428 LUTHERAN QUARTERLY a Lutheran organist in Austin ...observe, "It would be wonderful if we got so...

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24. This is probably a Swedish Methodist pastor named C. Charnquist, who had been a Lutheran organist in Austin, Texas, until a division of the congregation in 1873. Charnquist and his group formed a Methodist congregation in Austin, which he served until 1880. Wallenius and Olson, A Short History, pp. 53-4.

25. Whyman, p. 203.

REVIEW ESSAY

Lutheran Theology in Seventeenth-Century Germany

by ROBERT KOLB

Most essays on the subject of Lutheran Orthodoxy as a historical phenomenon have begun or concluded with a sen

tence like that of Hans Leube, written in 1933, "If the era of the historic Lutheran Orthodoxy is finally to attain the position due it in German protestant church history, there is still basic research to do."1 More than half a century later Johannes Wallmann could observe, "It would be wonderful if we got so far as to have gaps in the research on church history and the history of theology in the late sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. For the time being a few edifices tower over a large field on which every once in a while something is erected. In between: no gaps, but rather no man's land."2 In the years since Wallmann spoke those words, there has been something of an upsurge in interest in the development of the culture and society of Lutheran lands in central Europe in the seventeenth century, due in part to the discussion of the "Confes-sionalization" of European life. In the background of this discussion stands Ernst Walter Zeeden's studies of the impact of the "Konfessionen"—church bodies—of Germany upon culture and society in general.3 But the discussion began in its current form through the work of Heinz Schilling and Wolfgang Reinhard. This broader field of research has stimulated investigation and analysis of the era within it, traditionally dubbed "Lutheran Orthodoxy."4

To be sure, no dominating figure has emerged to define the entire discussion of seventeenth-century Lutheran theology as Richard Müller has in the study of Reformed Orthodoxy5 None-

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theless, sufficient material has been published in recent years to render a bibliographical overview of research into "Confessional-ization" or even of books (to say nothing of article-length studies) specifically focused on seventeenth-century Lutheran thought well beyond the capacity of an essay of this kind. This survey makes no claim to completeness and is limited largely to presentation of monographic studies even though much of value on the period is found in periodical literature and collections of essays by multiple authors (the new form of choice, along with reference works, for historical scholarship). This overview of the landscape constructed in the last half century by a variety of European and North American scholars upon the wide field of Lutheran Orthodoxy intends to provoke readers to venture onto this turf, much more fascinating than it is often rumored to be, and perhaps even to stake out a claim to the many vacant lots still available. The following bibliographical notes may also prove valuable to those looking for material to bolster lectures on the history of the Lutheran church in the seventeenth century.

In fact, the post-Leubian landscape was not totally barren, in part due to Wallmann's own work in the field. His 1961 study of the way in which the theological task was defined by two key figures in the first half of the seventeenth century, Johann Gerhard and the "syncretist" Georg Calixt of Helmstedt,6 was part of a wavelette of research that began with Bengt Hägglund's dissertation on Gerhard's doctrine of Scripture a decade earlier7 and included other studies of theological method and authority by Robert D. Preus,8 Jörg Baur,9 and Robert Scharlemann,10 as well as Hermann Schiissler's investigation of how Calixt pursued his ecumenical goals within the political and ecclesiastical constellations of his time.11 Other works on Gerhard appeared in this period: Richard Schroder's analysis of the Jena professor's Christology within the context of his metaphysics treated his method,12 and Konrad Stock's study of his eschatology focused on his concept of the annhilatio mundi, and the development of his eschatological views out of his understanding of God's salvific act in the death and resurrection of Christ.13 More ambitious and com-

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prehensive works that focused exclusively on the content of Orthodox dogmatics were begun about this time by Carl-Heinz Ratschow and Preus.14 Unfortunately, neither project reached completion; each ended mid-task with two volumes.

Periodization

Rathschow and Preus said that they were writing on "Lutheran Orthodoxy." Whether the period should be called "Orthodoxy" is today a question in itself. In his most helpful survey of the life of the Western European churches in the period of Confession-alization (which he dates 1563-1675), Ernst Koch avoids the expression.15 The Theologische Reakenzyklopädie and the fourth edition οι Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart employed the term for their articles on the subject.16 In so far as it focuses on the theology of the university instructors, and specifically on those who prepared massive textbooks on dogmatics, the term is deceptive. The life of the church in the two centuries following the Formula of Concord, which is generally regarded as the launching pad of the period, embraced more than dogmatics at the university and much more than formal theology in the Uves of pastors and laity. Furthermore, the image of a "dead"—boringly stable, sterile—immobile "movement" does not correspond to the facts regarding church life in general and certainly not to the practice of theology at the "Orthodox" university, as the closer glances of recent research demonstrate. Yet no widely accepted alternative term has emerged from the discussions of "Confessionalization," which embraces a longer period and a more comprehensive view of culture and society as a whole.

The chronological definition of the period is perhaps easier than its terminological designation although different agendas and different personal encounters with texts lead to somewhat different assessments of beginning and end. I disagree with Markus Matthias' and Johannes Wallmann's judgment that the years 15 55-1600 constitute "early Orthodoxy."17 Instead, I concur with Olivier Fatio that "the beginnings of Lutheran orthodoxy can be traced back to


the Formula of Concord,"18 because I believe that the turmoil leading to the Formula of Concord constitutes an era of its own, the completion of the Reformation. It was an era of controversy over many topics of public teaching which resolved some of the disagreements over the proper interpretation of Luther's legacy.19

Although controversies continued within the Lutheran churches throughout the next two centuries, the Formula of Concord did setde significant disagreements and did delineate certain parameters that helped define fairly precisely what "Lutheran" meant in terms of the public confession of the faith. Robert Preus labeled the period from 1580 to about 1620 "the golden age of Orthodoxy" and called the next thirty years "high orthodoxy," followed by "the silver age of orthodoxy," from about 1650 to the first decade of the eighteenth century.20 That a conclusion to early developments comes around 1600 seems clear; Johann Gerhard (15 82-163 7), dogmatician and author of popular devotional works, serves as a kind of signpost for the beginning of "high Orthodoxy." In my judgment this period lasted for more than half a century, until the time of the exegete, dogmatician, and polemicist Abraham Calov (1612-1686) and Johann Andreas Quenstedt (1617-168 8). Preus may have concluded the epoch too early; my own terminus would be the death of Ernst Valentin Loescher in 1750. In any case it seems too late to let the Orthodox period run as late as 1780, as Wallmann does; Matthias's 1740 seems closer. Whatever date is chosen, it is clear that the intellectual strength and the power and influence of its thought among the people waned after 1675. In his pioneering study of the disputations at Wittenberg Kenneth Appold divides the era as it unfolded at Wittenberg into five periods: 1) 1577-1601 (the year of the Colloquy of Regensburg between Wittenberg professors and Roman Catholic representatives that marked a number of significant developments in Lutheran doctrinal self-consciousness); 2) 1601-1626/163o (when a generation of professors died, including Balthasar Meisner, Friedrich Balduin, Wolfgang Franz); 3) the war years, 1626-1650 (in which the introduction of "oriental" studies provided new impulses for theological investigation); 4) the blossoming of the faculty anew, from mid-century into the 1690s, 5) the decline of the faculty and

