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United Nations Alliance Of Civilizations

Fellowship Programme 2016

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Final Reports of the 2016 EUNA Cohort

“Education as a Tool

for the Prevention of Radicalization and Xenophobia”

Table Report I: Project Proposal on Engaged Education and Experiential

Learning Programs p. 2

Report II: Alternative Narratives in Youth Radicalization Prevention: Challenges, Strategies and Recommendations

p. 7

Report III: Fighting in The Arena of Dreams and Promising a Better Future for Young People

p. 18

Report IV: Inclusion and intercultural engagement. A path to cohesive communities and societies

p. 24

Report V: Global Education’s role in bridging cultures p. 31 Report VI: Neighborhood Watch: Combatting Youth Radicalization p. 34 Report VII: Education as Empowerment: Combating the

Radicalization of Youth through Social Entrepreneurship and Government Initiatives in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)

p. 37

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Global Education’s role in bridging cultures Boštjan Jerman Ljubljana and New York City Rafal Szczurowski December 7, 2016 (EUNA Cohort) The United Nations Alliance of Civilization 2016 Fellowship Program Final Paper: Project Proposal on Engaged Education and Experiential Learning Programs

The philosophical inspiration for this report came from a lecture and discussion with Dr. Ahmed Abbadi, the Secretary General of Rabita Mohammadia des Oulémas (Mohammadia League of Scholars), conducted in Rabat, Morocco, on November 11, 2016. The ongoing theme of addressing youth alienation and material superficiality and the role of education in preventing radicalization and xenophobia had been a common thread throughout the 2016 UNAOC Fellowship Program. Equally motivating were meetings with regional NGOs and nonprofits that provided practical perspective on the most pressing challenges facing grassroots movements in the region.

Drawing from these experiences, emphasizing Sustainable Development Goal 4: "Ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong opportunities for all,” and reaffirming the role of the UNAOC Fellowship Program as an incubator of new ideas, this proposal will analyze engaged education and experiential learning programs as a model to reduce youth alienation and combat rising xenophobia. In addition, we propose a framework of action for organizational capacity building. It consists of concrete steps on how to implement engaged education and experiential learning programs in the field.

The paper will proceed in a following way: (1) Introduction; (2) case studies for engaged education - the Association for the Defense of Children’s Rights in Morocco, the Moroccan League for the Protection of Children in Casablanca, and Silatech in Qatar; (3) regional perspective from a community activist, Anas Dharweesh; (4) organizational capacity building; (5) strategic partnerships; and (6) conclusion.

1. Introduction

In his conversation with the 2016 UNAOC Fellows, Dr. Abbadi identified an alienation

and superficiality as his main concerns about the current state of youth around the globe. The

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alienation leads to indifference to the suffering of others and strengthens the forces of exclusion. Artificial boundaries are drawn around one’s own race, religion, community, nationality or social class. Because of the superficiality, human beings have lost touch with nature and lost ability to go deeper into the issues of significance. Furthermore, the superficiality contributes to the feeling of internal disconnect within human mind and soul. According to Dr. Abbadi, extremist groups counter these tendencies with an appealing message of unity, dignity, purity, and salvation.

During the discussion, UNAOC fellows brought up Immanuel Kant’s concept of unsocial sociability as a potential solution to the feeling of alienation and the overwhelming superficiality. Human beings, even those driven by the most selfish desires, are inherently drawn to each other because individuals can only realize themselves in the presence of others. This contextual reflection can be provided by families, communities, societies as well as the whole humanity.

The authors of this proposal argue that civic engagement programs are also capable of providing the essence of sociability for all, regardless of internal motives, which could range from egoism to altruism. With this convergence of even conflicting interests in place, we claim that a determined implementation of engaged education programs and experiential learning activities will address the feeling of alienation and superficiality among youth worldwide, thus reducing the threat of radicalization and xenophobia.

Engaged education in teaching and learning to bring students, universities, and communities across the globe to share practices, experiences, and knowledge. Experiential learning is learning through experience combining in-class instructions with practical activities.

If both concepts are applied in youth education, exposing students to local and global community-based involvement, the message of extremist organizations will gradually lose its appeal.

2. Case Studies The authors of this paper argue that student and youth engagement in public service

benefits all parties involved. This engagement constitutes the core of an experiential learning model where students, educators, and youth interact with diverse constituencies in community-based organizations learning about and working on social and civic agenda.

The 2016 UNAOC Fellowship Program allowed to examine our premise on the ground, among several nonprofit organizations in Morocco and Qatar.

In Morocco, UNAOC fellows met with two community-based organizations committed to childhood education: The Association for the Defense of Children’s Rights in Rabat and the Moroccan League for the Protection of Children in Casablanca. Both projects address community needs in early childhood education by providing pre-school programs, after-school activities, and various trainings. These organizations constitute an ideal ground for an internship program based on reflective learning. Their staff spoke with enormous enthusiasm and passion about their work in the service of underprivileged communities and expressed interest in having

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interns. Because of a wide operational scope of these institutions, interns and volunteers could be utilized on all levels of their operations, from administration to program implementation.

