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CHAPTER I
A BRIEF PERSONAL AND POLITICAL BIOGRAPHY OF
KAMARAJ
EARLY LIFE
Kumaraswami Kamaraj was born on July 15, 1903 in a middle
class Nadar family at Virudupatti1, a small village situated forty-eight
kilometers South of Madurai in Madras Presidency. His parents were
Kumaraswami and Sivakamiammal.2 Kamaraj was initially named as
Kamatchi in gratitude and reverence to the famous deity. However,
later the name was changed to Kamaraj.3 Two years later a girl was
born to the couple and was named Nagammal.
Virudupatti was situated in Ramanathapuram District, which
was well known for cotton and tobacco. The leading community of
the district was the Nadars. They were staunch Hindus and claimed to
be Kshatriyas-Naadalwars (rulers of the land). The village
Virudupatti gradually grew as a trade centre of the district and came
to be called ‘Virudunagar’.
Kamaraj was, by nature, retired, shy and soft-spoken. In fact
he spoke very little unlike the boys of his age. He was sent to school
at the age of five4 and received harsh treatments, like many other
boys, from a primary school teacher Velayutham, known as ‘nondi
1 S.R. Bakshi, K.Kamaraj – The Patriot and Statesman, (New Delhi: Anmol
Publications, 1992), p.1. 2
S. Gausalya, Gandhi and Kamaraj, (Madurai : Best Institute of Nonviolence and
Women Studies (BINOWS), 2002), p.18. 3 R. ParthaSarathy, Builders of modern India – K.Kamaraj, (New Delhi:
Publication Division, Ministry of information and Broadcasting, Government of
India, 1983), p.2. 4 P. Kandaswamy, The Political Career of K.Kamaraj, (New Delhi: Concept
publishing Company, 2001), p.20.
11
vathiyar’ (lame teacher), who did not believe in sparing the rod.5
Disappointed at Kamaraj’s first such experiences of school, the
parents shifted him to Enaditha Nayanar Vidyasala, an elementary
school that was run by a person by name Murugayya. Kamaraj learnt
here to read and write in Tamil. In the following years he was
transferred to Kshatriya Vidayasala, the only high school then in
Virudupatti.6
This school was known as ‘pidi arisi’ (hand full of rice) school
since the school had started to offer free education, by Nadar
community, and each family in Virudunagar contributed a hand full
of rice for providing meals at the school.7 Kamaraj was enrolled in
the school in academic year 1910-11.
In the same year, for the occasion of ‘vinayaka chathurthi’, the
yearly celebration for the elephant God, every pupil in his class had
contributed some amount of money (about 9 Paise) for the
celebrations. At the end of the day’s celebrations ‘prasadam’
(eatables offered to the God) was distributed to all pupils, however,
Kamaraj managed to receive a very little portion of it and returned
home. When his grandmother asked him why the prasadam was so
less, he explained that his contribution was exactly same as others but
since he was not interested in crowding around the teacher who
distributed the prasadam, he got only a little of it. He further argued
5 R. ParthaSarathy, Op.cit., p.2.
6 V. K. Narasimhan, Kamaraj-A Study, (Bombay: National Book Trust of India,
2007), p.4. 7 Muruga Dhanushkodi, Kamaraj Oru Charithram (Kamaraj – A History),
(Chennai: Poompuhar Publications, 1976), pp.17-18.
12
that the problem was with the teacher since he was responsible for
sharing the prasadam equally to all who had contributed equally.8
Another interesting incident that happened of about the same
period also sheds some light on his early boyhood character. The
elephant of the temple of Virudupatti ran out of control on the streets
and Kamaraj, like many other, happened to notice it. He observed that
the iron chain the elephant used to have on its trunk was missing and
rushed back to the temple to bring the chain since he expected the
elephant could psychologically be controlled at the sight of the chain.
He was correct and the elephant came to a control. Another reason
was that the mahout Mariappa Thevar and Kamaraj had gained
acquaintance with each other previously and the face of Kamaraj thus
could have been more familiar to the elephant.9
TURNING POINTS
Responsibilities to Family
The year 1911 rather turned out quite calamitous for young
Kamaraj. Kamaraj’s grandfather Chinnappa Nadar passed away on
First of July and within four months Kamaraj’s father passed away on
October 16. The income of the family came to a sudden and shocking
halt as both the earning members of the family had demised within a
very short span of time and the family was left only women and
children. Kamaraj and his sister were in their age of eight and six
respectively and their mother did not have any source of income for
the family.10
8 G. Balan, Kamarajar Vazhkayum Aatchiyum (Life and Administration of
Kamaraj), (Chennai: Vanathi Publishers, 2010), pp.17-18. 9 A. M. Rajendran, Thyaga Deepam Kamarajar (Kamaraj – A Martyr), (Sivakasi:
Parameshwari Enterprises, 2003), p.11. 10
G. Balan, Op.cit., p.19.
13
Though Karuppaiah, Kamaraj’s maternal uncle, came forward
to help the family, Kamaraj’s mother Sivakamiammal was not willing
to accept the help as she considered depending on others to run the
family was not the right thing. She sold all her jewels for Rs.3000 and
invested the money in with a trustable local trader. The interest of the
investment helped the family with Rs.30 per month and she managed
well with this meager sum11
and also hoped that the family could
survive until the completion of Kamaraj’s elementary school. She
also expected Kamaraj, upon completion of his primary schooling, to
join his uncle’s cloth business to support the family.12
Kamaraj was not showing much interest in studies and his
teacher Sargunam advised him quite often how important it was for
him to study well, citing his family’s tough economic position.
However the preaching did not bring any significant changes in
young Kamaraj in terms of academic performance, in fact, it got
worse. The prime distraction for Kamaraj from studies was the
interest in learning about freedom struggle of India and his teacher
even noticed that Kamaraj often talked to fellow students about
Gandhi and his Satyagraha, even at that tender age.13
Soon after the pressure on young Kamaraj mounted, to earn for
supporting the family, he joined as an apprentice at his uncle
Karuppaiah’s cloth shop in 1914. While working in the cloth shop at
Virudupatti, Kamaraj had developed an interest in the national
11
G. Balan, Op.cit., p.19. 12
S.R. Bakshi, Op.cit., p.2. 13
A. Sargunam, Enadhu Manavar Kamaraj (My Student Kamaraj), (Madras :
Kamaraj 60th Birthday Commemoration Volume, 1962), p.1.
14
politics by when he was a regular reader of daily newspapers.14
During the same time he was also interested in joining the ‘Bhajans’
(songs in praise of the Lord) on Lord Muruga and had become a
member of the team organised by Kandasamy Pulavar, a devotee of
Lord Muruga. As a young boy he was quite interested in physical
exercises. He regularly practiced ‘silambam’(a type of martial arts
and exercise that is practiced with long sticks) and boxing.15
Joining The Congress Party
Kamaraj’s interest on Indian freedom struggle had intensified
during the cloth shop days through posters of ‘Vande Matharam’
activists and from speeches of freedom fighters like
V.O.Chidambaram, Subramanya Siva, Subramanya Bharathi, etc,. It
was on April 01, 1915; Gandhi came from South Africa back to India
to participate in the freedom struggle.16
Kamaraj’s mounting interests
on politics and stand against British for freedom of nation worried his
mother and she decided to send him away from Virudunagar so that
his political connections will get severed.
Kamaraj was sent to another uncle Kasinadar’s timber shop in
Trivandrum and the mother strongly believed that his son’s freedom
movement involvement would come to an end. It was there in
Vaikom, a village near Trivandrum, Kamaraj participated in E. V.
Ramasamy’s (E.V.R) struggle against the prohibition of lower caste
people’s entry in to temples. Eventually, since Kamaraj’s uncle could
14
M.S. Muthuswamy, K.Kamaraj – A Sociopolitical Study, (Madras: Avvai
Publishers, 1988), p.43. 15
P. Kandaswamy, Op.cit., p.23. 16
G. Balan, Op.cit., p.21.
15
not control the activities of Kamaraj beyond the scope of timber shop,
he sent him back to Virudunagar.17
Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, a tragedy at which over a
thousand people were killed at a gathering against the Rowlatt Act
that had harsh measures for controlling the nationalist movements, in
Amritsar, Punjab happened on April 13, 1919. The tragedy sent
strong waves of shock and resentment across the country.
