept in London

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