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its batde against Pietism, into the early eighteenth century. This structure is indeed helpful in assessing the course of the doctrinal development in Wittenberg and at least suggestive for the broader picture of Lutheranism in the seventeenth century.21

The study of Orthodoxy can learn much from closer assessment of the periods of transition that initiated and ended this phenomenon. The Formula of Concord not only won acceptance in two-thirds of German Evangelical territories. It also evoked protests not only from Calvinists and Roman Catholic critics but also within the ecclesiastical communities that emerged from the Wittenberg circle. These criticisms from disciples of Philip Melanchthon and of Matthias Flacius gave the aging generation that had worked so hard to construct the Formula's setdement the opportunity to experiment with the process of building upon the Formula's foundations to teach and defend the Word of God in the developing context of their time. Irene Dingel has offered a model study for combining meticulous research into the political and social contexts of disputes over theological issues with insightful analysis of the content and dynamic of the positions represented in those disputes. Her Concordia controversa traces the several kinds of criticism aimed at the Formula of Concord from Philippists, Calvinists, Fla-cians, and Roman Catholics, and she also assesses the defense against these critiques composed by Martin Chemnitz, Jakob An-dreae, and Timotheus Kirchner in the Apology of the Book of Concord (1583).22

At the other end of its course, "Orthodoxy" faded, in part by its own reliance on the metaphysics imported at the turn of the seventeenth century. Studies of the last engagements of Orthodox theologians with their opponents, both Pietists and those of "Enlightened" convictions, can illuminate the reasons for Orthodoxy's failure to maintain its hold on much of the popular allegiance (although those batdes were not always lost on the level of intellectual competence). Much of the inner dynamic of Late Orthodoxy becomes clear in Martin Greschat's instructive assessment of the engagement of Ernst Valentin Löscher, often dubbed "the last of the Orthodox theologians," with both the faculty and Pietist institutions at Halle and with figures like Hobbes, Spinoza, Bayle,


and Locke. Löscher also illustrates the efforts of Orthodoxy in the eighteenth century to continue to reform the church, also through constructive contact with Philipp Jacob Spener and with the Moravian Brethren.23 Solveig Strauch has also sketched how elements of the Enlightenment appear in the thought of Veit Ludwig von Seckendorff (1626-1692), the political counselor who won fame and influence in the service of Duke Ernst the Pious.24 The interlacing of the habits of intellectual endeavor in later Orthodox theologians with the German theological trends under "Enlightened" influence invites much more study.

Orthodox Theology in Practice

The practice of theology is vital for the life of the church even though it is clearly not the only factor in an ecclesiastical culture. To be sure, the general estimation of the entire era dubbed "Lutheran Orthodoxy" has suffered from an almost exclusive focus by some scholars on theological content and practice. However, new studies which place public teaching within its wider educational and social context are adding meaning to our understanding of both its content and the impact it made on society. These studies also show how wider currents of thought and action in society also helped shape the message of the theologians. Markus Matthias illustrates how to place dogmatic developments within the context of the variety of ecclesiastical activities and obligations of the professors of this era. They were active churchmen as well as classroom instructors, and Matthias assesses how Aegidius Hunnius's Chris-tology matured within the discussions that took place within the church in Hesse (where he was serving as professor at Marburg) in the period before and after the publication of the Book of Concord.25 His sensitive situating of Hunnius's thought within contemporary Lutheran teaching and within the life of the church offers a satisfying pattern for the future study of the history of dogma. Appold traces the continuing conversation that Wittenberg theologians had over Melanchthon's doctrine of the church and shows how the heirs in Wittenberg processed what the reformers had left

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them in conversation with Roman Catholic and Reformed contemporaries. Similarly several studies integrate the larger context and the situation of individual theologians or faculties with the content of their ever-developing doctrinal expression. Among these are treatments of the topics of the Apology of the Book of Concord (original sin, Lord's Supper, Christology, the authority of Luther and the Augsburg Confession) by Dingel26 and Appold's investigation of Abraham Calov's teaching on God's call to sinners through the living and active Word of God. Anchoring his assessment in the contexts of patristic and Reformational teaching on the subject and of the academic practice of the seventeenth century, Appold uses current linguistic theory to illumine how Calov's concept of the means of grace functioned within his thought and the ecclesiastical framework of his time.27

Recognizing the value of these contextual studies, it seems to me that there is still some place for historians of dogma who indeed pursue their subjects in the more traditional manner, which focuses on the ideas themselves. Fredericke Nüssel lays an extensive foundation for addressing seventeenth century theologians' use of the concept of the "unio mystica" in the dispute between Andreas Oslander and his opponents. She explores how the Tübingen faculty at the turn of the seventeenth century (Stephan Gerlach, Matthias Haffenreffer, Jakob Heerbrand, Theodor Thumm) integrated justification and Christology, and how Johann Gerhard at Jena and others (Statius Buscher, Nikolaus Hunnius, Johannes Hülsemann) built upon earlier expressions in teaching the mysical union of the believer with Christ.28 The absence of a discussion of the metaphysical sources of Osiander's view and the Lutheran mystical tradition—especially in the neoplatonism of the Renaissance and in the medieval mystical doctrine—prevents her study from focusing on Luther's ontology of the Word and the ways in which it framed subsequent discussion. Nüssel's study also fails to realize that an assessment of Lutheran formulations regarding justification by faith should no longer get caught in the artificially constructed opposition of "forensic" and "effective" views of justification. Given our knowledge of Luther's understanding of the creative power of God's Word, which determines reality, also through the forgiveness


of sins, this contrast has lost its substance. What God speaks is real, for Luther. Nüssel's careful reading of the texts and many helpful insights would be even more valuable if this recognition of the Reformer's presuppositions had framed her study.

Likewise, caution seems warranted immediately when the reader encounters the judgment of Anselm Schubert, at the beginning of his treatment of original sin "between Reformation and Enlightenment," that "for Luther the human being is from the very beginning sinner, only sinner, and totally sinner. He is a sinner, he becomes a sinner because from conception he is captured by original sin through his natural descent from Adam and Eve."29 No hint of a recognition of Luther's concept of civil righteousness follows, nor does a presentation of Luther's understanding of original sin as the doubt of the Word of the Lord that permeates the Reformer's definition of the root of human sinfulness, for instance, in the Small Catechism. On that shaky foundation, Schubert's reading of texts from, above all, the later seventeenth-century, fails to engage the issues that Lutheran theology wants to engage. Therefore, this study does not help the reader come to terms with the tensions bequeathed on seventeenth century authors by their use of Aristotelian vessels for Wittenberg ideas. Nonetheless, Schubert does demonstrate how polemic drove much of the development of Lutheran formulation in the period. Gerhard and Leonhard Hutter engaged the criticism of Robert Bellarmine; Ca-lixt's anthropology elicited critique from a number of his "Orthodox" contemporaries; Calov and others toward the end of the seventeenth century worked out their views of the image of God in the context of Reformed discussions of the biblical teaching on what it means to be human.