When Kamaraj learned the details of the massacre, it disturbed
him so much and he started thinking deeply about participating in
freedom struggle more actively. Soon after the massacre, prominent
leaders of Congress Party started to spread the details of the tragedy
through their speeches across the country and Kamaraj happened to
listen to speeches of George Joseph, Lakshmana Pillai and
Satyamurthi at Virudunagar. Among all of them Satyamurthi attracted
Kamaraj and on the same day Kamaraj met him. These incidents of
Jallainwala Bagh and subsequent meeting with Satyamurthi turned
the life of Kamaraj once for all.18
By then the First World War had already ended and India had
supported British Government in the War. However after the war no
sign of favour was shown from British towards the freedom of India.
The disappointment together with bitterness of Jallianwala Bagh
further intensified the freedom movements. People revolt and
Satyagraha (non-violent protest devised by Gandhi) became more
acute and the British Government began to control the protests
17
Mukilai Rasapandiyan, Kaalam Thantha Kamaraj (Kamaraj – The Gift of
Time), (Chennai: Kovan Publishers, 2002), p.27. 18
G. Balan, Op.cit., p.24.
16
aggressively by arresting the leaders of Congress Party. People of
India, especially the youth, rose against the control of British and
Kamaraj was no exception.19
He joined the Congress Party in 191920
and he readily responded to Gandhi’s Non-Cooperation Movement.
Kamaraj was then just eighteen years old.21
Decision to remain a Bachelor for life
During this time, Kamaraj’s mother tried to get his only son
married to his sister Nagammal’s eldest daughter Mangalam. The
mother’s interest was to divert his son’s interest and activities in
freedom fighting by tying him with the burden of starting a family.
However, Kamaraj firmly refused and declared that he had no
slightest idea of getting married or starting a family but decided to
dedicate his life to free India. Kamaraj’s mother was shocked but did
not compel her son right away as she believed the time would bring
changes to his decision. After a year she tried to convince Kamaraj to
marry Nagammal’s another daughter Kamala Devi. Kamaraj refused
firmly, again.22
To make his stand clear once and for all, he offered his mother
and family with two choices that they would have to either forget
about his marriage or forget about him. Kamaraj’s mother did not
insist on his marriage thereafter and he remained a bachelor for whole
of his life.23
19
Angamuthu, Thamizhagam Thantha Arasiyal Mamedhaigal (Political Leaders
of Tamilnadu), (Chennai: Senthamizh Publishers, 2004), p.10. 20
G. Balan, Op.cit., p.23. 21
Palayam M Balasundaram, Kamaraj and his Secrets of Success, (Madras:
Poompuhar Publications, 1982), p.43. 22
Personal interview with Kamala Devi, daughter of Nagammal (sister of
Kamaraj), at Virudunagar on 16th July 2009
23 Muruga Dhanushkodi, Op.cit., p.27.
17
Meeting with Gandhi
Kamaraj for the first time met Gandhi on September 21, 1921,
after two years from his joining in the Congress Party. Gandhi was on
his visit to Madurai, as a part of his broader tour across India to
gather people’s support for the Satyagraha and freedom movements.
After Gandhi’s address to public in Madurai, Kamaraj met him that
night at the place where Gandhi had stayed.24
That meeting had energised Kamaraj even stronger than before
in freedom fighting and subsequently he arranged many public
addresses and conferences to national leaders to spread the need of
freedom of nation among the masses.25
Early Positions in Congress Party
In 1922, Kamaraj was elected as a member of Madras
Presidency Congress Party at a conference held at Sattur Taluk that
was led by E.V.Ramasamy. Kamaraj was also the secretary of
Inauguration Committee for this conference.26
Subsequently in 1923,
he led the picketing of toddy shops at Madurai but he was not arrested
in the protest.27
FREEDOM STRUGGLE AND POLITICAL ASCENSION
Flag Satyagraha
British Government had banned, in 1923, the carrying of
Indian National Congress’ flag in Nagpur residential areas. Congress
Party announced Flag Satyagraha against this ban and Congress Party
members from all over the country were invited to Nagpur to
24
G. Balan, Op.cit., p.27. 25
Ibid., p.28. 26
Muruga Dhanushkodi, Op.cit., p.27. 27
Ibid., p.29.
18
participate in the protest against the ban. From Tamilnadu, Kamaraj
led the efforts and guided supporters to Nagpur. However, before
their arrival to Nagpur, the Flag Satyagraha had been withdrawn.28
Sword Satyagraha
In 1927, British Government banned the carrying of swords
and similar long knives by Indians. Congress Party decided to send a
strong signal to the British against the ban. Sword Satyagraha was
begun on June 16, 1927.29
Kamaraj and his friend K.S.Muthusamy of Virudunagar
assisted the Satyagrahis by supplying them with half a dozen
swords.30
Kamaraj also organised a procession in Virudunagar and
his plan was to extend the procession to Madurai. At the procession
Kamaraj went along with singing the patriotic songs of Bharathi
(famous nationalist Tamil poet of the State)31
.
Neill Satyagraha
General James George Smith Neill, who was known for his
cruel killing of India soldiers in Sepoy Mutiny 1857, had been given
honour by erecting a statue for him at Mount Road, Chennai in
1860.32
On October 11, 1927, an agitation was launched by the
Madras Congress Party to remove the Neill Statue.
28
K. Sakthivel, Kamarajarin Porkala Aatchi (The Golden Rule of Kamaraj),
(Chennai : Avvai Publications, 2003), p.149. 29
P. Kandaswamy, Op.cit., p.30. 30
Srinivasa Varadhan, Personal Statement of Political Personalities,
(Madras:Vol.108, TNA), p.7; M.S. Muthuswamy, Op.cit., p.44 31
Muruga Dhanushkodi, Op.cit., p.35. 32
Inscription depicted below Neill Statue, Connemara Museum, Chennai
19
Gandhi had given his consent for the proposal and emphasised
the activities should be limited to throwing of small clay balls to
indicate the hatred that people of India have for Neill.33
However,
many leaders including Somayajulu and Srinivasa Varadhan
succeeded in breaking a portion of the sheath of the sword carried by
Neill and hoisting the national flag on it.34
Eventually the Neill statue
was removed after a decade, in 1937, and placed in Connemara
museum.35
Meeting with Jawaharlal Nehru
The 43rd
annual session of Indian National Congress was
scheduled in Tamilnadu. In 1927, the session happened near Egmore,
Chennai at the place ‘Erikarai Thidal’. Dr.Ansari was the president of
the session and Kamaraj participated on behalf of Tamilnadu
Congress Party.36
Nehru was on Europe tour and he came to attend
the session with his family from the tour. In his address he explained
the details of complete freedom, self-governance, and war threats
amongst other important issues. Proposals were made on all these
issues and were unanimously agreed by the Party. Kamaraj met
Nehru there for the first time, together with Satyamurthi, and
managed to ensure Nehru’s presence for a conference he was
arranging at his hometown Virudunagar.37
33
Eesanthimangalam Murugesan, Karmaveerar Kamarajar (Kamaraj – The Man
of Action), (Chennai: Ramaiah Publishers, 2007), p.23. 34
Fortnightly Reports, August 1927, as quoted in S. Gausalya, Op.cit., p.27. 35
Eesanthimangalam Murugesan, Op.cit., p.23. 36
N.V. Kalaimani, Thesiya Thalaivar Kamaraj (Kamaraj – A National Hero),
(Madurai: Ashta Lakshmi Nilayam, 1995), p.177. 37
Ibid., p.178.
20
Simon Go Back
Indian Statutory Commission (commonly known as Simon
Commission after its chairman Sir John Simon) constituted by British
Government, was strongly opposed by Congress Party as the
Commission did not have any representatives from India. Nehru was
already in action supporting the protests against the Commission. On
February 18, 1929, the Simon Commission arrived at High Court
premises in Madras38
and March 01, 1929 to Madurai39
. Kamaraj had
arranged and organised thousands of Congress Party members for
showing plaques with inscriptions of “SIMON GO BACK”.