In Qatar, the fellows visited organization Silatech committed to empowering Arab youth through job creation, development of entrepreneurship, and research. All aspects of Silatech operations, from management and administration in Doha’s headquarters to program implementation in the field, would be well-served by additional help from interns and volunteers. Whether they are going to be recruited from the indigenous Qatari youth population, expatriates, or students from abroad, all would benefit from the global outlook on issues facing the Arab youth as well as regional solutions being supported by Silatech local partners.

Empirical studies utilized by Cornell University in preparing similar programs point to the correlation between community engagement and student achievement. Service learning participants have higher retention rates, better writing skills, and improved critical thinking capacity. These variables contribute to higher GPAs and increased participation in campus activities. The authors of this paper argue that these factors also reduce student/youth alienation, thus lowering the threat of radicalization and xenophobia.

3. Voice from the Region

According to Anas Dharweesh, 2011 UNAOC alumni from Syria with a vast professional

expertise in youth development, formalized education in the Middle East does not match what the contemporary job market demands. Mr. Dharweesh observed that engaged education programs offer benefits to everyone: The volunteer, the organization, and the society. He recalled following advantages of having an intern program: Quadruple outreach to beneficiaries, more than seventy percent of cost reduction, spin off programs that continued to exist outside the organization, and the rise of community-oriented youth.

The authors of this paper concur pointing that engaged education is uniquely suited to bridge the demand of contemporary workplace with formalized college learning.

4. Organizational capacity building

The United Nations defines capacity as “the ability of individuals, institutions, and societies to perform functions, solve problems and set and achieve objectives in a sustainable manner.” We understand capacity as a basis of any well-functioning organization. The model focuses on strengthening skills, competencies, and abilities of people, organizations, and communities in a specific field. In this regard, UNESCO outlines that any educational action depends on good capacity of all actors involved.

For this reason, the authors recognize organizational capacity building as a key factor in the successful implementation of community-based projects such as engaged education and experiential learning programs throughout EUNA and MENA regions.

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In scope of the project, we propose to establish a group of seven experts to provide capacity-building support in following areas:

(1) Project based learning: Project schedule, estimating costs, funding proposal, Gantt chart, project management tools, smart goals, SWOT, and evaluation;

(2) fundraising: How to acquire funds and from where (nationally, regionally, and globally);

(3) design thinking approach: Defining the problem and implementing the solutions (empathize, define, ideate, prototype, test);

(4) public relations and outreach: Efficient communication tools; (5) social entrepreneurship: How to assure social impact and build a sustainable business

model; (6) networking: The search for strategic partners; and (7) ICT tools: Boost up work efficiency with ICT tools. The proposed idea could become an integral part of the UNAOC Fellowship Alumni

network forging synergies with similar initiatives within the system (e.g. mentorship module).

5. Strategic partnerships Another important element for a successful realization of our proposal are strategic partnerships (corresponding with global partnerships outlined in Sustainable Development Goal 17). The sole aim is to strengthen the proposed initiative through the existing network of the paper’s authors and achieve synergies with similar projects:

1. The UNAOC Fellowship Alumni Network will be connected to the UNESCO Young Personalities Programme of the Euro-Arab Dialogue Initiative: The first presentation of UNAOC Fellowship initiative could take place on 9-10 December in Paris by Boštjan Jerman who is part of the UNESCO’s initiative. Main objective is to connect both networks and find possibilities for cooperation.

2. The UNAOC Fellowship Program will be connected to the Connecting Cultures Initiative, first developed in 2004 in Oman and piloted in 2016 in Europe / Slovenia. The initiative is formally endorsed by UNESCO. Connecting Cultures takes young people to remote locations, enables focused dialogue amongst young professionals in an environment “where there are few distractions, or doors to hide behind” (Connecting Cultures Oman). The initiative is also backed by global National Commissions for UNESCO, whereby the Slovenian National Commission for UNESCO can be used as entry point for dissemination and new partnerships.

3. Among other partners are network organizations with relevant global reach, what is inter alia the World Federation of United Nations Associations and United Nations Youth Associations Network. UN Associations raise public awareness of the UN and its work and constitutes an important actor in reaching out to public, especially youth, on global

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issues. Both networks could be utilized for project dissemination, internships, and joint initiatives.

We have listed only three main networks / initiatives, whereby the list of actual and potential partners could go far beyond twenty organizations.

6. Conclusion

The authors of this analysis argued that the incorporation of engaged education programs into a formalized curriculum will diminish the threat of radicalization and xenophobia. Encouraging Arab youth and students to intern and volunteer in community-based organizations tackles alienation and challenges- what Dr. Ahmed Abbadi described as- the superficiality. Vibrant internship programs could also attract students from around the world, thus contributing to the dialogue of civilizations and building more inclusive global society.

Underserved communities in the Middle East are in a dire need of help and assistance. At the same time, universities in Europe and North America are adopting engaged education models to link its students with the world outside the campus, in local and global context. The authors of this paper would like to thank the UNAOC for the enormous opportunity that the Fellowship Program offered and signal that the Alliance could take a leadership role in bridging the regional need for volunteers with western institutions’ willingness to provide students or interns.

