War-goddesses, furies and scald crows:

The use of the word badb in early Irish literature.

Final Thesis by Kim HeijdaCeltic Languages and CultureUniversity of UtrechtStudent number: 0113387Supervisor: Bart Jaski 27 February 2007

For Robin and my family

“How long a time lies in one little word!”

- William Shakespeare -

Illustration front page: a fragment from Lebor Gabala Érenn. (Page 11 from the Book of Leinster, Trinity College Dublin). Source: Irish Script On Screen (http://www.isos.dias.ie/)

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements 4

Introduction6

1. A definition of the word badb9

1.1 Etymology9

1.2 The meaning of the word badb 10

1.3 Problems in translation and interpretation15

2. Early Irish literature 182.1 Manuscripts 182.2 Language 192.3 The Cycles

202.3.1 The Mythological cycle 20

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2.3.2 The Ulster cycle 212.3.3 The Fenian cycle 262.3.4 The Historical cycle 272.3.5 The Irish adaptations 282.3.6 Other groups of texts 29

3. Badb: one of the war-goddesses32

3.1 Badb and her sisters 323.1.1 Badb and Morrígan

363.2 Badb and Nemain, the wives of Nét

393.3 Badb as a single goddess

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4. Badb: a generic term for other persons and creatures 50

4.1 The Furies50

4.1.1 The Furies and Bellona in the classical texts50

4.1.2 The use of the word badb in the Irish adaptations51

4.1.3 Connection between the Furies and the Irish war-goddesses56

4.2 Witches 604.3 Battle demons 64

5. Badb: a word for scald crows68

6. Badba: the genitive of badb, used as an adjective75

6.1 Recurring phrases with badba75

6.2 Compounds with badba83

6.3 Remaining uses of badba (“warlike”)84

7. Conclusion 89

Abbreviations 96

Bibliography 98

Appendix A 107Appendix B 109

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Acknowledgements

After a full year of hard labour, here lies before me my final thesis. And although I am content with the result, it has not always been an easy process. In the first place the research phase took very long and many hours were spend in the library. It started with searching for the word badb through all possible texts that were available to me. Even the moment I left the library, I kept searching everywhere for the word badb. There was not a piece of text left I could look at in a normal way, from magazines to novels. Even in the billboards “Bob jij of bob ik?” I was convinced I could read badb. Crows or ravens sitting in the grass, seemed no longer normal birds to me, but signs that I should go to work again. Therefore it was very healthy when this first phase of my thesis came to an end, and I could finally start writing, a process which has come with ups and downs, but I have over all experienced as very positive.

In the second place the writing of this thesis was not easy because in a short period my small and precious family has endured more than we could handle at times, which made it sometimes very difficult to focus on my thesis. I am very happy to say that at the moment of finishing my thesis, we seem to have all survived this difficult period and I believe it has only made us stronger. I am very happy that my grandfather is back home again and I admire my grandparents Ton and Miep for their strength, in spite of all they have been through together.

I would like to take the opportunity to thank a number of people, without whose help and support I would not have been able to finish this thesis. In the first place I would like to thank my supervisor Bart Jaski. His useful remarks and advice always helped me to see things clearly again, and kept me going on the right track. I have always followed Bart’s courses with much joy and interest and I think I am not alone in saying

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that it is a great loss for the Celtic department to loose him as a teacher. I want to wish Bart a lot of luck in the future. I also would like to thank Leni van Strien-Gerritsen and Frank Brandsma for their inspiring courses I have been able to follow through the years.

I dedicate this thesis to Robin and my family. I thank Robin from the bottom of my heart for all his patience, in spite of all the cranky moods and nervous breakdowns he had to endure. When I was about to collapse due to stress or tiredness, Robin was there for me with his untiring optimism, which always kept me going. I want to thank my family for their support and understanding for my hectic life. Especially I would like to thank Ellen and Antoinette for all the emotional support in this sometimes very difficult period. Also a big thanks goes out to Murphy and Finn for all the relaxation and calmness that only cats can bring.

I would like to thank all my friends for all the necessary distraction and support and for understanding that for a long period I did not have much time for them. A word of thanks goes out to all fellow Celts for warning me for texts which contain badb and useful articles. And of course for drinking Guinness with me, which always kept the writing process going.

Last but not least, I would like to thank Amy Winehouse, Damien Rice, Room Eleven, Gnarls Barkley, Arctic Monkeys and The Raconteurs for their music, which gave me strength and comfort this past period.

Kim Heijda,Utrecht, 20 February, 2007.

Introduction

In almost six years of studying Celtic, my mind was always set on what the subject of my final thesis would be. Through the years this subject has often shifted, but I have always been focused on literature, Celtic women and mythology. Finally, because of a tutorial called “The reception of classical literature in medieval Ireland” given by Bart Jaski, everything fell

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in to place. The fact that in the Irish adaptation text Togail na Tebe, the word badb was used to replace the Furies and Bellona from the classical original Thebaid, caught my attention. I learned the word badb is used in many different ways in Irish literature, which makes it difficult to give an accurate definition of the word. The most common use is when the word signifies the name Badb, for one of the Irish war-goddesses, but the word is also used to describe other similar creatures and scald crows. The universal use of this particular word inspired me to examine the word badb more closely in my final thesis.

Thus, the main purpose of my thesis is to examine the use of the word badb in early Irish literature, based on the texts in which this word occurs. I want to define the different meanings and uses of this word, and I want to see when the word badb started to appear in Irish literature and in what sort of texts the word occurs. Ultimately, I hope to describe how the word badb has developed in early Irish literature.

Unfortunately I was not able to look at all literature at hand. Therefore I will now define the limits of my literature study. I primarily want to look at the texts belonging to the period called early Irish literature. My focus will be on narrative, imaginative prose texts, which accordingly excludes poem books, annals, law books, grammars and hagiographical texts. Only when I thought a text was interesting enough to include, I have made some minor exceptions. I want to emphasize that I am only interested in the word badb, which means that I do not want to include all possible references to the different meanings of the word, and it is also not my intention to elaborate on symbolism, religious or mythological aspects or the background of the Irish war-goddesses.

Starting out, I expected to find a considerable amount of secondary literature on the word badb, but to my own astonishment very minimal serious literature has been written about this subject. The secondary literature that does exist provides primarily information on the Irish war-goddesses or Celtic Mythology in general. But unfortunately most of these scholars do not seem to base their information on the Irish literature at hand, but instead seem to be repeating outdated ideas that exist about these war-goddesses. This sort of general and, in my opinion, inaccurate information can be found mainly in encyclopaedias, dictionaries and handbooks on mythology. Miranda Green has written a considerable amount of literature on the Celtic war-goddesses, but I think these works are of no relevance here, as she does not base her information primarily on the Irish texts, but rather on religious, mythological and archaeological evidence.1 Fortunately, there has been written a number of relevant, reliable and interesting works on the word badb or the war-goddesses in general that are worth mentioning here. The first scholar who examined the Irish war-goddesses was William Hennesy, and although he has made some interesting points, it is important to note that his article is in several aspects rather outdated.2 Some modern scholars who have written

1 Miranda Green describes the Celtic war-goddesses in: Billington and Green, Concept; Green, Gods; Green, Celtic Goddesses.2 Hennesy, ‘Ancient ’.

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relevant and reliable works on this subject are John Carey, Rosalind Clark, Garrett Olmsted and Jacqueline Borsje.3

I will next describe the contents and composition of this thesis. The first two chapters are meant as preliminary chapters, in order to further define the field of research. In the first chapter I will look at the literal meaning of the word badb to create a clear definition of the word and in the second chapter I will give a summarised introduction of the corpus of early Irish literature, with the main focus on the texts in which the word badb occurs. In chapters 3 to 6, I will discuss the different meanings of the word badb, as described in the first chapter. In the third chapter I will describe the texts in which the word badb signifies the name Badb for one of the war-goddesses, while in the fourth chapter I will look at the word badb used as a generic term to describe other demonic or warlike creatures. Chapter 5 deals with the meaning “scald crow” and in the last chapter I will look at the genitive of badb used in an adjectival sense, meaning “warlike”. Finally, in the conclusion I will propose a model for the development of the word badb in early Irish literature, based on the previous chapters.

In this thesis I use several abbreviations for the Irish texts I refer to frequently. An explanatory list of all abbreviations used in this thesis can be found at page 93. Under appendix A and B, found at page 104 and 106, I have placed poems that were too long to include in the actual chapters.

3 Carey, ‘Notes’; Clark, ‘Aspects’; Clark, Great Queens; Olmsted, Gods; Borsje, ‘Omens’. Very recently Jacqueline Borsje has supplied an entry about the word Bodb in Koch, Celtic Culture.

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1. A definition of the word badb

In this thesis I want to look at the use of the Irish word badb in early Irish literature. To understand the use of this particular word, we must first understand its meaning. Therefore, to begin with, in this chapter I want to look at the literal meaning and characteristics of the word badb, in order to create a clear definition.

Unfortunately, it is problematic to create a proper definition of the word badb. In the first place hardly any modern research has been done on this word and in most dictionaries, vocabularies, glossaries and modern grammars it is lacking. The works that do cite badb are very often outdated, incomplete, contradictive and in my opinion incorrect. Nevertheless, numerous modern scholars uncritically follow these older definitions. A second problem is that those works that cite badb have appointed various different meanings to the word, which unfortunately are not applied in a consistent way. This makes it complicated to give an unambiguous definition of the word and a clear categorisation of its different meanings. Yet this confusion shows that the word badb is a very interesting and versatile word, which is used in many different ways in Irish literature. A third problem is that because of this confusion concerning the meaning of badb, there occur many inconsistencies in existing editions and translations.

1.1 Etymology

Before creating a definition of the word badb, I think it is important to look into the origin and development of the word. The main point of interest in the etymology of the word badb is the connection of Old Irish badb catha with the Gaulish deity name Cathubodva. A Gallo-Roman inscription found in Haute-Savoie reads: athubodua Aug(ustae) Servilia Terentia (votum) s(olvit) (ibens) m(erito). Although the initial letter is damaged, athuboduae should most probably read cathuboduae, in which William Hennesy recognised the Old Irish word badb catha. The first element of the compound name of this Gaulish goddess, catu-, unmistakably cognates with Old Irish cath, meaning “battle”. According to Hennesy the second element, bodua, directly corresponds with forms of bodb or badb, which according to him originally signified “rage”, “fury” or “violence”, and later on implied a “witch”, “fairy”, or “goddess”, who is represented by the bird known as the “scare crow”, “scald crow” or “royston crow”.4

Garrett Olmsted, on the other hand, explains cathubodva or bodva as “battle crow”. He explains *bodvo- as “(royal-) crow” or the “(war) goddess Bodva”. And he notes that this Celtic term apparently derived from Celto-Germanic *boduo- “battle”.5 This, in my eyes satisfactory explanation, agrees with that of Julius Pokorny, who explains that Old Irish bodb, meaning “crow’ or “war-goddess in the form of a crow”, derives

4 Hennesy, ‘Ancient’, 32-33.5 Olmsted, Gods, 411.

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from the Celto-Germanic root bodṷo-, meaning “fight” or “battle”. This Celto-Germanic root probably goes back to the Indo-European root bhedh-, meaning “to stab”, “to dig”, “to cut”.6 Olmsted explains that the use of the term badb “crow” to refer to the Irish war-goddess very likely has its roots in the Gaulish phase of Celtic prehistory.7

1.2 The meaning of the word badb

The meaning of the word badb, according to the Dictionary of the Irish Language, is as follows: “Name of a war-goddess and a scald crow, in which form the goddess appeared. This war-goddess is represented as stirring up conflict, foretelling slaughter and rejoicing over the slain. In translation literature she is equated with the Furies”.8 Hennesy has adopted in his article on the Irish war-goddesses an unpublished Irish dictionary by Peter O’Connell. O’Connell explains Badb-catha with “Fionóg, a royston crow or a scald crow”, while he explains Badb as “i.e. bean sidhe, a female fairy, phantoms, or spectre, supposed to be attached to certain families, and to appear in the form of scald crows, or royston crows”.9 I do not agree with these explanations on all points and because of the problems listed above, I think it is necessary to give an accurate and structured classification of the different meanings of the word badb. I have done this according to the early Irish texts in which the word occurs. In my opinion the word badb can be categorised in the following classes:

1. Badb A proper name for one of the three Irish war-goddesses: Badb (aspirated Badbh, Badhbh), Bodb; accusative: Baidb, Boidb; genitive: Baidbe (aspirated Baidbh, Baidbhi, Baidhbi), Bodba, Bodbae.

2. badb A generic term for persons or creatures other than the war-goddess Badb:∙ “fury”: badb (aspirated badhbh), bodb; accusative: baidb; genitive: baidbi; plural: badb, badba, bodba.∙ “witch”: badb (aspirated badhb, badbh, badhbh); vocative: baidb; plural: badb, badba (aspirated badbha, badhba, badhbaidh).∙ “battle demon”: badb; genitive: baidbhi; plural: badb, badba (aspirated: badhba, badhbha).

3. badb A word meaning “scald crow”: badb (aspirated badhbh), bodb; genitive: bodbai; plural: badb, badhdh badba (aspirated badhbh, baidhb, badbha, badhbha), bodba.

4. badba

6 Pokorny, IEW, 113-114. 7 Olmsted, Gods, 285.8 Quin, DIL, 62.9 Hennesy, ‘Ancient’, 34-35.

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The genitive form of badb, used as an adjective: badba (aspirated badhbh, baidb, badhba, badhbha), bodba (aspirated bodhba, bodhbha, bodbha, bodhbh), boadba, bodbae, bodhuha; and the alternate form: badbda (aspirated bhadhbhdha) badbaidi, baidbaib, bodbda (aspirated bodhbda, bodhbdha), bodbdai.This adjective can be best translated as: “warlike”, “furious” and “deadly”. The following variations are found: ∙ recurring phrases with badba∙ compounds with badba: compounds with a noun (badb + noun) and compounds with another adjective (badb + adjective).

I will now try to explain how I have arrived at this classification. The first class includes all the cases where badb is used as the proper name Badb for one of the Irish war-goddesses. This war-goddess can appear alone or in the companionship of her sisters or as the wife of Nét together with Nemain.

In the second class I place other persons or creatures who are called badb. I have added this category, because from the texts it becomes clear that badb is a very general word that can also be used to describe a demonic kind of creature, other than the war-goddess Badb. In this class occurs the plural form badba, which DIL does not mention. According to several scholars, the plural badba is also used for the three war-goddesses collectively, but I have not found the plural form of badb used to denote the war-goddesses. In the classical adaptations the word badb is used for the classical Furies. DIL says in translation literature the war-goddess is equated with the Furies, but when we look at the texts, it is clear that the Furies are replaced with the word badb, and do not signify the war-goddess Badb. In several texts the word badb means “witch”, a meaning DIL does not include. Hessen’s Irish Lexicon includes “witch” as one of the meanings of badb, as do a few vocabularies.10 The last category in this class is the rather general term “battle demon”. The translations “battle fury” and “battle demon” occur frequently when badb is used to describe a flying kind of demonic creature.11 I have placed in this category all creatures called badb that are described in a demonic way and can not been seen as a “scald crow”. Nevertheless, the exact meaning and description of these creatures remains unclear.

In numerous texts badb stands for a kind of bird called “scald crow”. DIL interprets badb as the name of the war-goddess, who can also appear as a scald crow. This would mean that all entries of badb in the sense of “scald crow” refer to the war-goddess Badb in the form of a scald crow. However, the texts display a clear difference between the war-goddess Badb who transforms into a birdlike form and the word badb referring to a scald crow in general. Hessen’s Irish Lexicon gives “royston-crow” as one of the meanings of badb.12 Most vocabularies mention that badb can be used for “scald crow”, but some take the meaning of “scald crow” as a form of the war-goddess, while others see it as a separate meaning for a 10 Caomhánach, Hertz, Hull, and Lehmacher, HIL, 98; O’Curry, CML, 130-131, 189; Stokes, ‘Second Battle’, 124.11 Watson, Mesca, 69; Knott, Togail, 104.12 Caomhánach, Hertz, Hull, and Lehmacher, HIL, 98.

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bird.13 Eugene O’Curry explains that badb is an Irish name for any bird of prey, particularly the raven and birds with claws.14 Tymoczko says Old Irish bodb “scald crow” refers primarily to the hooded crow in early Irish, the dominant resident crow of Ireland.15

The third class consists of the genitive form of badb used as an adjective. The genitive form of badb is badba. Badba is used as a proper genitive in the first two classes, when the word refers to the genitive form of the war-goddess or one of the other creatures. But as Cecile O’Rahilly explains in the glossary of the Stowe version of Táin Bó Cúailnge , the genitive bodba is used as an adjective meaning “warlike”.16 The adjectival use of the genitive of badb occurs in numerous texts and takes on the meaning of “warlike”, “furious” or “deadly”.

DIL lists three different categories for the adjective badba. Under badb is listed the attributive genitive singular of badb, which means “deadly”, “fatal”, “dangerous” or “ill-fated”. This genitive can also be used to describe persons. Secondly, DIL lists badba as a separate word, which is explained as “evident” or “conspicuous”. Elizabeth Gray explains that it is suggested that this word is actually a genitive singular of badb, for which a second meaning was inferred from certain examples.17 The third form DIL lists is badbda, which is explained as “appertaining to war”, “Badb-like”, “deadly” or “fatal”, which also occurs as a substantive which probably means “enemy”. Next DIL mentions some examples where we should read badbda instead of badba and some examples where we should read badba, the attributed genitive singular of badb, instead of badbda.18

Hessen’s Irish Lexicon explains that the genitive bodba, badba can mean “martial, pernicious” and gives bodbda, badbda, badbaide also as a separate form that means: “belonging to the war-goddess”, “warlike”, “fierce” or “deadly”.19 The vocabularies describe the adjective badba as the genitive singular of badb which means “warlike”, “dangerous”, “fierce”, “deadly” or “destructive”.20 Jackson recognises badhbha, bodhbha as the adjective which means “warlike”.21

I have chosen not to follow the division between badba and badbda, because I do not see a consistent difference between these two forms. The main reason for this is that these two forms appear in the exact same phrases, with the same meaning. For example, we find the phrases barannglaeda bodbda, cuailli bhadhbhdha and don brat bodhbdha which are all various spellings for badbda, but these same phrases are found in other texts, or even in the same text, spelled badba.22 This must mean these two forms stand for the same word, but appear in a different form, 13 Joynt, Tromdámh, 42; Murray, Baile, 132; Ó Riain, Cath Almaine, 72; Gray, CMT, 112-113.14 O’Curry, CML, 130-131.15 Tymoczko, ‘Semantic’, 154.16 O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 206.17 Gray, CMT, 76.18 Quin, DIL, 62.19 Caomhánach, Hertz, Hull, and Lehmacher, HIL, 98.20 Watson, Mesca, 69; Calder, Togail, 333; Hogan, Cath, 216; Murray, Baile, 132.21 Jackson, CML, 118.22 I will discuss these phrases in paragraph 5.1 of chapter 5.

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although I find the exact reason for this difference hard to define. I must note this is mainly because this alternate form does not appear as frequent as the standard form badba. Especially in Accalam na Senorach this form occurs frequently; I found bodbda twice and aspirating bhadhbhdha and bodhbdha. In Slieve na mban Finn occurs bodhbda, in Imthúsa Alexandair occurs the form bodbdai, in Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh occurs badbaidi and we find here the only reference of DIL’s “foes”, namely baidbaib.23 I think from this evidence we can not make up a logical explanation for the difference in spelling.

Finally I would like to note that the spellings of badb and bodb signify the same word, but that bodb is the older form. Another point I would shortly like to mention is the use of an article before the word badb. The definitive article appears frequently when badb is used for the Furies, but also witches, battle demons and scald crows are often spelled with an article. Besides there are number of cases where the war-goddess Badb is also denoted with an article. This seems strange, as in this case Badb is used as a proper name, but it should be noted here that the names of the other war-goddesses, especially Morrígan and Nemain, in most of the examples are also spelled with an article.

1.3 Problems in translation and interpretation

As we have seen above, there does not exist a certain and unambiguous definition of the word badb that embodies all the variant meanings of this generic word. Therefore a large extent of inconsistency occurs in existing editions and translations. The various meanings of the word are not applied in a logical way and so the texts sometimes become quite confusing and incorrect. I want to mention here some examples of confusing differences in translation and interpretation.

When it is unclear what the word badb indicates, some editors simply dismiss badb from the translated text and do not translate the word at all. There are also instances where the word badb has been taken over in translation, without an actual translation of the word, for instance in Cath Maige Leana, badhbha in the sense of “scald crows” appears in the text, while in Eugene O’Curry’s translation we find “loud croaking Badhbs”.24

Where others such as Ernst Windisch interpret badb in TBC as a proper name, Cecile O’Rahilly is the only one who consistently translates badb with “war-goddess” and not as the name Badb. As an exception she does translate Badb and Nemain as proper names when they shriek together over the battlefield.25 O’Rahilly accordingly does not mention Badb in the glossary of persons. She even translates ind Némain with “the war-goddess” and not as the name Nemain and explains that the word némain has usually been translated as “the Nemain”, but that it might perhaps be rendered better by “war-frenzy”, as O’Rahilly explains that as

23 I will discuss these entries in chapter 5.24 O’Curry, CML, 130-131.25 O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 231.

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a common noun nemain means “battle fury”, “frenzy”.26 Eleanor Hull also translates ind Neamain with “a frenzy” or “a witch”, which would resemble the generic character of the word badb.27

The war-goddess Badb gets sometimes confused in translations with Bodb Derg, a male supernatural figure. We find in a poem in TBC, which occurs only in recension II: “Valiantly men will be despoiled in the land of Badb’s daughter (ingine Buidb)”.28 Windisch states that this means “the daughter of Bodb Derg, the king of the síde of Munster”, and that the daughter of Bodb Derg is the Badb.29 This option seems very unlikely to me, as ingine Buidb appears in more texts, where it indeed means “Bodb Derg’s daughter”, but never is Badb one of these daughters. There does not exist any reference of Bodb Derg being Badb’s father. In Duanaire Finn the same mistake occurs. King Conall’s previous wife was the very powerful daughter of Bodhbh (ingean Buidhph) who had turned Uirne Sharpmouth in the shape of a hound. Nowhere in this text is suggested that this daughter is the Badb, but in the glossary we find “Bodhbh, wife of Conall, turns her rival Uirne into a hound”.30 This shows how easily Bodb Derg is mistaken for the Badb. The confusion is understandable since the names are very similar, certainly because Badb can also be spelled Bodb, and the names occur in the same genitive form Boidb. Besides this, the adjective derg (“red”) is also used in combination with badb in several texts. However, from the context of the texts it can always be clarified whether we are dealing with Badb or Bodb Derg, because Bodb Derg is a far more elaborative character, who plays a different role in Irish literature than the war-goddess Badb. Bodb Derg is the king of the síde of Munster from the Tuatha dé Danann and he is famous for his knowledge in relationship to his swineherds, who cause battle and bloodshed. He is seen as a supernatural protector of Ireland together with the Morrígan, Midir and Óengus Mac ind Óc.31

There also occur some problems when it comes to translating badb in the sense of “fury”. George Calder treats badb in a very confusing and inconsistent way in his edition and translation of Togail na Tebe. In TnT the word badb can either stand for a Fury or the war-goddess Bellona. Calder correctly translates badb with “war-goddess” when Bellona is meant, but when in the text badb refers to a Fury, as can be made up from the original classical text, he translates it as “goddess”, “war-goddess”, “goddess of war” or “scald of war”. Even the Fury Tisiphone is called a goddess by Calder. Calder at one point translates badb with “red lipped Furies”, while in other instances he translates the same phrase with “red mouthed goddesses”. This makes his translation very confusing, as it is difficult to understand when either a Fury or Bellona is meant, because they are both denoted with the general term “goddesses”. I think Calder could have made the difference between the Furies and Bellona a lot 26 O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 107, 220, 245.27 Hull, Cuchullin Saga, 164-165, 170.28 O’Rahilly, TBC-LL, 13, 149; D'Arbois de Jubainville, Enlèvement, 50; Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 64.29 Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 64.30 Mac Neill, Duanaire II, 112-113; III, 346. 31 Koch, Celtic Culture, 220.