Salt Satyagraha and First Jail Term
In 1930, Gandhi took Dandi March to defy salt law. In
Tamilnadu, Rajaji led the Salt Satyagraha with volunteers from
Tiruchi to Vedaranyam in Thanjavur district.40
Kamaraj gathered and
guided the volunteers for the march and got arrested. On June 09,
1930, he was given two years of imprisonment and sent to Alipuram
Jail.41
However, he was released from jail after Gandhi-Irwin Pact on
March 12, 1931.42
This was the first imprisonment in his political
career.
Getting in to Working Committee
The provincial meeting of the Congress Party was held in
Madurai in 1931 under the chairmanship of Satyamurthi. Kamaraj
was elected as a member of the Working Committee to represent
38
G. Balan, Varalatril Vaazhum Sadhanai Sandrorgal, (Chennai: Vanathi
Publishers, 2009), p290 39
Kamaraj (1903 – 1975) Pamphlet (Chennai: Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting, Dec 1986) 40
R. ParthaSarathy, Op.cit., p.7. 41
Jail Slips J. 316, J. 626, Ramanathapuram District, TNA, Chennai 42
Ibid.
21
Ramanathapuram and that could be considered as the first important
official key position Kamaraj held in Tamilnadu Congress Party.43
Break of Gandhi-Irwin Pact and Second Jail Term
Gandhi-Irwin Pact turned out unsuccessful and Gandhi
returned, disappointed, from Second Round-Table Conference that
was held in London, 1931. Though Kamaraj did not act against the
prohibitory orders, the British Government anticipated trouble and
arrested Kamaraj in 1931. He was sent to Vellore Jail.44
He was
released on January 09, 193345
after serving his second term Jail
tenure.
False Accusations
Despite his strong adherence to non-violence principles, at
least on two occasions Kamaraj was attempted to be accused by the
Police for connections with acts of violence.
In 1933, Kamaraj was attempted to be arrested for planning to
murder the Governor Sir John Anderson. He was accused of
arranging a revolver. But he could not be arrested as no evidence
suggested his presence at the station where the plan was carried out as
per the approver’s statement. Later the case was proven to be a false
accusation by T.Prakasam, lawyer of the case on behalf of Kamaraj.
Another occasion was to charge Kamaraj, together with his friends
Muthusamy and Mariappa, with an attempt to bomb Virudunagar
Police Station. Lawyer George joseph proved that the case was
baseless and falsely charged by the Police.46
43
Palayam M Balasundaram, Op.cit., p.46. 44
R. ParthaSarathy, Op.cit., p.8. 45
Jail Slips, Op.cit., 46
Arun, Antha Naalil (In Those Days), (Chennai: Malligai Publishers, 1963), p.46.
22
General Secretary of Tamilnadu Congress Committee (TNCC)
In 1936, the contest between Sathyamurthi and
C.N.Muthuranga Mudaliyar for the post of President of TNCC had
resulted in the victory of Sathyamurthi, with the support of Rajaji.
After Sathyamurthi was elected as President, he chose Kamaraj as
General Secretary.47
His appointment as General Secretary of TNCC
provided him the opportunity to accompany Nehru on his tour to
Tamilnadu in 1936. Nehru was impressed by Kamaraj’s ability for
organising and his dedication to Congress Party.48
Member of Legislative Assembly (M.L.A)
In 1937, Kamaraj was elected as a Member of Legislative
Assembly, one of the members of Sattur Double Member
Constituency, Ramanathapuram district, without any opposition.49
Though Kamaraj was not well received by Sattur people initially,
they very soon realised the potentials of Kamaraj and his dedication
to serve them. His opponent from Justice Party, Ramasamy, realising
the masses were with Kamaraj, withdrew his nomination that resulted
in unopposed election of Kamaraj.50
Though the Justice Party
nominee withdrew, the poll still went on and Kamaraj had secured
35,927 votes.51
President of Tamilnadu Congress Committee (TNCC)
In 1940, Tamilnadu Congress President Elections, both
Sathyamurthi and Rajaji groups were convinced, based on reflections
of the grass roots, that the President to be elected should be a non-
47
A. K. Navaneetha Krishnan, Mudalamaichar Kamarajar (Kamaraj as Chief
Minister), (Chennai: V. M. Publications, 2009), p.52. 48
P. Kandaswamy, Op.cit., p.38. 49
T. S. Chokkalingam, Op.cit., p.16. 50
A. K. Navaneetha Krishnan, Op.cit., p.52. 51
G.O.No.810, Public MS.(Series) Election, 1937, 26th April 1937.
23
Brahmin. Initially Rajaji had convinced Satyamurthi on his
suggestion of C.P.Suppiah as candidate for President of TNCC.
However, Kamaraj firmly refused mentioning that he had nothing
personal against Suppiah, but he preferred someone from
Sathyamurthi supporters like Muniswamy Pillai, Rukmani
Lakshmipathy or Kumaraswamy Raja.52
Eventually, Rajaji and Muthuranga Mudaliyar supported
Suppiah and Satyamurthi supported Kamaraj for President. Kamaraj
secured a marginal victory by gaining 103 votes against Suppiah who
had got 100 votes. Kamaraj, at his age of thirty seven, became the
president of TNCC. Satyamurthi had no hesitation to work as a
General Secretary. The relationship between Satyamurthi and
Kamaraj was beyond their titles in the Party. From then until 1954,
for fourteen years, Kamaraj remained as President of TNCC.53
Individual Satyagraha and Third Jail Term
In October 1940 Gandhi had started individual Satyagraha
after the horrible experiences in the past where multitudes of
Satyagrahis experienced violent treatments, which had resulted in
mass casualties, by the British Government.
Kamaraj was arrested on December 20, 1940 when he was on
his way to Wardha, to secure the approval of Gandhi in the selection
of individual Satyagrahis, under the defense of India rules for
speeches opposing contribution to Second World War fund.54
He was
52
T. S. Chokkalingam, Op.cit., p.18. 53
G. Balan, Op.cit., p.37. 54
P.C. Ganesan, Kamaraj-The Great National Leader, (Madras: Arunodhayam,
1975), p.47. as quoted in S. Lalithalakshmi, Kamaraj-The Administrator,
(Unpublished Ph.D., thesis, University of Madras, TNA,1981), p.13.
24
elected as Chairman of Virudunagar Municipal Council during his jail
term. This was his third jail term. After nine months of his election as
Chairman, when he was released from jail in November 02, 1941, he
submitted his resignation citing his duties to the Congress Party.55
Quit India Movement and Fourth Jail Term
On August 08, 1942, the All India Congress Committee
(A.I.C.C) that convened at Bombay passed the Quit India resolution.
Gandhi wanted all his Congress men to actively get involved in this
new movement with a never before stronger slogan, ‘Do or Die’.56
The resolution was proposed by Nehru. He stated that India’s self-
respect could not be auctioned and also called for an eternal struggle
until freedom. Sardar Vallabhai Patel, who was later known as Iron
Man of India, seconded the proposal.57
On his way from Bombay to Tamilnadu, after participating in
the A.I.C.C. meet, Kamaraj managed to escape the Police security
that had been tightened at all the railway stations from Bombay to
Madras to arrest all those Congress Party leaders who had taken part
in the meet. He went to the house of his friend and State Congress
Committee member K.R.Kalyanarama Iyer’s house.58
Kamaraj explained to him that he had to organise for the Quit
India movement by meeting his Party men at Thanjavur, Tiruchi,
Madurai and Tirunelveli before he get arrested. His friend envisaged
that the Police may smell his presence at his residence and thus
shifted Kamaraj to his friend Janab Mohammed Sulaiman’s out-
55
G. Balan, Op.cit., pp.35-36. 56
R. ParthaSarathy, Op.Cit. p.14. 57
N. V. Kalaimani, Op.Cit. p.270. 58
Eesanthimangalam Murugesan, Op.cit., p.42.