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Alternative Narratives in Youth Radicalization Prevention: Challenges, Strategies and Recommendations

Jeffrey Ansloos and Ian Plunkett Background During the last decade, both the EUNA and MENA regions have seen an increased mobilization of threats to security, including successful and thwarted acts of violent extremism. The mobilization of extremist ideology via digital technology has presented a strong need for increased research towards violence prevention practices and policy, especially as they relate to digital media. In many federal and international bodies, this movement has promoted renewed engagement on the issue of violent extremism and radicalization. Thus far research has mainly focused on the risk of the radicalization of youth, and the ways in which shifting sociopolitical realities across the globe might be contributing towards the recruitment and participation of youth in processes and practices of extremism. In the current sociopolitical climate, there has been a significant generation of public discourse related to the recruitment of European and North American (EUNA) youth into the Syrian conflict, as well as ideological commitments of Daesh. As the Syrian crisis continues to develop with the UNHCR (2016) estimating that there are currently 4.8 million Syrian refugees and an estimated 8.7 million internally displaced persons by the end of 2016, countries in both the MENA and EUNA region are navigating the complex issue of mass human migration. In the EUNA region, as various international challenges related to the Syrian crisis continue to develop, narratives in public discourse have centered on threats to security. This has led to an increased polarization of political movements in the EUNA region, creating tensions with MENA counterparts based on the increase hyper nationalist, populist, racist, and xenophobic discourse. In the last year alone, both Europe and North America have seen political leaders and campaigns advocating Islamophobic, anti-refugee, and racist rhetoric. In light of the political fall out of Brexit and the US federal election, and of the emerging political oppositions in France, Germany, Denmark, Canada, and elsewhere, it is becoming clear that the policies and practice of the prevention of radicalization are needed more than ever. The sociopolitical challenges of MENA region, specifically that of the Syrian conflict and the rise of Daesh, when paired with the increased political polarization of the EUNA region, create an important obligation for new global efforts for the prevention of youth radicalization and violent extremism.

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Key Issues The key issues raised in this report focus generally on the issue of youth radicalization and violence prevention. Specifically, the authors examine a research and public policy gap in regards to youth radicalization prevention, alternative narratives and digital technology. Objectives In general, the authors examine the current state of prevention policy for youth radicalization and consider possibilities of community engagement and participatory research for new policy strategies in both the MENA and EUNA regions. The report specifically highlights the challenge of policy development in youth radicalization prevention in a context of international incoherence on definitions of radicalization and violent extremism. The authors also highlight predominant responses and mandates throughout the EUNA and MENA regions, including the intersections of youth radicalization, religion (institutions, ideologies, and movements), political and social youth movements, and digital media. The report highlights a need for alternative narratives in youth radicalization prevention policy and proposes a number of community engaged and actionable steps towards implementation. The report utilizes a selective review of relevant literature, as well as observations from direct consultation and engagement in the EUNA and MENA regions by the 2016 UNAOC delegation. The Complexity of Language: Radicalization, Violent Extremism, and Youth In 2015, the United Nations Secretary-General developed a Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism. This document summarizes the conditions conducive to and the structural context in which violent extremism occurs such as lack of socioeconomic opportunities, marginalization and discrimination, poor governance, violations of human rights and the rule of law, prolonged and unresolved conflicts, and radicalization in prisons. (7/22-8/22). The document also includes processes of radicalization, focusing primarily on the individual factors and issues of social location, such as: Individual backgrounds and motivations, collective grievances and victimization, distortion and misuse of belief, political ideologies and ethnic and cultural differences, and leadership and social networks. (9/22-10/22). What stands out in this document is that while these ideas are engaged, there are no clear definitions or adopted frameworks within the United Nations to operationalize the terms violent extremism and/or radicalization. We recommend adoption of a perspective that violent extremism is a form of material violence along a continuum of other forms of violence (inclusive of hate speech and other forms of xenophobia which form the basis of structural and systemic violence). Ideological extremism is not necessarily enacted on the material level, however, it can contribute towards the participatory

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processes by which young people find themselves in acting violently materially (in acts of terror) and non-materially (in the expression of hate speech). Youth Radicalization and Narrative Approaches to Radicalization Prevention Research in the area of radicalization has primarily focused the internal state of individuals who engage in acts of violent extremism, as well as some of the social conditions correlated with these individuals. Put another way, this model of research and the subsequent policy approaches are invested in a deficit model of youth development, framing radicalization of youth to be a product of vulnerability and risk. The focus on risk and vulnerability of youth has shaped the dominant policy models across the MENA and EUNA region. According to Glazzard and Zeuthen (2016) there are three main responses to violent extremism: (a) counter-terrorism (CT, e.g. using military or policing resources to deter or disrupt terrorists), (b) countering violent extremism (CVE – preventative approaches using mostly non-coercive means), and (c) risk reduction (seeking to ensure that violent extremists do not cause harm, e.g. through efforts to change behaviour). While regional differences exist, it is also the case that specific countries in both the MENA and EUNA region take varying policy approaches to the issue of violent extremism. When applied to the dynamic contexts of digital media, all three of these policy approaches come into conflict with issues of privacy, surveillance, data mining, the tensions of freedoms of expression and hate speech, and the political independence of digital media organizations. Youth radicalization is less often assessed in terms of dynamic and evolving narrative and participatory processes that are interactive with historical, cultural, and socio-economic factors. The International Centre for the Study of Radicalization and Political Violence (2015) indicates that:

The process of radicalization and/or recruitment is complex and multifaceted, and consists of a variety of factors and influences, such as grievance, beliefs, social dynamics, and even chance. Narratives are part of this, because they provide the rationales, justifications and incentives that convince people to join. (Neumann, 9)

Understanding these narrative and participatory processes are an important next step towards radicalization prevention. In this perspective, radicalization prevention becomes critically invested in understand is what is qualitatively compelling about the narrative content and the practices of ideologies in local geographic and geopolitical context. To date most narrative based research has focused on (1) how narrative content and practices radicalize youth towards violent extremism, and, (2) the ways that narratives are used for recruitment into extremist ideology and material violence.

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In the example of the narrative content of Daesh in the recruitment and radicalization of youth in Europe, three types of narratives have been identified by the International Centre for the Study of Radicalization and Political Violence(2015): (1) narratives shaped by the humanitarian imperative of the Syrian conflict often framed in politically and religiously sectarian terms (i.e. pro Sunni and anti-Assad), (2) narratives of faith as a political ideology and political ideology as a religious obligation, and (3) narratives that appeal to personal needs (i.e. fidelity, fraternity, adventure and heroism) and material needs (food, debt reduction, economic mobility). The implications for prevention related to the efficacy of these narratives are extremely important. Movements to reduce and counter the effects violent extremism, especially in terms of the prevention of youth involvement in violence, must therefore be concerned with understanding narratives and the relevant implications for policy, programming and practices for youth engagement that efficaciously counter their salience. In the example above of Daesh recruitment, some research is beginning to explore the ways defectors of Daesh are narrating their choice to flee extremism. Examples of these narratives include (1) infighting, (2) Brutality against (Sunni) Muslims, (3) Corruption and Un-Islamic Behaviors, and, (4) Diminished Quality of Life (Neumann, 10-11). What is clear in these narratives is that they seem to be dialogically countering the initial recruitment narratives. By framing youth violence and radicalization prevention in terms of counter-narratives, we perhaps miss an opportunity to innovate and draw on research that might support much more diversified alternatives in narrating radicalization prevention, including progressive forms of sociopolitical and religious literacy, as well as nonviolent youth engagement, civic participation and community peacebuilding. Radicalization and the intersections of religion and religious ideologies One of the greatest criticisms of counter-extremism and radicalization prevention is that it has been seen as targeting religious identity, and conflating ideological extremism with majority expressions of religion (ie. Islamic State vs. Islam, KKK vs. Christianity). This presents a number of interesting challenges in articulating alternatives narratives for radicalization prevention. Throughout EUNA and MENA public discourse in response to incidents of terrorism with claimed responsibility by an organization with a religiously affiliated identity, often take two forms. Some narratives engage the topic of radicalization and violent extremism as something that is internal and emic to a particular ideological sect within a broader communal religious identity. So in this narrative, it is possible for a person to be religious and extremist, and have their religion inform their ideological extremism. The risks of this narrative are significant because in a context of inter-faith religious illiteracy this can quickly devolve into xenophobia. The actions of a particular sect or ideological minority of a broader identity category are a basis for which

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stigmatization and stereotyping all other members of that broader identity community. This has occurred in EUNA, as seen in the rise of Islamophobic public policy proposals in the US election in reaction to the actions of Daesh. By reducing the ideological diversity of Islam to one particular representation vis-a-vis an ideological minority, Islam has been stigmatized and associated in conservative American public discourse with terrorism. The alternative approach is to excommunicate or dislocate those that espouse extremist ideology, outside of the broader religious identity category. Throughout numerous consultations in the MENA region, religious leaders frequently spoke about Daesh as something that was outside of “the real Islam” or “true Islam.” In such narratives religious tolerance and the pro-social virtues of religion are strongly affirmed as the basis of true religion, and all claims of religious identity that fall beyond this particular ideology are rejected. In this context, narratives rest upon the denouncing of those who commit terrorism to protect those who suffer in the wake of their actions, as well as to make a claim about the nature of what ideology is accepted as orthodox. Worthy of some consideration is that both the emic narrative and a counter-narrative that rejects this perspective are predicated on essentialist views of religion. So in the effort to disengage a narrative and counter-narrative binary in youth radicalization prevention, a number of important possibilities emerge: (1) What alternative narratives are needed to increase inter-faith religious literacy to combat xenophobia? (2) How might those narratives specifically prevent the stigmatization of broader religious identity categories, while also taking seriously the ways that religious identity shapes youth ideological radicalization? (3) What are the alternatives narratives and practices internal to religious identity categories necessary for the development of ideological commitments to nonviolence? (4) How are those categories meaningfully similar and different in comparison with secular paradigms of nonviolence, such as human rights? (5) What alternative narratives are needed in interfaith dialogue that move from merely the public espousal of tolerance and pluralism towards a nonviolent negotiation of principled differences in ideology? And (6) How can youth more directly shape the formation of these narratives? The internet and political and social youth movements There is broad recognition that the Internet has cultivated the organising power of youth movements. This has been achieved through smart employment of digital tools to amplify grievances that may not have typically gained cut through in the old media sphere. The public sphere has been transformed by youth political awareness and the sheer ubiquity of Internet usage. Increasingly it is the site for political awakening. It is important to recognise that there has often been criticism that the Internet has built a culture of ‘clicktivism’, a term understood here to mean a short-term expression of political interest that rarely translates into real action. However, there have been obvious repudiation of this critique.