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clearer by translating badb with “fury” when a Fury is meant and with “war-goddess” when Bellona is meant. Whitley Stokes made a similar mistake, as he translates badb with “Fury” when actually Bellona is meant. Considerable confusion exists in the way the genitive of badb is interpreted and translated by various editors. O’Rahilly consistently translates bodba when used in an adjectival manner as “warlike”, but remarkably Windisch treats badba as the genitive form of Badb, the name of the war-goddess, and completely seems to dismiss the adjectival use of badba in the sense of “warlike”. Hence he translates the adjective badba as “… of the Badb” or as “the Badb’s …”, for example “circle of the Badb” instead of “warlike circle”. Windisch obstinately says in a note that indeed others have taken bodba for “warlike”, but that he sees it as a genitive of the Badb.32 Though this approach seems rather outdated to me, scholars such as Thomas Kinsella and R.A.S. MacAlister have repeated Windisch’ example, which does not improve their translations. The war-goddess Badb gets entangled in tales that have in fact nothing to do with the war-goddess.

In spite of all these complications, in the next chapters I have tried to choose for the most recurring or most logical translation. Some of the more interesting variations in translation are mentioned in the notes.

2. Early Irish literature

In the following chapter I will give a summarised introduction of the corpus of early Irish literature, the medieval period of Irish literature. The main focus will be on the texts I will discuss in the next chapters, the texts in which the word badb occurs.

2.1 Manuscripts

Irish literature is preserved in a number of manuscripts, of which the earliest extant example was written about the end of the 11th century. These manuscripts are, in general, miscellaneous collections of prose and verse, in which legend, history and hagiography, genealogical and legal tracts, written in Old, Middle and Modern Irish are found along side each other. I will now mention the most important manuscripts in which the Irish tales appear.33 The oldest manuscript is Lebor na hUidre, the “Book of the Dun Cow”, which was written around 1100 at Clonmacnoise.34 Rawlinson B.502 contains twelve leaves written at the end of the 11th century and

32 Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 662.33 Dillon, Early, xvii-xix; Thurneysen, Helden, 14, 32, 34, 51.34 Preserved in the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin.

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seventy leaves written around 1130.35 An extensive collection of various literary materials, including tales, is the “Book of Leinster” (originally called Lebar na Núachongbála), which was produced around 1160.36 The late 14th and 15th century produced amongst others four large codices: the “Yellow Book of Lecan”,37 the “Book of Lecan”, the “Book of Uí Maine” and the “Book of Ballymote”.38 These manuscripts have many texts in common. Some other important manuscripts are Lebor Brecc, the “Speckled Book of Mac Egan”, written in the late 14th century, the “Book of Fermoy”, written in the 15th century,39 and the “Book of Lismore”, also written in the 15th century. Furthermore, in the British Library in London are the following manuscripts of interest from the 15th and 16th century: several Egerton manuscripts, of which the most renowned is probably Egerton 1782 and Harleian 5280. Besides these, several other manuscripts are preserved in the Royal Irish Academy in Dublin (RIA) and in Trinity College in Dublin (TCD). In the Bodleian Library in Oxford the manuscripts Rawlinson B.487 and B.512 are preserved.

2.2 Language

The language used in the manuscripts in which early Irish literature is preserved, comprises different periods in the Irish language, which I will shortly describe next. The written Irish language took shape in the 5th

century, when the Christian missionaries brought the Latin alphabet to Ireland. Written Irish literature probably started during the 6th century and fully developed in the 7th century. Before the 6th century Irish literature was purely oral, a tradition which was dominated by the filid, the Irish professional poets. Before the Irish became known with the Latin alphabet, there did already exist an alphabet in Ireland, the so-called Ogam alphabet, which was used for inscriptions on stone. But because these inscriptions consist almost entirely of names they are of no historical or literary value. From the 7th century onwards Irish is found written in Roman letters, with words reduced from their Ogam forms.

The Irish language has had two periods of relative standardisation. The first period started in the 7th century. This form is called Old Irish (ca. 600-900), as it is the earliest state of the Irish language of which sufficient knowledge exists. Old Irish remained fairly uniform for about three hundred years. The second period in the Irish language is the Middle Irish period (ca. 900-1200). It represents the struggle between the evolving speech among the Irish people and older standards upheld by scholars who had neither the knowledge nor the authority to enforce them. By the end of the 12th century a new type of learned layman had arisen who sold poems of praise to the aristocracy, and for over 400 years this class maintained the standard language called Early Modern Irish (ca. 1200-1600).40

35 Preserved in the Bodleian Library, Oxford.36 Preserved in Trinity College, Dublin.37 Preserved in Trinity College, Dublin.38 All three are preserved in the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin.39 Both preserved in the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin.40 MacCana, ‘Irish’, 35-39, 43; Greene, Irish Language, 8-12.

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2.3 The Cycles

The narrative tales which appear in early Irish literature are generally divided into four main groups or cycles, a categorisation which was first introduced by Myles Dillon. These four cycles are called the Mythological cycle, the Ulster cycle, the Fenian cycle and the Historical cycle. The classification into cycles is a modern invention, as according to the traditional native tradition texts are categorised according to tale type. Two Middle Irish Tale lists are recorded in manuscripts containing medieval Irish texts. These lists classify texts by means of their genre.41

The main types of tales are: destructions (togla), cattle raids (tána bó), courtships (tóchmarca), battles (catha), voyages (immrama), adventures (echtrai), sieges (forfessa), plunderings (oircne), visions (físi), love stories (serca) and hostings (slúagid). In the following chapter I have followed the division into cycles, as in my opinion this is more practical and structured than any other way of classifying the early Irish tales. I have added certain other groups of texts that do not belong to any of the four cycles, but I think are worth mentioning.

2.3.1 The Mythological cycle

The main characters of the Mythological cycle are the Túatha dé Danann, “the peoples of the goddess Danann”, who were the supernatural inhabitants of the síde, the fairy mounds. It is said of the Tuatha dé Danann that the men of art were gods and the labourers non-gods. They are ruled by the Dagda, whose sons are Óengus mac ind Óc and Bodb Derg. Other important figures are Midir, husband of the beautiful Étain, Manannan mac Lir, Nuada Airgetlám and Lug mac Ethnenn, who is the divine father of Cú Chulainn. These deities do not appear as proper gods as may be expected, but as supernatural beings with magic powers, who sometimes interfere in the earthly affairs of men. The war-goddesses Morrígan, Badb, Macha and Nemain also belong to the Tuatha dé Danann.42

The texts in this cycle that contain the word badb are now listed. Lebor Gabála Érenn (“The Book of Invasions”) is the origin legend of Ireland. It tells the fictious history of Ireland from the earliest times down to the coming of Christianity. The story was probably originally compiled in the 8th or 9th century, although the extant versions are a few centuries later. There are three different redactions of LGÉ.43 Cath Maige Tured (“The Second Battle of Mag Tuired”) describes the battle between the Tuatha dé Danann and the Fomoire. It was probably first written in the 9th

century. There exist two versions of CMT, the older version, from the 16th

41 Chadwin, ‘Remscéla’, 67. 42 Dillon, Early, 51-54; Rees and Rees, Celtic Heritage, 26-31; Murphy, Ossianic Lore, 17-18.43 Redaction I is from the Book of Leinster and the Book of Fermoy.

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century Harleian 5280 and an Early Modern Irish version in RIA 24.P.9.44

Cath Muige Tuired Cunga (“The First Battle of Mag Tuired”) describes the battle fought between the Tuatha dé Danann and the Fir Bolg. This tale is later than CMT; it is a late Middle Irish or Early Modern Irish text.45

Oidheadh Clainne Lir (“The Fate of the Children of Lir”) is a late medieval tale that can be dated maybe as late as 1500 AD. It tells how Aife turns the children of Lir into swans.

2.3.2 The Ulster cycle

The Ulster cycle is one of the two heroic cycles. The cycle is called after the province Ulster in north-eastern Ireland. The king of this area was Conchobar, who resided at Emain Macha. The theme of the Ulster tales is largely based upon the war between the two northern provinces, Ulster and Connacht. The stories in the Ulster cycle are about the warriors of king Conchobar. The central figure of the cycle is the warrior Cú Chulainn, the nephew of Conchobar, who as a small boy comes to Emain Macha to join Conchobar’s boy troops. Conall Cernach, Loegaire Buadach and Bricriu Nemthenga are some of the other warriors; Cathbad, the druid, also plays an important role. Queen Medb and her husband Ailill are the leaders of Connacht, who have a daughter called Finnabair. Fergus is a warrior of Connacht who is originally an exile of Ulster and Cú Chulainn’s foster father. The time in which these stories are set is the period around the birth of Christ, therefore the Ulster cycle represents an older world than the time it was written in.

The word badb occurs very frequently in the Ulster Cycle. Cath Ruis na Ríg for Boinn (“The Battle of Ros na Ríg”) describes the second of the battles of the Seven Years of War, which are said to have been fought at the beginning of the Christian era. The old version of this tale is preserved in the Book of Leinster and can be dated to the 13th century. The more modern text from the 15th century is called Rosnaree. Fled Bricrenn (“Bricriu’s Feast”), from the 8th century, deals with the motif of the Hero’s Portion at a feast. There exist three redactions of FB; redaction A from Lebor na hUidre, the oldest version, and redaction B, from an Egerton ms and the Leyden or Vossianus ms, and redaction C from TCD H.3.17. and an Edinburgh Gaelic ms. Scéla Muicce Meic Dathó (“The Tale of Mac Dathó’s Boar”) dates from around 800 AD. The theme of the story is the Champion’s Portion, fought over between Connacht and Ulster.46Mesca Ulad (“The Intoxication of the Ulstermen”) tells how the drunken chariot heroes of Ulster loose their way and get trapped in an iron house. There exists an older version from the 9th century and a younger version from the 12th century.47Togail Bruidne Da Derga (“The Destruction of Da Derga’s 44 Carey, ‘Myth’, 53-54.45 From TCD H.2.17. There also exists an Early Modern Irish version in the Franciscan Library, Merchants’ Quay in Dublin, in which badb does not occur.46 The oldest version of SMMD is from the Book of Leinster. There also exists a version from 15th and 16th century manuscripts. All fragments mentioned here are from the Book of Leinster.47 MU is preserved in Lebor na hUidre, containing only the latter part of the earlier version; the Book of Leinster contains a large part of the later version, but lacks the end; the

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Hostel”) probably derives from the first half of the 8th century. The theme of the story is the death of Conaire.48 Closely connected to TBDD is Togail Bruiden Da Choca (“The Destruction of Da Choca’s Hostel”), a 12th century compilation, which tells about the death of Cormac Conn Loinges. There are two recensions of TBDC: recension A, which is the older version, and recension B. Tromdamh Guaire (“The Great Visitation to Guaire”), from the 13th century, is one of the tales that explains how TBC became known to the filid.49

Besides these, several other stories occur within the Ulster Cycle that are connected with Táin Bó Cúailnge (which I will discuss next). These fore-tales are called remscéla, texts that have a relationship with the plot of the text to which it is a fore-tale. In the Book of Leinster ten tales are listed as remscéla which precede TBC.50 There are several remscéla in which badb occurs. Tochmarc Ferbe (“The Wooing of Ferb”), from the middle of the 12th century, tells of one of the provocations which led to TBC which took place seven years later after the events described in this tale. There are two versions of TF. Version I is from Egerton 1782, which consists of the original poem and the older prose. Version II is from the Book of Leinster, and is the younger version. Táin Bó Regamna (“The Cattle Raid of Regamna”), written somewhere between the 8th and 11th

century, describes the first appearance of the Morrígan to Cú Chulainn.51

Maccgnimrada Cu Chulainn (“The Boyhood Deeds of Cú Chulainn”) is actually a part of TBC, which tells how Cú Chulainn as a boy came to Emain Macha. Tochmarc Emire (“The Wooing of Emer”) tells of Cú Chulainn’s journey to Emer, who eventually becomes his wife. There are two existing versions of TE. The shorter version, version I, is the earlier version and exists only in Rawlinson B.512 from the 15th century and lacks the first half of the narrative. The longer version, version II, is most complete and exists in several manuscripts of which the earliest is a fragment in Lebor na hUidre. The story was probably first written in the 8th

century.52 Aided Con Culainn (“The Death of Cú Chulainn”) describes the death of Cú Chulainn at the battle of Muirthemne. There are two versions of ACC. The oldest version has been preserved in the Book of Leinster and has been dated to the middle of the 8th century. This version is normally called Aided Conculainn. The modern version, dating from the 15th century, is more elaborate and modernised; it exists of two parts: Brislech Mor Maige Murthemni, about the death of Cú Chulainn, and Dergruathair

Yellow Book of Lecan and Edinburgh XL contain a conflation of the earlier and the later version. Fragments mentioned here are from the Book of Leinster and Lebor na hUidre.48 Fragments mentioned here are from Lebor na hUidre and the Yellow Book of Lecan.49 From the Book of Lismore.50 Rees and Rees, Celtic Heritage, 26-27, 54, 57-58; Dillon, Early, 1-4. Tom Chadwin describes various types of remscéla, which can be categorised by means of the way in which they are related to TBC: background remscéla, causal remscéla, remremscéla and referential remscéla; Chadwin, ‘Remscéla’, 69-74. 51TBR exists in two main manuscripts, namely in the Yellow Book of Lecan, which is the oldest version, and in Egerton 1782.52 Toner, ‘Transmission’, 71.

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Chonall Chearnaig, about the revenge of Conall Cernach, Cú Chulainn’s foster brother.53

Táin Bó CúailngeThe central story of the Ulster cycle is Táin Bó Cúailnge (“The Cattle Raid of Cúailnge”). TBC is a very elaborative and long epic tale about an army of four provinces, led by Medb, to conquer the great bull Donn Cúailnge, possessed by one of the landowners of Ulster. This causes a battle between Medb’s army and Ulster. A battle which Cú Chulainn must fight all alone, since the Ulstermen were struck by their sickness. TBC has been preserved in three recensions. Recension I is contained in Lebor na hUidre and is also found in Egerton 1782 and in the Yellow Book of Lecan. None of the three manuscripts offer a complete text. Recension I is also found in O’Curry ms I, a late 16th century paper manuscript, also known as the Maynooth manuscript, as Pádraig Ó Fiannachta has called it in his edition of this version.54 The text is incomplete. Recension II is the version contained in the Book of Leinster. The text is complete except for one page. Recension II is also preserved in RIA C.vi.3., which is also known as the Stowe version. The Stowe version of TBC is a 15th century modernisation of the tale. Recension III is preserved in a fragmentary form in two late manuscripts, Egerton 93 and TCD H.2.17.55

Date and growth of TBC On the date and the growth of TBC exists a lot of contradictory and interesting discussion. It serves the purpose of this thesis to mention the two main discussions that exist; the ‘growth model’ and the ‘singular creative act’ model. The ‘growth model’ was first suggested by Rudolf Thurneysen. According to Thurneysen in the 9th century two very different versions of the story were written, which originated from the oral tradition the so-called grundtext of the tale underwent. Thurneysen over the years dated the grundtext of TBC to the 7th or early 8th century. Recension I of TBC would represent a compilation of the two versions, made in the 11th

century. Recension II and III would then represent the reworking of this older version. Cecile O’Rahilly agreed mainly with Thurneysen, and took his ‘growth model’ as starting point, but she saw the ‘growth model’ as a natural process of a long oral tradition. There are several indications which support the ‘growth model’: rather vague references to events connected with TBC in early poetry, the tale is mentioned in the 9th century “Triads of Ireland”, and the Middle Irish tale lists mention “The Revelation of Táin Bó Cuailnge”, which tells how the TBC tale was rediscovered. A more important clue is formed by the remscéla and other early tales that seem to derive from TBC or are in some other way connected to it.56

The ‘creative act model’ was introduced by Hildegard Tristram, though first insinuated by scholars like James Carney. Tristram does not believe in the ‘growth model’ and she finds no convincing evidence that

53 Tymoczko, Death Tales, 14-16; Thurneysen, Zu irischen, 13-19; Lehmann, ‘Death’, 7.54 Preserved in the Library of St. Patrick’s College, Maynooth.55 O’Rahilly, TBC-LL, xiv–xvi.56 Ó hUiginn, ‘Background’, 31-32, 35; Edel, ‘Táin’, 209-210.

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TBC existed as a macro-form text before the Middle Irish period. Instead she thinks that the first compilation of TBC was a ‘singular creative act’, which was produced around the beginning or the end of the 11th century. Her two main reasons for this are as follows. In the first place the manuscripts containing sizable amounts of vernacular Irish material are preserved from the 12th century onwards only and nearly all knowledge about early Irish literature has derived from these late manuscripts. Tristram sees no proof that texts may have been copied from earlier manuscripts now lost. Secondly, Tristram believes that the compilation of TBC was preceded by the translation of narrative Latin macro-form, the Irish adaptations of classical epic, whereby the standard was set for the production of macro-form writing in the Irish vernacular. Tristram points out that TBC is the longest of the early Irish narratives. All other extant native narratives, which have been dated to the Old Irish period, are much shorter. In the 12th century the first great manuscript collections containing vernacular material were made and they contain many short texts, as well as lengthy narratives modelled on the classical patterns of composition. And since there was no translation model for extended narrative in the early period, Tristram thinks it very unlikely the Irish could have produced an extended written narrative on the matter of TBC without the knowledge of the written translation of lengthy classical texts in the Middle Irish period. Tristram suggests that the written macro-from of TBC was produced for the first time in a ‘non-authentic collecting situation’ in the Middle Irish period, after the Irish had become acquainted with classical patterns of composition. She believes that the native praetextus were both oral and written multiform and that in turn classical subtextus may have gone into each and she takes recension I as the praetextus for the integrative recension II.57

An important point in the discussion on the date and growth of TBC, is the extent of classical influence on the tale. It has been generally agreed that there seems to be quite an amount of parallels between TBC and classical epic which cannot be ignored. Thurneysen thought that the composition and size of TBC were directly inspired by classical epic, and that certain features of the tale were direct borrowings or reminiscences from classical literature, which he assigned to the grundtext. This theory on classical influence was further developed by Carney in his rather controversial Studies in Early Irish History and Literature.58 Tristram also believes in a strong classical influence on TBC, but from a rather different point of view. She does not believe in Thurneysen’s idea of direct borrowing from classical epic, but she finds the source of the classical influence on TBC in the classical adaptations from the 12th century. Tristram thinks the period of composition, language, structure, subject 57 Tristram, ‘Cattle-Raid’, 61-65, 70, 72, 75-77, 80; Tristram, ‘Aspects’, 20-22. Doris Edel has stated that recension I was put together in a ‘non-authentic collecting situation’. She suggests that storytellers usually presented individual episodes or strings of episodes, in the knowledge that their audience were able to situate these episodes within the epic as a whole. Thus the extended epic may have existed orally in so far as the key-lines and main plot of TBC are concerned, while the detailed filling-in of the plot remained to a certain extent fluid; Edel, ‘Táin’, 211.58 Ó hUiginn, ‘Background’, 35-36, 40; Ó Cathasaigh, Mythology’, 116-117.

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matter and perhaps even purpose of these texts seem to be related to TBC. She believes that because of its extended structure, TBC is a middle Irish antiquarian compilation modelled on classical adaptations like Togail Troi and Imthúsa Alexandair.59

I tend to lean towards Tristram’s point of view when it comes to choosing a side in this discussion. I will further explain why I share Tristram’s view, later on in this thesis.

2.3.3 The Fenian cycle

The second heroic cycle consists of stories about Finn mac Cumaill and his companions, his fiana. The word fiana means “a (roving) band of warriors”. This cycle is sometimes called the Ossianic cycle, after Finn’s son Oisín or fianaigheacht, “lore of the fiana”. Finn’s company was divided into two different clans, Clann Baiscne, to which Finn himself belonged, and Clann Morna whose champion was Goll mac Morna. The main heroes, besides Finn, were his son Oisín, Oscar son of Oisín, Cailte son of Rónán and Diarmait.60

There are three texts within the Finn Cycle in which badb occurs. The longest and most important tale of the Finn cycle is Acallam na Senórach (“The Colloquy of Old Men”) which is second only to TBC in length. The earliest version of AnS that survives, in the Book of Lismore, can be dated around 1200 AD. The tale describes the wanderings of the last survivors of the Fenian, Oisín and Cailte. Slieve na mBan Finn (“The Chase of Síd na mBan Finn”), from the 13th or 14th century, is a prelude to the death of Finn.61 Cath Finntragha (“The Battle of Ventry”), from the 15th century, describes the fight with foreign invaders at Ventry, which lasted a full year.62

2.3.4 The Historical cycle

The Historical cycle, or the Cycles of the Kings, is a group of stories about a number of high kings and provincial kings but also about kingship, the founding of dynasties and succession. There is a very fine line in these tales between legend and history. Most of these stories can be classified into different groups around the names of the kings who appear in them.63

Three stories in this cycle contain badb. Cath Almaine (“The Battle of Allen”) is from the 11th or early 12th century. There are two versions of CA, version YDF, from the Yellow Book of Lecan, RIA D.IV.2. and the Book of

59 Tristram, ‘Aspects’, 23-27; Tristram, ‘Cattle-Raid’, 70-71, 74. 60 Rees and Rees, Celtic Heritage, 26-27, 62; Murphy, Ossianic Lore, 5-26; Dillon, Early, 32-36.61 Slieve na mBan Finn is found in poems from the 13th and 14th centuries and as an older prose version in Egerton 1782. Besides this, two fragments of the part called Aided Finn exist in a Bodleian ms and in Egerton 92. All fragments mentioned here exist in both versions.62 The oldest version of CF is from Rawlinson B.487. There also exist folk versions, a Scottish Gaelic ballad and a number of later manuscripts. All fragments mentioned here are from Rawlinson B.487. 63 Dillon, Early, 73-74; Dillon, Cycles, 1-3; Rees and Rees, Celtic Heritage, 26-27, 73.

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Fermoy, and version B, from a Brussels ms.64 Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh (“The War of the Irish with the Foreigners”) deals with the campaigns of the Scandinavians in Ireland and the Dál Cais wars against them, cumulating in the “Battle of Clontarf”. It was composed between 1103 and 1113.65 Cath Maige Leana (“The Battle of Mag Léna”) tells the story of Eóghan Mór. There exist two recensions of CML. The long recension consists of all earlier manuscripts from the last half of the 13th or early 14th

century. The short recension has been modernized to the 17th century to such an extent, that the date is impossible to determine. There also exists a mixed recension from the 18th century.66

2.3.5 The Irish adaptations

In the course of the 12th century several Irish versions of classical stories called the classical adaptations appeared. These are texts which have been based on classical stories, translated and adapted into Irish. These texts were the first translations of classical tales that existed in Irish. Some of these stories are dated as early as the 10th century, much earlier than translations in the rest of Europe. The extant Irish manuscripts belong to the 14th or 15th century, but the classical tales were probably known at a considerably earlier date. The way these stories have been adapted to the Irish taste is striking. They are not literal and complete translations, but seem more like structured extracts or summaries of the original texts in Irish, with additional explanations to make it more understandable for the Irish public. A large part of the knowledge that existed about classical mythology and history as well as a large part of classic Irish material has been incorporated freely.67

The word badb occurs in a prominent way in these texts. The earliest adaptations are Togail Troí (“The Destruction of Troy”), a translation of Dares Phrygius’ Historia de Excidio Troiae,68 and Imthúsa Alexandair, stories of Alexander the Great. Both tales are believed to go back to the 10th century. Later tales are Togail na Tebe (“The Destruction of Thebes”), a translation of Statius’ Thebaid, from the 12th century;69 Imtheachta Aeniasa (“The Adventures of Aeneas”), a translation of Vergil’s Aeneid, from the late 11th or beginning of the 12th century;70 and In Cath Catharda

64 All fragments mentioned here exist in both versions.65 CGG exists in three manuscripts, a fragment in the Book of Leinster, which is the oldest, a fragment in a Dublin ms, a Brussels ms and the O’Clery’s copy.66 The fragments I mention are all taken from the long recension. 67 Stanford, Ireland, 80; Harris, Adaptations, 11-12; Ni Shéaghdha, Translations, 1-3; Hillers, ‘Ulysses’, 15; Stanford, ‘Towards’, 14, 35-37; Murphy, Ossianic Lore, 17-18.68 Stanford, Ireland, 74; Meyer, ‘Middle-Irish’, 355. 69 TnT exists in Egerton 1781 and there exists a version in TCD H.2.7., which contains only a part of the text. Besides this, there exists a version in an Edinburgh ms (Advocates’ Library Gaelic mss. VIII, Kilbride collection, no.4), and although this version is older than that in Egerton 1781, George Calder explains that it is not the original translation; Calder, Togail, xiii.70 From the Book of Ballymote. Erich Poppe has recognised two other manuscripts in which IA exists, which were not known to George Calder; Killiney, Franciscan House of Studies, ms A 11, from the 15th century and King’s Inns Library in Dublin, ms 13, written in 1491-1492; Poppe, New introduction, 30-31.