25
house. Kamaraj successfully managed for the whole of next week,
travelling to Tirunelveli as per his plan, without getting caught by the
Police and meeting the key people to pass the information on the
details and methods of protest.59
After a week, on August 16, 1942, after completing all the
organising work for successful and strong protest for Quit India, the
task he had to complete, he called the Police and declared that he was
ready to be arrested. Inspector Ezhuthachan met Kamaraj and
explained to him that a Police man with arrest warrant had gone to
Ariyalur and thus he had no objection to allow Kamaraj to rest for
couple of days until the warrant comes back. But Kamaraj, who had
already spent above three-thousand days in jail from his earlier three
terms, replied that many of his friends had been arrested and he had
no pleasure whatsoever to stay out of jail. He further continued that
staying in jail gives him more satisfaction than staying out.60
That was Kamaraj’s fourth and last time in jail that lasted for
almost three years from August 16, 1942 to June 30, 1945. He was
transferred to Amarotti jail for two years and then back to Vellore jail
for the last year.61
During these long jail sentences, Kamaraj
continued to be the President of T.N.C.C since the elections to all the
Congress Party bodies had been suspended during World War II.62
59
Eesanthimangalam Murugesan, Op.cit., p. 43. 60
Muruga Dhanushkodi, Op.cit., pp.71-72 61
Jail Slips, Op.Cit. 62
Palayam M Balasundaram, Op.cit., p.47.
26
RAJAJI AND KAMARAJ – THE TWO POLES IN CONGRESS
During Kamaraj’s last term in jail, his friend and mentor
Satyamurthi, passed away on March 28, 1943.63
Rajaji was not in
favour of Quit India from the beginning and also was in support of
separation of Pakistan.
Cripps’ Mission came to India on March 23, to get the support
of the people of India. The Mission spoke to all the leaders of
Congress Party including Gandhi, Jinnah and Rajaji. The proposal by
the Mission was to, eventually, free India and consented on the
rejoining of ‘Samasthanams’(similar to provinces that were ruled by
Kings). Congress had rejected this proposal. Jinnah, on April 11,
1942, requested creation of a separate nation ‘Pakistan’ with parts of
majority Muslims in the nation and sought the British to split the
country in to two and announce free India and free Pakistan. Rajaji
supported this proposal and formulated his plan in July 1944 that was
known as “Rajaji Plan”.
Most Congress leaders were against Rajaji on this since they
did not like the idea of separation and also did not prefer to go against
Gandhi. Rajaji resigned from Congress Party’s membership on April
03, 1943 and continued to be stubborn on his stand on both Pakistan
issue and Quit India. It was that period where Kamaraj, though in Jail,
had remained indispensable to Tamilnadu Congress Party since the
two major forces, Satyamuthi and Rajaji, were out of Congress.64
63
A. Gopanna, Kamaraj Oru Sagaptham (Kamaraj – An Epoch), (Chennai: Nava
India Publishers, 2003), p.84. 64
G. Balan, Op.cit., p.19.
27
Kamaraj’s Release from Jail and Rajaji’s Comeback
Since the Congress Party was banned from 1942, a new
organisation by name ‘Congress Sangam’ had been started by
Muthuranga Mudaliyar to keep the members intact. Another group
under Rajaji’s leadership started ‘First Class Congress Sangam’ for
the same purpose. Kamaraj was released from jail, in June 1945.65
By then Rajaji expressed his wishes to rejoin the Congress
Party. Gandhi had no reservation to induct Rajaji again in to Congress
Party despite Rajaji’s stake on Quit India and Pakistan Separation.
Rajaji also suggested a joint-tour with Kamaraj throughout
Tamilnadu so that to create the impression to the masses that Rajaji
had been formally accepted. Though Kamaraj accepted the
arrangement, he postponed the date.66
On March 30, 1945 at Tiruchengodu in Salem, the Congress
Committee Secretary announced that Rajaji had been selected as a
member of the committee without any opposition.67
Kamaraj reacted
to this by raising hot questions on how Rajaji was elected as a
member without the knowledge of the President. Kamaraj had
staunch supporters for him across the Party and Rajaji attempted to
balance this with his influence in the high command of A.I.C.C.
As the conflict between Kamaraj and Rajaji grew intense, the
news reached A.I.C.C President Moulana Azad through Aruna Asif
Ali and subsequently to Sardar Patel who had the ultimate power to
65
Extracts from Fortnightly Reports, 1945-47, TNA, Madras 66
S. Gausalya, Op.cit., pp.43-44. 67
A. Gopanna, Op.cit., p.35.
28
control the Party disputes. Patel contacted Kamaraj and Rajaji for a
rapprochement.68
At the end of that, both Rajaji and Kamaraj agreed to have a
committee of eight members in the State as Parliamentary Board,
which was to contain three members from Rajaji’s nomination and
another three members by Kamaraj’s nomination. However, the
arrangement indirectly favoured Kamaraj since the remaining two
members were himself as President and Vice President who was his
supporter.69
Gandhi’s Visit to Tamilnadu
Gandhi visited Tamilnadu on January 21, 1946 to take part in
the Silver Jubilee celebrations of Dhakshina Bharatha Hindi Prachar
Sabha and he toured Tamilnadu for two weeks.70
He planned to use
that tour, under the disguise of pilgrimage, to establish his support to
Rajaji as the conflicts within the Party in the Madras State had
become very turbulent.
Gandhi was received by both Rajaji and Kamaraj. Kamaraj
accompanied him, as President of T.N.C.C, throughout the tour.71
After returning to Wardha, Gandhi wrote in Harijan as follows;
“Rajaji is one of my oldest friends and was known to be the
best exponent in word and deed of all I stand for. That in 1942 he
differed from me. His political wisdom and integrity are beyond
68
N. V. Kalaimani, Op.cit., pp.204-205. 69
Ibid., p. 206. 70
The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol.83, p.9, as quoted in S. Gausalya,
Op.cit., p.45. 71
T. S. Chokkalingam, Op.cit., p.38.
29
question. I was therefore pained to find a clique against him. It is a
clique that evidently courts in the official Congress in Madras. But
the masses are devoted to Rajaji. I am neither vain nor foolish
enough to feel that I could have had the huge public demonstrations
all along the route of pilgrimage if he had no influence with the
masses in Tamilnadu….But I would be less than loyal to the
organisation if I did not warn them against losing the valuable
services which no one can shoulder as Rajaji can at the present
moment”.72
Kamaraj’s Resignation and Come back
Kamaraj was hurt by the mention of Gandhi as ‘Clique’,
referring to those who were against Rajaji, which actually pointed to
Kamaraj and his supporters. Kamaraj expressed, on February 12,
1946 that he was deeply affected by the Clique mention by Gandhi.
He also stated that, as head of Tamilnadu Congress Party,
Gandhi’s reference could be applicable only to him and he extended
his disappointment to Gandhi for not discussing any Party related
matters during his visit to Tamilnadu. Kamaraj further stated that
neither he nor his colleagues were interested in aspiration of any kind
of office, at any rate.73
Then he submitted his resignation and added that he would
obey the decisions of T.N.C.C and A.I.C.C against his resignation.
After this, B. Varadarajulu Naidu wrote a letter to Gandhi explaining
what Kamaraj had done to Congress in the past twenty five years and
72
Harijan, 10th February 1946
73 Palayam M Balasundaram, Op.cit., p.123.
30
his influence over people of the State. Gandhi replied that he would
not interfere in the conflicts between Rajaji and Kamaraj anymore.
Pattabhi Seetharamaiah also met Gandhi and explained the
caliber of Kamaraj and situation in Tamilnadu Congress in detail.74
Eventually at the end of it, Rajaji resigned from Congress Party and
Kamaraj was elected as the President again.75
KINGMAKER IN THE STATE
Post Assembly Elections - 1946
Kamaraj was elected as an M.L.A from Sattur Constituency
again with 30,998 votes76
in 1946 Assembly Elections. Kamaraj met
Gandhi for the discussion on nomination of candidature for Chief
Minister of Tamilnadu. Initially Gandhi had either Rajaji or Pattabhi
Seetharamaiah for the position in his mind and did not like the
nomination of T. Prakasam.