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Whilst not strictly youth-focused, #BlackLivesMatter to #LoveWins have predominantly been led by younger demographics. Obama’s 2008 message of hope was elevated above the discordant campaign coverage by the Internet and young voters. These Internet-enabled spaces for dissent, popular outreach and, organisation, have catalysed the rise of a host of movements that are both keenly aware of the potential of digital platforms and smart enough to maximise them in the service of political advocacy. It is, of course, also indicative of a failure to bring more young people into policy formation that these movements find their nascence online. In the context of the MENA region, with rampant youth unemployment steadily increasing (ArabWeekly, 2016), and an absence of meaningful youth engagement - often perpetuated by a fragile civil society - the seeds are ripe for both political activism by youth, and for the emergences of extremist discourses to gain a foothold. It is important to first be cognisant of the contextual precariousness and relative risks, and secondly, to recognise that alternative narrative strategies must have the organic opportunity to be developed from the grassroots. This requires a renewed sense of agency and political awakening amongst youth, a principle that to date has not managed to take root in many societies due to a tone deaf political class, in some cases, purposeful distancing of youth from political engagement, rampant distrust in political institutions, and in other cases the instrumentalisation of religion or political patronage to completely sweep youth discourse from the body politic altogether. When voices are stifled and non-contributory, it becomes easier for extremist voices to be politically and socially persuasive. Radicalization and Digital Media As the line continues to blur between our offline and online lives, the Internet generally - and digital media platforms specifically - are facing increasingly forensic qualitative and quantitative analyses by academic and civil society entities alike. This includes, but is not isolated to, studying online behaviour; unpacking the different use cases that are reflected on the Internet across a range of platforms; studying the means by which different violent extremist groups communicate; and building creative approaches to present an alternative vision to the propagandistic and violent discourses relied upon by terrorist organisations such as Daesh. However, as the academic and media scrutiny escalates, so too should our critical eye. It is important to be cautious and avoid reductively over-emphasising the role of the Internet at the expense of a richer sociopolitical and economic analyses, or setting kneejerk precedents that hinder digital rights and freedoms. It is contended here that when it comes to radicalization in the context of violent extremism, the Internet is one component in a complex web of constructed extremist meanings and ideas, a powerful assemblage of discourses that are often shaped shaped by social, economic and psychological factors. Any inquiry that singles out the Internet as the central node in processes of radicalization is undermining the multifaceted DNA of terrorism and

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stymying the potential for interested parties to develop interdisciplinary approaches and counterstrategies. Understanding the intersectionality of these varying spheres and how the Internet can reinforce, challenge or catalyse the ideological suppositions that underpin radicalist discourses, is the most constructive step forward. There is no doubt that the technology industry - understood here as predominantly consumer-facing digital tools - has taken this issue incredibly seriously. Specific to Twitter, the platform’s approach to countering violent extremism can be broken down to the below core areas.

1. Developing tools and processes unique to Twitter to ensure content that violates the company’s specific rules on terrorist content is removed in a timely and effective manner

2. Providing pro-bono resources and training to the NGO community to ensure they’re equipped with latest knowledge on how to best utilise Twitter’s products to maximise their impact

3. Fostering strong partnerships with policymakers and government to collaborate, share best practice and to constructively inform smart Internet policy

4. Supporting campaigns with key civil society and academic partners to amplify voices of respect and dignity online

There has been widespread recognition, specifically in the case of Twitter, that these efforts are working. For example, last August, the real-time news platform announced that it had removed 235,000 accounts for violating our policies related to promotion of terrorism in the six months since February 2016. This brings our overall number of suspensions to 360,000 since the middle of 2015. As noted by numerous third parties, our efforts continue to drive meaningful results, including a significant shift in this type of activity off of Twitter. In addition to these account suspensions, the company’s global Public Policy team has expanded its partnerships with organisations working to counter violent extremism (CVE) online. They work with respected organizations such as Parle-moi d’Islam (France), Imams Online (UK), Wahid Foundation (Indonesia) and The Sawab Center (UAE) to empower credible non-governmental voices against violent extremism. Over six months, the team has attended government-convened summits on CVE hosted by the French Interior Ministry and the Indonesian National Counterterrorism Agency. It is important to note that there is no one “magic algorithm” for identifying terrorist content on the Internet. Twitter has a built an approach that works for Twitter. This includes utilising other forms of technology, like proprietary spam-fighting tools, to supplement reports from users and help identify repeat account abuse. In fact, over the past six months these tools have helped the company to automatically identify more than one third of the accounts we ultimately suspended for promoting terrorism. This is coupled with a recent partnership with other technology