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(“The Civil War of the Romans”), a translation of Lucan’s Pharsalia from the 12th century.71

2.3.6 Other groups of texts

Adventures, Voyages and VisionsDillon adds to his division into the four cycles mentioned above three additional types of stories, namely Adventures, Voyages and Visions. The Adventures is a group of stories called echtrae (“adventure”) in which the theme is based on the other world, a paradise like dwelling. Baile in Scail (“The Phantom’s Frenzy”) is the only text in which badb occurs. The story was written around 1000 AD and tells how the Phantom and the Sovereignty of Ireland name the kings to which sovereignty should be given.72 The Voyages is a group of stories in which a journey is the subject, which are in Irish called immrama. The Visions is a group of texts that describe visions as experienced by one of the Irish saints and occasionally other persons. Aislinge meic Con Glinne (“The Vision of Mac Con Glinne”) from the 12th century is the only text in its genre in which badb occurs.73

The Arthurian cycleThe Arthurian cycle belongs to the Romantic Tales. The Romantic Tales, or Sgéalta Rómánsaíochta, are a group of stories for which no adequate definition exists. Within the Romantic Tales there are six Irish Arthurian romances. These stories were created in the 15th century or later.74 The only Arthurian text in which badb occurs is Eachtra Mhacoimh an Iolair (“The Story of Eagle-Boy”), from the 15th or 16th century.75

The GlossariesThe Irish glossaries are medieval tracts in which obscure Irish words are explained. Paul Russell distinguishes three different methods of explanation in these glossaries: explanation by means of a gloss, etymology by analysis into elements, in which the entry is explained by breaking down the headword into recognizable elements and etymology by comparison with Latin, Greek and Hebrew words.76

71 ICC is preserved in RIA 23.Q.16. In Caithréim Thoirdhealbhaigh (“The Triumphs of Turlough”), a collection of stories describing wars in County Clare in the 14th century, the story Cocadh Catharda about the civil war of Pompey and Caesar occurs, which is closely modelled on the Irish version of Lucan’s Pharsalia. Unfortunately the last part of the edition by Standish O’Grady has not been translated and the parts of the translation that do exist have been summarised to the extent that some interesting parts containing badb did not make the translated text. I have tried to translate most of these parts myself, which I will discuss for the most part in chapter 5; Stanford, Ireland, 85.72 From Rawlinson B.512. BiS exists also in Harleian 5280, but only the first half survived, in which badb does not occur.73 Dillon, Early, 101, 124, 132-133. 74 Gillies, ‘Arthur I’, 57-58, 64; ‘II’, 43-46; Murphy, Ossianic Lore, 37-40; Bruford, Gaelic, 1, 11, 147; Smelik, ‘Eachtra’, 7-10.75 From Egerton 128.76 Russell, ‘Sounds’, 16-27.

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The glossaries that are of importance here are: “O’Mulconry’s Glossary”,77 “O’Davoren’s Glossary”,78 and “O’Clery’s Glossary”.79 The most important glossary called Sanas Chormaic (“Cormac’s Glossary”), is the fullest and most complete of the extant glossaries. This glossary has been traditionally associated with Cormac mac Cuilennáin, who was king-bishop in Cashel between 896 and 908. Nevertheless, Russell thinks that the evidence for associating this glossary with Cormac mac Cuilennáin is entirely circumstantial, except for some vague references.80 There are two different versions of the text, a longer and a shorter version. The longer version (also called Codex B), from the Yellow Book of Lecan and TCD H.2.15., has an extra block of entries at the end of each letter. The shorter version (also called Codex A) is found in Leabhar Brecc, the Book of Uí Maine, Bodleian Library ms Laud 610 and the Book of Leinster.

Banshenchus and Dinnshenchas The Dinnshenchas (“History of Places”) is the traditional lore of eminent places. It is a 12th century compilation. There exist three recensions: Dindshenchas A, the metrical version, Dindshenchas B, which comprises the prose episodes, with a quatrain at the end of every entry, and Dindshenchas C, the most common version.81

The Banshenchus (“History of Women”) from the 11th or 12th century, is a list of famous married women in Irish literature and history. The mothers of saints, women saints and abbesses are recorded elsewhere. There are both metrical and prose versions and these vary in length and in matter.82

3. Badb: one of the war-goddesses

77 From the Yellow Book of Lecan. 78 From Egerton 88.79 Russell, ‘Sounds’, 5-6.80 Russell, ‘Sounds’, 2-4, 9-14, 27.81 Hellmuth, ‘Dindshenchas’, 117.82 The Banshenchus is found in the Book of Leinster, the Book of Lecan, the Book of Uí Maine, the Book of Ballymote, N1 VII Kilbride Coll, a Brussels ms 2542 and TCD H.3.17.; Dobbs, ‘Ban-Shenchus’, 283.

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In many cases the word badb signifies the name Badb for one of the war-goddesses. This sinister war-goddess appears in Irish literature in the companionship of her sisters, a group of war-goddesses, or alone. This sisterhood consists of Morrígan, Macha and Badb, and they are all three members of the Tuatha dé Danann. Apart from that there are some texts in which she appears with another war-goddess called Nemain. Badb and Nemain are in this setting the two wives of Nét. There are a number of texts in which Badb is treated as a single goddess. Her role is in general not very elaborative and her character is not as fully developed as that of Morrígan, who is the most recurring war-goddess in the texts.

3.1 Badb and her sisters

Badb appears in most texts in the companionship of the other war-goddesses of her sisterhood. There exists a lot of contradiction about the way this sisterhood is composed. Hennesy first referred to Nemain, Macha and Morrígan as the so-called sisters of the Badb. He is convinced that these names represent three different characters, who embody different functions.83 Proinsias MacCana says the war-goddesses generally comprise the Morrígan and Badb, accompanied by Nemain or Macha. He assumes, since these goddesses are frequently identified with one another, that they are actually the triplication of a single deity, and that this is in fact collaborated by the occasional references to the three morrigains.84

William Sayers has a similar view and says the Irish war-goddess was poly-functional. When more formally identified as the goddess of war, she should be called Badb, Nemain or Bé Néit, as these three occur together at various points in TBC.85 Daragh Smyth says that Badb together with Macha and the Morrígan made up the Morrigna, a triple goddess of the battlefield.86

The idea that the Irish war-goddesses were the three morrigains or that they signify a triple goddess called Morrigna derives strictly from certain glosses. Firstly a gloss from the Yellow Book of Lecan explains Macha as follows: “Machae, a badb or she is the third Morrígan. Hence ‘mesrad Macha’, Macha’s mast-feeding, i.e. the heads of men that have been slaughtered” (Machae .i. badb no as i an tres morrigan; mesrad Machae .i. cendae doine iarna n-airlech).87 The exact same explanation occurs in “O’Mulconry’s Glossary”.88 Hennesy and Olmsted describe another similar explanation given in TCD H.3.18., in which it is added that Badb, Macha and Morrígan were the three morrigna (tres mórrígna).89

Macha is here both identified with Badb as well as with Morrígan. I do not believe the war-goddesses are a triple goddess or one deity with different 83 Hennesy, ‘Ancient’, 34.84 MacCana, Celtic, 86-90.85 Sayers, ‘Supernatural’, 54.86 Smyth, Guide, 18. 87 Stokes, ‘Second Battle’, 127; Stokes, Three, xxxv; Hennesy, ‘Ancient’, 36; Stokes and Hennesy both translate badb here with “scald crow”, but I do not think this is very accurate, as Macha is here equated with both Badb as Morrígan.88 Stokes, ‘O’Mulconry’s’, 271.89 Olmsted, Gods, 285; Hennesy, ‘Ancient’, 36.

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functions. That the war-goddesses are referred to as morrigains, does not prove anything to me, as in several texts the war-goddesses are identified with one another. It is interesting to note here that in TnT queen Jocaste is also called a morrigain, which shows that the term morrigain is also used for other creatures besides these war-goddesses.90 I definitely think the three war-goddesses imply three different characters, as can evidently be seen from the texts.

I will now try to describe the composition of this sisterhood, according to the texts in which they appear together. I believe this sisterhood consists of Macha, Badb and Morrígan, whose second name is Anann or Anu. I hope to show that this composition of the goddesses derives from the texts in which they occur. In LGÉ the goddesses are described at various points in the text, but there exists quite some confusion within the text concerning the exact names of these three goddesses. This confusion is mainly caused by, as R.A.S. MacAlister has pointed out, the fact that .i. (id est), meaning “to wit”, has been mistaken for 7 (ocus), meaning “and”, at several points in the text.91 This mistake gives the false impression that Anann is a fourth goddess.

The first redaction of LGÉ names Badb, Macha and Anand as the three daughters of Ernmas the witch. In the Book of Fermoy, Morrígan seems to be another name for Macha (Badb 7 Macha .i. in Morrigan 7 Anann (…) trí ingena Ernbais na bantúathige),92 but in the Book of Leinster the name Morrígan is not mentioned at all (Badb 7 Macha 7 Anand (…) trí ingena Ernbais na bantúathige). The mistake mentioned above would explain that the name Anann stands for Morrígan and that Morrígan is not a byname of Macha, but a separate goddess. In the third redaction this same sentence names the Morrígan as an additional fourth goddess (Badbh 7 Macha 7 Morrighan 7 Anand (…) trí hingeana Earnmhais na ban thuathaighe).93 This is a very obvious mistake as four names cannot relate to three daughters. The proposal that Anann is a second name for Morrígan is confirmed at a later point in the first redaction, in the Book of Leinster, where Anand is not one of the goddesses, but is explained as a byname for Morrígan: “Ernmas had three other daughters, Badb and Macha and Morrígan, whose name was Anand” (trí ingena aile dana oc Ernmais, .i. Badb 7 Macha 7 Mórrigu, .i. Anand a hainmside).94 At this point in the second redaction, Anand is mentioned as a separate goddess, as she is described as the seventh daughter of Ernmas: “Eriu, Fotla and Banba are the three daughters of Ernmas, and her three other daughters were Badb, Macha and Morrígan; and Ana, (…) was her seventh daughter” (trí hingena aile hic Ernmaiss, .i. Badb 7 Macha 7 Mórrigu: 7 Anann (…) in sechtmudh ingen dí).95 Once more, in the second redaction, Anand is the third sister, but her byname is Morrígan (Badb 7 Macha 7 Anann .i. Morrigan (…), tri ingena Ernbais na bantauthaige).96 In the third redaction, 90 Calder, Togail, 6-7: 8891 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 310.92 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 122-123. 93 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 182-183.94 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 130-131.95 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 154-155.96 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 160-161.

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at a later point, is very literally explained that Danann was the additional name of the Morrígan, and that the Paps of Ana in Luachair as well as the Tuatha dé Danann are called after her byname (in Morrigu (…): 7 is dia forainm Danand, …).97 In a poem, found only in the first redaction of LGÉ, the three sisters are described:

Badb is Macha, mét n-indbais, “Badb and Macha, greatness of wealth,Morrigan, fátha felbais, Morrígan - springs of craftiness, Tindrema aga amnuis, sources of bitter fighting Ingena ána Ernmais were the three daughters of Ernmas”.98

In the Book of Lecan version of BS occurs more evidence that Anann is a name for Morrígan: “Anann, that is the Morrígan (…), wife of the Dagda” (Anand .i. in Morrigan (…) bean aile do’n Dagda).99 Hennesy thinks that the name of Anand or Ana had changed to Morrígan.100 But these names occur alongside each other already in the earliest versions, so I think there is no possibility of Anann evolving to Morrígan. I think that from these texts can be made clear that Anann or Danann is actually another name for the Morrígan and certainly not the name of a separate goddess.

In the modern version of CMT Badb, Macha and Morrígan are described as the three female druids of the Tuatha dé Danann (is ann sin adubhra(dar) na trí bandraoithe, .i. Badhbh, Macha, 7 Mórríoghan).101 It is easy to explain that this corresponds closely with LGÉ, as most of CMT’s introductory section is derived from LGÉ.102

In CMTC, when the Tuatha dé Danann laid hold of Ireland, Badb, Macha and Morrígan (Badhbh 7 Macha 7 Morrigha) went to the Knoll of the Taking of the Hostages, and to the Hill of Summoning of Hosts at Tara, and with their magical powers they caused compact clouds of mist, a furious rain of fire and a rain of red blood from the air on the warrior’s heads. They allowed the Fir Bolg neither rest nor stay for three days and nights.103

The goddesses appear again when the battalions of the Tuatha dé Danann are approached by the Fir Bolg. The women, Badb, Macha, Morrígan and Danann (ar na hingena .i. Badb 7 Macha 7 Morigan 7 Danann) offered to accompany the chiefs who went out in front of the Tuatha dé Danann on that day.104 I suspect this sentence shows again a mistake of .i. for 7, which corrected would give: “The women, Badb, Macha, Morrígan, to wit Danann”. Later, in a description of the troops that advance, Badb, Macha and Morrígan are called the bantuathach, the three sorceresses or witches of the Tuatha dé Danann, and they are accompanied by Bé Chuille and Danann, who are described as their two foster mothers (7 a trí 97 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 188-189.98 Poem LIII, MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 216-217.99 Margaret Dobbs says in a note that Anand as the name for Morrígan does not occur in the Book of Leinster or in the Book of Uí Maine; Dobbs, ‘Ban-Shenchus’, 168.100 Hennesy, ‘Ancient’, 37.101 Ó Cuív, CMT, 20: 39-40.102 Carey, ‘Myth’, 53-54.103 Fraser, ’First Battle’, 26-27.104 Fraser, ’First Battle’, 34-35.

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bantuathacha .i. Badb 7 Macha 7 Morigan, Be Chuille 7 Danann a da mbuime).105 This leads to the possibility that Danann is indeed a separate goddess, but I think we are dealing with another deity here. When mentioned next to the Morrígan, I would render Danann as the second name of the Morrígan. It could, nevertheless, be that because of the mistakes mentioned above, Danann had earned her own separate identity.

There are two different possibilities for the alleged father of these three goddesses. In the third redaction of LGÉ the appointed father is Delbaeth son of Ogma Grianainech. He has seven sons, who are Fiachra, Ollam, Indui, Brian, Lucharba, Luchair and Elcmar of the Brug. Badb, Macha and Morrígan are mentioned as his three daughters (a tri hingena .i. Bodb 7 Macha 7 Morigu).106 In the modern version of CMT Badb, Macha and Morrígan are identified as the three daughters of Deala mac Lóich and Ére, Fódla and Banbha are described as the three daughters of Fiacha mac Dealbai (Badhbh, Macha, 7 Mórríoghan, Ére, Fódla, 7 Banbha, .i. trí h-ingheana Deala mic Lóich, 7 trí h-ingheana Fiacha mic Dhealbhaoi).107

3.1.1 Badb and Morrígan

In certain passages the Morrígan is called Badb. In TBR Cú Chulainn and Loeg encounter a chariot. In the chariot sat a woman with red hair and eyebrows, and a crimson mantle. Next to the chariot a big man drove a cow before him. Cú Chulainn tells them that they do not have the right to take the cow away. But when he talks to them, it is not the man but the woman who answers him and Cú Chulainn is offended by this. He thinks they are making a fool out of him and he jumps into the chariot, on the woman’s shoulders. She tells him she is a female satirist and that she got the cow from Cúailnge of Daire mac Fiachna as a payment for a poem. Cú Chulainn demands to hear this particular poem and he moves away. She then sings the poem to him,108 and Cú Chulainn takes a leap into the chariot, but the woman, the chariot with the horse and the man with the cow had all disappeared. He then sees that the woman has transformed herself into a black bird on a branch. Apparently at this point Cú Chulainn recognises her and he says that if he had known it was her they would not have parted like this. The woman says she will bring him ill-luck and that she is the keeper of his death. She explains she took the cow from the síde of Cruachan so that the Donn Cuailnge, the bull of Daire mac Fiachna, would mate with the cow. She says Cú Chulainn has as long to live until the calve in the womb is a yearling and that it is this bull that will cause the Táin Bó Cúailnge. She then tells him that during his fight with Lóch she will become an eel and crinkle around his feet in the fort,109 she will come 105 Fraser, ’First Battle’, 44-45.106 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 188-189.107 Ó Cuív, CMT, 27: 304-306.108 This roscad is not translated by anyone. Windisch gives the edition of the roscad in both recensions at the end of his article; Windisch, ‘TBR’, 254. It is probably an insult or a challenge, and probably incomprehensible according to Thurneysen, Helden, 310.109 She does not mention Lóch by name, but describes him as a strong warrior, equal to Cú Chulainn.

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as a grey she-wolf and take a bite from him and at last she will become a white heifer with red ears and will storm into the ford, with a hundred white red eared cows behind her. When they part and Cú Chulainn goes back to his dwelling, in Egerton 1782 is said: “and the Morrígan went with her cow to the síde of Cruachan in Connacht (7 luithi in Morrigan cona buin hi sid Cruachan la Connachta). Interestingly, in the Yellow Book of Lecan this is: “and then the Badb left” (Luid ass in Badb iarum).110 Only in recension I of TBC a similar episode occurs, called “The Conversation of the Morrígan with Cú Chulainn” (imacallaim na Mórígna fri Coin Culaind).111

The Morrígan here comes to Cú Chulainn as a beautiful young woman and introduces herself to him as king Búan’s daughter. She gives the same prophecy about Cú Chulainn’s fight with Lóch as in TBR, but her real name is never revealed.112

In recensions II and III of TBC, Cú Chulainn makes a chant, addressed to his charioteer Loeg after he has killed Lóch. The rhetoric differs some, but in both versions Cú Chulainn describes his fight with Lóch and the Morrígan. In recension II he says he was outnumbered when attacked by Lóch together with Badb according to the prophecies of the Táin Bó Regamna (ba lia Lóch co lleith Bodba go remfoclaib Regomna). Cú Chulainn is referring to the Morrígan here, as she is the one who has just interfered in the fight, but he calls her Badb. In recension III Cú Chulainn additionally exclaims that it is no fair combat for anyone to have the Morrígan injuring, destroying, wounding and piercing him.113

In the oldest version of ACC Cú Chulainn decides to go the battlefield of Muirthemne and he orders Loeg to harness his horse Liath Macha. But Liath Macha refuses, because the night before the Morrígan had broken Cú Chulainn’s chariot, to hinder him on his dead march, for she knew that he would not come back to Emain Macha.114 Cú Chulainn then says in an obscure poem to Liath Macha: “Badb (Badb) struck us, in Emain Macha never”, reminding him, as Hennesy puts it, of the time when the Badb accompanied them in their martial feats at Emain Macha. Liath Macha seemingly is so touched by this that he dropped his big tears of blood on Cú Chulainn’s feet.115

At the conclusion of the older version of CMT, the Morrígan utters two prophecies. After the battle was won and the corpses had been cleared away, the Morrígan announced the battle and the victory which had just taken place. It is then said that this is the reason Badb still 110 Draak and de Jong, Van Helden, 68-71; Cross and Slover, Ancient, 211-214; Thurneysen, Helden, 309-311; D'Arbois de Jubainville, ‘Des Vaches’, 164-170; Windisch, ‘TBR’, 248-254; Corthals, TBR, 33, 51-57.111 O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 57.112 O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 176-182; Thurneysen, Helden, 169-176.113 Recension II: O’Rahilly, TBC-LL, 56, 194-197; Thurneysen, Helden, 173-176; D'Arbois de Jubainville, ‘Enlèvement’, 194; Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 325; O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 67: 2097-2098; Kinsella, Táin, 132-137. Recension III: Ó Béarra, ‘TBC III’, 58-59. Also in recension I’s Maynooth manuscript occurs ba llia Loch co leth mBodba; Ó Fiannachta, Maynooth, 31: 1094.114 Stokes, ‘Cuchulainn’s Death’, 175; Thurneysen, Helden, 550; Koch and Carey, Celtic, 136; Dottin, L’Épopée, 148; Cross and Slover, Ancient, 334; Tymoczko, Death Tales, 42; D'Arbois de Jubainville, L’Épopée, 333.115 Hennesy, ‘Ancient’, 50; Tymoczko, Death Tales, 43.

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describes great deeds (Conid do sin inneses Badb aird-gniomha beus). She then speaks the two prophecies. The first prophecy describes the fruits of the new established peace and good fortune to be enjoyed by the Tuatha dé Danann, but it is followed by another prophecy which lists the signs of the end of the world.116 It is generally agreed in all editions and translations that it is the Morrígan who speaks the prophecies, but that she is called Badb here.117

In all the texts given above it is obvious the Morrígan is meant, but at one point, mainly at the end, she is called Badb. Some scholars go as far as to conclude from these texts that Badb is not a separate goddess but a certain form taken on by the Morrígan. Rosalind Clark says at times the names Badb and Morrígan are used to refer to the same persons and that at other times the names refer to two aspects of the triple war-goddess.118 Gray also says Badb is a shape taken by the Morrígan.119 I, however, think from the texts can be seen that Badb is a separate goddess who is actually quite different from the Morrígan. The names of the goddesses are often confused or interchanged, so the fact that the Morrígan in these cases is called Badb, does not prove to me that Badb is a form of the Morrígan.

3.2 Badb and Nemain, the wives of Nét

Badb appears in some texts in the companionship of war-goddess Nemain. Badb and Nemain are the two wives of war-god Nét, and their main function is to stir up strife between the armies and frighten the warriors together. Nemain appears in various other texts independently, in the same function.

In the second redaction of LGÉ, Badb and Nemain are identified as the two daughters of Elcmar of the Brug (Badb 7 Nemuin (…) dá ingin do Elcmaire in Brogha).120 Elcmar of the Brug is their father, while in LGÉ, as we have seen, Elcmar of the Brug is Badb’s brother, when she is mentioned together with the other war-goddesses, Morrígan and Macha. Badb and Nemain appear as the two wives of Nét. In a poem in the first redaction of LGÉ we find:

Néit mac Indúi sa dí mnái, “Nét son of Indui and his two wives,Badb 7 Nemaind cen gói, Badb and Nemain without deceit,

116 John Carey gives a very accurate diplomatic text with an edition and translation of the roscad; Carey, ‘Myth’, 66-69. Carey’s complete version of the poem can be found under appendix A at page 104. Gray gives a very elaborative and interesting description of the prophecies uttered by the Morrígan; Gray, ‘CMT’, 248-249, 259-261. 117 As an exception, Ó Cuív tells that the tale ends with a doleful prophecy of the end of the world by Badb, the war-goddess; Ó Cuív, ‘CMT’, 37. D’Arbois de Jubainville calls the final part of the story “Morrigu et Bodb. Conclusion.” So he probably interprets this part as the Morrígan and the Badb together, instead of the Morrígan called the Badb; D'Arbois de Jubainville, L’Épopée, 446-448.118 Clark, ‘Aspects’, 225.119 Gray, CMT, 118.120 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 154-155.

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Ro marbtha in Ailiuch cen áil were slain in Ailech without blame La Neptuir nDerg d’Fomorchaib. by Nemtuir the Red, of the Fomoraig.121

In the second redaction Badb and Nemain are also mentioned as the two wives of Nét son of Indui (Badb 7 Nemuin, dí mnái Néit meic Indui, …).122

Later, in the second redaction, not Badb and Nemain, but Fea and Nemain are named as the two wives of Nét (Fea 7 Nemain di mnai Neit, …).123 In the Book of Lecan version of BS the same sort of description occurs, and it is added here that they are the daughters of Elcmar of the Brug (Fea 7 Nemaind: da mnai Neid meic Indai .i. da ingin Elcmair in Broga).124 In the Uí Maine version of BS occurs: “Fea and Nemain” (Fea 7 Nemand).125 It seems very likely that Fea is some obscure second name for the Badb, only found in this text, as we find this name in a place where Badb would be expected. Carey says that Fea and Nemain are, like the daughters of Ernmas, sisters. He assumes that Fea is a tutelary figure, as where the name occurs elsewhere in the literature, it is always associated with Mag Fea in South Leinster.126 Hennesy points out that if Fea represents Badb, the name perhaps tells us something about her character, for “Cormac’s Glossary” states that Fea means “everything most hateful”.127 It seems Fea, as an alternate name for Badb, is the same kind of byname as Anann is for Morrígan.