Such studies reveal not only the pitfalls but also the possibilities of the further exploration of currents of thought within the Lutheran universities of the seventeenth century. These explorations must go beyond merely the doctrinal topics as such and assess how philosophical and pedagogical trends and developments contributed to the cultivating and structuring of Lutheran theology anew in what is falsely reputed to be a sterile intellectual period. Walter Sparn's monumental examination of the "return of metaphysics"

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to the Lutheran university at the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth century initiated a new level of discussing method and epistemology in the practice of Lutheran theology.30

Further studies have followed in his path, such as that of Günther Frank, a part of whose study of the role of reason in the formulation of early modern conceptions of God includes treatment of the impact of Melanchthon's thinking and the work of two Lutheran instructors in philosophy, Jacob Schegk (1511-1587) of Tübingen and his student Nikolaus Taurellus (1547-1606) of Altdorf .31 Because Frank sees the world through Thomist eyes, he fails to take the structure of a Wittenberg way of thinking seriously, but in spite of this his book calls for further rumination on how metaphysics and theology intersected in this period. Although several studies have touched on the subject, further exploration of the appropriation of contemporary philosophical trends by Lutheran academicians will enrich our grasp of the nature of the intellectual enterprise among the Lutheran universities. A thorough comparative investigation of the ways in which Lutheran, Roman Catholic, and Reformed theologians developed their method of practicing their discipline would also be of great interest.

The examination of university life as the setting for the intellectual enterprise for which Orthodoxy has been best known will lead to a deeper grasp of the significance of the grand dogmatic works. Kenneth Appold leads readers on a fascinating exploration of the role that public disputations played as a much-used medium of instruction by Lutheran theological faculties, above all, Wittenberg's.32 Thomas Kaufmann's accumulation of many facts on the Rostock faculty focuses instead on their homiletics. Along with chronicling the publications of postils and related materials, he provides details regarding their geographical and social origin, the variety of duties they discharged, their relationship to students, and the nature of their teaching activities.33 His concentration on Rostock and the absence of an analysis of the intended functions of its homileticians' preaching in the life of the congregation issue an invitation to build upon his groundwork in the study of homiletical leadership. He also ignored the critical function of this faculty in shaping the several elements of Baltic Lutheranism (this body of


water united many of its adjacent peoples in more than commercial ways!). This aspect of ecclesiastical Ufe in the period would reward further study.

This brief overview not only tells readers what is at hand but also, implicidy, points to the many areas that still cry out for study in the area of seventeenth-century Lutheran intellectual activity. Among others is the absence of larger synthetic studies of the life and thinking of the period's more important theologians. The materials for constructing biographical-theological analyses of teachers such as Gerhard, Calov, Quenstedt, or Calixt are being assembled, awaiting the brave student who can weave them together.

Reform Movements within Orthodoxy

One of those fields that has come into focus of late is that of the inherent tendency within Lutheran theological circles to implement the repentance, or reform, of the church as well as of its individual members. That much of the older literature highlights the antagonism between "Orthodoxy" and "Pietism" has long been recognized as an oversimplification of a much more complex relationship. Increasingly, the efforts at reform within Orthodox circles are winning attention. A sterling example of how to study the reforming activities of "Orthodox" pastors is found in Jonathan Strom's analysis of the relatively independent ministerium of Rostock, which worked in conjunction with the theologians at the university and sometimes at odds with the city council to improve the piety of the people in the middle half of the seventeenth century.34 Strom illumines the social and educational world in which these pastors matured and served and shows how they used church discipline, the preaching oí Strafpredigten, and various forms of pious literature to encourage Christian living. He refers to scholars who have seen in this period a "crisis of piety."35 It is important to note that scholars often find the fuel for their own fires in "crises" and that most longer periods have experienced some kind of crisis or another. Harm Klueting's study of the career and thought

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of Johann Jakob Fabricius (1518/1620), whose reform efforts in behalf of the integrity of the church over against secular authorities in Schwelm (county of Mark) earned him dismissal from office, supports Strom's judgment that the pastors of Lutheran Orthodoxy took for granted that they must promote pious living as they shepherded their congregations, also in times of crisis.36 In fact, Luther's theology anticipates that every generation will experience a crisis in the piety of the people of the church since the whole life of the church, too, must be a life of repentance according to his understanding of fallen human nature.

Controversy and Polemic: The "Unorthodox" of the Orthodox Period

Reform movements are designed to be unsettling; so is polemical conflict over important issues. Although the Formula of Concord did diminish controversial exchanges within Lutheran churches, disagreements did continue among theologians at Lutheran faculties. One of the first major disputes after the publication of the Book of Concord broke out at the University of Wittenberg between Aegidius Hunnius and Samuel Huber on the proper formulation of the Formula's doctrine of predestination. Gottfried Adam has given us a roadmap through the controversy itself.37 Rune Söderlund's analysis of the challenge of maintaining the tension inherent in the Formula of Concord's "broken" doctrine of election, that is, its treatment of the topic within the method of distinguishing law and gospel, perceptively sets forth how Orthodox theology actually functioned. This study moves beyond Hunnius to the advance of synergistic tendencies among the Orthodox instructors and places the Lutheran developments within the larger context that included the Arminian struggles with the same questions.38

Another of the classic struggles that resulted from further consideration of the theology of the Formula of Concord addressed the Christiological issues raised in its eighth article. In the exchange between theologians of Tübingen and Giessen in the 1610s over the definition of Christ's disposition of divine characteristics, by


hiding them, as the Tübinger argued, or by emptying himself of them, as the Giessener concluded, it becomes clear to what extent polemic shaped doctrinal formulation, as Jörg Baur demonstrates in a series of essays that provide a clear and helpful monographic overview and analysis of the controversy.39

These controversies and that over the spiritualizing tendencies of Danzig pastor Hermann Rahtmann (i 585-1628) about the same time40 were overshadowed by another dispute, at the heart of which stood the Helmstedt professor Georg Calixt. This "syncretistic" controversy grew out of his efforts to form a consensus of Christian confessions on the basis of the teaching and practice of the first five hundred years of church history. His work commanded no litde attention in the latter half of the twentieth century because of his pioneering efforts in ecumenical reconciliation.41 Further work must be done on the interaction between Calixt and his opponents within the Lutheran churches. One building block for such analysis is offered in the dissertation of Heinz Staemmler, written four decades ago and recendy published,42 which investigates the reactions of those critics who objected to Calixt's program, particularly in the efforts of Abraham Calov, Johann Hülssemann, and others which climaxed in the Consensus Repetitus of 1655, which Calov hoped to raise to the status of an official confession of the faith. Staemmler sketches the political maneuvering which accompanied the debate and outlines the theological positions constructed to counteract Calixt's arguments. A further contribution to these discussions is the study by Harry Mathias Albrecht of the leading theologian at the University of Jena during this period, Johannes Musaeus. His opposition to Calov's proposal and his formulation of his own position that rejected Calixt's fundamental principles while refusing to dogmatize Calov's position reveals how theologians of this era were continuing to experiment with expressions of Lutheran teaching in the midst of the situations in which the church found itself in this era.43

Polemics with other confessions offers another fertile field for research. The methods and the rhetorical conditions for such polemic, inherited at least in part from the practice of medieval scholastic disputations and reinforced by the humanistic search for