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companies, including Facebook, YouTube and Microsoft, to share hashes - digital fingerprints - for terrorist imagery and video. Other participating companies can then use those hashes to identify such content on their services, review them against their respective policies and definitions, and remove matching content as appropriate. While we should must be vigilant, we must always consider the precedents that will be set when it comes to Internet content policies. This is especially important when it comes to protecting an open Internet that empowers people on the four corners of the globe to speak out, share ideas and interact across time and space - the very kinds of exchanges that have the potential to reduce the types of social alienation that can catalyse radicalization. As we heard in Egypt from a civil society leader, “the Internet is the only space we have left”. It must be duly noted, that core functionalities of many internet platforms are enabling organisations to express themselves in societies where the social underpinning of that right may not be fully formed. The critical tension we now navigate is how to protect spaces for expression and be responsible to make those spaces safe. As such, in the case of Twitter there is a commitment to protecting the privacy of Internet users and their ability to express themselves freely and safely on the platform. The company also seeks to engage with the wider community of interested stakeholders in a transparent, thoughtful and responsible way as it furthers the shared objective to prevent the spread of terrorist content online while respecting human rights. This includes liaising with local grassroots organizations, as well with multi-sector government engagement. This is built into the DNA of the platform and it’s something the company fights for on many levels, through partnerships, taking robust public stances on Internet issues and, contributing to thought leadership in the digital sphere. As a case study, while not perfect in practice, in principle, this is an important corporate embodiment of alternative approaches to conflict engagement and transformation. In consideration of the prevention of youth radicalization prevention, it suggests that what is required is a deeper engagement with those sources of content and processes of recruitment in a way that not only provides meaningful alternatives for youth, but also legitimately engages and reflects upon the core issues laden within extremist content #ExitHate: A Case Study All too often it begins with hate or a vacuum exploited by it. It did for Ivan. Living in the small English town of Lowestoft with his two daughters, Ivan began to feel a simmering hatred. He forgot the things he enjoyed. He drifted from his friends. His anger manifested in a hatred of Muslims. The hate only began to ebb when a Scottish Muslim, unperturbed by Ivan’s feelings, insisted on speaking with him. Ivan subsequently met that same man several times, and each time his notions about the Muslim community were challenged. Through the experience of interacting with another human directly, the stereotypes he had bought into started to shatter - Ivan gradually began to change. Speaking to Muslim community groups these days, Ivan says, “Hate always hurts the hater more than the hated”. Ivan choose to exit hate from his life. The

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Radicalization Awareness Network (RAN) has been telling his story, among others, through their #ExitHate campaign. In order to get the stories of the #ExitHate campaign to as many people as possible,Twitter provided mentoring and awarded RAN a pro bono TwitterforGood grant to amplify their campaign. The results have been staggering: the video content received 2.59 million impressions, just under 900,000 views and 32,100 engagements, with the cost-per-engagement as low as it could possibly be. While the financial support helped these videos find an audience, it was the power of the stories and alternative visions that kept people watching. Anaële’s story began with a trip to Saudi Arabia with her family in 2007. Born and raised in Paris, Anaële was enjoying a picnic with her parents near Medina when a car pulled up beside them. Two men got out of the car and asked them where they were from. Before Anaële could answer, the men began shooting. Anaële ducked for cover under a car and saw bullet shells hitting the sand. She lost her father that day and still wonders why. Yet, for all the heartbreak and distress, Anaële has not given into her feelings of revenge. “I hated what they did. But if I were to do the same, I would hate myself even more. Revenge destroys you.” The path to becoming like her father’s attackers would begin with hate. She rejected it. These stories are powerful alternative narratives to radicalization. Over the last few years, Twitter has been working with organisations across the world to encourage the development of alternative narratives that present a hopeful path for those who might be susceptible to radicalization. Twitter has conducted training sessions and hack events in the UK, France, the Netherlands, Spain, Belgium, Northern Ireland and Austria, to name a few. The power of the Internet is discussed, specifically its role as an open and discursive platform, to share alternative views that stand in bright contrast to the darkness that characterises radicalization and the prospect of extremist violence. An important factor in this case study is this particular initiative by Twitter, points to the broader necessity of youth participation in the development of alternative narratives to radicalization. This understanding is resonant with the UN resolution 2250 on Youth, Peace, and Security, which asks governments to consider how to have youth fully participate in development and decision-making at every level in society. It is clear that for both private and public organizations, in order to address the policy and practice gaps related to youth radicalization prevention, youth will need to be at the table. Alternative Narratives and Policy Gaps As aforementioned, much of the research on alternative narratives has been defined by academic cleavages between distinct disciplinary fields. Largely speaking, the scholarship has been focused on content analyses, both qualitative discursive deconstruction and larger scale big-data quantitative approaches. The focus must now move onto how the power of digital platforms that youth are engaging, which can be harnessed more effectively as a tool to promote intercultural dialogue and to create the space challenge extremist discourses in sites and processes of