After further discussion, Kamaraj expressed to Gandhi that he
would support Pattabhi Seetharamiah and also demanded Rajaji’s
support too for him. Gandhi agreed to this arrangement, however,
T. Prakasam decided to contest for Chief Ministership. Eventually,
T. Prakasam became the Chief Minister of Madras Presidency on
April 30, 1946. But in less than a year, no confidence motion was
brought upon Prakasam’s leadership and he was voted out.77
With the
74
C.P.S. Vairavan, Kamarajarudan Kaal Nootrandu (A Quarter Century with
Kamaraj), (Chennai: Ramana Communications, 2009), pp.65-66 75
Ibid. 76
G.O.No.822, Public (Election), 4th Apr 1946, p.92. 77
G. Balan, Op.cit., pp.48-49.
31
support of Kamaraj, O.P.Ramasamy Reddiyar assumed power as
Chief Minister of the State on March 23, 1947.78
India’s Attainment of Freedom and Assassination of Gandhi
British Prime Minister Atlee announced Mountbatten as
Viceroy of India to transfer the power completely to India before June
01, 1948.79
Subsequently, Mountbatten discussed with leaders of the
Congress Party, Gandhi, Jinnah, Nehru, Patel, Azad, etc., and the
decision was made to split India in to India and Pakistan. On August
15, 1947, Mountbatten transferred the power to India and raised
India’s tri-coloured flag instead of Union-Jack.80
Gandhi was occupied in his attempts to stop the communal
riots that had broken out in the aftermath of split of Pakistan when his
colleagues of freedom struggle and the people of India were basking
in the glory of freedom of India. Gandhi was shot dead on January 30,
1948 at 5.17P.M and the news shocked Kamaraj radically.81
Kamaraj and Rajaji Together
On April 06, 1949, Kumarasamy Raja assumed power as Chief
Minister of Madras Presidency succeeding O.P.Ramasamy Reddiyar.
Kamaraj was instrumental in his election.82
It was during his tenure
India attained the Republic Status on January 26, 1950. On August
29, 1950, Kamaraj was elected as President of T.N.C.C for the fourth
78
The Hindu, Madras, 24th Mar 1947, p.4. as quoted in H.K. Sulaiman Khan,
History of Power Struggle in the Congress Party in Tamilnadu, 1885-2006,
(Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, University of Madras, TNA, 2006), p285 79
G. Venkatesan, History of Contemporary India, (Rajapalayam,
V.C.Publications, 2009), p.1. 80
Ibid., p.2. 81
M. Ilangovan, Kamrasar Kaaviyam (Epic of Kamaraj), (Chennai: Murugan
Publications, 2001), p.153 82
Ananda Vikatan, Weekly, March 30, 2011, p.68.
32
time.83
The first time was in 1940, second time in 1946 and the third
time was in 1948. By this time he had already been the President for a
decade.
According to the 1950 Constitution, free India had its first
General Election in 1952. Though Congress was single largest Party,
it did not secure absolute majority in the election, securing 152 out of
375 Constituencies in the State.84
Despite Kamaraj’s opinion, the
United Democratic Front (U.D.F), which had been formed by
Communist initiatives with more than six different Parties to make up
the majority, leaders like T.T.Krishnamachari wanted Rajaji to
become the head of the ministry.85
Kamaraj agreed to the proposal and expressed his support to
Rajaji. However he resigned his position as President of T.N.C.C for
two reasons; first is to own the responsibility, as President, for the
Congress not securing a majority in the elections and the second is to
free up the position of President to someone who could cooperate
well with Rajaji.86
P. Subbarayan was elected as President of T.N.C.C,
succeeding Kamaraj’s resignation, on April 30, 1952. However he
could not manage his responsibilities as head of T.N.C.C. and laid
down office, after just eight months, on December 26, 1952. Kamaraj
was once again chosen as President of T.N.C.C on the same day, for
the fifth time. Thus Kamaraj as President of T.N.C.C and Rajaji as
83
K. Pachaimal, Kamarajar Kalanjiam (Kamaraj Trivia), (Nagercoil,
Thamizhagam Publishers, 2003), p.15. 84
Mukilai Rasapandiyan, Op.cit., p.54. 85
P. Kandaswamy, Op.cit., p.50. 86
Ibid.
33
leader of Congress Legislative Party (C.L.P) worked together for the
next two years until April 1954.87
Fall of Rajaji
Though Rajaji proved as an efficient administrator of food
crisis and managing communists, few of his decisions and comments
raised his own Party members and public against him. First he
suggested that Congress must be dissolved since the purpose of
Congress was to achieve freedom to India.88
Further, as a measure of
rigorous cost reduction, he passed orders that Congress ‘Thyagis’ –
who had fought for freedom during the struggle – should not have
land allotments as it was against Gandhi’s principles of not increasing
personal assets.89
Besides, he had shown some favoritism for
Brahmins by reappointing Brahmins who were already retired from
service for many positions. Even his ministers were disappointed with
these decisions.90
The culmination came when he introduced New Elementary
Education Scheme without widespread discussions with educationists
and even without consulting his education minister. The issue of
implementation of the policy reached a point where Rajaji had to
choose between giving up his scheme and renouncing his Chief
Ministership. Finally, he resigned, stating that the rejection of his
scheme is actually equivalent to the rejection of himself, on May 25,
1954.91
87
P. Kandaswamy, Op.cit., p.51. 88
Muruga Dhanushkodi, Op.cit., pp.71-72. 89
T.S.Chokkalingam, Op.cit., p.38. 90
A. Gopanna, Op.cit., pp.136-138. 91
Ananda Vikatan, Op.cit., p.69.
34
At that time of Rajaji’s resignation, Madras Presidency did not
have Andhra Pradesh as the language based split of the Presidency
had resulted in a separate State of Andhra Pradesh. Initially Madras
City had been planned to be attached to Andhra Pradesh, but Rajaji
and Kamaraj were successful in convincing Nehru and Shastri on
retaining Madras with Tamilnadu.92
KAMARAJ AS CHIEF MINISTER OF THE STATE
At the time of Rajaji’s resignation, Kamaraj was the President
of T.N.C.C. and also a Member of Parliament from Srivilliputhur
Parliamentary Constituency in first General Elections of 1952.
Kamaraj had secured 46.77% of votes against G.D.Naidu
(independent contester) who had secured 34.73% votes.93
The
vacuum created by Rajaji, it was felt among the Party, could be better
filled with Kamaraj as Chief Minister. When Kamaraj was
approached by Varadarajulu Naidu, he refused initially and later
reluctantly agreed upon realising the respect and confidence the Party
leaders and his colleagues had for him.94
C.Subramaniam contested
his election as Chief Minister but secured only 41 votes against
Kamaraj who had secured 93 votes.95
First Cabinet - 1954
Kamaraj, before assuming power, emphasised that he would
agree to deliver his duties as Chief Minister if, and only if, the Party
members and the Legislative Assembly members could promise that
92
G. Balan, Varalatril Vaazhum Sadhanai Sandrorgal, Op.cit., p.286. 93
Report on the First General Elections of India 1951-52, Vol.11, (Election
Commission, India, TNA, Madras), pp.54-55; G.O.No.520, Public
(Miscellaneous) Department, 13th April 1954
94 Sivaranjan, Makkal Thalaivar Kamaraj (Kamaraj – Leader of the Masses),
(Chennai: Mercuryson Publications, 2009), p.55. 95
V.K. Narasimhan, Op.cit., p.47.
35
they would never approach him for any favour.96
Kamaraj’s first
cabinet was sworn in on the Tamil New Year day of April 13, 1954.97
His first cabinet contained only seven ministers, excluding him.
Their respective portfolios were as follows;98
96
Sivaranjan, Op.cit., p.55. 97
The Hindu, April 14, 1954, p.1. 98
Commemoration Issue of New Legislative Assembly Secretariat, (Ministry of
Information and Publicity, TNA, Chennai, 2010), p.238.
36
Table No. 1 – Portfolio details of Kamaraj’s First Cabinet - 1954
Name of the
Cabinet Minister Portfolio
K.Kamaraj Chief Minister in charge of Public and Police in
the Home Department
A.B.Shetty Minister in charge of Medical and Public Health,
Co-operation, Housing and Ex-servicemen.