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effective communication in intellectual exchange, can open up new perspectives on the polemic of the period. Such study can, in turn, provide a setting for addressing current ecumenical concerns. Reinhard Kirste's examination of the confrontation of Gerhard and the Jesuit Robert Bellarmine regarding the authority of Scripture and the action of the Holy Spirit does precisely that. It focuses on the Gerhard-Bellarmine encounter in order to aid the discussion of twentieth century ecumenical questions, especially as posed by the Malta Document of 1971.44

The theologians of this period engaged those outside the confines of the Christian tradition as well. Particularly the Socinians aroused the ire and anxiety of Lutheran theologians, and litde exploration of this interaction has taken place. Hans-Martin Barth's investigation of both Lutheran and Reformed engagement with atheism in the seventeenth century analyzes the construction of theological and philosophical concepts and arguments. It also places these exchanges within the larger political-social context, examining their implications for both academic discussion and societal order. This study also treats the theological method of polemical critique as it developed for this special task.45

The course of these and other controversies can attract study for the issues which they raised. They also command interest because they provide a laboratory for examining how doctrinal criticism functions in the polemic of the leading thinkers of that era, both rhetorically and theologically.

Preaching and Teaching the Orthodox Message

The critical mediating axis of ecclesiastical life in seventeenth-century Lutheranism was the parish pastor. The significance of the imposing dogmatic works that have commanded the attention of many observers of this age cannot become clear until we know how their formulations were conveyed to the common people and what kind of public mentality they shaped. Stimulation for further research lies in several works on the role and challenges of the local shepherd of God's flock. Luise Schorn-Schütte's extensive and


thorough exploration of clerical life in two principalities, Hesse-Kassel and Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel, and in the city of Braunschweig, addresses a host of aspects of the exercise of the pastoral office, including social factors (origin, mobility, economic situation), family life, church discipline, relationship to the congregation and to governmental authorities.46 Her choice of churches enables her to compare Reformed with Lutheran frameworks for understanding and conducting the calling as pastor. Jonathan Strom presents similar material and insights into the nature and practice of clerical life in seventeenth-century Rostock. The much briefer investigation of clerical education and practice in Württemberg in the early Orthodox period by Bruce Tolley surveys the subject well.47 Readers wish for more, however, particularly more analysis of the dynamic involved in the maturing of the public ministry of the Evangelical sort in its third and fourth generations. The assessment of rural church life in Brandenburg-Ansbach by Scott Dixon provides another model for such investigations, with relatively litde attention to theological aspects of parish life but with insightful handling of popular piety. He is particularly helpful in bringing readers into the midst of village life and examining the significance of the rural setting for the cultivation of reform.48

One aspect of life within seventeenth-century Germany that for several reasons could command more investigation is the relationship of the Lutheran establishment and the Jewish population of the lands of the Reformation. Martin Friedrich's assessment of the apologetic approach of those engaged in public exchanges with Jews, the missional application of this approach, and more than five hundred Jewish baptisms between 1591 and 1710 provides a perspective on questions regarding mission, social relationships, and societal structures in the period.49

The sermon was the most important medium for communicating the Reformation message in the sixteenth century, and it continued to be the chief way in which pastors conveyed the message of the church to the people and tried to shape their lives. Alongside Kaufmann's overview of Rostock homiletics, the work of Sabine Holtz should be read. Holtz assesses attempts of leading theologians of Württemberg around the court and university to proclaim the

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gospel for the common people within the context of seventeenth-century homiletics and theological debate. Her study treats the topics of repentance, justification, and the means of grace and how these central Lutheran themes were brought to engage the issues of daily life.50 Also helpful is Bernhard Liess's analysis of the preaching of the hymn-writer Johann Heermann (i 585-1647) as exhibited in his postil, his sermons on Christ's passion, his funeral sermons, and several other devotional works.51 Liess shows readers how the rhetorical/homiletical theory of the time expressed itself in the construction of the sermons. He also examines the chief dogmatic themes of Heermann's preaching, his understanding of Christ's person and work, his use of the doctrine of the means of grace, his emphasis on personal repentance. A comparison of Heermann's exposition of the Emmaus story (Luke 24:13-35) with those of six predecessors and successors offers a model for an important approach to the study of the exegesis of professors and theologians at his time.

The work of Jânis Krësliçs on the first Latvian postil of Georg Mancelius, published 1654, not only gives readers a careful appraisal of the literary production of these books of sermons. It also is a prime source for information and insight into the situation of the church in the Baltic world.52 As such, it stands as an invitation for further studies, both in the realm of theological and literary analysis of the postils of the period and in the realm of Baltic Lutheranism (the individual linguistic and national units of which functioned in some respects as a cultural unit because of the German presence in their midst, but with distinctives in each region).

Sermons are products of the preacher's engagement with biblical text, ecclesiastical tradition, and the situation which they are addressing, sometimes imagined but often real. Reading sermon texts for various kinds of information is an art that demands historical imagination. That said, the sermons of the seventeenth century invite researchers to a feast with many courses. So does the exegesis of the Orthodox period. The absence of investigations into the commentaries of the Orthodox period sets before us a banquet table to which no one has yet drawn up a chair. One exception to


this observation that provides a helpful model for further study of the biblical interpretation of the period is Volker Jung's treatment of Calov's doctrine of Scripture. It carefully surveys the Wittenberg professor's hermeneutics against the background of Lutheran development of biblical interpretation from Flacius to Johann Konrad Dannhauer and places Calov into this context. This book provides an exposition of the manner in which Calov practiced exegesis in his Biblia illustrata, 2nd it then analyzes the relationship between his exegesis and his practice of systematizing theology. Jung concludes that Calov did not regard or treat exegesis as merely an aid to systematic theology. Exegesis laid the foundation for his theological practice. Calov understood the task of theology as the interpretation of Scripture, and that meant that the text does not place itself at the disposal of the theologian but rather that the theologian is at the disposal of the text. The unity of the meaning of Scripture reveals itself it its impact on the world and the human beings it interprets, according to Calov.53 Parallel studies will expand our understanding of the life of the church in seventeenth-century Lutheran lands. In connection with such studies of biblical exegesis, further work on the use of the ancient fathers in the Lutheran theology of the seventeenth century will help refine our focus on questions related to authority in the church as well as the use of the history of the church for public teaching.

Closely related to preaching and exegesis in Lutheran ecclesiastical culture is catechetics. The study of the use and users of Luther's catechisms in the seventeenth century remains incomplete. One new investigation sets before us questions regarding the process and content of catechetical instruction of the period, a study of the master catechist of German Lutheranism after Luther, Conrad Dieterich, professor in Giessen and then superintendent in Ulm (1575-1639).54 Gerhard Bode's illuminating survey of Die-terich's pedagogical theories and his execution of fundamental instruction in the faith at several levels helps readers grasp how practice and content interacted with each other and with the ecclesiastical and social concerns of his time and how he strove to continue Luther's tradition of the education of the young.