In the longer version of “Cormac’s Glossary” we find the interesting entry Be Net, which is explained as: Bé néit (.i. badb) .i. bé ben 7 nét cath, 7 olca diblínaib. Inde dicitur: ‘bé nét fort’, from which we can conclude that Bé Néit is the Badb, who is the wife of Nét of battle.128 So the entry Bé Néit means “wife of Nét”, which is of course the correct literal translation. In the previous fragments we have already seen the plural form dí mnái Néit (“the two wives of Nét”) used in the same sense.

In version II of TE occur some interesting placenames that refer to the war-goddess.129 In Cú Chulainn’s conversation with Emer, he tries to woo her and they speak together in riddles. Emer asks him a long list of metaphorical questions, of which one is how Cú Chulainn travelled to her. He names several places that he passed on his way, all disguised in a riddle. Emer asks Cú Chulainn to account for who he is. Cú Chulainn answers her question by saying: “I am the nephew of the man that

121 Poem LVI, MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 237. Stokes wonders if Badb and Nemain had been slain by a Fomorian, this means that these war-goddesses were capable of coming to life again. But I think in this mythological context we should not ponder about this question too long; Stokes, ‘Ancient’, 492.122 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 154-155.123 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 160-161.124 Dobbs, ‘Ban-Shenchus’, 168.125 Dobbs, ‘Ban-Shenchus’, 205.126 Carey, ‘Notes’, 272-273.127 Hennesy, ‘Ancient’, 35; Stokes corrects Hennesy that the word explained by “Cormac’s Glossary” is fé and not fea; Stokes, ‘Ancient’, 489.128 Meyer, ‘Sanas Cormaic’, 16; O’Donovan and Stokes, Cormac’s Glossary, 25.129 These references do not exist in version I, because the first part of the story lacks.

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disappears in another in the wood of Badb (i Ross Bodbae)”.130 After Cú Chulainn’s conversation with Emer he tells his charioteer Loeg that he and Emer disguised their words and he explains their conversation to him. Cú Chulainn explains i Ross Bodbae to Loeg as: “In the wood of Badb, i.e. of the Morrígan, for that is her wood, the land of Ross, and she is the Badb of battle and is called the wife of Nét, i.e. the goddess of battle, for Nét, is the same as god of battle” (i Ross Bodba .i. na Mórrígnae. Ar is ed a ross side .i. Crích Roiss 7 is sí dano in Bodb catha í 7 is fria asberar Bé Néid .i. bandé in chatha úair is inand Néid 7 día in chatha).131 Here again is explained that Badb is the wife of Nét, and that she is the goddess of battle. It is also interesting that Badb is called Morrígan. We have already seen that the goddesses’ names are at some times interchangeable, but here it even serves the purpose of a clever play of words in Cú Chulainn’s conversation with Emer, in order to disguise his words.

In recension I of TBC the Morrígan speaks a rhetoric between the two encampments and that same night Nemain and Badb appear together with a third member called Bé Néit (Badb 7 Bé Néit 7 Némain). They shriek above the men of Ireland in Gáirech and Irgáirech and a hundred warriors die of fright.132 Some passages later this trio appears a second time, they shriek above the armies and a hundred of the warriors fall dead of fright.133

Clark goes as far as to say that after Morrígan recites her prophecy, she appears as the triple goddess, which would mean that Badb, Bé Néit and Nemain are actually the Morrígan.134 I find this very hard to believe, as the Morrígan at no other point appears together with Badb and Nemain.

Bé Néit mentioned here is a very obscure character, as we have seen in the texts above that bé néit literally means “the wife of Nét” and that the two wives of Nét are Badb and Nemain. The combination of Nemain, Badb and a third member called Bé Néit seems therefore very strange and redundant. The main question here is whether Bé Néit is a proper name and a separate character. In this sentence, I find it very possible that 7 is a mistake for .i., as we have seen before in LGÉ. This would give: Badb .i. Bé Néit 7 Némain: “Badb, i.e. the wife of Nét, and Nemain”. All editions and translations render Bé Néit as a name, except for Kinsella who does not mention Bé Néit, but translates it as “Nét’s wive”, and calls Badb en Nemain “Nét’s wives”. Although Kinsella’s text is in most cases not very reliable for an accurate translation, I think in this case he is correct. It seems very likely that the term or name Bé Néit originates from the explanation in “Cormac’s Glossary” and it is possible 130 Cú Chulainn explains here that he is the nephew of Conchobar. Cú Chulainn explains in his conversation with Loeg that there are two rivers in the area of Ross; the Conchobar and the Dofolt and that the Conchobar at one point unites with the Dofolt; Meyer, ‘Wooing’, 231; Thurneysen, Helden, 386; Cross and Slover, Ancient, 161; Van Hamel, Compert, 32. In Harleian 5280: Bodbai; Meyer, ‘Mitteilungen’, 237.131 Van Hamel, Compert, 42. In Harleian 5280: hi Ross Bodbo .i. na Morrighno, ar iss ed a ross-side Crich Roiss 7 iss I an bodb catha hi 7 is fria idbeurur bee Neid .i. bandee in catæ, uair is inann be Neid 7 dia cathæ; Meyer, ‘Mitteilungen’, 244. Meyer translates in Bodb catha with “scald crow”, which does not seem correct to me; Meyer, ‘Wooing’, 231.132 O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 231; Thurneysen, Helden, 210.133 O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 118: 3942, 231, 234; Strachan and O'Keeffe, TBC-I, 117: 3478. Thurneysen explains that they are demons; Thurneysen, Helden, 210, 212. 134 Clark, Great Queens, 39.

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that Bé Néit since then has developed to a real character, as she is also found in other texts independently. But I think it is very possible that Bé Néit in these other texts also indicates the Badb or Nemain.

In recension I of TBC, on the first stage of the march, Dubthach chants a lay, warning them that Cú Chulainn is on his way and warning them for the battle. Immediately thereupon Nemain (ind Némain) assailed them and they had no peace that night. The hosts rose up at once and the army was thrown into confusion until Medb came and quelled them.135 In a gloss (or in the overhead) is explained about Nemain: .i. in badb. It seems here Nemain is called the Badb. This shows that not only the names of the three war-goddesses Badb, Macha and Morrígan, but also the names Badb and Nemain are interchangeable.

In BS two different husbands for Badb other than Nét are mentioned. In the Uí Maine version Badb is called “Badb wife of Indai” (Badb bean Indai),136 who interestingly is the father of Nét, while in the Book of Lecan this is “Badb wife of the Dagda” (Badb bean in Dagda Mor), who is in most texts the appointed husband of Morrígan.137 In a gloss in Lebor na hUidre, in the margin of Serglige Con Culainn, Badb is described as the wife of Tetra: mná Tethrach (.i. badb).138

MacAlister thinks that Fea and Nemain have evolved to Badb and Nemain, who, he says, are elsewhere two of the Badb sisterhood. He thinks that this female twin pair has evolved into a triplicity,139 but I actually do not think it liable that the pair of Badb and Nemain have evolved to the Badb sisterhood, as in the same texts, often even in the same fragments, Badb and Nemain appear, as well as the trio of Morrígan, Macha and Badb. Badb seems to be a goddess who appears in two different sort of groups. On the one hand, she is part of the sisterhood together with Macha and Morrígan, who are the daughters of Ernmas, while on the other hand she is also the sister of Nemain, whose mutual father is Elcmar of the Brug. I definitely do not see Nemain as part of the Badb sisterhood, as she is only found together with Badb and not in combination with the other goddesses. The only exception can be found in the Book of Leinster version of BS, when the fair women of the Tuatha dé Danann are described as: “Nemain, Danand, Bodb and Macha, Morrígan who brings victory, impetuous and swift Etain, Bé Chuille of the north country, were the sorceresses of the Tuatha dé Danann” (Nemain, Danand, Bodb is Macha, Morrigu nobered búaid, Etain co luinni is co lluathi, Be Chuilli na tuathi thúaid: ban-tuathecha Tuathe De Danand, …).140 This is the only instance where Nemain is mentioned together with the other war-goddesses in the same phrase. But this phrase does not claim or affirm that these women are sisters, instead they are listed as women and sorceresses of the Tuatha dé Danann, which indeed they all are. 135 O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 7: 210, 131; Thurneysen, Helden, 124; Strachan and O'Keeffe, TBC-I, 9: 211. 136 Dobbs, ‘Ban-Shenchus’, 205.137 Dobbs, ‘Ban-Shenchus’, 168.138 Best and Bergin, Osborn, Lebor, 124. 139 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 306-307.140 Dobbs, ‘Ban-Shenchus’, 292, 318.

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3.3 Badb as a single goddess

In the previous texts Badb appears together with Morrígan and Macha or she appears with Nemain. In these texts she does not play a very significant role, but in the following texts Badb occurs as an individual war-goddess and becomes an actual character that in some aspects resembles the Morrígan, though Badb remains a more supernatural character.

In MCC, in recension I of TBC, during one of Cú Chulainn’s exploits the Ulstermen go into battle while Cú Chulainn is left behind asleep. Ulster is defeated and Conchobar and his son are left for dead. Their wailing wakes Cú Chulainn, and he goes to the courtyard entrance. He meets Fergus there, severely wounded, but Fergus does not know where Conchobar is. Cú Chulainn then sets off in the night for the battlefield and he finds a half headed man who has half his brother’s corpse on his back. He asks Cú Chulainn to carry the body for a while but Cú Chulainn refuses. The other man then throws the body on Cú Chulainn’s back, but Cú Chulainn throws it away from him. They wrestle and Cú Chulainn is thrown down. He then hears the Badb calling from among the corpses (co cúala ní, in mboidb dinaib colnaib): “That is bad material of a warrior, he who is overthrown by phantoms!”. Cú Chulainn rises and strikes off the half head of the other with his hurley and drives it before him across the plain. Cú Chulainn asks if Conchobar is on the battlefield, Conchobar answers and Cú Chulainn finds him in a trench.141

In TF Badb comes to Conchobar and Medb in a vision. When Conchobar lay asleep one night in Emain, he saw a vision that there came to him a young woman, fair in form and in semblance. She tells Conchobar that in seven years from this night the Táin Bó Cúilange shall be accomplished, the land of Ulster shall be laid to waste, the Donn Cuailnge shall be driven off, his own men, his sons, his daughters, and his cattle shall be carried off by Medb and Ailill, and the counsel of Fergus shall help them. She tells him Mani Morgor, the son of Ailill and Medb, had come to sleep with Ferb, the daughter of Gerg of Glenn Geirg, with 150 of his companions. The girl says that when that day comes, there is a glorious deed for Conchobar to do. She tells him he should gather three hundred fighting men, and she goes away. In the morning, Conchobar awakes, and tells his queen the vision he had seen.142

141 Strachan calls this episode “How Cú Chulainn brought Conchobar from the field of battle”; Strachan, Stories, while O’Rahilly calls it “The fight between Eogan mac Durthacht and Conchobar”; O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 138. The Maynooth manuscript begins with the last part of the “Boyhood Deeds”, and so this episode does not occur. In recension II this episode does not occur, because a large part of the “Boyhood Deeds” misses. Kinsella is the only one who does include the missing parts of recension I in his translation of recension II; Kinsella, Táin, 79-81. Recension III begins with the last part of the “Boyhood Deeds”, so this episode does not occur. In Egerton 1782: mbaidb; Windisch, ‘TBC’, 132; O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 16: 498-499, 138-139; Strachan and O'Keeffe, TBC-I, 18: 452-453; Gantz, Early, 137-138; Thurneysen, Helden, 132. Strachan says that in this text the Badb appears in the form of a scald crow, but to me this does not become clear from the text; Strachan, Stories, 5, 48.142 Version I: Leahy, Courtship, 58-59; Thurneysen, Helden, 357; Windisch, ‘Tochmarc’; 549: 2, 553-554. Version II: Leahy, Courtship, 11-12; Thurneysen, Helden, 353, Windisch,

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At this point the girl is not yet identified as Badb, but another night, the same girl who visited Conchobar is now revealed as the Badb. The Badb came to Medb in Cruachain. Badb says to her in her sleep that Conchobar has gained the victory over Mani and that he will fall under Conchobar’s power. She tells Medb to arise, to assemble an army and avenge her son. Medb then wakes up and tells Ailill of her vision. Only in version II Badb and Medb speak in rhetoric with each other, while Medb sleeps. In this rhetoric Badb basically repeats what she has previously said to Medb. Medb calls the Badb here “white lady, fair with brilliancy” (bé bán bulid collí).143 But in version II this woman is nowhere identified as the Badb. Here the woman is described as “the same woman who had come to Conchobar” (in ben chétna adfét na scéla do Chonchobur), while in version I in this same passage is said at the beginning: “The Badb went on her way, and in Cruachain she appeared to Medb” (Luid in Bodb collec co m-bui hi Chruachnuib con n-epert fri Meidb).144 In version I the woman is identified as the Badb, while in version II, she is not called Badb. Windisch has incorporated the name Badb in his translation of version II in the rhetoric conversation with Medb, but the interpretation that this woman is the Badb, comes strictly from version I.

There are two poems in version II, which do not occur in version I, and in which the Badb is mentioned. The first poem occurs at the beginning of the tale. Ollgaeth, the druid of Mani prophesies that Conchobar shall come upon him and that Medb shall defeat him in battle, and he says in a poem: “Badb shall destroy them, wild strength shall be shown, it is a breach in the power of Medb!” (brisfid Badb, bid bríg borb, tolg for Meidb).145 At the end of the tale, Ferb sings a song, and says: cach oen ros marb ní seguind, fégaim cech m-baidb foa fuidim.146 This is a very obscure rhetoric and therefore difficult to translate, but later in the same poem, Ferb says: “You have fed the Badb, the pale one, amidst the weapons; sufficient your boldness!” (ro biathsaid Baidb co m-báni allus airm, lór a chruadi).147 The Badb is here called “the pale one”, similar to “white lady” which we have seen before in the rhetoric between Medb and Badb. This does suggest that the Badb is the same woman as the woman in the visions, because Medb describes her in the same way as Ferb does. The Badb plays a very important role here, as she sets Conchobar and Medb against each other by coming to them in a vision and warning them for each other’s armies. But although she plays a big part, she is still a supernatural, inhuman like being, as she appears only in a vision.

‘Tochmarc’, 472-473. In version II the woman’s appearance is described in much more detail: “Her bearing was the bearing of a queen; her hair was golden and wavy, and was braided into a tress coiled about her head. Through a thin robe, woven of silken threads, shone her white skin, a soft and glossy kerchief of green silk lay on her neck. Two sandals of white bronze, rounded in front, appeared between her tender feet and the ground”.143 The complete version of this rhetoric can be found under appendix B at page 106.144 Version I: Windisch, ‘Tochmarc’, 551: 55-56, 555; Leahy, Courtship, 62; Thurneysen, Helden, 357. Version II: Leahy, Courtship, 25-27, 77-79; Windisch, ‘Tochmarc’, 488-491: 350-377; Thurneysen, Helden, 354.145 Windisch, ‘Tochmarc’, 470-471, 108; Leahy, Courtship, 11, 72.146 Windisch, ‘Tochmarc’, 506-507: 613-614. 147 Leahy, Courtship, 41, 89; Windisch, ‘Tochmarc’, 508-509: 623-624.

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Another tale in which the Badb plays a more elaborative role is BDC. Cormac and his men saw a red woman on the edge of the ford, washing her chariot and its cushions and harness. When she lowered her hand, the bed of the river became red with gore and blood. But when she raised her hand over the river’s edge, every drop was lifted on high, so that they went dry foot over the bed of the river. Cormac let one of his men ask her what she was doing. She then chanted to them, standing on one foot, and with one eye closed: “I wash the harness of a king who will perish …”. The messenger came to Cormac and told him the prophecy which the Badb (in Badhbh) had made for him.148 Cormac went to the edge of the ford to speak with her. He asked her whose harness it was she was washing and the Badb said that it was his own.149 Later a bigmouthed, dark-skinned woman, who squinted with her left eye and who wore a shabby and dusky mantle came towards the hostel. Every part of her was as dark as the back of a stag beetle and her grey hair fell back over her shoulder. She leant her shoulder against the doorpost, and began prophesying evil, and uttering ill words, saying: “Sad will they be in the hostel: bodies will be severed …”. At the end is said that the Badb (in mBadb) then went from them. After the Badb’s (na Baidbe) prophecy of evil to them they were gloomy, tearful and mournful.150

The Badb who comes as an hag to the door of the hostel and prophesies their destruction, has a great resemblance to the hag called Cailbe in TBDD. In TBDD a lone woman comes after sunset to the hostel where Conaire and his men are staying, and she wants to be let in. She has very long legs that were as dark as a stag beetle and she wore a grey mantle. Her hair reached as far as her knee and her lips were on one side of her head. She leaned her shoulder to the doorpost and cast the evil eye on the king. Conaire asked what she saw for them and she said that neither fell nor flesh of them would escape the place to which they had come, save what birds will bear away in their claws. Conaire says they did not ask for an evil omen and he asks for her name. “Cailbe” she answers, and she says her names are many besides and on one leg and in one breath she sings all of her names to them. Two of the names in this list are Nemain and Badb (Némain, Badb). Conaire asks what she wants from him and she says she wants the same thing that he wants. Conaire explains that it is a geis for him to receive company of a lone man or woman after sunset, but she would not leave until she was received. She tells him he is not very hospitable to her and that this is not fitting behaviour for a king. Conaire then lets her in, but they all felt a great loathing from the woman’s prophecy.151

Not only does this fragment have a great resemblance to the fragment in BDC, but two names of the hag Cailbe in TBDD are Badb and Nemain. Sayers gives an overview of the list of names Cailbe recites and he indicates that most of these names have a specific meaning clinging to them, of which Nemain means “war-goddess” or “battle fury” and Badb 148 In TCD H.1.17.: in badb.149 Stokes, ‘Da Choca’s’, 156-159.150 Stokes, ‘Da Choca’s’, 314-317.151 Stokes, ‘Destruction’, 57-61; Knott, Togail, 17; Draak and de Jong, Van Helden, 167-168; Stokes, Togail, 49-53.

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means “war-goddess” or “scald crow”. Sayers assumes the names in this list do not have any historical depth, but that they embody the divine attributes and the central conception of female divinity. Interestingly he explains Badb and Nemain are in this list two of a few exceptions. He states that no divine names figure here, and explains that Badb is used merely as a common noun.152 Máire Breathnach says that the names Badb and Nemain may be used to emphasize Cailbe’s grotesque appearance, as the names of the war-goddesses have gruesome connotations.153 O’Rahilly states that the general resemblance between BDC and TBDD is obvious, and that indeed a number of incidents in the one tale are modelled on incidents in the other. She says that because BDC is decidedly later than TBDD, we are tended to suppose that the latter was the model. But she thinks it would be quite possible that the compiler of TBDD, or one of his sources, borrowed from the early version of BDC.154 However, I suppose it is here more logical to assume that the hag called Badb in BDC is based on the hag Cailbe in TBDD. I think Badb and Nemain are used as two of the names in TBDD to emphasize the sinister character of the hag Cailbe. I think the compiler of BDC has copied this character, as the description of her appearance is almost exactly the same. It seems to me he has changed the name Cailbe to Badb, as Badb was already one of the names Cailbe recites and because Badb was a well known name to the Irish public. This compiler probably also added the washer at the ford aspect.155

Clark thinks it reasonable that when Badb is mentioned as a single goddess, instead of one of a group, to identify her with the Morrígan. She proves her point with the instances where Badb and Morrígan are interchangeable, as I have described in paragraph 3.1.1. One of her points is that it is the Morrígan who encounters Cú Chulainn in MCC and not Badb. She claims that only the Badb’s name is used and she says although the tale never states that she is the Morrígan, it is reasonable to infer that she is, since the Morrígan is represented throughout the Ulster cycle as Cú Chulainn’s special tutelary goddess. Conveniently Clark follows O’Rahilly in translating in (m)boidb as “the war-goddess”, which in her defence could be a generic term indicating the Morrígan. But remarkably and rather inconsistent, Clark describes this sentence with: “the Badb’s words are …”.156 I think it becomes clear from the texts that Badb and Morrígan are two different characters, whereas Morrígan is the only goddess who takes on a real role and plays a more important and human-like role in several stories, Badb has not developed as such and stays more on the background. In all the texts where Badb occurs, she plays a rather sinister and mysterious role. This is very contradictory with Morrígan who transforms herself in a human form on several occasions and joins the events in conversation as well as action. Badb appears more as a demon

152 Sayers, ‘Supernatural’, 54-59.153 Bhreathnach, ‘Sovereignty’, 251, 255.154 O'Rahilly, Early, 133-134.155 Many interesting descriptions occur in these two texts, of which one is the fact that the hag Cailbe is called túathcháech, which is generally translated as “blind in the left eye”; see Borsje, ‘Meaning’; Borsje and Kelly, ‘Evil Eye’.156 Clark, Great Queens, 37; Clark, ‘Aspects’, 227, 232.

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or ghost like appearance, who cannot be seen as a human-like character. The only exception is the last text I have described, BDC, as Badb here transforms into an old hag and plays an important role in the tale. But as we have seen, this character has most likely been modelled on the hag Cailbe in TBDD, and therefore the characteristics in this tale cannot be seen as uniquely belonging to the Badb.

4. Badb : a generic term for other persons and creatures

In the previous chapter I have looked at the war-goddess Badb. But the word badb can also signify other persons or creatures than Badb, when it is used as a generic word or name to describe another demonic or warlike kind of creature. In the classical adaptations we find the word badb used for the classical Furies, in several texts the word badb takes on the meaning of “witch” and badb can denote a “battle demon”. All these creatures to some extent resemble the war-goddesses. In AnS we find a good example of the universal use of the word badb. Cailte gives Patrick an enumeration of the horses of the Fianna. One of these horses is described as in Badhbh ac Mac Lugach lán (“Brave Mac Lugach’s Badb”).157 Here Badb is used as a name for a horse, which probably tells us something about the nature of this particular horse.

4.1 The Furies

The classical Furies and the war-goddess Bellona are in the classical adaptations replaced with the word badb.

4.1.1 The Furies and Bellona in the classical texts

In the original classical texts, two sort of war-goddesses appear: the Furies and the war-goddess Bellona. The Furies are female ghosts who occupy themselves with law and vengeance, who are also called the “goddesses of punishment”. The Greek called these goddesses Erinyen and the Romans Furiae. Their exact number is usually not mentioned, but three names are known: Allecto, Megaera and Tisiphone. They look horrific and they tend to inflict insanity on their victims. The natural residence of the Furies is located in Tartarus, the Greek hell. They are part of the household of Hades, the god of Tartarus. Usually they are seen as the daughters of Hades and his wife Persephone, but there is a legend that when Cronus castrated his father Uranus, from the splashing blood of Uranus all sorts of mythical figures were born, under which the Giants, the Miliae and the

157 O’Grady, SG I, 100; II, 107; Dooley and Roe, Tales, 10-11. Stokes translates in Badhbh as “Scald Crow”, and says in his glossarial index that in this case Badb is the name of a horse; Stokes, ‘Acallamh’, 8: 268, 274. I do not think badhbh should be translated as “scald crow”, or in any other way, as it is used as a proper name.

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three Erinyen. The Furies appear in many classical stories, such as Allecto by Vergil.158

Bellona is a Roman war-goddess. She is in charge of all conflicts, on diplomatic as well as military level. She rides around in her chariot while she lashes her sword around. Bellona is often equated with her Greek equivalent Enyo or with Nerio, the wife of Mars. She accompanies Mars often as his wife or as his sister. Bellona does not play a large role in mythology and legends as she was seen only as a personification of war, but she did play an important role in Roman religion.159

4.1.2 The use of the word badb in the Irish adaptations

In the Irish adaptations the Furies and Bellona also appear as war-goddesses, but the interesting fact is that they are both called badb. Although the irish word in Fhuir is also used to describe the Furies, at most points where in the original classical text a Fury or Bellona is described, in the Irish texts this has been replaced with badb. This makes the Irish texts very confusing, as it is not always clear if badb signifies a Fury or Bellona. The Furies Tisiphone and Megaera, and in some cases Allecto, are mentioned by name, but the name Bellona does not appear at all in the texts. But although her name does not occur in the Irish texts, her character most definitely exists, as the description of this war-goddess is exactly the same as in the classical texts. Very often she is called in badb catha, but she is best recognised by the description of her character and the correspondence with the original text. Most of the Irish texts correspond closely in storyline with the classical original, so the descriptions of the Furies and Bellona accordingly correspond. Some passages in which the Furies appear have not been copied, which is typical for the classical adaptations, as they are shorter and more to the point, less elaborative and adapted in such a way that they appealed to the Irish public of those days by incorporating their own culture.