M.Bakthavatsalam Minister in charge of Agriculture, Forests,
Fisheries, Cinchona, Rural Welfare, Community
Projects, National Extension Scheme, Women’s
Welfare, Industries and Labour and Veterinary
C.Subramaniam Minister in charge of Finance, Food, Education,
and Information and Publicity and Law
M.A.Manickavelu Minister in charge of Land Revenue and
Commercial Taxes and Rural Development
R.Shanmuga
Rajeswara
Sethupathi
Minister in charge of Public Works,
Accommodation Control, Engineering Colleges,
Stationary and Printing including Establishment
questions of the Stationary Department and the
Government Press
B.Parameswaran Minister in charge of Transport, Harijan Uplift,
Hindu Religious Endowments, Registration and
Prohibition
S.S.Ramasamy
Padayachi
Minister in charge of Local Administration
This first cabinet lasted for three years until March 13, 1957. It
can also be noted that C.Subramaniam who contested Kamaraj’s
leadership as Chief Minister, was given the important cabinet
37
ministries of Finance, Education and Law. Kamaraj had reduced the
size of the cabinet, from twelve under Rajaji, to eight. Besides, apart
from including the supporters of Rajaji like C.Subramaniam in the
ministry he had also exercised due care not to include those who
strongly opposed Rajaji. This approach calmed the supporters of
Rajaji in the Party. He had also included Ramasamy Padayachi, who
had strong views against Congress, in the cabinet.99
When Kamaraj was sworn in as Chief Minister, he was not an
M.L.A. He did not exercise the easy backdoor entry by becoming a
Member of Legislative Council (M.L.C.) but wanted to be elected by
people directly. At the same time, he did not prefer the M.L.A. of
Virudunagar to resign in order for him to contest the familiar
constituency.
Gudiyatham Constituency, in North Arcot district, did not
have an M.L.A. at that point and Kamaraj decided to contest there.
His campaign was successful in getting the support of the people.
Except for the Communists, no other Parties raised against Kamaraj.
Kamaraj was also supported by Dravidar Kazhagam (D.K.) and
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (D.M.K.) and articles were written in
favour of Kamaraj in the dailies by the leaders of these Parties.100
As
a result, Kamaraj managed a mass victory by securing 64,334 votes
against the Communist contester K. Kothandaraman who had secured
26,132 votes.101
99
H.K.Sulaiman Khan, Op.cit., p.329. 100
Eesanthimangalam Murugesan, Op.cit., p.98. 101
G.O.No.1484, Public (Election) Department, 30th August 1954
38
Second Cabinet - 1957
Kamaraj contested in 1957 General Elections of Madras State
at Sattur Constituency and elected as an M.L.A by securing 36,400
votes against his opponent 31, 683 votes.102
Congress Party in the State had won the majority with 151
seats out of 205103
and Kamaraj sworn in as Chief Minister for the
second consecutive time on April 13, 1957. His second cabinet
ministry also had seven ministers, same as to the first one, with some
changes in the ministers and their key portfolio, as follows;104
Table No. 2 - Portfolio details of Kamaraj’s Second Cabinet - 1957
Name of the
Cabinet Minister Portfolio
K.Kamaraj Chief Minister in charge of Public, Planning and
Development including Local Development
Works, Women’s Welfare, Community Projects
and Rural Welfare, National Extension Scheme
R.Venkataraman Minister in charge of Industries Development
M.Bakthavatsalam Minister in charge of Home Affairs
C.Subramaniam Minister in charge of Finance, Food and
Education
M.A.Manickavelu Minister in charge of Land Revenue and
Commercial Taxes and Rural Development
P.Kakkan Minister in charge of Public Works
V.Ramaiah Minister in charge of Electricity
Lourdhammal
Simon
Minister in charge of Local Administration
102
General Elections in Madras State 1957, Election Data Analysis, (Public
(Elections) Department, Government of Madras, 1960, TNA, Madras), pp.66-67 103
Thi.Mu.Ka.Varalaaru (History of D.M.K), (Madras: Kazhagam Veliyeedu,
1973) 104
Commemoration Issue, Op.cit., p.239.
39
It can be noted that Kamaraj had been meticulous in selecting
the portfolio to his cabinet ministers according to their expertise and
capabilities for the best results and he had also increased the portfolio
for himself. This could be interpreted as both taking up more
responsibilities and also reducing the work load for his cabinet that
had the least size in the whole of Indian States at that point in time.
His second cabinet had a women minister too.
Nehru Unveiled Kamaraj Statue
On October 10, 1961, Nehru unveiled Kamaraj’s statue near
Gymkhana Club, Mount Road at Chennai.105
Nehru stated that he had
a policy not to unveil statues for living personalities but he exempted
Kamaraj since he was undoubtedly more than a usual living person.
He further continued that Kamaraj was more than a friend and leader
of the masses and had determination and dedication to fulfill the
needs of people in the State beyond his resources.106
Third Cabinet - 1962
Kamaraj was re-elected from Sattur Constituency in 1962
General Elections. Kamaraj had secured 56% of the total votes
polled.107
105
Makkal Thalaivar Kamaraj (Kamaraj – Leader of the People), (Chennai: Paari
Nilayam, 1963), p.37. 106
C.D.Sankaranarayanan, Perunthalaivar Kamarajarin Vazhvum Thondum (Life
and Contributions of Kamaraj), (Chennai: Mullai Nilayam, 2000), p.74 107
Thamizharasu, (Director of Information and Publicity, Government of
Tamilnadu, Madras, 1971), p.148.
40
Table No. 3 -Poll details for Sattur Constituency – General Assembly
Elections (1962)
Total Electorate 101,991
Total Poll 89,331
K.Kamaraj (Congress Party) 49,950
P.Ramamoorthy (Swatantra Party) 33,506
Ramasamy Reddiyar (Independent) 2,811
Invalid Votes 3,044
Congress had won and secured an absolute majority of 136 out
of the total 206 Constituencies. Kamaraj’s new cabinet sworn in on
the forenoon of March 15, 1962 and continued in office throughout
the calendar year 1962.108
The size of Kamaraj’s third cabinet ministry had been
increased from seven ministers to eight, however, it was still the
smallest cabinet in the country compared to other States, with some
changes in the ministers and their key portfolio, as follows;109
108
Legislative Measures and Popular Ministries, Schemes, Projects, Historical
Events and Visits from 1921-1974, TNA, Madras, 1993, p.212. 109
Commemoration Issue, Op.cit., p.239.
41
Table No. 4 - Portfolio details of Kamaraj’s Third Cabinet - 1962
Name of the
Cabinet Minister Portfolio
K.Kamaraj Chief Minister in charge of Public, Planning
and Development including Local Development
Works, Women’s Welfare, Community Projects
and Rural Welfare, National Extension Scheme
R.Venkataraman Minister in charge of Land Revenue and
Commercial Taxes and Rural Development
M.Bakthavatsalam Minister in charge of Finance and Education
G.Bhuvaraghan Minister in charge of Publicity and Information
N.Nallasenapathi
Sarkarai mandradiar
Minister in charge of Co-operation and Forests
P.Kakkan Minister in charge of Agriculture
V.Ramaiah Minister in charge of Public Works and
Revenue
Jothi Venkatachalam Minister in charge of Public Health
S.M.Abdul Majid Minister in charge of Local Administration
Apart from the smallest size of the cabinet it also had
additional features in the structure. There were two Harijans, one
women and a Muslim. Four members of the cabinet were new and the
remaining was from the existed cabinet.
G. Boovaraghan, twenty-nine, was probably the youngest
cabinet minister in the country. This structure shows the courage
42
Kamaraj had in the youth and also his interests to represent all groups
of people in the cabinet.110
KAMARAJ PLAN (K-PLAN)
Despite the fact that Congress Party in Tamilnadu had won the
majority and had secured two percent more poll compared to 1957
elections, another fact was that it had lost 13 seats in the Assembly.
D.M.K Party under the leadership of C.N. Annadurai had emerged
with 50 M.L.A.s while the Party in 1957 elections had managed to
win only 15 Constituencies.
For 1962 elections, Kamaraj had intensified campaign in those
15 Constituencies which were with D.M.K. and successfully
recovered 14 out of 15 Constituencies from D.M.K sparing one where
the D.M.K.’s treasurer had retained the Constituency by a very small
margin. However, D.M.K had managed to capture 49 new
Constituencies and thus increased their share in the Assembly from
15 to 50.111
Kamaraj realised that the masses were being attracted towards
D.M.K despite the welfare measures Kamaraj Government had been
executing for the people. He concluded that Congressmen had started
to focus their energy and time towards the power and positions in the
Government and thus the same had to be diverted to full-fledged
people service in order to recover the Party from fall.
110
Fortnightly Confidential Report for the First Half, 28th March 1962, (TNA,
Chennai), p.17. 111
V.K. Narasimhan, Op.cit., p.15.