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Devotional Literature and Popular Piety in the Orthodox Period

The literature of pastoral activity extends beyond preaching, exegesis and catechetics into the realm of devotional literature, which borders upon the realm of popular piety, even though the two subjects are quite distinct. For all the talk of "dead" and "dry" Orthodoxy, the examination of the music of the period and its devotional literature has been among the most investigated aspects of church life in the hundred fifty years after the Formula of Concord.

Indeed, the pious literature of the time, in genre from hymns and devotional aids to novels and dramas, has commanded the interest of literary scholars and historians. Analysis of the works of Andreas Gryphius, Johann Arndt, and Paul Gerhardt, among others, lies at hand. In the related field of liturgical research the work of Friedrich Kalb, now almost half a century old, still stands as the standard study.55

Research has also opened up the world of lay reading with examination of materials aimed at the emerging reading public among the "common people," for instance, in the helpful study of reading material for girls by Cornelia Niekus Moore.56 Particularly noteworthy in the last quarter century have been the studies of Elke Axmacher.57 More recent studies of devotional literature include Udo Sträter's examination of the revival of meditation as an exercise of piety in the first half of the seventeenth century, particularly as fostered by writings of Johann Arndt, Johann Gerhard, Ludwig Duntes, and Johannes Schmidt.58 Luther's prefaces to the biblical books had established this genre as an important form of support for pious engagement with the Scripture, and others composed such prefaces over the following two centuries, as Jürgen Quack has shown; his chapter on Lutheran prefaces, however, echoes nineteenth-century evaluations of Orthodoxy and is therefore an inadequate interpretation.59 Alexander Bitzel's review of the literature of consolation of Sigismund Scheretz reminds us of how troubled the times and Uves of individuals were at the time of the Thirty Years War. A parish pastor in Prague before Roman Catholic authorities drove him from the city in their efforts to stamp


out every form of Protestantism in Bohemia in the 1630s, Scheretz (1584-1639) brought the message of the dogmaticians to his people in a lively, practical way.60 Although he does not focus precisely on the devotional literature written by his subject, Dieter Wölfel's survey of the life of Solomon Lentz (1584-1647), court preacher for Christian Wilhelm of Brandenburg, administrator of Magdeburg, and later superintendent in Regensburg, does treat Lentz's literary production as well as other aspects of his rich and varied career. His life reflects the ravages that war visited upon German Lutheranism in more than physical destruction, and it also reveals in his sermons and treatises, as well as in his administration of the church and concern for pastoral care, how concern for reform and piety permeated the period.61

Among recent contributions that combine musicological and theological concerns with social analysis of the dynamic of lay piety is the study of the music life of the church of Joachimsthal by Christopher B. Brown. Although focused largely on sixteenth-century developments, this book includes an extended discussion of how hymnody helped preserve the Lutheran faith in the face of Roman Catholic persecution well into the seventeenth century.62

Those interested should also read Joyce Irwin's study of "German Lutheran theology of music in the age of the Baroque." Her study surveys the theological position of Orthodox thinkers on several topics related to the gift and use of music in the church and then focuses on selected authors including Johann Conrad Dannhauer, Joachim Lütkemann, Heinrich Müller, Theophilus Großgebauer, and Hector Mithobius. The work concludes by assessing the movement of Lutheran thinking on music from Orthodoxy and Pietism into the age of Bach and the Enlightenment.63

Essays of Bodo Nischan on popular piety collected in a volume of his articles offer a foretaste of the book that his untimely death prevented him from completing.64 This volume encourages others to take up the kind of study Nischan cultivated, which took seriously the religious factors and faith that engaged society and molded the life of the church, in connection with societal forces outside it.

REVIEW ESSAY 447

Norbert Haag makes it clear that good social history can take theology seriously. His inquiry into the nature of "Lutheran Orthodoxy in Ulm" at the level of the people covers the last century of the phenomenon. It addresses a wide range of aspects of popular belief as well as the efforts of the clergy to shape the faith of the people.65 A similar study of the religious practices and piety of the subjects of Ernest the Pious of Saxe-Gotha by Veronika Albrecht-Birkner, based on a variety of sources, including visitation reports, parish records, sermon manuscripts, as well as official government and ecclesiastical documents, can serve as a model for such investigations of the impact of reform movements, such as that of Duke Ernest; her work reveals less "success" in his efforts to reawaken the piety of the people in his lands and thus confirms that the whole life of the church, like that of its individual members, is a life of repentance.66

Studies of church discipline present a field of their own, to which Strom's study opens the bibliographical door. Because efforts at discipline and reform continually collide with what Luther saw as the inveterate sinfiilness of fallen human beings, which can express itself in seemingly limidess ways, the larger picture of piety in Lutheran lands will be formed accurately only when a series of "photographic" glimpses of specific times and places are placed in our album. The work of Strom, Haag, Albrecht-Birkner, and others have only begun to fill its pages. Every principality and municipality in the German patchwork had a mixture of factors that were not necessarily duplicated elsewhere. Critical to each of those photos were the leading personages of each time and place, including both princes, town council members, village leaders, on the one hand, and the pastors and professors of the ecclesiastical establishment, on the other.

Pastors, Professors, and Politics

Heinz Schilling's ground-breaking study shows how confessional commitment commanded crucial attention in the assumption of the rule of the county of Lippe by Simon VI, whose


commitment to Calvinism played a strong role in his efforts to strengthen the power of princely government in his domains, while his opposition in town and nobility used the Lutheran confession of the faith as a weapon in defending the principle of municipal and noble rights and of limited central government.67 Lippe, of course, is not the only example of seventeenth century Lutherans finding themselves in opposition to governmental authorities, but a comprehensive analysis of the Lutheran arguments for limited government in the period has not yet been written.

Examples of this spirit arose in Brandenburg as Lutherans resisted their Calvinist rulers after the conversion of the Hohenzollern family in 1618. Bodo Nischan found his way through the intricate stages of the movement of the church of Brandenburg into a conservative Reformation around 1540 and then on to the conversion of the Hohenzollern family to Calvinism,68 a pattern similar to that transition through an introduction of reform in an indecisive manner or a form closer than most to medieval church life, such as the Palatinate and Anhalt. His work analyzes how theologians and princes worked together to make this transition and how Lutheran pastors and teachers inside and outside Brandenburg defended their own tradition and maintained it among the populace.