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ideological formation. It is contended here that the development of effective alternative narrative strategies is predicated on the assumption all of these fields need to collide in order to inform new approaches to counter radicalization. As such, it is recommended here, that interdisciplinary platforms are developed to foster greater understanding of how these disciplines can support each other to inform public policy in a meaningful and coherent manner when it comes to radicalization. Technology companies should be part of the discussion from the start, and seen as critical collaborators in shaping the questions academic institutions are exploring. This doesn’t mean that the scrutiny of academic inquiry is immunized by a more integrative model with private sector partnerships, but is in fact a sight of responsive and dialogical engagement, commonly invested in influencing meaningful public policy in the digital age and life promotion for young people around the world. Only by humbly recognising the deficits in the scholarship in each area and finding ways for constructive theoretical and rigorous cross-pollination, can we reach a stage where the scholarship can truly inform meaningful public policy agendas and alternative narrative strategies. This research must include youth, first and foremost, to understand their “arena of dreams”, as was so poetically identified by Dr. Ahmed Abaddi, leader of the Rabita Mohammadia of Ulamas in Rabat, Morocco. Recommendations In light of the summary above, we propose the following actionable recommendations, in particular towards UN organizations, INGOs, NGOs, and multiple levels of Governments, in addition to the private digital media sector, and diverse contexts of higher education and research. Partnerships.

• Continuing to strengthen the partnerships between technology companies, public institutions of research and higher education, NGOs and INGOs, governments, and grassroots activists.

• Strengthening the role of educational institutions and technology companies in advisement on international public policy, particularly pertaining to the societal elements of technology policy, be it economic or otherwise

• Financial investment in networks and personnel to sustain them Research Generation.

• Identification of alternative narratives emerging in grassroots organizations across MENA/EUNA through consultative and research engagement

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• Identification of promising and best practices across regions and in various sectors of youth engagement, specifically in the areas of youth violence prevention, interfaith and intercultural dialogue, human rights promotion and digital media.

• Create participatory processes for youth to inform understandings of pathways for prevention of radicalization

Knowledge Mobilization.

• Knowledge mobilization must meaningfully occur in terms of nurturing the capacity of people and communities to help address the issue of youth radicalization and prevention approaches. We specifically affirm the recommendations of the UN Resolution 2250 on Youth, Peace and Security and see young people as critical components of forming knowledge as well as translating and disseminating information regarding alternative narratives to radicalization.

• We also would advocate for an intentional linking of existing expertise within the UNAOC and other related UN networks of public policy, educational and youth engagement specialists in institutional and grassroots settings to be more actively retained for expertise roles of advisement within national and international bodies.

• We see an integral component of research generation leading to evidence-based informed public and social policy. Specifically, we would like to see the crafting of specific policy statements by a collaborative policy network actively engaged in the issues of youth violence prevention, interfaith and intercultural dialogue, human rights promotion and digital media.

• We would advocate for the create of an archive or digital repository of open access promising and best practices from organizations throughout the EUNA and MENA regions which are engaged in multiple forms and sectors of youth engagement, be it through youth violence prevention, interfaith and intercultural dialogue, human rights promotion and digital media.

References Glazzard, A. and Zeuthen, M. (2016). Violent extremism. GSDRC Professional Development Reading Pack no. 34. Birmingham, UK: University of Birmingham. Neumann, P. R. (2015). Victims, Perpetrators, Assets: The Narratives of Islamic State Defectors. Retrieved December 9, 2016, from http://icsr.info/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/ICSR-Report-Victims-Perpertrators-Assets-The-Narratives-of-Islamic-State-Defectors.pdf

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UNHCR. (2016). Syria Emergency. Retrieved December 09, 2016, from http://www.unhcr.org/syria-emergency.html United Nations. (2015, December 24). The United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism - Report of the Secretary-General. Retrieved December 09, 2016, from http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/70/674 Arab Weekly. (n.d.). Unemployment is a source of instability in MENA. Retrieved December 09, 2016, from http://www.thearabweekly.com/Opinion/3555/Unemployment-is-a-source-of-instability-in-MENA

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Fighting in The Arena of Dreams and Promising a Better Future for Young People

Insights and propositions to counter violent extremism through human development UNAOC Fellowship 2016 - Final Report Mustafa Kemal Akbulut, Turkey - Ministry of European Union Affairs Aurore Du Roy, France - AYUDH / Kiron Open Higher Education France Introduction Weak and failed states are breeding grounds for radicalisation and terrorism. When we think about radical movements and terrorist organizations around the world, we notice that they mainly emerge in weak or failed states that are sometimes not able to provide basic human needs for their citizens or struggle to promise a better future with adequate social and economic means. There is a big gap between services provided by them and those demanded by citizens and in most cases this gap is filled by radical religious organizations that pledge to offer better services for people. These organizations mainly target young people in and unfortunately they succeed in recruiting them. In this report, we will briefly mention the root causes of radicalization and violent extremism in MENA region and put forward some recommendation to tackle this regionwide -and also worldwide- problem. Causes of Radicalization In the Action Plan to prevent violent extremism presented to the UN General Assembly in December 2015, difficult socioeconomic contexts were mentioned as one of the main causes of radicalization. It is now an accepted fact that bad governance and the lack of prospects for youth play a key role in luring individuals to join extremist organizations (see for example this article ). The ideological and socioeconomic causes of radicalization are often presented as two separate issues whereas it is our belief, and the Fellowship reinforced it, that both need to be handled together as radicalism does not necessarily emerge from absolute poverty and there isn’t always a consistent positive correlation between socioeconomic problems and terrorism, but rather convergence of grave social, economic and political problems yield radicalisation. Therefore, socioeconomic problems shall not be overlooked while investigating causes of radicalization and instead they shall be scrutinized in order to better understand the phenomenon. When we visited the Rabita Mohamadia of Ulemas in Morocco, the Secretary General, Dr Abadi shed a light on the different dreams of promises used by extremist propaganda. The dream of dignity, of improving one’s socio-economic condition used by those groups indeed requires to create the conditions for better socio-economic prospects for youth. The Fellowship Programme enabled us to critically interpret the causes of radicalization in MENA region and how quality education systems and better job opportunities after school are key components of this fight. During the visit to MENA region, fellows had an opportunity to meet policy makers at the Ministry of Education in Morocco and were informed that Moroccan state devotes 25-30% of the national budget to education and higher education receives the most