43
Kamaraj decided to resign from his position as Chief Minister,
and thus to lead by example, to strengthen the Party.112
This idea of
Kamaraj, those leaders in Congress who were holding power and
office to resign their positions and return to strengthen the Party, was
known as K-Plan.
Kamaraj, while speaking to reporters in 1963 at Hyderabad
after getting approval from Nehru for the K-Plan, said that position
and power should not be an asset to any specific individuals in the
Party and thus retaining any positions for more than a decade could
not be expected to confer any good on the Party.113
He further added
that upon his resignation, he would visit every village in Tamilnadu
to induct full time Congress Party workers who have faith and sincere
interests in the Party in order to strengthen Party to the roots.114
On August 12, 1963, Nehru declared in Delhi Legislative
Members Meet that the plan by Kamaraj was extremely novel,
unparalleled and revolutionary and no other Parties would even
imagine such a scheme. He agreed that initially he had hesitations to
accept Kamaraj’s proposal but later convinced after Kamaraj
explained the details.115
He further confirmed the K-Plan, more than
Tamilnadu, could strengthen the Party across India. He published the
list of ministers in the Central Government and State Government
Chief Ministers to resign, and return to strengthening the Party, on
August 24, 1963.116
112
Ananda Vikatan, September 29, 1963, p.23. 113
A.R. Aranganathan, Kamarajarai Santhithen (Meeting with Kamaraj),
(Chennai: Manonmani Publishers, 1967), p.18. 114
Navasakthi, (Tamil Daily), July 17, 1963, p.3. 115
S.K. Swamy, Dhesathilagam Kamaraj (Kamaraj – An Identity of the Nation),
(Chennai: Sekar Publications, 1965), p.56 116
Ibid., p.57
44
Table No. 5 - Central Cabinet Ministers renounced office by K-Plan
Name of Central Minister Portfolio
Lal Bahadur Shastri Home
Morarji Desai Finance
Jegajeevan Ram Postal Department
S.K.Patil Food
Gopal Reddy Radio and Broadcasting
Sri Mali Education
Table No. 6 – Chief Ministers renounced office by K-Plan
Name of Chief Minister State
Kamaraj Tamilnadu
Patnaik Orissa
C.P.Gupta Uttar Pradesh
Binodanandhja Bihar
Mandlai Madhya Pradesh
Kamaraj resigned on October 02, 1963. E.V. Ramasamy, the
leader of D.K. sent a telegram to Kamaraj that the resignation was
equivalent of suicide of people of Tamilnadu as well as Kamaraj
himself.117
E.V.R had been consistently writing and campaigning in
support of Kamaraj throughout the decade of Kamaraj’s Chief
Ministership in Tamilnadu, though the principles of D.K. were not
completely in line with Congress Party’s.118
117
C.P.S. Vairavan, Op.cit., p.129. 118
A. Gopanna, Periyarum Perunthalaivarum (Kamaraj and E.V.R), (Chennai:
Nava India Publishers, 2007), p.6.
45
PIVOTAL ROLE FOR THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT
After Kamaraj’s resignation, Bakthavatsalam succeeded
Kamaraj as Chief Minister of Tamilnadu and his new ministry took
office on October 02, 1963 in the afternoon.119
When Kamaraj had expressed the K-Plan to Nehru, Nehru had
expressed his wish of making Kamaraj as President of A.I.C.C. but
Kamaraj had refused to accept citing that he needed to go back and
strengthen the Party in Tamilnadu.120
However, after three months,
Nehru managed to propose and elect Kamaraj as President of
A.I.C.C. unanimously on January 01, 1964.121
The 68th
Indian National Congress Conference was held on
January 05, 1964 at Bhubaneshwar in Orissa.122
Kamaraj detailed in
the conference on how Congress was responsible for fulfilling the
basic needs of the people. During the session, Nehru suddenly fell ill
and he was advised to take rest. This was the first time that the
Congress session was carried on in the absence of Nehru after
Independence.123
Nehru did not fully recover from his illness and
after five months he passed away on May 27, 1964.124
After the demise of Nehru, Gulzarilal Nanda was appointed as
acting Prime Minister, as senior most member of the cabinet, by
President Radhakrishnan.125
Kamaraj had Lalbahadur Shastri in mind
119
Legislative Measures, Op.cit., p.220 120
Muruga Dhanushkodi, Op.cit., p.183. 121
Navasakthi, 3rd
October 1963, p.2. 122
Arun, Bhuvaneshwar Congress, (Madras: TNCC Veliyeedu, 1964), p.32. 123
The Hindu, January 8, 1964, p.1. 124
The Hindu, May 28, 1964, p.1. 125
Ibid.
46
as Prime Minister Candidate126
but Morarji Desai had also expressed
his willingness to become Prime Minister. Kamaraj decided to choose
the next Prime Minister unanimously without contest and Congress
Working Committee (C.W.C.) authorised Kamaraj to facilitate in
getting the consensus.127
Kamaraj spoke to Morarji Desai about electing L.B.Shastri as
Prime Minister and got his consent. Morarji was not quite happy
about giving up but wanted to maintain discipline in the Party.
Eventually, on June 02, 1964, L.B.Shastri’s candidature for Prime
Minister was proposed by Gulzarilal Nanda and Morarji seconded
it.128
War between India and Pakistan broke out in 1965 and the
whole attention of the country turned to win the war. Kamaraj and
Shastri went to war front at Lahore to encourage the soldiers.129
The
War came to an end after Tashkent Agreement. It was signed between
Indian Prime Minister Shastri and President Ayub Khan of
Pakistan.130
Soon after the agreement, Shastri passed away on January 10,
1966 in a heart attack.131
After the demise of Shastri, there were five
leaders, Morarji, Nanda, Chawan, Jegajeevan Ram and S.K.Patil, in
the Congress Party interested in nominating themselves for the Prime
Minister Candidature and each of them believed strongly that they
were the best choice. However, Kamaraj had Indira Gandhi, daughter
126
Savi, 6th September 1987, p.19. 127
A.N. Zaidi and S.G. Zaidi, p.580. quoted in S. Gausalya, Op.cit., p.63. 128
S. Gausalya, Op.cit., p.64 129
Muruga Dhanushkodi, Op.cit., pp.232-234. 130
The Hindu, December 10, 1965, p.1. 131
The Hindu, December 11, 1965, p.1.
47
of Nehru, in his mind to propose for Prime Minister Candidature.132
Point to be noted here is that three of them, Morarji, Jegajeevan Ram
and S.K.Patil, had been the ones resigned their respective cabinet
ministries under K-Plan.
Upon Kamaraj’s announcement of India as his candidate,
except Morarji, the others decided not to contest. Kamaraj, as once
again he preferred the leadership to be elected unanimously, met
Morarji and requested not to contest but he remained stubborn.
Eventually on January 19, 1966, Indira Gandhi secured 355 votes
against Morarji who had secured only 169 votes, just less than half of
what Indira Gandhi had received.133
Kamaraj had once again decided
and succeeded in choosing the two Prime Ministers of the country,
after Nehru.
FOREIGN TOURS
Early in 1966, Kamaraj had been invited to visit USA, Europe
and USSR by the respective country’s leaders. He could not accept as
he had a significant role to play in deciding Prime Minister Candidate
and to stabilise the process of election. Upon Indira Gandhi’s election
as Prime Minister, after six months, Kamaraj was relieved and flew to
Europe and USSR between July 22 and August 15 of 1966. He visited
Kremlin, Stalingrad, Leningrad, and Moscow in the USSR. He was
an unusual visitor to USSR since he was not a Communist leader.
From USSR he flew to East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary,
Bulgaria and Yugoslavia before returning to India. Apart from the
132
M.G. Selvaraj, Indiavin Sigaram Thalaivar Kamaraj (Kamaraj – The Greatest
Leader of India), (Chennai: Chakravarthi Publications, 1998), p.80. 133
A.G. Subramanian, Great Achievers, (Chennai: Puthaga Ulagam, 2009), p.63.