The word badb for a Fury or Bellona appears most often in TnT. The Furies Tisiphone and Megaera, and Bellona play a role in this text. Tisiphone appears for the first time when Oedipus invokes her. The Fury rises from the fiery stream Cocytus, with tresses of poisonous snakes around her head, she passes the groups of souls that wandered in the dark dwellings of hell, and terror and fear seized them when they saw Tisiphone. Tisiphone is here called “furious red-mouthed Fury” (na baidbi bruthmaire belldeirgi sin).160 When in the Thebaid Bellona arises,161 in TnT she is described as “the contentious war-goddess” (in badb catha cosnamach), who flung ill-boding brands over the cities of the Greeks and the Thebans, and screamed and spread terror over the camps so that the warriors grasped their weapons under pressure of “that red-mouthed

158 Vessy, Statius, 75; Grant and Hazel, Who’s who, 138-140.159 Fraser, Warrior Queens, 96; Grant and Hazel, Who’s who, 64-65; Lloyd-Morgan, ‘Nemesis and Bellona’, 125.160 Calder, Togail, 12-13: 193-194. 161 Mozley, Statius I, 507.

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goddess” (na baidbi beldergi sin).162 When Hypsipyle tells that on the island Lemnos, because of a curse from Venus all women had killed their men and sons, she says that the “red-mouthed Furies of the depths of hell” (badba bellderga ichtair infirn) had come to confuse the women.163 In the Thebaid Venus and the Furies, who are here called the Sisters of Tartarus, together influence the women to kill their men.164 Hypsipyle tells that when she saw that the women had killed their men and sons, terror grasped her and she says: “And I came as a disturbing Fury (baidb buaidertha) to the house of my father Thoas to warn him”.165 Here badb is even used to describe a fury-like appearance, for a person that is not a Fury at all. When the Greeks come to Thebes and make camp for the night, the Thebans are terribly frightened. “Disturbing red-mouthed Furies” (badba buaidirthi belderga) and dreadful demons of hell were scattered throughout and the terrible demons from the hell spread over the two armies that night to strengthen the evil and the anger of each of them against the other.166 In the Thebaid it is Tisiphone who creates chaos in each camp.167 After the Greeks have buried Amphiaraus, “the red-mouthed furious Furies” (badba belderga bruthmara) and the horrible demons of hell go to the city of Thebes to persuade the Thebans to fight against the Greeks. The foundations shook, when all the Thebans stood up together and went through the gates of the city at the urging of “the disturbing Furies” (na mbadb mbuaidirthi).168 In the Thebaid it is Tisiphone who lets out her terrifying cry, while Bellona bangs on the gates.169 When Hippomedon sees how a Theban tries to carry away the dead body of his friend Tydeus, Hippomedon attacks him and no one could take him away from the body until the Fury Tisiphone came. Terror grasped both armies even though they could not see her. She takes on the shape of the Greek Halys, and quietly she comes to Hippomedon and speaks to him. Hippomedon was terrified at hearing the voice of the Fury (na baidbi). She says to him that he is defending the remains of the Greek soldiers in vain and the Fury (in badb) says to him that it is better to go and help Adrastus. He then gives the body of Tydeus under the protection of his people and he goes after the Fury (na baidbi) until she leaves him in her own shape.170

The Greeks pull back from the city and are followed by some Thebans who attack them. Then arises “the hideous, complaining, hustling, pursuing Fury, to wit, Tisiphone from the depths of hell” (an badb granna geranach thindesnach thuasanach) to set the two brothers, Eteocles and Polynices 162 Calder, Togail, 86-87: 1365, 1369. Professor MacKinnon translates from the Edinburgh ms with: “that red-lipped Fury”, though from the text becomes clear that Bellona is meant here; MacKinnon, ‘Gaelic’, 298-299.163 Calder, Togail, 120-121: 1875-1876.164 Mozley, Statius II, 5-25.165 Calder translates baidb here with “ghost”, which I think is not at all accurate; Calder, Togail, 120-121: 1899. DIL gives as a possible translation for this phrase: “because bringing tidings of slaughter”, but I do not think this is correct, as this does not correspond with the context of this fragment; Quin, DIL, 62.166 Calder, Togail, 176-177: 2741-2742.167 Mozley, Statius II, 167.168 Calder, Togail, 194-195: 3018, 3024.169 Mozley, Statius II, 221.170 Calder, Togail, 222-225: 3452, 3460, 3464.

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up against each other. Because she thinks she will not succeed in this alone, she lets out a terrible cry for her sister Megaera. Megaera immediately rises from the river Orcus and goes to the camp to incite Polynices in the shape of his wife Argia. When Polynices sees Megaera, in the form of his wife, she does not answer him so Polynices assumes that she is a vision. The Fury (an badb sin) troubles Polynices so that he wants to seek war and conflict. He goes to Adrastus and says that he wants a fight with Eteocles, because the Fury was disquieting him, to wit, Megaera (an bodb aga buadread .i. Megera). Their mother Jocasta and sister Antigone try to persuade Eteocles not to fight Polynices and immediately “the devilish mad Fury” (an badb demnach dasachtach) appears and incites Eteocles to confront his brother in front of the gates of Thebes.171 In the Thebaid she is described as “the mean Fury” at this point.172

A very interesting passage occurs in which the goddess Enyo is described as “the wife of Nét, disturbing Fury, to wit, Enyo, sister of Mars, the god of war” (in bé néit badba buaidirthi .i. Enio, siur Mairt .i. dei in chatha).173 In the Thebaid at this point Enyo is also mentioned, but it is not explained who she is.174 Not only is Enyo called badba, but she has even been made the wife of Nét. Here it seems that not only the word badb was used to describe another person than Badb, but here even the characteristics of the war-goddess Badb have been appointed to Enyo. This is strange, because Enyo is a classical figure, taken straight from the Thebaid, while Nét is an Irish deity. This shows how keen the Irish were to make ancient mythology their own, as they entwine their own gods in the text.

In ICC the Furies are mentioned by name only at one occasion, when a hag, Erictho, invokes the three Furies of hell, to wit, Allecto, Tisiphone and Megaera.175 In the Pharsalia Erichto invokes Tisiphone and Megaera. Allecto is not at all mentioned in the text, so in ICC Allecto has been added.176 Later in the text, the war-goddess (in badb catha) was seen every night, with a red-flaming torch in her hand, and her snaky, poisonous tresses rattling around her head, urging the Romans to battle.177

In the Pharsalia it is the giant figure of a Fury who stalked round the city, shaking her hissing hair while she held a flaming pine-tree.178 During “The Great Battle on the Plain of Thessaly” appear numerous animals, but also the following creatures are described:

“… and the other flying things: at the rough bitter, wail-screaming of the madmen, and the taloned griffins, and the witches and the spectres, and the red-mouthed Furies (na mbadb mbélderg), and the phantoms with dishevelled hair and the crowds of demoniac

171 Calder, Togail, 278-279: 4313, 4336, 280-281: 4348, 284-285: 4418.172 Mozley, Statius II, 405.173 Calder, Togail, 208-209: 3246-3247.174 Mozley, Statius II, 243.175 Stokes, ‘In Cath Catharda’, 312-313: 4179-4180; O’Grady, Caithréim II, 218.176 Duff, Lucan, 356-359.177 Stokes explains in brackets that they are the Erinnys; Stokes, ‘In Cath Catharda’, 70-71: 902.178 Duff, Lucan, 44-45.

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multitudes and the other devil fishes of the air above them, neither slumber nor nap nor sleep was allowed to a single soul in each of the two great camps so long as the witches were at that game around them”.179

This description does not exist in the Pharsalia, as it is a typical Irish way of describing demonic creatures, much like the descriptions of battle demons that will follow in paragraph 4.3. In ICC is said of Caesar: “Heat and burning and madness and fury and frenzy of mind and nature filled him when he beheld the battle maintained against him, so that there was nothing like him save the war-goddess (in badhbh catha) who is said to be with her bloody scourges in her hand around the battlefield, inciting the hosts to combat”.180 In the Pharsalia Caesar is here compared with Bellona, brandishing her scourge.181 Only in Cocadh Catharda occurs the following passage: “When the army examined the plain, they saw formidable testudines, ice-like and glittering of all colours, threatening series battle-phalanxes (nacrobuailti bodba cata), which in the semblance of one body came crawling towards them”.182 This passage is not found in the Pharsalia as described here, but I suppose we can best take these “battle-phalanxes” as Furies. It is interesting that badb catha is here used in the plural sense, which we find nowhere else. Again these creatures resemble the battle demons.

In IA Tisiphone, Megaera and Allecto play a significant role, but they are not called badb and the passages in which the Furies occur do not correspond with the original Aeneid. In the Aeneid Bellona appears twice, while in IA she is not at all mentioned or described. Only at one point badb occurs: “When the army had finished arranging their battalions and encouraging and inciting their hosts, and when they had donned their weapons of war, the red mad war-goddess (badb derg dasachtach) was stirring up strife between those two battalions, heavy was the increase of ill luck and gloom upon the hosts that day”. I assume badb derg implies a Fury or Bellona, but because this passage does not exist in the Aeneid, I cannot be certain.183

4.1.3 Connection between the Furies and the Irish war-goddesses

It is striking that the word badb is used to denote both the Furies and Bellona. It seems that the Furies and Bellona have been combined into one character by the Irish, as they are both called badb. The Irish seem to have incorporated their own name and their own idea of the war-goddess. This makes the story very confusing to the modern reader, because Bellona and the Furies in the classical texts embody two separate 179 Stokes translates badb bélderg with “red mouthed lamia’s”. This is an interesting word choice, as the Lamia’s are the biblical equivalents of the Furies; Stokes, ‘In Cath Catharda’, 325-327: 4356.180 Stokes, ‘In Cath Catharda’, 434-435: 5955.181 Duff, Lucan, 410-411.182 O’Grady, Caithréim I, 214; II, 230.183 Calder translates badb derg as “red mad war”, which seems like a rather strange translation to me; Calder, Imtheachta, 154-157: 2480-2481.

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characters with separate roles and tasks. It is therefore remarkable that the Irish generalize these goddesses.

It appears to be that in Ireland the custom existed to replace the Furies and Bellona with badb, as in all adaptations this method is applied. The question is how this custom developed in the first place. A possibility is that the Irish thought that the classical goddesses resembled their own war-goddesses and therefore used the word badb because this name or word was recognisable to them. The Irish public probably immediately knew that the word badb related to some kind of war-goddess or other warlike creature. The Furies have many obvious resemblances to the Irish war-goddesses and Bellona is a true personification of war, as her name derives from the Latin word bellum (“war”), so both deities could easily have been replaced with badb. Bellona was probably not a very familiar goddess, but the names Tisiphone, Megaera and Allecto, on the other hand, must have been better known to the Irish, as their names have not been omitted or replaced.

Besides the classical adaptations we find more references of the Furies in early Irish literature. In recension I of TBC occurs a very interesting passage in which the Morrígan is called Allecto. After Cú Chulainn killed Lethan and the troops move through Mag Breg, the Morrígan came that night, in the form of a bird and perched on a standing stone in Temair Cúailnge. Only in recension I she is introduced as Allecto: “Allecto came for a while, that is, the Morrígan” (forrumai Allechtu colléic, noch is í in Mórrígan). In Temair Cúailnge she speaks to the Brown Bull, the Donn Cúailnge, to warn him for the arrival of the armies of Ireland.184

Thurneysen first suggested that this Allechtu has been based on the classical Allecto from the Aeneid. Gerard Murphy disagreed with Thurneysen and said Allecto also appears in a Middle Irish gloss and is mentioned in an 11th century Anglo Saxon glossary. This lead him to the conclusion that the mention of Allecto does not reflect any acquaintance with the classical tale, but rather speaks for it being a mere commonplace of the schools.185 Borsje suggests that the author of recension I borrowed the name Allecto because of certain parallels between the Furies in the Aeneid and the Morrígan in TBC. She says these parallels could have appeared so striking to the author of recension I that this author may have decided to use the above mentioned borrowings in order to hint at the parallels between the goddesses.186 Another striking reference is that, as mentioned before, queen Jocaste in TnT is called a morrigain, while as Borsje points out, in the Thebaid she is compared with the most ancient of

184 Thurneysen, Helden, 144-145; O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 152; Olmsted, ‘Mórrígan’s warning’, 165-172; O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 30: 955, 152. Strachan and O’Keeffe have edited: fosrumæi a llechtu collēic. Noch is ī in Morrīgan. So they have edited Allechtu as a llechtu, and not as the name of the Fury Allecto; Strachan and O'Keeffe, TBC-I, 32: 843-844. In the Maynooth manuscript occurs: forrumae Alechtae collecc. ł cichsid in Morrigan. Ó Fiannachta says in a note that this sentence seems to be a misunderstanding of the original, preserved in the Yellow Book of Lecan; noch is i in Morrigan son, in which case the whole phrase is a gloss and the full stop preceding it should be removed: forrumae Allechtae collecc (gloss) in ndelb eoin co mboe; Ó Fiannachta, Maynooth, 4: 137-138, 80. 185 Ó hUiginn, ‘Background’, 35-36, 40; Ó Cathasaigh, Mythology’, 116-117.186 Borsje, ‘Omens’, 245-246.

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the Furies, the Eumenides.187 Borsje has described another number of texts in which the Furies are mentioned. A Middle Irish gloss in Amra Choluim Cille reads that the three daughters of Orcus are in hell called Allecto, Megaera and Tisiphone. The Middle Irish text Fled Dúin na nGéd mentions “the demonic fury” (in fúir demnach) who is called Tisiphone. The Early Modern Irish version of Cath Maige Rath mentions the three infernal Furies Allecto, Megeara and Tisiphone.188 These references show that there certainly is some kind of connection between the Furies and the Irish war-goddesses.

As I have already discussed, Tristram has shown that the influence of the classical adaptations on Irish literature is much bigger than is usually assumed. She says TBC was based on a classic model, in a time that the Irish were already familiar with classical patrons of composition. According to Tristram, the Irish would have gotten this knowledge through the classical adaptations. The fact that the Furies are called badb in the classical adaptations and that Morrígan is called Allecto in TBC could serve as evidence for this argument. The other texts mentioned above show that the names of the Furies, Tisiphone, Allecto and Megaera, were known to the Irish. The Irish must also have been aware of the fact that these Furies had a lot in common with their own war-goddesses. It seems therefore very possible that the equation of the Irish war-goddesses with the Furies, started when in the classical adaptations the Furies were replaced with badb.

Connection between the Irish war-goddesses and other goddessesBesides a connection of the Irish war-goddesses with the Furies, there are also goddesses from other backgrounds that resemble the Irish goddesses. Erich Neumann has categorised several groups of goddesses. One of these groups Neumann calls the Terrible Mother, whom he explains as a goddess of death, who has an aspect as bird of death, vulture and raven. According to Neumann the Furies, the Lamia’s and the Valkyries belong to this group. But also Morrígan is mentioned here, described by Neumann as a form of the Celtic enchantress-goddess and as the corpse-devouring crow.189 I would now shortly like to look at the two other deities mentioned by Neumann, the Valkyries and the Lamia’s.

C. Lottner was the first to notice the similarities between the Irish war-goddesses and the Norwegian or originally Germanic Valkyries, in a supplement to Hennesy. The similarities mentioned by Lottner are that the Valkyries and the Irish goddesses both appear as groups of three, both are often the special companion of one hero, and both appear in the form of birds. But Lottner’s main point is the recognition of the Germanic counterpart of Irish Cathubodua, Baduhenna, the name of a Germanic goddess. Lottner connects the Old High German woman name Baduhild to names ending in –hild, which according to him derived from the Valkyrie names such as Mahthild, Gundhild and Svanhild. Lottner suggests that this connection must go further back, when the Celts and Germans mixed 187 Borsje, ‘Omens’, 247.188 Borsje, ‘Omens’, 242-245.189 Neumann, Great Mother, 80, 164-165.

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together.190 Charles Donahue says that it is commonly assumed that Baduhenna was a war-goddess of some sort, but he explains that when the matter is viewed from a purely Germanic point of view, it does not appear likely that she was a Valkyrie. Donahue says that between the vague witch-like battle demons called the Valkyries and the personality Baduhenna, there is a gap which nothing offered by the Germanic material seems to bridge. He explains that in Old English the word waelcyrge, the equivalent of valkyrja, seems to have been applied to female demons who were connected with war. Donahue says the word is used to gloss the Erinyes, Tisiphone and Allecto, and Bellona. Donahue also points out that an Old English glossator explained Allecto as a valkyrie.191 A.H. Leahy interestingly explains that the Badb was one of the three Irish “Valkyr maidens” or goddesses of war.192

Another group of deities that resemble the Irish war-goddesses are the Lamia’s from the Vulgate part of the Bible. The Lamia is a child-devouring female demon or monster, who is sometimes characterized as a kind of vampire from classical mythology. One of her characteristics is that she can appear in different shapes and she is also referred to in a plural form. Borsje explains that the translator Jerome comments upon the Lamia, in his commentary on the book of Isaiah, that some of the Hebrews believe her to be an Erinys.193 In an Irish 9th century gloss on the Vulgate the Lamia is explained as follows: “Lamia is a monster in the form of a woman, that is, a morrigain” (lamia monstrum in feminae figura .i. morigain).194

It is obvious that the Irish war-goddesses, the Furies, the Lamia’s and the Valkyries have a close connection with one another and that they are at many occasions referred to. This could mean that these deities existed already for a long time in their own cultures and that at certain points in time the resemblance was noticed. But it could also be that their connection goes back to a common Indo-European source.195

4.2 Witches

In the following texts the word badb is best translated as “witch”. The reason I think in these texts badb means “witch” is in the first place because the description of these characters implies that they are witches. But another important clue is that in a number of these fragments badb is

190 Lottner, ‘Supplement’, 55-57.191 Donahue, ‘Valkyries’, 3-8.192 Leahy, Courtship, 65-66.193 Borsje, ‘Omens’, 243-244; Clark, ‘Aspects’, 224-225.194 Borsje, ‘Omens’, 243-244; Donahue, ‘Valkyries’, 5-6; Bitel, Land of Women, 208.195 Besides this, there are reasons to believe that certain creatures have in their turn been based on the Irish war-goddesses. Clark sees a connection between the Badb and the Banshee, because O’Connell’s dictionary identifies the Badb as bean sidhe; Clark, Great Queens, 24; see also: Lysaght, Banshee. Secondly, Morgan le Fay could have been inspirited on the Morrígan. Angelique Gulermovich has made a comparison between Morgan le Fay and the Morrígan; see: Gulermovich, ‘Woman’s Word’.

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used together with caillech, a more common Irish word for a witch or a hag, for the same person.196

In CML Siomha, the daughter of Corr Luirgneach, is called “a Badhbh” (Sīmha ingen Chorrluirgnig air .i. badhb), which O’Curry translates as “witch”.197 This indeed seems accurate, as Siomha is some lines later in the same passage called na caillighe (“the hag”). Later in the text badb is used in the plural form to describe three witches. When Eoghan went to his pavilion, he saw three venomous tongued witches (na trí badbha bél-ginacha) coming towards him and three goblins with them. They were frightful grey dismayed women of the valley, with grey blue polls of hair, and frowning eyebrows, hanging over their cheeks, and dropping over their hateful eyes. These hags (na cailleacha sin) had corroded noses and long black talkative tongues, and the most hateful cries, the most fearful shriekings and the venom of adders on their tongues. And these witches (na badhbaibh sin) had yellow nails, and these hags (na cailleacha sin) had thin crooked legs. The nobles and Eoghan were terrified at seeing them and they ask the women where they have come from. They answer that they have come from afar by their own powers and they tell that they are At, Lean and Lann, the three daughters of Truaghan from Treagha. They then utter a prophecy about Magh Lena.198 In this text badb is used together with caillech, two different words signifying both witches or hags. The description also shows that these women are witches. Jackson notes that this run is typical of Irish descriptions of witches or hags.199

In OCL, after Aife has turned the children of Lir into swans, Fionnghuala says in a lay to Aife: “Thou witch! (a baidb!). We know thy name!”. From the way the tale describes Aife can be concluded that she is indeed a witch. Besides, at another point in the text, as in CML, Aife is also called caillech.200

The most interesting case of badb in the sense of “witch”, is Badbh ingen Cailitín in ACC. The children of Calatín play an important part in the modern version of ACC. Probably they also played a more important part in the older version, but unfortunately this section of the tale has been lost 196 Máirin Ní Dhonnchadha explains that the primary meaning of the word caillech is “veiled one”. She has given the following definition of the word: “spouse”, “spouse (of Christ), virgin nun”, “old woman”: “supernatural figure, witch” and “housekeeper”. She interestingly points out that there are examples where the Morrígan is called caillech. In TBC when Cú Chulainn encounters the Morrígan, she is in the guise of a caillech-like old woman. And when in the Battle of Mag Rath she appears above the head of Domnall mac Aeda as a symbol of the victory, Morrígan is also called caillech; Ní Dhonnchadha, ‘Caillech’, 71, 74-83, 92-94. 197 Jackson, CML, 16: 411-413. In O’Curry this is: Siomha ingean Chorluirgnigh fair, eadon badhbh, a variation from the Yellow Book of Lecan. O’Curry explains in a note that Badhbh is a name given to witches; O’Curry, CML, 32-33.198 O’Curry, CML, 118-127; Jackson, CML, 61: 1583-1586, 1593-1594. 199 Jackson, CML, 106.200 Richard J. O’Duffy explains badb in his vocabulary as “a witch, a fairy-woman”; O’Duffy, Oidhe, 7, 46, 97; Jacobs, More, 3. In J.P. Craig’s version it is not a baidb, but a deamain; Craig, Clann Lir, 14. This is strange because there cannot be a difference in editions, as both versions are based on O’Curry which is a combination of all the manuscripts in which the story exists. O’Curry’s translation exists in an article in Atlantis, which I was unfortunately unable to consult.