The relationship between theologians, specifically court preachers, and their princes reflects both political and social conditions and also theological principles regarding God's use of political authorities in his provision for human creatures, as Wolfgang Sommer has shown in a well-researched analysis that begins with Luther's view of the authority of state and its divine calling. The exercise of office by Nikolaus Seinecker, Polycarp Leyser (electoral Saxony), Johann Arndt (Lüneburg), Basilius Satder, and Joachim Liit-kemann (both in Wolfenbüttel) offer the skeleton upon which Sommer fleshes out in concrete detail how Arndt's view of the "world" changed the way in which Lutheran court preachers advised and guided their earthly lords.69 Albrecht-Birkner's study of the policies of Ernst of Saxe-Gotha and their execution also demonstrates how a pious prince strove to inculcate religion among his subjects, with mixed success.70 The study of Ernst's leadership profits also from the study of the career and thought of his counselor

REVIEW ESSAY 449

Veit Ludwig von Seckendorf by Solveig Strauch, mentioned above. Martin Honecker places the concept of cura religionis in the context of Gerhard's doctrine of the church and pastoral office. His study examines treatments of the responsibility of civil authorities for the church and the relationships between pastors and governments within the seventeenth century German political context.71

One area of the relationship between church and state in the seventeenth century that needs to be addressed in more detail is that of persecution and toleration. Lutheran governments excluded open practice of other confessions and faiths, sending Anabaptists and others into exile, but at the same time in some cases municipalities and even princely territories made concessions to congregations of other churches. Both phenomena deserve study. Lutherans within Germany were sometimes able to organize church life under regimes committed to the Reformed confession, such as in the Palatinate, as an extensive study by Christoph Flegel shows. It focuses on the policies of the government, the organization of Lutheran ecclesiastical institutions, and the shape of congregational life.72 More common, especially if our view extends to central Europe, were instances of Lutheran clergy and congregations being suppressed by Roman Catholic and Calvinist authorities. How Lutherans succumbed or resisted invites studies of the kind that can be found in, for instance, the work of Heinz Schilling on Lippe and Christopher Brown on Joachimsthal, listed above.

Editions of Primary Sources

Future historical research depends on access to the sources. Important are the archival resources that lie scattered throughout university and ecclesiastical depositories, but much is still to be done with the printed sources for the period. Modern editions of these sources aid basic research, and a few have appeared in the last half century to assist beginning researchers. Under the leadership of Johann Anselm Steiger the editing of the works of Johann Gerhard and others in the series "Doctrina et Pietas zwischen Reformation und Aufkärung" is providing valuable materials, albeit under a va-


riety of editorial standards. Among the works available are Gerhard's Meditationes Saaae,73 Enchiridion consolatorium morti ac tentationibus in agone mortis opponendum,74 Erklährung der Historien des Leidens vnnd Sterbens vnsers HErrn Christijesu,75 Postilla,76 and others, as well as Leonhard Hütter's Compendium locorum theologicorum ex Scripturis sacris et Libro Concordiae77 The works of Johann Valentin Andreae are also in the process of being edited,78 and Calixt's writings are available in part.79 Our knowledge of the period is also expanded by the edition of the dogmatic work of one of Sweden's leading Orthodox theologians, Uppsala professor and bishop of Vasterâs Johannes Rudbeckius, by Bengt Hägglund.80

For students without Latin or German the translations of Re-pristination Press81 are opening up aspects of the world of Lutheran Orthodoxy, regrettably without scholarly apparatus. Among other authors, Johann Gerhard, Johann Andreas Quenstedt, and Nikolaus Hunnius have appeared in English from this press.

Conclusion

Although this essay has focused almost exclusively on German-speaking lands, in areas both to the east and the north, Lutheran churches existed and influenced their cultures, in the north as part of the establishment, in the east largely under harsh persecution from Counter-Reformation forces. The investigations of David Daniel into the ecclesiastical culture of Slovakia and Hungary can serve as a good basis for further study.82 Works on the Lutheran churches in Poland and the Baltic exist, though litde is available to readers restricted to English. There is more material on Nordic churches in the period,83 but again, studies in English and even German are few.

A prominent sociologist of religion and perceptive commentator on contemporary American religion recendy visited our campus and made the kind of observation most often heard about the era of Protestant Orthodoxy, labeling it an "arid" and rigid time in the history of Lutheranism. Such views can no longer be held since we have left behind the era of Pietist and Enlightenment prejudice

REVIEW ESSAY 451

and polemic. Research such as that reviewed here is painting a different picture.

The seventeenth century might be called the last era in which Christian thought forms held something halfway close to a preponderate mastery in European culture. As Western cultures begin to engage in introspection about a lack of public ideologies, cultural and social historians will find many relevant questions to command their research interests in the "Orthodox" world of the period between 1580 and 1750. Church historians likewise have a host of tasks inviting them from the still relatively empty landscape Wallmann described almost two decades ago. The Lutheran faith, and alongside it theology done by the heirs of the Wittenberg reformers, are living organisms, developing and growing in reaction to new conditions and new challenges and opportunities within the whole household of faith and the world beyond it. The Lutheran confession of the faith will find its appropriate dynamic for service in the proclamation of the gospel in the twenty-first century. In that process the historical memories of what the people of God in this communion have experienced and accomplished in the past can guide and inspire the church of today, and provide it with warnings and cautions as well. This is reason enough to encourage fresh research into that segment of Lutheran history most often labeled "Orthodoxy."

NOTES

1. Hans Leube, "Die altlutherische Orthodoxie. Ein Forschungsbericht," (1933), in Hans Leube, Orthodoxie und Pietismus. Gesammelte Studien (Bielefeld: Luther-Verlag, 1975)» 34; the entire essay on pp. 19-35·

2. Johannes Wallmann, "Lutherische Konfessionalisierung - ein Überblick," Die lutherische Konfessionalisierung in Deutschland, Wissenschaftliches Symposion des Vereins fur Re

formationsgeschichte, ed. Hans-Christoph Rublack (Schriftendes Vereins für Reformationsgeschichte 197; Gütersloh: Mohn, 1992), 47-48, the entire essay on pp. 33-53. See the very helpful and challenging address given by the editor of this volume, Hans-Christoph Rublack, "Zur Problemlage der Forschung zur lutherischen Orthodoxie in Deutschland," pp. 13-32.

3. Ernst Walter Zeeden, Die Entstehung der Konfessionen. Grundlagen und Formen der Konfessionsbildung im Zeitalter der Glaubenskampfe (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1964).


4. As introductions to the broader field of discussion of Confessionalization as a religious phenomenon, see the volumes of the conferences of the Verein fur Reformationsgeschichte, including Die lutherische Konfessionalisierung in Deutschland, Die reformierte

Konfessionalisierung in Deutschland - Das Problem der "Zweiten Reformation," ed. Heinz Schilling (Schriften des Vereins fur Reformationsgeschichte 195; Gütersloh: Mohn, 1986), Die katholische Konfessionalisierung. Wissenschaftliches Symposion der Gesellschaft zur

Herausgabe des Corpus Catholicorum und des Vereins für Reformationsgeschichte, ed. Wolfgang Reinhard and Heinz Schilling (Schriften des Vereins für Reformationsgeschichte 198; Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1995), Interkonfessionalität, Transkonfessionalität- bin

nenkonfessionelle Pluralität. Neue Forschungen zur Konfessionalisierungsthese, ed. Kaspar von Greyerz et al. (Schriften des Vereins fur Reformationsgeschichte 203; Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2003).

5. Some of his extensive work (but by no means all!) has been gathered in the four volume Post-Reformation Reformed Dogmatics. The Rise and Development of Reformed Ortho

doxy, ca. 1520 to ω. 1725, 2. ed., (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2003).

6. Johannes Wallmann, Der Theologiebegriff bei Johann Gerhard und Georg Calixt (Tübingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1961).

7. Bengt Hägghmd, Die Heilige Schrift und ihre Deutung in der Theologie Johann Ger

hards. Eine Untersuchung über das altlutherische Schriftverständnis (Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1951).