48
Europe and USSR trips, he had earlier visited Sri Lanka and Malaysia
between 1950 and 1954.134
ASSASINATION ATTEMPT
On 1st November 1966, staunch Hindus and Jana Sangh
members conducted a rally in front of Parliament, for passing anti
cow-slaughter law.135
Kamaraj condemned this rally in his speech in
Congress Working Committee meet on November 02, 1966. He also
rejected any discussions regarding the issue in CWC.136
Soon after, on November 07, 1966, massive rally was
organised by Hindu movements in New Delhi under the leadership of
Sankaracharyas.137
The demonstration grew violent and turned to
damaging the properties. The crowd then moved to Kamaraj’s
residence and set fire. Kamaraj was moved to Parliamentary
Members Club and the fire was put out. By the time the Police
arrived, the mob had disappeared.138
134
Ibid., p.86. 135
Personal interview with Vairavan, 26th April 1989, as quoted in S. Gausalya,
Op.cit., p.69. 136
K. Veeramani, Kamarajar Kolai Muyarchi Charithram (History of Attempts to
Assasinate Kamaraj), (Chennai: Periyar Suyamariathai Prachara Niruvanam,
1967), p.20. 137
The Hindu, November 8, 1966, p.1. 138
V.K. Narasimhan, Op.cit., pp.136-137.
49
FALL OF KAMARAJ AND CONFLICTS WITH INDIRA
GANDHI
In 1967 General Assembly Elections of Tamilnadu, Kamaraj
lost his contest against D.M.K contestant P.Seenivasan, for
Virudunagar Constituency, in a small margin. The details were as
follows;139
Table No. 7 - Poll details for Virudunagar Constituency – General
Assembly Elections (1967)
Total Electorate 82,606
Total Poll 69,593
K. Kamaraj (Congress Party) 32,136
P. Seenivasan (D.M.K) 33,506
R. Periya Karuppan (Independent) 838
K. Palanisamy Nadar (Independent) 579
Invalid Votes 2,619
D.M.K had secured 138 Constituencies out of the contested
173 Constituencies, an 80% success. Congress Party had secured only
50 out of contested 234 Constituencies, about 80% failure. In the
Assembly, the strength of Congress was 21% and the D.M.K’s
strength was 59%, others filled the remaining 20%.140
The food scarcity in the State and poor management of the
issue by Bakthavatsalam Government were generally the prime
causes while attractive speeches and promises to fix food scarcity by
D.M.K leaders were considered as the secondary causes by political
139
Who is Who, Madras Legislative Assembly, (Government of Madras, 1968),
p.125. 140
Report on the Fourth General Elections of Madras, 1967, Vol.3, Table No.175,
(Government of Madras, 1968), p.375.
50
experts, for the defeat of Congress Party. Kamaraj continued to be the
President of A.I.C.C during this period.
By this time the relationship between Indira Gandhi and
Kamaraj had gradually become rough due to many disagreements on
the issues of devaluation of Rupee,141
Candidate selection for
President Election,142
and cabinet ministers selection, etc.
Basically Kamaraj’s principle was to resolve conflicts by
discussion in both at Party level and National level discussions and to
strengthen the Party by consensus and thus creating singular voice in
all the issues, but Indira Gandhi’s was the opposite. She exercised her
power as Prime Minister and did not believe in consulting with Party
leaders for any issues.
Indira Gandhi mentioned in one of the Party meetings that no
person defeated in any of the Public elections was morally qualified
to contest in Party elections since that individual had already lost the
confidence of the Public. Kamaraj understood that Indira Gandhi’s
comment was indirectly targeted at preventing Kamaraj’s re-election
as Party president. He submitted his resignation from his position of
President of A.I.C.C. on December 07, 1967.143
141
The Hindu, June 5, 1966, p.1. 142
S. Gausalya, Op.cit., p.77. 143
Morarji Desai, The Story of My Life, Vol.II, p.247.
51
After a year, Kamaraj contested for Member of Parliament
from Nagercoil Parliamentary Constituency and won the by-election
on January 08, 1969.144
The details of that election results were as
follows;145
Table No. 8 - Poll details for Nagercoil Parliamentary Constituency –
By-elections (1969)
Total Electorate 505,976
Total Poll 401,600
K.Kamaraj (Congress Party) 249,437
M.Mathias (Swatantra Party) 121,236
In the same year Kamaraj’s mother passed away.146
Indira
Gandhi, upon Kamaraj’s election as Member of Parliament,
expressed her wish to make Kamaraj as a cabinet minister but he
refused to accept the offer. He supported the A.I.C.C President
Nijalingappa and was against Indira Gandhi on almost all
decisions.147
In late 1969, half of the Congress Working Committee
Members adopted a resolution seeking to expel Indira Gandhi from
primary membership of the Party, for violation of the Party discipline,
and asked for election of new leader to represent Congress Party in
the Parliament.148
As a counter attack, Indira Gandhi declared that
A.I.C.C presided over by herself and removed Nijalingappa from
President. Both groups, Congress (O) under the leadership of
144
Dinamalar (Tamil Daily), January 9, 1969, p.3. 145
The Hindu, January 10, 1969, p.1. 146
C.P.S.Vairavan, Op.cit., p.238. 147
The Hindu, November 23, 1969, p.1. 148
Muruga Dhanushkodi, Op.cit., p.214.
52
Kamaraj and Morarji and Congress (R) under Indira Gandhi
conducted meetings separately, each group expelling the other from
the Party.149
The split in the Congress Party had been completed by
December 1969. 446 out of 705 members of A.I.C.C had walked over
to Indira Gandhi’s side150
and thus the Congress (R) was recognised
as real Indian National Congress by the Election Commission of
India.
In 1971, Kamaraj was elected as Member of Parliament again
from Nagercoil Constituency, but this time as a candidate from
Congress (O), by securing 215,324 votes against his opponent
M.C.Balan from D.M.K who had managed 114,771 votes.151
This
was the last ever election Kamaraj contested and remained an M.P of
Nagercoil Constituency until his death.
In 1975, Allahabad High Court issued its verdict on June 12
that the election of Indira Gandhi from Rae Bareilli Parliamentary
Constituency, Uttar Pradesh, was invalid as she had used Government
machinery for election campaign152
.
Morarji Desai and Jaya Prakash Narayan announced that
Indira Gandhi should step down but she did not resign and continued
to get stay orders from the Court on the technical grounds. So leaders
149
The Hindu, November 23, 1969, p.1. 150
Chandra, Bipan & others, India after Independence 1947-2000, (New Delhi:
Penguin Books, 2000), p.236 151
M.S. Muthuswamy, Op.cit., p.234 152
The Hindu, June 13, 1975, p.1.
53
like Jaya Prakash Narayan called for internal civil disobedience.153
Subsequently, shortly before midnight on June 26, 1975, a national
emergency was proclaimed by President of India Fakrudin Ali
Ahmed on the basis of advice from Indira Gandhi on the grounds of
security of India was threatened by internal disturbances.154
Many leaders including Jaya Prakash Narayan, Morarji and
Charan Singh were arrested under preventive detention but Kamaraj
was not arrested. All the media were censored.155
Kamaraj was
greatly disappointed by this move from Indira Gandhi and felt
heartbroken as Indira Gandhi was originally his choice for Prime
Minister, almost a decade ago, in 1966.
Kamaraj expected the Emergency to last only for brief period
but the subsequent arrests of Congress leader Acharya Kripalani had
let him to lose hope on the lift of Emergency. His health worsened
during this period with acute fever, blood pressure and blood sugar.156
When his health condition showed some improvements, Kamaraj
celebrated his 73rd
birthday, as simple as he could, on July 15, 1975.
He was completely disturbed by the declaration of Emergency and
mostly contained himself at home. On October 02, 1975, on the
birthday of Gandhi, Kamaraj passed away in a heart attack at his
home on 3.15P.M.157
In 1976, Bharat Ratna (Gem of India), the highest civilian
honor of India for exceptional service towards Art, Literature,
153
Trevor Drieberg, Sarla Jag Mohan, Emergency in India, (New Delhi: Manas
Publications, 1975), p.43. 154
Ibid., p.1. 155
N.V. Kalaimani, Op.cit., p.426.. 156
Ibid. 157
The Hindu, October 3, 1975, p.1.
54
Science and recognition of Public Service, was conferred on him
posthumously.158
The suggestion, for awarding Bharat Ratna to
Kamaraj, had been given by Indira Gandhi to the President of
India.159
158
R.K. Murthi, Encyclopedia of Bharat Ratnas, (New Delhi: Pitambar
Publishing, 2005), p.90. 159
Ibid.