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in the earlier manuscripts. In the older version the sons of Calatín are shortly mentioned. Erc mac Coirpri and his men told their satirists to ask for Cú Chulainn’s spear, because the sons of Calatín had prophesied of this spear that a king would be slain by it. Then they ask for his spear three times and ask: “What will fall by this spear, oh sons of Calatín?”. “A king will fall by that spear” answer the sons of Calatín. This is three times repeated in which they explain that Loeg, Liath Macha and Cú Chulainn himself will fall by that spear.201

In the modern version the role of the children of Calatín is far more elaborative. The story begins with an enumeration of the heroes slaughtered by Cú Chulainn, including Calatín Dána and his 27 children, which is described in TBC. Shortly after the death of Calatín, his wife gave birth to three sons and three daughters at one time. Medb rears these monstrous and ill-shaped children for seventeen years, and teaches them magical arts in order to destroy Cú Chulainn. Vulcan forges for them three swords, three knives, and three spears and by these weapons should fall three kings, namely Cú Chulainn, the king of the warriors of Ireland, Loeg, the king of servants and Liath Macha, the king of horses. Conchobar, the magicians and Emer decide to take Cú Chulainn to Glenn na Mhodhar (“The Glen of the Deaf”) and they arrange a festival so that he would not hear the shouts and cries by Calatín’s children. Medb then reminds the children of Calatín that they should kill Cú Chulainn within three days. The daughters of Calatín, described as the three witches (claenbuaidirtha Cailitín .i. trí badhba) go as birds to Emain. They make out of grass stems, puff balls, roots and leaves numerous warriors in armour and fighting men with battle weapons so that the glen was filled with battalions. The cries and hideous laughter by the children of Calatín echoed around the glen. The land was full of lamentation and everyone throughout the region was terror stricken. When Cú Chulainn sees this, he wants to attack the children of Calatín, but then Calatín’s daughter Badb (Badbh ingen Cailitín), in the form of a bird, lands on Cú Chulainn’s grianáin and sings to him about the destruction of Muirthemne. Cathbad says Cú Chulainn should not listen to the noises, because they are framed by Calatín’s children. Cú Chulainn listens to Cathbad and goes back to the festivities, but still they hear Calatín’s children above the glen. Calatín’s daughter Badb (Badhbh ingen Cailitín) then goes to the palace, where she assumes the form of Celtchar’s daughter Niamh. Badb (Badb) knew that Cú Chulainn had promised Niamh that until she would give him permission, he would not attack the men of Ireland. Therefore, in Niamh’s shape, Badb (Badb dealb Néime) bade Cú Chulainn to attack the hosts. Cú Chulainn was confused because he knew Niamh would not give him permission to leave at first. Nevertheless he determines to leave and the women try to stop him, but they do not succeed. Badb (in Badhbh) leaves him and loudly and terribly they raise the same cries as before. Cathbad tries to stop him and tells him he should not attack the men of Ireland and that he would save him from the magic of Calatín’s children, but Cú Chulainn says Niamh herself had told him to go. When Niamh hears this she tells him she

201 Stokes, ‘Cuchulainn’s Death’, 177-181; Thurneysen, Helden, 552-553; D'Arbois de Jubainville, L’Épopée, 340-345.

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has not done this and explains that it had not been her, but Calatín’s daughter Badb (Badhbh ingin Cailitín) in her own shape to deceive him. But Cú Chulainn does not believe Niamh and commands Loeg to prepare his harness and horses. Cú Chulainn thinks he sees great ranks and troops of battle and that he hears shouts and that men slew Emer. Cathbad tells Cú Chulainn that these were all delusions, and that except for grass and leaves no one else was there. Cathbad follows Cú Chulainn and at the entrance of the ford on Emain Macha they see a maiden, slender and white of her body with yellow hair. In grief and tribulation she washed and wrung crimson bloody spoils on the ford’s brink. Cathbad asks if Cú Chulainn does not see that she is the daughter Badb (ingin Baidbhi) that washed his gear, because she signifies his fall and his destruction by Medb’s great hosts and by spells of Calatín’s children. But Cú Chulainn says because Badb (in Badbh) was washing his spoils, there was no use in staying and he then leaves for Muirthemne. After a while Cú Chulainn sees the children of Calatín in their devilish magic form with one eye, one arm and one leg. Cú Chulainn wants to pass them, but then Badb (in Badbh) throws a cooking stake to his forehead. He catches it and throws it back at Badb (don Baidbh). But a drop of blood that had fallen from the stake on his head takes away from him and Liath Macha half of their strength. The stake had pierced Badb (na Baidhbi), and Cú Chulainn sings a dark poem about the magic art of the children of Calatín that took away his victory.202

It is very confusing how we should interpret this witch called Badb ingen Cailitín. At first Badb might be considered as merely a name for one of the three daughters of Calatín. As we have seen above, badb is used as a word to denote a witch. The daughters of Calatín are witches, so it is easy to assume that the word badb meaning “witch” has become the name Badb for a particular witch, as one of the names of the witch Cailbe in TBDD is also Badb. But when we look more closely at the text, several striking similarities to the Irish war-goddesses appear: the daughters of Calatín are three witches, they can transform into birds and into other persons, and this Badb appears to Cú Chulainn as a washer at the ford, as the war-goddess Badb does in BDC. O’Grady says in a note that Badb ingen Cailitín is one of the three war-goddesses.203 Alwyn D. Rees and Brinley Rees also assume that Badb ingen Cailitín is the Badb and they continue that Niamh and the Badb seem to be personifications of the two-

202 O’Grady’s translation ends when Cú Chulainn goes to Muithemne, and goes on with the death of Cú Chulainn as it is in the older version by Stokes. The edition by A.G. van Hamel goes on further and Thurneysen’s translation of this part is very concise and summarised. Thurneysen translates Calatín’s daughter who appears as a washer at the ford, as two beautiful girls who are washing a bloody shirt. O’Grady translates ingin Baidbhi as “Badb’s daughter”, but this makes no sense to me, as the same woman is called Badb (in Badbh) in the same passage, which O’Grady translates with “fairy woman”. I think we should translate this as “the daughter Badb”, as she is one of the daughters of Calatín, or even as “the girl Badb”, as she appears in the form of a beautiful young maiden; O’Grady, ‘Great Defeat’, 236, 249; Thurneysen, Helden, 36, 558-563; Van Hamel, Compert, 80, 82, 89-91, 96, 98. In the old version it is said that Niamh, wife of Conall, spoke to Cú Chulainn and urged him to go to battle, and he immediately sprang to his arms, but here it is not said that it was Calatín’s daughter in Niamh’s shape; Thurneysen, Helden, 550; Cross and Slover, Ancient, 333.203 O’Grady, ‘Great Defeat’, 241.

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fold character of the woman who befriends the hero at the time of his death, who is both his friend and the feminine personification of his doom.204 Peter Ellis Berresford explains Badb in two different categories, in the first place as “the goddess of battle” and in the second place as “the daughter of Calatín” who took the form of Niamh. He explains that the daughter of Calatín is sometimes confused with Badb, although she appears to be a separate entity.205 I have to agree with Berresford on this. To assume that this Badb is the war-goddess Badb, in my opinion, dismisses the whole content of this version of the tale, in which the children of Calatín play an important if not irreplaceable role. As these witches are in detail explained as the daughters of Calatín, it would be strange if they really signify the three Irish war-goddesses. Therefore I think it is more likely that the daughters of Calatín have been modelled on the three war-goddesses, and that we should interpret them as a separate group.

4.3 Battle demons

There are several texts in which a group of badba appear in the company of other similar demonic creatures. These creatures can probably be best described as “battle demons”, supernatural creatures who hover over the battlefield and incite or frighten warriors when the battle is at its peak. The other demonic creatures that accompany these battle creatures are: bánánaig (“pale-faced creatures”), bocánaig (“he-goat creatures”), ginite glinne (“demonic women of the valley”), demna aieóir (“demons of the air”), demna na firmamenti (“demons of the firmament”), ammaiti (“witches”), arrachta (“phantoms”) and siabra (“spectres”).206

In CGG a battle demon (badb) arises, screaming and fluttering over the warriors’ heads. At the same time the pale faced creatures, the he-goat creatures, the demonic women of the valley, the witches, the spectres, the ancient birds, the destroying demons of the air and of the firmament, and the demonic phantom host arose, and they were screaming and comparing both armies.207

During the battle in CF it is said that the beings of the upper regions responded to the battle, foretelling the evil that was destined to be done on that day, and the hounds and whelps, and battle demons (badhbha), the demonic women of the valley, the demons of the air, and the wolves of the forest howled together from every quarter and every corner around them.208

In SF when during the battle Finn came to the hosts of the pillars, pale-faced creatures, he-goat creatures, red-mouthed battle demons (badhba bélderga), the demonic women of the valley, the demons of the air and the giddy phantoms of the firmament shrieked as they waged

204 Rees and Rees, Celtic Heritage, 337-338.205 Berresford, Dictionary, 38.206 Borsje, ‘Omens’, 234-238; Sayers, ‘Airdrech’, 50.207 Todd, Cogadh, 174-175.208 Meyer, Anecdota Oxoniensia, 40-41: 743.

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warfare and strife above the head of Finn wherever he went in the battle.209

In CMTC when the Fir Bolg poet Fathach surrenders himself to disaster, the battle demons (badba) and monsters and witches of doom cried aloud so that their voices were heard in the rocks and waterfalls and in the hollows of the earth.210 Earlier in this text a battle demon appears alone, when Fathach goes forward to spread the report of the fury of the enemy. Fathach weeps and says in a poem: “The red battle demon (in Badb derg) will thank them for the battle-combats I look on. Many will be their gashed bodies in the east after their visit to Mag Tured”.211

There are other examples where these battle demons appear without any other demonic creatures. From the description can be made clear that these creatures must imply the same kind of battle creatures. In CA, the kings of Southern Úi Néill who were killed are named and Nuadu úa Lomthuile says in a poem: “At midday in Allen, contending for the cattle of Bregia, the red-mouthed, javelin-armed battle demon (badb bélderg birach) uttered a hymn round Fergal’s head”.212 In the same text, only in the Yellow Book of Lecan, the armies of Leinster and Leth Cuinn come together in Dind Canann and fight the fiercest battle ever fought in Ireland. About this battle is said: “Thankful was the javelin-armed foul-mouthed battle demon (in badb birach bélsalach) that hour, and sad were the loving mothers”.213 In recension II of TBC, when Cú Chulainn has killed Fer Diad, he laments him in a song and says: “The breach made by the red-mouthed battle demon (baidbhi beldergi) will not be dug up for encampments full of shimmering shields”.214 In the Stowe version of TBC, in Mac Roth’s description of the companies who advance, Mac Roth is amazed at the form and attire of warfare of the party, over whom three wonderful bird-flocks fly, while around the wheels three red-mouthed battle demons (teora badba beldercca) circle, forecasting the coming battle.215 In TBDD a large number of different rooms in the house of Conaire is described and one of these rooms is called “The room of the Badbs” (Imdai na mBadb), which is described as: “I beheld a trio, naked, on the rooftree of the house; their jets of blood coming through them, and the ropes of their slaughter on their necks. Those I know, said he, three (…) of awful boding. Those are the three that are slaughtered at every time”.216 209 Meyer, Fianaigecht, 94-95; Cross and Slover, Ancient, 436. 210 J. Fraser here translates badba as “furies”, but in this context, I would rather translate with “battle demons”; Fraser, ‘First Battle’, 44-45.211 Fraser, ‘First Battle’, 32-33.212 Stokes, ‘Battle of Allen’, 53-55. In the diplomatic text of the Brussels ms: ro la badbh beldearg biorach; Ó Riain, Cath Almaine, 8: 94-97, 23: 81-85. This fragment does not exist in the Book of Fermoy.213 Ó Riain, Cath Almaine, 21: 56-58. In a note Stokes says Badb is one of the three Irish war-goddesses; Stokes, ‘Battle of Allen’, 51-53. 214 O’Rahilly, TBC-LL, 95, 231; Cross and Slover, Ancient, 322; Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 574-575; Kinsella, Táin, 199. In the Stowe version: baidbe beldercci; O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 106.215 O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 147; Hull, Cuchullin Saga, 217-218.216 Stokes has not fully translated the part trí ernbaid úagboid. The paragraph called “Room of the Badbs”, categorised paragraph 122 by Stokes, is only found in Stokes’

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These battle demons have a lot in common with the war-goddesses. Clark says these creatures are similar to the war-goddesses in kind, but that they are lesser in stature.217 Borsje points out several functions the war-goddesses appear to have in common with the described battle creatures: they shout in a battle context, their screaming leads to confusion and fear, and they incite warriors to strife and conflict.218 I think the main difference that defines the battle demons from the Irish war-goddesses is the undeveloped and anonymous character of these creatures. Another reason the battle demons stand out as a separate group is that they appear together with similar demonic creatures, which the war-goddesses never do. The only exception is Nemain, who in TBC appears in combination with the bánánaig, bocánaig, giniti glinne and demna aieóir to incite and frighten the warriors.

5. Badb : a word for scald crows

As “scald crow” was probably the original meaning of the word badb, there are a number of references found of badb in this sense. These scald crows circle above the battlefield and search for corpses to feed from. Besides “scald crow”, badb is in this sense also often translated as “raven” or “vulture”, but I have chosen to translate badb in all texts with “scald crow” for consistency. Besides, I think this is the most accurate translation. edition and translation. As Eleanor Knott points out, paragraphs 112 till 125 of Stokes’ edition from Lebor na Huidre are omitted in the Yellow Book of Lecan and in RIA D.IV.2, the mss Knott has followed in her edition. Therefore Knott skips from paragraph 111 to paragraph 126; Stokes, ‘Destruction’, 294-295; Stokes, Togail, 115-116; Knott, Togail, 36.217 Clark, ‘Aspects’, 225.218 Borsje, ‘Omens’, 238.

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To begin with we find references of badb meaning a crow in several glossaries. Feannóg, an early Irish term for black birds, and crufhechta, which derives from fíach, an early Irish word meaning “raven”, are in these glossaries given as synonyms for badb.219 In the shorter version of “Cormac’s Glossary”, the entry crufhechta is found, which is explained as: .i. badb no bódb.220 The word crúfechta is here glossed by badb or bodb, “a scald crow”.221 In the longer version, cru fechto .i. badb is also found, which Stokes explains as: “a carrion crow, perhaps a poetical name meaning corvus (crú) praelii (fechta)”.222 In “O’Davoren’s Glossary” we find the same entry in the plural: crúfeachta .i. bodba, which Stokes translates as “crú-fechta, i.e. scald crows”.223 In “O’Clery’s Glossary” we find the entry teathra .i. badhb, no féanog, which is translated as “a royston crow, scald crow”, and badhb .i. feannóg which is translated as “scald crow”.224

In CML several fragments occur in which badb means “scald crow”. When the three hags, as described in paragraph 4.2., explain that they are At, Lean and Lann, they speak a lay and say: “The scald crow (badhbh) shall skip upon the plain”.225 And later, when the armies of Conn and Eoghan go to battle, it is said: “It was sufficient horror to hear the special incitings of the high kings, the shouts of the champions, the startling chattering croakings of the birds of prey and of the hopping bitter screaming scald crows (na mbadhbh)”. At the end of that same fight, red-mouthed deep black scald crows (badbha béil-derga) descend upon the bodies of the champions, on the carcases of the warriors, on the breasts of combatants, and on the chests of soldiers. And blue-mouthed, loud croaking scald crows (badhbha beal-ghorma) rejoiced and they were all happy at the extent of the flesh-spoils which they found upon those prostate men.226 The following poem occurs at the end of the tale:

Atracht Fraech, ōr buidech badhb “Fraech arose, from the sated scald crowDo chaith ro luath a lám-arm He threw his hand-weapon swiftlyA tús an gabaidh go gar The beginning of danger for a short whileÓ nach tárraidh a threalamh. From anyone who overtook his armour”.227 219 Tymoczko, ‘Semantic’, 156.220 Stokes, Three, 12.221 Stokes, Three, li.222 Meyer, ‘Sanas Cormaic’, 26; O’Donovan and Stokes, Cormac’s Glossary, 39.223 Stokes, ‘O’Davoren’s’, 256.224 Miller, ‘O’Clery’s’, RC 4, 369; RC 5, 54.225 O’Curry, CML, 118-127.226 Jackson, CML, 66-67: 1712-1715, 1740-1741; O’Curry, CML, 128-131.227 This poem does not occur in O’Curry, as his text stops at Jackson’s paragraph 113, while this poem occurs in paragraph 114. After Jackson’s paragraph 112, O’Curry says this is the end of the story. Jackson explains in a note that the possible reason O’Curry omitted the last part of the tale, is that as the poem would be incomplete, he preferred not to give any of it, and so concealed its existence. The only couplet version in Franciscan ms A.VI was not available to him at that time; Jackson, CML, 80: 2097, 109; my translation. I take badhb here as “scald crow”. At other points in CML the word badb is used to denote either a witch or a scald crow, so I assume that we should also chose for either one of these translations here. I render “the sated badb” as a “scald crow”, as they

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In SMMD, after the last sentence of the text, scela muicce meic dathó in sin, two poems on the dog Ailbe and on Mac Dathó’s pig follow. In the Book of Leinster we find the following:

Conchobar buadach rothelt, “There came conquering Conchobar,Ailill slúagach ocus Cet, Ailill of the hosts, and Cet;bodb iar n-araib for a slicht The brooding scald crow was met,Cú-chulainn, ní damair cert. No law Cú Chulainn granted.228

In the following texts we find badb combined with the word bran, an early Irish word meaning “raven”. Bran, like badb, has many mythological associations.229 In Rosnaree, after the battle between Cairbre Nia Fear and the Ulstermen, a band of seventeen men was selected: “Until they gorged moreover the scald crows and ravens (badhbha 7 brain-eoin) and the beaked keen-mouthed reptiles of the province”. When Cú Chulainn arrives there were great uproars in the battle, the shouting of the youth and the moaning of the warriors, the groaning of the chariot fighters, the screaming of the old men, and the crying of the scald crows and ravens (na mbadhdh 7 na mbrain-éan), through the excess of the strife.230 In the poem Arsaidh Sin a Eoúin Accla (“The Colloquy between Fintan and the Hawk of Achill”) two obscure rhetoric phrases can be found in which badb occurs: “There were many ravens and scald crows” (fa himda brainéun iss badhb) and “at the time that Garbh, son of Starn, fell by the Hound who fed scald crows (baidhb)”.231 In TG Dallan the poet makes a poem for Aed mac Duach Duib. He makes several poems about his famous shield, in order to receive it as a gift from Aed. The poem goes as follows:

sciath breac biatta bran “A variegated shield that feeds the ravens,gesidh badhdh dia bruach; from its rim scream the scald crows,sciath comadbul caem big and beauteous shield is that which ata ag Aedh mac Duach Aed son of Duach has”.232

feed from the bodies on the battlefield, after which they are “sated”.228 Thurneysen explains that these appended poems are not from the same scribe. None of these poems seem to be based directly on the text of the saga and Nora Kershaw Chadwick suspects they are inspired by a different version of the story. The poem appears in the Book of Leinster, TCD H.3.18. and Harleian 5280. The poem is omitted in Rawlinson B.512 and in Harleian 5280 only the beginning is given; Chadwick, ‘Scéla’, 90; Leahy, HR I, 48. In TCD H.3.18. we find: bodb iar n-áruib for a sliocht; Bergin, Best, Meyer and O’Keeffe, Anecdota, 16. In Harleian 5280 we find: bodb ier n-áraib for a slicht; Windisch, ‘Scél’, 106-107: 9; Thurneysen, Scéla, 20. Thurneysen explains this as a war-demon appearing in the shape of a scald crow; Thurneysen, Helden, 64, 498.229 Tymoczko, ‘Semantic’, 155-156.230 Hogan, Cath, 84-85, 94-95.231 From Egerton 1782. Bergin, Best, Meyer and O’Keeffe, Anecdota, 31; my translation, 36; www.shee-eire.com. 232 Joynt, Tromdámh, 4, 41; Draak and de Jong, Lastige Schare, 17.

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In BiS, the girl who is the sovereignty of Ireland asks to whom the golden cup of red ale (the kingship of the Irish) should be given to and the ghost, who is Lug mac Ethenn, answers by naming the descendents of Conn. He also says to give some of it to Donnchad and about Donnchad is said: “On guard in Brecc Fánat in which there will be a king, severe battle for Donn in the south, good fortune for the scald crow (ád bodbai)”.233

In TBC Fer Diad tells his charioteer in a poem to go to the place where he will fight Cú Chulainn, and he says: “Until we reach the ford above which the scald crow will screech” (áth fors n-gera in badb).234 We find a similar description in Accallam Oisin agus Phadraic, a poem consisting of the dialogue between Oisín and Patrick. Oisín says in this poem: “The seagull’s scream on Iorrus yonder, or the screech of the scald crows (na m-badhbh) over the battlefield”.235 In AnS Finn says in a poem: “A cloud of grey, foreboding grief, I see in the fair midst between the other two: that for which the scald crows (na mbadhbh) lust shall come of the event, when there is glint of weapons in their play”.236

I think in these texts badb means “scald crow”, mainly because of the description. These badbs are described as flying over the battlefield and eating from the corpses, or a reference is made to them doing so. Secondly, in a few texts these scald crows are accompanied by other kinds of birds. It is noticeable that a lot of these texts refer to the scald crow in rhetoric form, often in the form of a prophecy. There are several resemblances between these scald crows and the battle demons from the previous chapter, as they are both described as flying and fluttering above the heads of the warriors. The main difference is, however, that the battle demons are demon-like creatures with supernatural aspects, who fly above the warriors to frighten and incite them, while the scald crows feed from the corpses after the battle is finished. Besides the battle demons appear together with similar demonic creatures, while the scald crows are accompanied by similar kinds of birds.

The war-goddesses as scald crowsThe war-goddesses are said to be capable of transforming themselves to scald crows or other kinds of birds. Morrígan is indeed in several texts described as a goddess who transforms into a crow or a raven. This means presumably all three war-goddesses could appear in the form of a scald crow. It is important to note, however, that when in the texts is described that these war-goddesses transform into a bird, the word badb is not used, but other early Irish terms for birds are applied.

233 Murray, Baile, 44: 312-313, 62. Meyer edits as: tress tinduind tessad bodbai; Meyer, ’Ende’, 233.234 Recension I: O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 86, 202; Strachan and O'Keeffe, TBC-I, 86; Ó Fiannachta, Maynooth, 53. Recension II: Kinsella, Táin, 176; Cross and Slover, Ancient, 298; Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 473; O’Rahilly, TBC-LL, 77. This poem does not occur in the Stowe version, but instead the sentence uair ni geubam toirmeasg ó chach iman triall takes the poem’s place; O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 90,179. This episode does not occur in recension III.235 O’Daly, ‘Fenian’, 16-17.236 O’Grady, SG I, 230; II, 261; Stokes, ‘Acallamh’, 212: 7590.

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Although Badb’s name literally means “scald crow”, very few references are found where the war-goddess Badb appears in the form of a scald crow. Instead we find the word badb meaning “scald crow” in the texts mentioned above, and badba, “battle demons”, who fly over the battlefield, as seen in paragraph 4.3. As I have already shown, these creatures are different from the war-goddesses, so I think it is safe to say Badb is not meant in these cases. About the war-goddess Badb is nowhere literally said that she transforms into a scald crow in the way this is said of the Morrígan. The only reference I could find where Badb appears as a scald crow, occurs in TBC, which I have already described in paragraph 3.2. Badb appears together with Nemain several times and they shriek above the warriors. This would suggest they are flying above the heads of the warriors, making a shrieking, bird-like, sound. It is important to note that Badb is here in the company of Nemain. I have not found a reference where she appears together with Morrígan and Macha as scald crows.

As I have said, this is the only fragment I have found in which the Badb presumably appears as a scald crow, but there is another text of interest. One of the most renown episodes of early Irish literature is the moment when Cú Chulainn is dying, and a bird lands on his shoulder. In Dublin’s General Post Office we even find a statue of the dying Cú Chulainn with a raven on his shoulder. This particular episode occurs in the older version of ACC. When Cú Chulainn is dying, he goes to a pillar stone and binds himself to it, so that he would die standing up. Then a bird (ind ennach) lands on his shoulder, and Erc mac Coirpri says: “That pillar stone did not usually hold birds”.237 This bird is not called badb, but ennach, another early Irish word meaning “bird”. Thurneysen summarises this part as: “A crow wants to eat from his body, and Cú Chulainn pulls his arm underneath him and laughs his last laugh”.238 But John Koch and John Carey translate this with “the scald crow”,239 although this is not the literal meaning of ennach. Bitel states the Badb settles on his shoulder in raven form.240 And also Ruth Lehmann says the Badb in the shape of a carrion crow flies over Cú Chulainn.241

Hennesy was the first to assume that this raven is actually the Morrígan.242 Jack George Thompson also says the goddess of war, Morrígan, appears as a bird on Cú Chulainn’s shoulder,243 and Tom Peete Cross and Clark Harris Slover translate this sentence very freely as: “The battle goddess Morrígan and her sisters came in the form of scald crows”.244 Clark thinks it is fitting that the Morrígan should be present to announce Cú Chulainn’s death since she appears as his friend or protectoress earlier in the tale, trying to warn him, when she broke his chariot. Clark says in the other tales of Cú Chulainn’s life, Morrígan has 237 Stokes, ‘Cuchulainn’s Death’, 182; Dottin, L’Épopée, 156; Cross and Slover, Ancient, 338; Thurneysen, Helden, 554; Tymoczko, Death Tales, 61; Koch and Carey, Celtic, 140.238 Thurneysen, Helden, 557-563.239 Koch and Carey, Celtic, 140.240 Bitel, Land of Women, 209-210.241 Lehmann, ‘Death’, 9.242 Hennesy, ‘Ancient’, 51-52.243 Thompson, Women, 41.244 Cross and Slover, Ancient, 338.