8. Robert D. Preus, The Inspiration of Scripture (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1957), a broader study of the topic in a number of seventeenth century dogmaticians.

9. Jörg Baur, Die Vernunft zwischen Ontologie und Evangelium. Eine Untersuchung zur Theologie Johann Andreas Quenstedts (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1962).

10. Robert P. Scharlemann, Thomas Aquinas and John Gerhard (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964).

11. Hermann Schüssler, Georg Calixt, Theologie und Kirchenpolitik.Eine Studie zur Öku-menizität des Luthertums (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1961).

12. Richard Schröder, Johann Gerhards lutherische Christologie und die aristotelische Metaphysik (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1983).

13. Konrad Stock, Annihihtio mundi. Johann Gerhards Eschatologie der Welt (Munich: Kaiser, 1971).

14. Carl Heinz Ratschow, Lutherische Dogmatik zwischen Reformation und Aufklärung 2 vols. (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1964, 1966); Robert D. Preus, The Theology of Post-Reformation Lutheranism 2 vols. (Saint Louis: Concordia, 1970, 1972).

15. Ernst Koch, Das konfessionelle Zeitalter - Katholizismus, Luthertum, Calvinismus (1363-1675) (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2000), with a treatment of Lutheranism in Scandinavia, 184-196, in Germany, 211-259, and within a larger discussion of Protestantism in eastern and central Europe, 197-210.

16. Markus Matthias, "Orthodoxie, I. Lutherische Orthodoxie," Theologische Realenzyklopädie 25 (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1995), 464-485, with an extensive bibliography; Johannes Wallmann, "Orthodoxie, 1. Historisch, a) Lutherische Orthodoxie," Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart 6 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003), 696^-702.

17. Matthias, TRE 25: 465; Wallmann, RGG 6: 698. 18. Olivier Fatio, "Orthodoxy," The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Rsformaûon, ed. Hans

J. Hillerbrand 3 (New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996): 180.

REVIEW ESSAY 453

19. I prefer the term "Late Reformation," see Peter Barton, Um Luthers Erbe, Studien und Texte zur Spatreformation, Tilemann Heshusius (1527-1559) (Witten: Luther-Verlag, I972)» 7-18. The death of Luther and the events following the Smalcald War did not spell the "end of the Reformation, as argued by Thomas Kaufmann, Das Ende der Reformation. Magdeburgs "Herrgotts Kanzlei'* (1548-1551/2) (Tübingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 2003).

20. Preus, Theology, 44-65. 21. Kenneth G. Appold, Orthodoxie ab Konsensbildung. Das theologische Disputation

swesen an der Universität Wittenberg zwischen 1570 und 1710 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004), 89-90.

22. Irene Dingel, Concordia controversa, Die öffentlichen Diskussionen um das lutherische Konkordienwerk am Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1996).

23. Martin Greschat, Zwischen Tradition und Neuem Anfang. Valentin Ernst Löscher und der Ausgang der lutherischen Orthodoxie (Witten: Luther-Verlag, 1971).

24. Solveig Strauch, Veit Ludwig von Seckendorff (1626-1692). Reformationsgeschichtsschreibung - Reformation des Lebens - Selbstbestimmung zwischen luthrischer Orthodoxie, Pietismus und Frühaufklärung (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2005).

25. Markus Matthias, Theologie und Konfession. Der Beitrag von Ägidius Hunnius (1550-1603) zur Entstehung einer lutherischen Religionskultur (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2004).

26. Dingel, Concordia controversa, 603-685. 27. Kenneth G. Appold, Abraham Calov's Doctrine of Vocatio in its Systematic Context

(Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1998). 28. Friederike Nüssel, Allein aus Glauben. Zur Entwicklung der Rechtfertigungslehre in der

konkordistischen und frühen nachkonkordistischen Theologie (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2000).

29. Anselm Schubert, Das Ende der Sünde. Anthropologie und Erbsünde zwischen Reformation und Aufklärung (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2002), 32.

30. Walter Sparn, Wiederkehr der Metaphysik. Die ontologiche Frage in der Lutherischen Theologie des frühen 17. Jahrunderts (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1976).

31. Günter Frank, Die Vernunft des Gottesgedankens. Religionsphilosophische Studien zur frühen Neuzeit (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: fromann-holzboog, 2003).

32. See note 21 above. 33. Thomas Kaufmann, Universität und lutherische Konfessionalisierung. Die Rostocker

Theologieprofessoren und ihr Beitrag zur theologischen Bildung und kirchlichen Gestaltung im Herztogtum Mecklenburg zwischen 1550 und 1675 (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus,

1997). 34. Jonathan Strom, Orthodoxy and Reform: The Clergy in Seventeenth Century Rostock

(Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1999). 35. Strom, 10-11. He cites Hartmut Lehmann, Das Zeitalter des Absolutismus (Stutt

gart: Kohlhammer, 1980), 108, and Winfried Zeller, Theologie und Frömmigkeit, Gesammelte Aufsätze, ed. Bernd Jaspert (Marburg: Elwert, 1971), 87-91. The research of both these scholars contribute much of our understanding of the age of "Orthodoxy."

36. Harm Klueting, Reformatio vitaeJohann Jakob Fabridus (1618/1619-1673). Ein Beitrag zu Konfessionalisierung und Sozialdisziplinierung im Luthertum des 17. Jahrhunderts (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2003).


37. Gottfried Adam, Der Streit um die Prädestination im ausgehenden 16. Jahrhundert, eine Untersuchung zu den Entwürfen vom Samuel Huber undAegidius Hunnius (Neukirchen: Neu-kirchener Verlag, 1970).

38. Rune Söderlund, Ex praevisa Fide. Zum Verständnis der Prädestinationslehre in der lutherischen Orthodoxie (Hannover: Lutherisches Verlagshaus, 1983).

39- Jörg Baur, "Auf dem Wege zur klassischen Tübinger Christologie. Einfuhrende Überlegungen zum sogenannten Kenosis-Crypsis-Streit," in Baur, Luther und seine klassischen Erben (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1993), 204-289.

40. Heinrich Haiverscheid, "Lumen Spiritus prius quam Scriptura intellecta: Hermann Rathmanns Kritik am lutherischen Schriftprinzip," Th.D. dissertation, University of Marburg, 1971.

4ΐ. For example, see Peter Engel, Die eine Wahrheit in der gespaltenen Christenheit.

Untersuchungen zur Theologie Georg Calixts (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1976) deals with his concepts of faith, Scripture and tradition. See also the studies listed above by Wallmann (η. 6) and Schüssler (η. 11).

42. Heinz Staemmler, Die Auseinandersetzung der kursächsischen Theologen mit dem Helmstedter Synkretismus. Eine Studie zum "Consensus repetitus fidei vere Lutheranae" (1655) und den Diskussionen um ihn (Waltrop: Spenner, 2005).

43. Harry Mathias Albrecht, Wesen und Einheit der Kirche nach der Lehre des Johannes Musäus (1613-1681). Lutherische Orthodoxie und Kirchliche Wiedervereinigung (Mainz: von Zabern, 2003).