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taken a special interest in him throughout.245 Borsje suggests this bird could be the Morrígan, as she notes that the Morrígan also takes the form of an ennach in TBC and TBR.246 Although this seems to me a very reasonable interpretation, there are some notes I would like to make. Tymockzo points out that dub (“black”) is the word used to describe the “black bird” to which the Morrígan metamorphoses in TBC and TBR.247 In recension I of TBC, the Morrígan speaks to the Donn Cúailnge “in the form of a bird” (i ndeilb eúin), but this bird is not described as black.248 But in TBR, it is indeed said the Morrígan transforms into a black bird (én dub).249

I would like to argue that a “black bird” is different from the ennach in ACC. Also should be noted that ennach is a common word for “bird” in the early Irish texts, so the fact that the Morrígan is called ennach at certain points, does not automatically mean that another entry of the same word should also refer to the Morrígan.

I think it is safe to say that this bird is definitely not the Badb, as this cannot be concluded from the text. But I am also not completely convinced that it is the Morrígan. Although it would be logical to assume that she is, it remains a fact that her identity is not revealed. I am more likely to agree with Hull, who says in a note that it was Calatín’s daughter Badb who hovered over Cú Chulainn in the form of a bird or a scald crow to find out whether he was really dead.250 In the older version of the tale, Calatín’s daughter does not appear at all, but in the modern version she plays, as we have seen, an important role. She transforms into a bird earlier in the tale, when she lands on Cú Chulainn’s shield, as described in paragraph 4.2. Besides this, she is the one who drives Cú Chulainn to his death. It would therefore be logical to assume that she wants to find out if he is really dead, as Hull puts it. The beginning of the older version of ACC that survives today is missing, but most scholars agree that the beginning from the modern version was probably based on the missing parts of the older version. Therefore I assume that Calatín’s daughter Badb also played a more elaborative role in the original older version.

245 Clark, ‘Aspects’, 233.246 Borsje, ‘Omens’, 246-247.247 Tymoczko, ‘Semantic’, 151, 160-161.248 Thurneysen, Helden, 144-145; O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 30: 955, 152; Strachan and O'Keeffe, TBC-I, 32: 843-844; Ó Fiannachta, Maynooth, 4: 137-138, 80. In recension II and III is said that the Morrígan perches on a standing stone, which suggests that she appears in the form of a bird, but this is not literally said in the texts.249 Corthals, TBR, 54.250 Hull, Cuchullin Saga, 260.

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6. Badba : the genitive of badb, used as an adjective

In the previous chapters we have seen badba used as a proper genitive of the name or word badb, when the word refers to the war-goddess Badb or another person or creature. But the genitive form can also be used in an adjectival sense. The adjective use of the genitive badba generally takes on the meaning “warlike”, and occurs in numerous texts. There are a number of recurring phrases with badba, some compounds containing badba and a number of uncategorised entries.

6.1 Recurring phrases with badba

Various texts contain interesting phrases with badba which appertain to warfare or battle. Unfortunately hardly anything has been written about this subject, but Áine De Paor, as part of her article on the common authorship of the Book of Leinster texts TBC, MU and CRR, mentions as one of the correspondences between these texts the metaphorical use of bodb. She states that several phrases with badb occur in these Book of Leinster texts, and that these phrases do not occur in Lebor na hUidre.251

Indeed many of these phrases occur in recension II of TBC, but also several occur in all three recensions, or only in recension I. The common authorship of the Book of Leinster texts TBC, MU and CRR explains why many phrases with badba occur in these three texts. It is noteworthy that a large part of these phrases also occur in TBC and in the classical adaptations, which shows that these texts influenced one another to a certain extent. The possibility exists that some of these phrases originate from the period when the classical adaptations were created. This would again prove Tristram’s point that TBC was modelled on the classical adaptations, as these phrases seem to have been repeated only for a period of time. Another interesting point is that many of these phrases start with the initial b-, which alliterates with badba.

intech bodba (“warlike sheath”) One of the most recurring phrases is intech bodba.252 In all redactions of LGÉ, we find at the beginning of the text on the Tuatha dé Danann: “From Findias was brought the sword of Núadu Airgetlám; no man could escape from it, because when it was drawn from its warlike sheath (intig bodba) there was no resisting it”.253 As most of CMT’s introductory section is derived from LGÉ, in the older version of CMT we find exactly the same sentence: “From Findias was brought the sword of Núadu. No one ever escaped from it once it was drawn from its warlike sheath (idntiuch 251 De Paor, ‘Common’, 143.252 DIL calls intech bodba a common phrase, which probably means “war-sheath”; Quin, DIL, 409.253 Taken from the first redaction; MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 106-107. Second redaction: assa thindtigh bodba and asa intiuch bodba; MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 144-145. Third redaction: as a thindtig bodba; MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 168-169.

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bodhuha), and no one could resist it”.254 In ICC we find: “out of his warlike sheath” (imtiuch bodba).255 In TBC during the killing of Calatín Dána and his 27 sons, Cú Chulainn pulls the sword from his sheath to cut away the spears and lighten his shield. In recension II this sheath is described as a “warlike sheath” (intiuch bodba).256 In CRR Conchobar encounters Conall, and Conall draws the sharp long sword out of its warlike sheath (intig bodba).257 In the Middle Irish Eachtra Mhacoimh an Iolair, Eagle-Boy salutes the king by drawing his sword, from its treasured scabbard, and from its warlike sheath (tintigh bodhbha). He thrusts it into the king and kills him.258 At a later point in the text Eagle-Boy draws the sword out of its protecting scabbard and its warlike sheath (thintigh bodhbha), and he thrusts it into the breast of the Knight of Music.259

bir bodba and cuailli bodbha (“warlike stake”) In several texts we find the words bir and cualli, which have the similar meaning “stake”, combined with badba. In TnT Tydeus son of Oeneus awaits Pterelas, and thrusts him with a spear that was in his hand so that its warlike stake (bir bodba) went through the hero’s body.260 Later Polynices again threw from him the spear, so that the warlike stake (bir bodba) was a beam that glittered from one flank to another of Eteocles’ horse.261 In Rosnaree Conchobar sent his pioneers, his lions and his warriors before him to take camp at Rosnaree, and they saw in the distance the great marshalled clans and the sharp pointed stakes of war (bir-gheara bodhbha).262 In Cocadh Catharda we find ambir bodba, which I take as a m-bir bodba, which means “the warlike stake”.263 In CGG the Danes had above their heads “spears, glittering, well riveted, empoisoned, with well-shaped, heroic, beautiful handles of white hazel, warlike sharp stakes (bodba biraithi) with variegated silken strings”.264 In MU we find the plural: “along with the warlike stakes (bera bodba)”.265 In AnS Finn beheads Aillen and then carries the head back to Tara and fixes it upon a warlike stake (cuailli bhadhbhdha).266 Stokes explains in a note that in 254 Gray, CMT, 24-25: 11; Cross and Slover, Ancient, 28; Stokes, ‘Second Battle’, 56-57. 255 Stokes, ‘In Cath Catharda’, 270-271: 3595. O’Grady edits this same phrase in Cocadh Catharda as asatintib bodba, but he translates this merely with “out of the sheath”, and does not translate bodba; O’Grady, Caithréim I, 195; II, 205.256 O’Rahilly, TBC-LL, 70: 2565, 210. In the Stowe version: asa intech bodba; O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 82: 2571. Windisch and Kinsella translate with “Badb’s scabbard”; Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 426-427, 662; Kinsella, Táin, 167. The same sort of phrase occurs in recension III: asathinnigh bhodhba; Nettlau, ‘TBC Egerton 93’, 207.257 Hogan, Cath, 44-47.258 MacAlister, Eachtra, 94-95.259 MacAlister translates here with: “sheath of Bodhbh”; MacAlister, Eachtra, 170-173. 260 Calder, Togail, 180-181: 2818.261 Calder, Togail, 290-291: 4502.262 Hogan translates with “sharp shafted squares of war”, while in a note he explains bir as “pens, folds”, so I do not understand why he has translated here with “squares”; Hogan, Cath, 70-71.263 O’Grady, Caithréim I, 223.264 Todd, Cogadh, 160-161.265 Watson, ‘Mesca’, 13; Watson, Mesca, 18.266 Stokes, ‘Acallamh’, 49: 1740. O’Grady translates with “a pole of sinister significance”; O’Grady, SG I; 132; II, 144. In a copy of AnS in the Franciscan monastery in Merchants

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manuscript Rawlinson B.487 in this same sentence cuailli bodbha is replaced with bir bodhba.267 In the modern version of ACC “warlike stakes” occurs twice (chuaillibh bodhba and bior-chuaillibh bodhbha).268 In the second entry bir and cuailli have been combined into one word. According to Stokes, a warlike stake probably was the pole on which the head of a slain enemy was fixed.269

béim bodhbha (“warlike blow”) In the modern version of CMT we find mo roithbhéim bodhbha, which means “my warlike blow”.270 Roith and béim both have a similar meaning and have here been combined into one word.271 We find the plural form of béim, bemmenda, in recension II of TBC. Conchobar seeks out Fergus and Fergus gave three strong warlike blows (tri balcbemmenda bodba) on the Ochain Conchobuir and Conchobar’s shield groaned. Fergus grasps the Caladbolg and swings it back behind him so that its point touched the ground, and his intent was to strike three deadly warlike blows (a thrí bráthbémmenda bodba) on the Ulstermen so that their dead will outnumber their living.272 At a later point in the text Fergus says again: “Begone from me, lad, for I shall not live, if I strike not my three deadly warlike blows (mo thrí bráthbémmenda bodba) upon the Ulstermen today so that their living will outnumber their dead”.273 The adjective balc in combination with badba, is also found in recension I of TBC, when Fergus says: “Who dares to say these strong warlike words (na balcbriatha bodba) to me”.274

cró bodba (“warlike enclosure”) In TBC, when Cú Chulainn and his chariot are described, Cú Chulainn is called: “The high hero Cú Chulainn, Sualtam’s son, builder of a warlike enclosure (in t-innellchró bodba) with walls of human bodies”.275 In TT we find the same kind of description: “Hector made a warlike enclosure (chró mbodba) of the bodies of his foes all around him, so that he had a strong rampart over against the Greeks”.276 In another classical adaptation, ICC, we find “in their warlike enclosure” (ina nimiull crobodba).277 This rather Quay in Dublin is found: 7 ro cuir in cend ar beocuailli bodba (“and he fixed the head upon a deadly warlike stake”).267 Stokes, ‘Acallamh’, 287-288.268 Van Hamel, Compert, 132-133. 269 Stokes, ‘Acallamh’, 287-288.270 Ó Cuív, CMT, 34: 588.271 roith means “throw” or “cast” and béim means “blow”, “stroke” or “cut”.272 Windisch translates as: “drei starke hiebe der Bodb”; Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 866-869; O’Rahilly, TBC-LL, 131: 4742-4743, 4760, 267. In the Stowe version: thri bemenda bodba; O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 154: 4852.273 Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 870-871; O’Rahilly, TBC-LL,132: 4769, 268. In the Stowe version this is: tri bemenna bodba; O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 155: 4881.274 Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 880-881. In the Stowe version this is: tri bemeanda bodba and cach bloiscbem bodba; O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 155: 4897, 160: 5034.275 Recension I: O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 67: 2213, 186; Ó Fiannachta, Maynooth, 37. Recension II: O’Rahilly, TBC-LL, 61: 2230, 200; Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 360-361; Kinsella, Táin, 148; O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 72: 2271-2272. This phrase does not occur in recension III. 276 Stokes, ‘Destruction of Troy’, 31: 955, 97; Mac Eoin, ‘Ein text’, 59: 955.277 Stokes, ‘In Cath Catharda’, 210-211: 2753.

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obscure description probably means that a warrior made a defensive pile from the dead bodies of his enemies to serve as a fort. Vendryes explains chró bodba as “an enclosure of the Badb”, made of de cadavers of enemies around the hero.278

buaile bodhbha (“warlike hedge”) In Rosnaree Daigh son of Deagha arose and went to the place of outlook to see the army and he attacked them. Then there was made a warlike hedge (buaile bodhbha) around him.279 In the Stowe version of TBC occurs the genitive form buailedh bodhba.280 In Imthúsa Alexandair the Medes, Persians and Parthians rose up against the strong enemy troops, and they made a warlike hedge (mbuailid mbodbdai) from the walls of the many-coloured multitude of shields.281 In another classical adaptation, TT, Troilus makes a sword-land and a warlike hedge (búali bodba) and a battle wall of corpses around him among his foes in such wise that foes were between them and his own people.282 J. Vendryes explains the phrase buaile bodba as: “wall of war; consisting of cadavers”.283 So this phrase has a similar meaning as cró bodba.

circul bodba (“warlike encirclement”) In TBC in the description of Cú Chulainn’s sixfold slaughter, Cú Chulainn threw up a warlike encirclement (circul mbodba sin) around the four great provinces of Ireland to stop them fleeing and scattering from him, and cornered them where he could wreak vengeance for the boy troop.284 In ICC we also find: “and a warlike circle (circull bodba) of the youth of Africa was made around them”.285 In the modern version of ACC we find the entry in circull bodhbha.286DIL explains that circul bodba means “attacking circle (of foes)”, while Vendryes explains in circull m(b)odba as “the circle of combat”.287

broin bodba (“furious band”) In SF we find: “And they made a fierce, swift, light winged, intrepid rush in their well arranged phalanx and in their destructive mass and in their furious band (ina mbróin badhba) to the centre of the ford”.288 In Cocadh Catharda occurs nambroin bodba, which I take as na mbroin bodba, which

278 Vendryes, Lexique, C-240.279 Hogan, Cath, 72-73.280 O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 146: 4604-4605.281 Meyer, ‘Geschichte von Philipp und Alexander’, 32: 242.282 Stokes, ‘Destruction of Troy’, 45: 1427, 114.283 Vendryes, Lexique, B-109.284 Recension I: O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 70: 2303-2304, 188. Recension II: O’Rahilly, TBC-LL, 63: 2310-2311, 203. In the Stowe version: in ciorcall mBodhbha; O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 75: 2348-2349. Recension III: Ó Béarra,‘TBC III’, 62. Windisch and Kinsella translate with “circle of the Badb”, Windisch calls this the same sort of saying as cró bodba; Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 378-380; Kinsella, Táin, 155.285 Stokes, ‘In Cath Catharda’, 238-239: 3147.286 Van Hamel, Compert, 105.287 Quin, DIA, 117; Vendryes, Lexique, C-106.288 Meyer, Fianaigecht, 88-89; Cross and Slover, Ancient, 433.

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means “of the furious band”.289 In a gloss in the first redaction of LGÉ is also found bróin mbadbh, but unfortunately this gloss has not been translated by anyone. In this same gloss occurs builg bodba, which probably means “warlike bags”.290

lecca bodba (“warlike stones”) In TBC when the armies start throwing rocks at each other, in recension II these stones are called “warlike battle-stones” (na bairendlecca bodba).291

In the Stowe version these “warlike stones”, here called all bodhba, occur again during the advancing of the companies.292 In TT we find: “Horrible were the signs that were there, namely the shining of the swords and their sparks, cleaving the shields, the white cloud of the bucklers, the smiting together of the glaives and spears and arrows against the hauberks and against the helmets, the crash, then, and dashing together of the bosses beaten by the swords and by the warlike battle stones (brathlecaib bodba) and by the broad green lances in the hands of the valiant heroes”.293

coinnle bodba (“warlike torches”) In TBC when Cú Chulainn gets his first warp spasm, in its long description are mentioned “the warlike torches” (na kine bodba in recension I or na coinnle bodba in recension II). These torches were seen alight in the clouds together with virulent rain clouds and fiery sparks of blazing fire when Cú Chulainn gets his rage.294 In the modern version of ACC we also find na coindli badhbha.295

stuaigh bodhbha (“warlike arch”) In two classical adaptations we find the following phrase. In ICC occurs: “He suddenly arranged his battalion of foot soldiers as a warlike arch (ina stuaigh bodhbha) around his cavalry”.296 In TnT we find the same description: “And the heroes were not strong for celebrating the game of Cestus at that time, except Capaneus, who as an awful baleful warlike arch (na stuaig bodba), was asking of the hosts that one of them should rise against him”.297

289 O’Grady, Caithréim I, 211.290 MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 338.291 O’Rahilly, TBC-LL, 109: 3961, 245. In the Stowe version: na barandleaca bodhba; O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 123: 3922-3923. Windisch translates with: “die Blocksteine der Bodb”; Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 662-663. 292 O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 144: 4565-4566.293 Stokes, ‘Destruction of Troy’, 31: 937, 97; Mac Eoin, ‘Ein Text’, 58: 937.294 Recension I: O’Rahilly, TBC-I, 69: 2265-2266, 187. This phrase lacks in the Maynooth manuscript, because this part is illegible; Ó Fiannachta, Maynooth, 37-38. Strachan and O’Keeffe translate this phrase with “the torches of the Badb”; Strachan and O'Keeffe, TBC-I, 70: 1950. Recension II: O’Rahilly, TBC-LL, 62: 2283, 202; Kinsella, Táin, 150; Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 373. This phrase does not occur in the Stowe version; O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 74. Recension III: na coindli bodhbha; Nettlau, ‘TBC Egerton 93’, 199; Ó Béarra, ‘TBC III’, 62. As well as in recension I as II O’Rahilly translates bodba with “war-goddess”.295 Van Hamel, Compert, 103.296 Stokes, ‘In Cath Catharda’, 418-419: 5718.297 Calder, Togail, 160-161: 2502.

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buiden mbodba (“warlike troops”) In these same classical adaptations occurs another phrase. In TnT when the armies start attacking each other, the clamour and the noisy crash of the warlike turbulent troops (na mbuiden mbodba mbuaidirthi) rushing at each other, were like a large wood that had fallen into one.298 Later in the text is described that Hippomedon stood in his warlike troop (inna buidin bodba), in the middle of the battle, with a strong broad round shield upon him and a thick very long spear in his one hand.299 In Cocadh Catharda we find inambuidnib bodba, which I take as the plural ina mbuidnib bodba, which means “in the warlike troops”.300

barannglaeda bodbda (“warlike cries”) In AnS Cailte and Patrick sat down, and Patrick asks Cailte what their method of hunting is: “Cailte loudly raised his cries of hunting and game and slaughter, and he uttered three angry warlike cries (a tri barannghlaedha babhbha) and he reared his signal of chase, so that neither in adjacency nor in proximity to him, nor whether in plain or on moor, on mountain or in wood, was there a free-roaming stag that did not go dashing in a great frenzy”.301 Later in the text, Garbchronan summons the Fianna to fight and he lets loose three angry warlike cries (tri barannglaeda bodbda) in the middle of the Fianna, and the Fianna answered because they knew that some great motive urged them to haste.302

thigardail bodba (“ tígardáil of war”) In CRR the following obscure phrase occurs several times. When Mes Dead saw Anruth the Tall approaching, Mes Dead says to him: “The battle on thy favour and on thy protection, till I cast my charge of anger and my tigardáil of war (mo thigardail mbodba) on the armies”. Anruth the Tall then says the same to Feithen the Tall: “That I too may deliver my furious charge and my tigardáil of war (mo thigardail mbodba) on the armies”. Tall Feithen then saw behind him Small Feithen and says: “The battle on thy favour and on thy protection, that I may cast my violence of anger and my tigardáil of war (mo thigardail mbodba) on the armies”. Small Feithen saw behind him Aitherni the Importunate and says: “The battle on thy favour, till I spend my onset and my tigardáil of war (thigardail mbodba) on the armies”. According to Hogan, tigardáil literally means “tiger-fight”, but DIL does not include this word, so the meaning remains uncertain.303

298 Calder, Togail, 180-181: 2808.299 Calder, Togail, 220-221: 3401.300 O’Grady, Caithréim I, 214.301 O’Grady, SG I, 114; II, 123; Dooley and Roe, Tales, 29; Stokes, ‘Acallamh’, 26: 908.302 Stokes, ‘Acallamh’, 85: 3011; O’Grady, SG I, 161; II, 179; Dooley and Roe, Tales, 91-92.303 Hogan, Cath, 46-49.

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bánbidgud bodba (“pale furious startling”) In MU is described that Cú Chulainn’s horse team broke into a “pale furious startling” (bánbidgud bodba).304 Later occurs again: “Not long were they there, the two druids and watchers, until the first band burst into a pale furious startling (bánbidcud bodba) hitherwards across the glen”.305

6.2 Compounds with badba.

There occur a few compounds with badba that are worth mentioning. In TnT badb-luath occurs, which is translated as “scald swift”.306 About the ship Argo is said: “And there she was, the long-prowled, scald swift, foremost ship (in bennfhata badbluath) of the world”.307 The word badb-cháintech, which means “war-mournful” occurs twice in the text.308

Lycurgus was on his throne, his consort Eurydice by his side, and bands of women troubled and war-mournful (badbchaintech) were along with her, bewailing her son.309 Later is said again: “Then came the troubled, war-mournful (badbchæintecha), plagued, and sorrowful women of the Greeks”.310 We also find the compound badbrisiud twice, but unfortunately the meaning of this word is uncertain and is not listed in DIL.311

In IA when Torchan saw the killing Camilla had inflicted on the cavalry of the Trojans, he began to stir up his people. And he made a “murderous onset” (badbruathar), brave and heroic, till he was in the middle of the Latin cavalry, and he guided his horse straight to Venulus.312

In the Middle Irish Aislinge Meic Conglinne we find the same combination, only not as a compound: “Mac ConGlinne rose and went hastily, impatiently, like the fiend in his furious rush and warlike bold pace (ina rúathar bodba) across the royal house”.313

304 Watson, ‘Mesca’, 9; Watson, Mesca, 11.305 Watson translates bánbidgud bodba as “a war demon’s white leap” and “a war-demon’s white rush”, which seems like a rather strange translation to me, as bán means “pale, white” (as the colour of death) and bígud means “sudden, quick, movement, start fright act of starting, jumping”. Watson interpreted badba here as the genitive form of badb, meaning “war demon”; Watson, ‘Mesca’, 16; Watson, Mesca, 22.306 Calder, Togail, 333.307 Calder, Togail, 124-125: 1941.308 Calder, Togail, 333; Quin, DIL, 97.309 Calder, Togail, 140-141: 2202-2203.310 Calder, Togail, 308-309: 4776-4777.311 Calder, Togail, 20-21: 308; Calder, Togail, 128-129: 2005.312 Calder, Imtheachta, 178-179: 2855.313 Meyer, Aislinge, 46-47: 14-15; Jackson, Aislinge, 19: 586.

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In FB the word badbscél occurs twice, which means “slaughter tale”. When Conall and Cú Chulainn reach Emain they tell their news to Conchobar and to the Ultonian nobles. But the chiefs of chariots and the men of valour as a body were reproaching Loegaire for the slaughter tale (don badbscel) he told about his fellows. Cathbad then says in a poem: “Unhappily didst thou dispute, nor won it by right, your slaughter tale (a badbscelai)”. DIL translates badbscél as: “(false) tale of slaughter” and Henderson translates the first entry as “lying story” and the second entry as “thy lying upset”.314 Because the qualification of “false” or “lying” cannot be found in the Irish word, I think badbscél must simply be translated as “slaughter tale”. That this slaughter tale is untrue of false can only be made up from the context of the rest of the story.

6.3 Remaining uses of badba (“warlike”)

Not all entries of badba can be so distinctively categorised. The adjectival badba occurs frequently in the texts and the translation varies a lot. But in most texts badba occurs in the sense of “warlike”, “furious” or “deadly”.

In the classical adaptations badba occurs quite a lot, as we have already seen in the previous paragraphs. In TnT the horse of king Adrastus is described as: “Distinguished indeed was the appearance of that horse, to wit, a blue grey, excellent, thick-shouldered, warlike (badba), prick-eared, quiet, gentle, well coursed white mare, with a fair bright purple mane, and a tail of equal weight and colour, of the original stock of Neptune, god of the sea”.315 Later in the text the Greeks utter a fierce troubled shout, and their warlike battle-trumpets (gair badba buaidirthi) were sounded by them, and they divided their hosts among the gates of Thebes, and they were swiftly scattering the Thebans.316 In Cocadh Catharda we find “some kind of warlike noise” (afidren bodba).317

In CGG we find several phrases where badba is combined with the loanword barbarda (“barbarous”). On one side of the battle were the shouting hateful, powerful, wrestling, valiant, active, fierce-moving, dangerous, (...), barbarous (barbarda), furious (boadba), (...), murderous, hostile Danes. They had with them hideous, barbarous, quivers (saigitbuilc badba barbarda), and polished, yellow shinning bows. The battalions then made a stout, furious, barbarous, smashing onset (blod beim bailc, bodba, barbarda) on each other.318 Later the same phrase occurs: “To all these could I compare the smashing, powerful, furious, barbarous, shile-shing, target-bossed, red sparkling, starry onset (blodbeim bailc, badba, barbarda) of the Clan Ludech”.319 Earlier in the text is found: “From the numbers and multitudes, and the cruelty, and the wrath of the brutal, deadly (badbaidi), furious, untamed, implacable hordes, by whom that

314 Quin, DIL, 62; Henderson, Fled, 90-91: 16, 21-22. Hessen’s Irish Lexicon explains badb-scéla as “gruesome story”; Caomhánach, Hertz, Hull, and Lehmacher, HIL, 98.315 Calder, Togail, 146-147: 2279.316 Calder, Togail, 264-267: 4123-4124.317 O’Grady, Caithréim I, 224.318 Todd, Cogadh, 158-159, 172-175.319 Todd, Cogadh, 180-181.

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oppression was inflicted”.320 We also find here the, to my knowledge, only occurrence of badbda as the substantive that means “enemy”, according to DIL: “These were people who were not in voluntary subjection to the foreigners, and who were not the natural foes (baidbaib) of the Dal Cais, Faelan, son of Cormac, king of the Desi, and Flathra, son of Segni, king of Titill”.321

In AnS, after Aillen was killed by Finn, Aillen’s mother says in a poem: “Come healing Amartha, Aillen son of Midgna is slain, by the spear of Fiacha, son of Conga, a deadly cloak (don brat bodhbdha) and Birga”.322

In a copy of AnS in the Franciscan monastery is also found at another point in the text “a deadly cloak” (don brut bodba). When Cailte en Donn mac Aedh mac Garadh both approach a stone they gave it a vicious wrench (srengtharraing bodbda), with strength dragging at it in such wise that they landed it fairly on the ground.323 When Fergus gives Cailte his weapons to rivet, Cailte asks Fergus how the weapons are called. Fergus tells him their names are Cró Coscar (“Shaft of Victory”), Ben Bodba (“Fatal Women”) and Deoch Báis (“Drink of Death”).324 When Cailte notices that he lacked his spear-power and his full strength, he says: “Many a stern and desperate fight (borbgleoaib bodba), may a warlike melee and a van of battle I have faced, and to say that today there is not in me so much strength or pith as to go out along with all the rest!”.325

In the Rennes version of the Dinnshenchas we find in the first poem about Sinann: “There the comely lady was drowned and perished under heavy injury, though the woman of warlike ardour (co mbruth baidb) is dead, her noble name clave to the river”.326 In the poem about Liamuin is also said: “Miannach is followed across every plain. To Miannach where she was killed, the woman with martial array (co mbrut baidb) is killed so that her name clave to the hill”.327

In CF the preposition co n-, meaning “with”, is used in combination with badba: “The two armies poured forth against each other, like dense woods, and with their proud noisy strokes and spilling a black deluge, actively, fiercely, perilously, angrily, furiously (co badhbha), destructively, boldly, vehemently, hastily, and great was there the greeting of swords against bones”.328

In the first redaction of LGÉ occurs in a poem: “Warlike Blad (Blad bódba) from Sliab Bladma”.329 In another poem occurs again: “Furious Blad (Blad bodba) from Sliab Bladma”.330 In another poem in the first redaction

320 Todd, Cogadh, 52-53. 321 Todd, Cogadh, 72-73.322 Dooley and Roe, Tales, 54; O’Grady, SG I, 132; II, 144; Stokes, ‘Acallamh’, 49: 1745.323 Stokes, ‘Acallamh’, 62: 2182; O’Grady, SG I, 142; II, 156; Dooley and Roe, Tales, 67. 324 Dooley and Roe, Tales, 193; Stokes, ‘Acallamh’, 193: 6939.325 Stokes, ‘Acallamh’, 200: 7197; O’Grady, SG I, 223; II, 252-253.326 Gwynn notes that baidb must be baidbe, which he calls an unusual license; Gwynn, Metrical Dindsenchas III, 290-291: 59.327 Gwynn, Metrical Dindsenchas III, 72-73: 87.328 O’Rahilly, Cath Finntrágha, 33; Meyer, Cath Finntrága, 40: 731.329 Poem LXV, MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 260-261.330 Only found in the first and third redaction, poem LXXIV, MacAlister, LGÉ V, 118-119.

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occurs: “Over the sorrow warlike heaps (bron-blocaib bodba)”.331 In the modern version of CMT occurs: “in the furious stream” (ina bhuinne bhodhbha).332 In TBC, when Ailill gives Fergus back his sword, Fergus welcomes the sword and says in a poem, which occurs only in recension II: “Weary are the warlike lone fighters (oenfir bhodbha)”.333 In FB occurs a poem by Medb when she says she recognises the man in the chariot from his description and she says about Loegaire in a poem: “Compeer of kings, an old disposer of conquest, a fury of war (barc bodbae) a fire of judgement”.334 In CML Conn decided with himself not to enter the dangerous pass (mbelach mbodhba) which lay between himself and Eoghan.335 Later the armies of Eoghan and Conn planted an envenomed forest of thick-handed spears past the white rimmed great and firm shields (na sgiath mbadhbha) into each others breasts.336 In Rosnaree Conchobar says: “Cairbre Nia Fear with his brothers and with a great muster of the men of Bregia, Meath, and the provinces of the Galian, are in their warlike fort (mbruigean bodba), seeking battle with us at Rosnaree”.337 In SF occurs: “When Oscar had come on to the spot, a wide passage was made for him towards that red-mouthed beast, which was like a furious bear (ina bethir bodhbda) and a phantom of destruction and a conglomeration of battle and ruin”.338 In Eachtra Mhacoimh an Iolair they gave thrusts and ever active “furious breaking” (agus briseadh bodhbha), and long wielding, eager and rapid, of their hard-pointed crooked-headed hurleys on each others heads and bodies.339

331 Poem LXV, MacAlister, LGÉ IV, 278-279.332 Ó Cuív, CMT, 23: 173.333 O'Rahilly, Stowe Version, 153: 4827-4828. O’Rahilly translates with “war-goddess”; O’Rahilly, TBC-LL, 130: 4721, 266. Windisch and Kinsella translate with “Weary are the lone fighters of the Badb”; Windisch, Altirische Heldensage, 860-861; Kinsella, Táin, 246.334 Henderson, Fled, 56-57: 13-14; Koch and Carey, Celtic, 88. In the Vossianus manuscript: barc bodbai; Stern, ‘Fled Bricrend’, 162. Thurneysen explains in a note that this is the war-goddess Badb; Thurneysen, Sagen, 40. D’Arbois de Jubainville translates barc bodbae as “Hurricane of Bodb” and explains in a note below that Bodb is the war-goddess; D'Arbois de Jubainville, L’Épopée, 111. Vendryes explains barc bodbae as “fury of Bodb”; Vendryes, Lexique, B-18. However, I do not think bodba refers to the war-goddess Badb here, because the character of Loegaire is described, in which context the description “warlike” would be more fitting than “of the war-goddess Badb”.335 O’Curry edits m-belach m-bódhbha; O’Curry, CML, 26-27; Jackson, CML, 14: 337.336 Jackson, CML, 66: 1721. The text differs very much at this point, in O’Curry’s edition badba does not occur in this phrase, but here it is: seach bhilibh a sgiath m-bóirdgheal; O’Curry, CML, 128-129.337 Hogan, Cath, 78-79.338 Meyer, Fianaigecht, 66-67.339 MacAlister, Eachtra, 124-125.

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7. Conclusion

The main purpose of this thesis is to describe how the word badb was used in the early Irish texts. In the previous chapters I hope to have shown that the different meanings of this word can be classified as a proper name for one of the Irish war-goddesses, a generic term for other persons or creatures, a word meaning “scald crow” and the genitive form of badb, used as an adjective, which can be best translated as “warlike”. But to fully understand the use of the word badb in early Irish literature, it is next necessary to create some structure in these different meanings and uses. Therefore I would like to propose a model for the development and evolution of this particular word.

The first reference we find of the word badb is in the Gaulish deity name Cathubodua, which probably meant “battle crow”. Cathubodua strongly resembles the Old Irish term bodb catha. This suggests that the original meaning of bodb catha was “battle crow”, which developed to “scald crow”. The possibility exists that bodb was already used before this period with the meaning “crow”, but this is ofcourse difficult to affirm. Badb, meaning “scald crow” occurs in literature from the earliest period, the 8th century on and exists in all the cycles. The meaning of “scald crow” has remained constant for a long period, and is still used in Modern Irish in the sense of “crow”. That badb was a common word for a crow, is affirmed by the fact that words as feannog and crufhechta are given as synonyms for badb and that badb is often accompanied by the word bran.

Badb catha, meaning “battle crow”, at a certain point in time became the name of one of the Irish war-goddesses. The association of badb catha with a goddess derives probably also from the Gaulish deity name Cathubodua. This goddess was probably for a long time called Badb Catha, literally “Badb of Battle”, but at some time before literature was first written down, Badb seems to have lost the element catha in the name, as badb catha is found only in a few texts existing today. In TE, when Cú Chulainn explains who Badb is, she is called in Bodb Catha. The only other references of badb catha are found in the descriptions of the Furies and Bellona in the classical adaptations. In TNT occurs in badb

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catha cosnamach (“the contentious war-goddess”) used to describe Bellona, and in ICC we find in badb catha, for a Fury, in badhbh catha for Bellona and the plural bodba cata, probably signifying the Furies. It is interesting that this older variation of badb was used for the Furies. Badb, the proper name of a war-goddess, appears in the oldest texts, from the 8th century onwards. This goddess occurs only in the Ulster and the Mythological cycles. The old spelling bodb was still used in many cases for the war-goddesses and the scald crows, which is evidence that these are indeed the oldest meanings.

Badb is a goddess who appears in Irish literature in two different groups. On the one hand, she is part of the sisterhood with Macha and Morrígan, who are the daughters of Ernmas the witch. And on the other hand Badb appears with the war-goddess Nemain, whose mutual father is Elcmar of the Brug and who are the two wives of war-god Nét. I assume both groups have come to existence around the same period, probably even a long time before the first texts were written down. Nemain is often mentioned by scholars as a member of the group of Badb, Macha and Morrígan. But Nemain is in all texts described alone or together with Badb and not in combination with the war-goddesses Morrígan and Macha. These two groups of goddesses occur in the same texts, and they both belong to the Tuatha dé Danann, but their functions are quite different. Badb, Macha and Morrígan are described as proper persons who take a role in the stories on as well diplomatic as military level, while the characters of Badb and Nemain are more basic; they shriek to incite warriors as ghost like creatures. These two groups of goddesses seem to have existed alongside each other, with Badb as their mutual member.

There are many scholars who are of the opinion that the three war-goddesses Badb, Morrígan and Macha signify a triple goddess or a single deity with different functions. In this light Badb is not so much a proper name, but a generic term that can indicate either one of the three war-goddesses. Badb would only be a certain shape in which the Morrígan appears. However, I definitely think these war-goddesses imply three different persons, and that Badb is the proper name of one of these characters. On the other hand I believe that to some extent the names of these three war-goddesses are interchangeable, as in several texts the war-goddesses are identified with one another, especially the names Badb and Morrígan.

In a number of texts the Morrígan is called Badb, but I do not believe this means that when Badb occurs as a single goddess, she is actually the Morrígan. I think from the texts I have looked at becomes clear that these are two different characters. Morrígan is a goddess who plays an important and human-like role in the tales, she transforms in different shapes and she joins the events in both conversation and action. Badb, on the other hand, is a more supernatural character, who is closely related to death. In FB she is described as “the pale one” and “white lady”, which suggests a ghost like appearance, and in MCC she speaks from the corpses on the battlefield. She appears in a vision, is invisible and tells a prophecy or a warning, without actually being present. Besides, Badb appears together with Nemain, as the wife of Nét, which also indicates her separate personality.

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There are a few other points that show that the names of the goddesses are interchangeable. In a few glosses the war-goddesses are referred to as the three morrigains. This does not prove to me that the war-goddesses are one triple goddess, but it shows that their individual names could also be used to refer to any of the other war-goddesses. Besides the term morrígan is also used to describe other persons or creatures, besides the war-goddesses. In some of the texts the explanatory note .i. badb is used to describe who a certain person or creature was, or what the particular character of that person was. We find it in glosses on the war-goddesses, where Macha is explained as a badb or a morrigain, the term Bé Néit is explained as the Badb and also Nemain is equated with the Badb, which shows that not only the names of the three war-goddesses Badb, Macha and Morrígan were interchangeable, but also the names of the couple Badb and Nemain. The gloss .i. badb is also used to explain that certain women are “witches”, and that certain birds are equated with the “scald crow”. In a number of texts Badb, as well as the war-goddesses Morrígan and Nemain, are spelled with an article. In my opinion this confirms the indefinite character of these names.

I believe that the similar creatures Furies, battle demons and witches have all three been based on the war-goddess Badb. These creatures share certain similarities, as they are all demonic, supernatural beings, and they all have a close resemblance to the war-goddesses. From a certain point in time, the word badb was applied as a generic term for every creature that was similar to the war-goddess Badb. The Furies, battle demons and witches became new meanings of the word badb, which all appear to have been used from the 12th century onwards. This is also seen from the fact that for the battle demons and witches the old spelling bodb is not at all used. Remarkably bodb is used for the Furies, as well as the older form badb catha. This could suggest that the custom of replacing the Furies with badb goes further back. But a more plausible possibility is that the Irish tried to add a classical aspect, by using these older terms.

The texts in which the battle demons are described derive mostly from the 12th and 13th centuries and they occur in all the cycles. I think the battle demons were mainly based on the couple Badb and Nemain, as this couple has the most in common with the battle demons. They both shriek above the warriors to incite or frighten them, and Nemain appears in TBC in the company of the same demonic creatures the battle demons appear with. The main difference, however, is the undeveloped and anonymous character of the battle demons.

Around the same period, in the 12th century, the word badb was used to replace the Furies in the classical adaptations. The Irish probably early on recognised that the Furies and Bellona have many resemblances with the Irish war-goddesses, and therefore they used the word badb to replace these classical deities. It also seems that there is a certain linkage between the Irish war-goddesses, the Furies, the Lamia’s and the Valkyries. This could mean that these deities go back to a common Indo-European source.

The battle demons and Furies appear in literature in the same period and seem to have influenced each other to some extent. The main

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difference is of course that the Irish Furies are directly copied on the classical Furies, but the description of the Furies has a lot in common with the way the Irish have described the battle demons. Firstly, there is an interesting Irish variation in ICC, which is not in the original Pharsalia. Here the Furies are in the company of other flying demonic creatures, much like the description of the battle demons. But the most striking resemblance is that in the description of both the Furies and the battle demons, the word badb occurs in combination with similar alliterating adjectives, of which the most recurring phrase is baidbi beldergi (“red-mouthed badbs”). Further baidb buaidertha, badba buaidirthi belderga, baidbi bruthmaire belldeirgi, badb demnach dasachtach and badb derg dasachtach are only used in the description of the Furies, and badb bélderg birach and badba birach belsalach are only used to describe the battle demons. In the classical adaptations, both the Furies and Bellona are called “red-mouthed war-goddesses”, while in the original classical texts nothing is said about the characteristic red lips or a red mouth. These alliterating descriptions with badba are a Middle Irish invention, as they are a typical way of Middle Irish writing and these phrases are only found in texts from the 12th

century onwards. It should be noted that the adjective bélderg (“red-mouthed”) is in Irish also used for the description of other comparable creatures, but the combination of badb and bélderga is solely found in the description of the battle demons and Furies. The only exception is that in the rather late text CML the alliterating phrase baidbi beldergi is used in the description of scald crows. In the same text we find badbha beal-ghorma (“blue mouthed scald crows”). But there exists no other reference of scald crows called badba belderga.

The meaning of “witch” is a more modern development, as these texts all derive from around the 13th century or later. It seems that these witches replaced the war-goddess Badb, as in this period the war-goddess Badb no longer occurs in literature. And as the war-goddesses are often referred to as the witches or the sorceresses of the Tuatha dé Danann, it comes as no surprise that badb in the sense of “witch” developed.

I think the genitive form badba developed to an adjective in the same period badb catha became the name of the war-goddess, as it seems more likely that this adjective derived from the genitive of badb in the sense of a war-goddess, than badb in the sense of a scald crow. What is certain is that badba exists in texts from the 8th century onwards and was used till at least the 15th century, and occurs primarily in the heroic cycles. This means the adjectival use of the genitive form badba is as old as the meanings of “scald crow” and “war-goddess” in literature. The old spelling bodb seems to have been applied longest for the adjective bodba, as all recurring phrases and many other entries of the adjective are spelled bodba. A few of the recurring phrases with badba are found in texts from the 8th century, but most of these phrases are from the 12th

century and later. Many of these phrases start with the initial b-, which alliterates with badba. This is the same kind of alliteration we have seen used for the Furies in these same texts, which shows again the typical Middle Irish influence on the classical adaptations, and how keen the Irish were on making these classical texts their own. The common authorship of the Book of Leinster versions of TBC, MU and CRR explains why many

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phrases with badba occur in these three texts, but it also shows that these phrases were incorporated in the 12th century by the redactor of the Book of Leinster. Most of these phrases, as well as other uses of the adjective badba, occur in the classical adaptations, and a large part of these phrases occur as well in TBC as in the classical adaptations.

Tristram has said it is often underestimated how the classical adaptations influenced Irish literature. I think from certain points made clear here, can be concluded that TBC and the classical adaptations influenced each other to some extent, as we find many similarities in these texts. Firstly the Furies are called badb in the classical adaptations, while in recension I of TBC Morrígan is equated with Allecto. We find other references to the Furies in Irish literature, but only in these texts are they equated with the Irish war-goddesses. It think the equation of the Irish war-goddesses with the Furies, took shape in the 12th century. Secondly a large part of the phrases with badba, seem to originate from the period when the classical adaptations were created. In TBC and in the classical adaptations occur a number of these same phrases. A few phrases existed earlier on, but a large part was created in the 12th century. Thirdly in recension II of TBC we find battle demons called baidbhi beldergi and badba beldercca. These alliterating phrases, used to describe Furies or battle demons, occur only from the 12th century onwards and are a typical way of Middle Irish writing. We find badba belderga used for the Furies at numerous point in the classical adaptations.

As I have said, I think the classical adaptations and TBC influenced each other to some extent. I cannot conclude from these facts that TBC was indeed modelled on the classical adaptations, but I do think it shows that these texts were written down around the same period, as a lot of similarities occur that are only seen in texts from the 12th century. It is a fact that the 12th century was an important era in Irish literature; the first manuscripts containing sizable Irish tales, including TBC, were compiled and in this same period a large part of the classical adaptations were created. Of course this discussion cannot be seen as the main focus of this thesis, and I have only looked at the use of the word badb here, which makes it impossible to make any harsh statements on this subject. Nevertheless, I would like to point out that I agree with Tristram that the influence of the classical adaptations has been highly underestimated by most scholars. I strongly believe that TBC, as well as a number of other Irish texts, have been influenced by the creation of the classical adaptations in the 12th century.

To summarise, the first meaning of the word badb was “scald crow”, a meaning that remained constant for a long time, and is still used in Modern Irish. Badb catha, meaning “scald crow” evolved to the name Badb for a war-goddess, which later lost the second element catha. Badb in the sense of “scald crow”, and the name Badb for a war-goddess, are found in the earliest literature, from the 8th century onwards, and probably both meanings already existed a long time before literature was first written down. The genitive form badba probably evolved to an adjective meaning “warlike” in this same period. From the 12th century badb was used to describe other similar creatures; Furies, battle demons and witches, which have all derived from the name Badb for the war-goddess.

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I hope to have made clear in this thesis that badb is a very interesting, versatile and sometimes even obscure word, which was used in many different ways in Irish literature. Because of these different meanings, in the past a lot of contradictory and confusing secondary literature has been written, which has placed the word badb in the dark. My goal has been to try to cast some light on this matter, so that this interesting word can receive the attention it deserves. I hope to have succeeded in this.

Abbreviations:

ACC Aided Con CulainnAnS Accalam na SenórachBDC Togail Bruiden Da ChocaBiS Baile in ScailBS BanshenchusCA Cath AlmaineCF Cath FinntraghaCGG Cogadh Gaedhel re GallaibhCML Cath Maige LeanaCMT Cath Maige TuiredCMTC Cath Muige Tuired Cunga CRR Cath Ruis na Ríg for BoinnDIL Dictionary of the Irish LanguageFB Fled BricrennICC In Cath CathardaIA Imtheachta AeniasaLGÉ Lebor Gabála ÉrennMCC Maccgnimrada Cu ChulainnMU Mesca UladOCL Oidheadh Clainne LirRIA Royal Irish Academy

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SF Slieve na mBan FinnSMMD Scela Muicce Meic DathóTBC Táin Bó CúailngeTBDD Togail Bruidne Da DergaTBR Táin Bó RegamnaTCD Trinity College DublinTE Tochmarc EmireTF Tochmarc FerbeTG Tromdamh GuaireTnT Togail na TebeTT Togail Troí

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www.shee-eire.com/magic&mythology/Myths/Heroes&Heroines/The-Hawk-of-Achill/Page1.htm.

Appendix A

At the conclusion of the older version of CMT the Morrígan, called Badb, utters two prophecies:

“Peace up to heavenHeaven down to earthEarth beneath heavenStrength in eachA cup very fullFull of honeyMead in abundanceSummer in winterPeace up to heaven”

She also prophesied the end of the world, foretelling every evil that would occur then, and every disease and every vengeance; and she chanted the following poem …

“I shall not see a worldWhich will be dear to meSummer without blossomsCattle will be without milkWomen without modesty

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Men without valourConquest without a kingWoods without mastSea without produceFalse judgements of old menFalse precedents of lawyersEvery man a betrayerEvery son a reaverThe son will go to the bed of his fatherThe father will go to the bed of his sonEach brother’s brother in lawHe will not seek any woman outside his houseAn evil timeSon will deceive his fatherDaughter will deceive her mother”.340

Appendix B

Only in version II of TF Badb and Medb speak in rhetoric, while Medb sleeps:

The Badb:

340 Carey, ‘Myth’, 66-69; Gray, CMT, 70-73: 814-827; Cross and Slover, Ancient, 47-48; Stokes, ‘Second Battle’, 108-111.

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A Medb ca cotlud dogní, O Medb, why do you lie in sleep?in fetar cinnas atái? Do you know how it is with you?diamsat fissid fáth imne, If you are skilled in prophecy,ropad mithig duit eirge. It will be time for you to arise

Medb: A bé bán bulid collí, O, white lady, fair with brilliancy,

ca scél, uathmar innisi, What is this dreadful dream that you tell me?cata námait dothaet and, Who are the foes that have come hither,cia halt doine cia n-anmand? What sort of men are they? What their names?The Badb:Conchobar cend na curad, Conchobar, the head of heroes,

ardrí ilbuadach Ulad, The much-conquering, high king of Ulster,ní damair a bruth no ferg, Holds not back his ardour and furyco ro thogla innocht for G.G. That he may destroy Glenn Geirg tonight!

Medb: Cia bail itá Gerg is Mani, Where is the place where Gerg and Mani are?na fuilet i n-oenbali? Are they not in the same place?ma tát ní hassa a togail If that be so, not easy is his destruction

do lucht tigi Conchobair. For the troops of the house of Conchobar!The Badb:Mani cid mór a menma Though high is the mind of Mani,

im febas a degdelba, On account of the beauty of his handsome form,ni ba leiss commus a chind He has not the power over his headda thurus innocht don glind. For the raid tonight to the glen!

Medb: Mad dia marbthar Mani mór, When the great Mani is slain,bid díth cethern, bid ár slog, It will lead to the perishing of troops,atresat curaid fri gail To the defeat of hosts!iter Chruachain is Emain. Heroes shall rise in bravery

In Cruachnan as well as in Emain!

The Badb: Érig is digail do mac, Raise thyself and avenge your son!tinóil cóiced Ólnécmacht, Assemble the province of Connacht!

snaidfea na sluagu co serb, You shall cruelly cut asunder troops

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mad dia n-erge innosa a Medb. When you awake, O Medb!341

341 Leahy, Courtship, 25-27, 77-79; Windisch, ‘Tochmarc’, 488-491: 350-377; Thurneysen, Helden, 354.

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