44. Reinhold Kirste, Das Zeugnis des Geistes und das Zeugnis der Schrift. Das testimonium spiritus sancii internum als hermeneutisch-polemischer Zentralbegriff bei Johann Gerhard in der Auseinandersetzung mit Robert Bellarmins Schriftverständnis (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & R u precht, 1976).

45. Hans-Martin Barth, Atheismus und Orthodoxie. Analysen und Modelle christlicher Apologetik im 17. Jahrhundert (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1971).

46. Luise Schorn-Schütte, Evangelische Geistlichkeit in der Frühneuzeit, Deren Anteil an der Entfaltung jrühmodemer Staatlichkeit und Geselbchaft Dargestellt am Beispiel des Fürstentums Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel, der Landgrafschaft Hessen-Kassel und der Stadt Braunschweig (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1996).

47. Bruce Tolley, Pastors & Parishioners in Württemberg During the Late Reformation 1581-1621 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995).

48. C. Scott Dixon, The Reformation and rural society. The parishes of Brandenburg-Ansbach-Kulmbach, 1528-1603 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

49. Martin Friedrich, Zwischen Abwehr und Bekehrung. Die Stellung der deutschen evangelischen Theologie zum Judentum im 17. Jahrhundert (Tübingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1988).

50. Sabine Holtz, Theologie und Alltag. Lehre und Leben in den Predigten der Tübinger Theologen 1550-1750 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1993).

51. Johann Heerman (1585-1647): Prediger in Schlesien zur Zeit des Dreißigjährigen Krieges (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2003).

52. Jänis Krëslins, Dominus nanabit in scriptura populorum. A Study of Early Seventeenth-Century Lutheran Teaching and Preaching in the Lettische lang-gewünschte Postill of Georg Mancelius (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1992).

53. Volker Jung, Das Ganze der Heiligen Schrift. Hermeneutik und Schriftauslegung bei Abraham Calov (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1999), 308, 312.

REVIEW ESSAY 455

54. Gerhard H. Bode, "Conrad Dieterich (1575-1639), and the Instruction of Luther's Small Catechism," Ph. D. dissertation, Concordia Seminary, Saint Louis, 2005.

55. Friedrich Kalb, Die Lehre vom Kultus der Lutherischen Kirche zur Zeit der Orthodoxie (Berlin: Lutherisches Verlagshaus, 1959).

56. Cornelius Niekus Moore, The Maiden's Minor. Reading Material for German GirL· in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1987).

57. For example, Elke Axmacher, Johann Arndt und Paul Gerhardt. Studien zur Theologie, Frömmigkeit und geistliche Dichtung des 17. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen/Basel: Francke Verlag, 2001); Praxis Evangeliomm. Theologie und Frömmigkeit bei Martin Moller (1547-1606) (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989); "Aus Liebe will mein Heyland sterben". Untersuchungen zum Wandel des Passionsverständnisses im frühen 18. Jahrhundert (Neuhausen-Stuttgart: Hanssler, 1984).

58. Udo Sträter, Meditation und Kirchenreform in der lutherischen Kirche des 17. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1995).

59· Jürgen Quack, Evangelische Bibelvorreden von der Reformation bis zur Aufklärung (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1975).

60. Alexander Bitzel, Anfechtung und Trost bei Sigismund Scherertz. Ein lutherischer Theologe im Dreißigjährigen Krieg (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2002).

61. Dieter Wölfel, Salomon Lentz, 1584-1647. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des orthodoxen Lutherums im Dreißigjährigen Krieg (Gunzenhausen: Verein für bayerischen Kirchengeschichte, 1999).

62. Christopher Boyd Brown, Singing the Gospel. Lutheran Hymns and the Success of the Reformation (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005). In the study of this area, readers should also take into consideration the work of Joseph Herl, Worship Wars in early Lutheranism: Choir, Congregation, and Three Centuries of Conflict (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

63. Joyce L. Irwin, Neither Voice nor Heart Alone. German Lutheran Theology of Music in the Age of the Baroque (New York: Peter Lang, 1992).

64. Bodo Nischan, Lutherans and Calvinists in the Age of Confessionalism (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999).

65. Norbert Haag, Predigt und Geselbchaft. Die Lutherische Orthodoxie in Ulm 1640-1740 (Mainz: Zabern, 1992).

66. Veronika Albrecht-Birkner, Reformation des Lebens. Die Reformen Herzog Emsts des Frommen von Sachsen-Gotha und ihre Auswirkungen auf Frömmigkeit, Schule und Alltag im ländlichen Raum (1640-1675) (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2002).

67. Heinz Schilling, Konfessionskonflikt und Staatsbildung. Eine Fallstudie über das Verhältnis von religiösem und sozialem Wandel in der Frühneuzeit am Beispiel der Grafschaft Lippe (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1981).

68. Bodo Nischan, Prince, People, and Confession. The Second Reformation in Brandenburg (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994).

69. Wolfgang Sommer, Gottesfurcht und Fürstenhensdiaft. Studien zum Obrigkeitsverständnisjohann Arndts und lutherischer Hofprediger zur Zeit der altprotestantischen Orthodoxie (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1988); see also Sommer's Politik, Theologie und Frömmigkeit im Luthertum der Frühen Neuzeit, Ausgewählte Aufsätze (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995).

70. See note 66 above.


71. Martin Honecker, Cura religionis Magistratus Christiani. Studien zur Kirchenrecht im Luthertum des 17. Jahrhunderts, inbesondere bei Johann Gerhard (Munich: Claudius, 1968).

72. Christoph Flegel, Die Lutherische Kirche in der Kurpfalz von 1648 bis 1716 (Mainz: von Zabern, 1999).

73. 2 vols., the 1603/04 edition and that of 1607/08, (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: frommann-holzboog, 1997, 1998).

74. of 1611, (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: frommann-holzboog, 2002). 75. of 1611, (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: frommann-holzboog, 2002). 76. (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: frommann-holzboog, forthcoming). 77. 2 vols., (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: frommann-holzboog, 2006). 78. Gesammelte Schriften, ed. Wilhelm Schmidt-Biggemann (Stuttgart-Bad Canstatt:

frommann-holzboog, 1994-). 79. Georg Calixt, Werke in Auswahl, ed. Inge Mager (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &

Ruprecht, 1970-1982). 80. Johannes Rudbeckius (1581-1646). Loa theologici: fireläsningar vid Uppsah universitet,

1611-1613, ed. Bengt Hägglund (Stockholm: Almquist and Wiksell, 2001). 81. A catalog may be obtained from Repristination Press, P.O. Box 173, Bynum,

TX 76631. 82. His articles are listed in Marta Fata, Ungarn, das Reich der Stephanskrone im Zeitalter

der Reformation und Konfessionalisierung. Multiethnizität, Land und Konfession 1500 bis 1700, ed. Franz Brendle and Anton Schindling (Münster: Aschendorff, 2000).

83. See bibliographies in Dänemark, Norwegen und Schweden im Zeitalter der Reformation und Konfessionalisierung. Nordische Königreich und Konfession 1500 bis 1660, ed. Matthias Asche and Anton Schindling (Münster: Aschendorff, 2003).

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428 LUTHERAN QUARTERLY a Lutheran organist in Austin ...observe, "It would be wonderful if we got so...

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