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of the budget allocated to education in the country. However, Sylvie Floris provide data in her research paper named “Studies on Youth Policies in the Mediterranean Partner Countries: Morocco” that about 60% of young people with university degrees in Morocco are unemployed and this is quite similar in Egypt as well. In March 2016, the personal data of thousands of ISIS fighters has been leaked. The West Point Combating Terrorism Center has analyzed the data set, which revealed interesting facts:

• The number of fighters willing to die in a suicide attack was decreasing. • 2⁄3 of them are between 21 and 30 years old. • A third of ISIS fighters went to high school and a quarter received college education, �but

had jobs quite disconnected to their level of education. This tells us how important to have a holistic approach regarding effective measures to tackle radicalization in society and particularly among young people. This is a crucial point for MENA region as it has the highest youth unemployment rate in the world; therefore, it is important to provide not only good education opportunities for young people but also a ground for them for self-actualization through economic and political means in order to keep them away from radical movements. �Graph by Isobel Coleman. Data are from ILO’s Global Employment Trends for Youth 2013 report. Regional data are from ILO’s 2012 preliminary estimates; US and EU data are from the OECD’s second quarter 2012 data.� Source: http://blogs.cfr.org/coleman/2013/06/13/youth-unemployment-in-the-middle-east-and-north-africa/ � Political dimension of radicalization needs to be mentioned as well since most of the radical movements emerge in authoritarian states. When people (especially the youth) do not find political channels to express their ideas and to play a role in decision-making in a state, they are prone to join radical organizations to express their ideas which are not heard. In addition to underrepresentation of the youth in conventional political structures, civil society and NGOs are also suppressed in authoritarian states so they do not function properly and contribute to fostering democracy and freedom of expression and as a result of �

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that young people start to seek other ways of political expression and this easily evolves to radicalization. At this point the concept of human development which encompasses social, economic and political advancement plays crucial role as none of these developments solely can yield better results in our combat against radicalization. In today’s world the importance of social and political development accompanying economic development is eventually understood and almost all international organizations underline the role of human development for a better future. This is why developing or underdeveloped countries are fertile ground for radical movements than developed countries as they tend to prioritize economic development and growth over social development and political freedoms (Taşpınar, 2009:80). One can then wonder what are the causes that lead to radicalization, in context where human development indicators are quite high. For example France has an HDI of 0,888 and ranks 22nd

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on the 190 countries taken into account in 2014 but is at the same time the EU countries with the highest number of ISIS fighters. One explanation is that if the level of human development is high, it has a lot of social inequalities. As the last PISA study (2015) yet again reports, France is the OECD countries where the social status of parents affects the most the performance of their children at school (cf this article ). If the average socio-economic level is high, some parts of society feel they are not able to fully participate in decision making processes hence a feeling of marginalization. These observations point yet again to the importance of socio-economic difficulties as a factor of radicalization, and that the desire to correct these difficulties through a radical change of political system may be a key element to lure people to terrorist organizations. Even in times of peace, improving the socio-economic conditions of all citizens is one of the core missions of all governments and societies. We claim that the context of extremism and radicalization highlights the importance of renewing both the means of action and the overall strategy to enable faster and more efficient responses. The different actors we met during the trip showed us hints of what such policies could look like. Key points from the Fellowship Framing the issue and drawing due consequences In the higher education institutions that we have visited in Morocco, Egypt and Qatar, the fight against radicalization has almost never been mentioned as one of the drivers of the policies implemented. Most of the time our hosts explained that they did not perceive radicalization as a major threat for their institutions and societies. However, a majority of foreign fighters joining ISIS come from MENA region. The nature of terrorist threat calls for some caution before concluding that radicalization is not an issue in a given context. In economically wealthy contexts, radicalization can take the form of logistical or financial support rather than the supply of fighters. The risk is high of a discrepancy between the extent to which the different stakeholders perceive radicalization is an issue for their communities and the actual extent of the problem Since the role of the socio economic context is frequently mentioned as a factor of radicalization, a first logical step would be to gather all stakeholders around this issue and encourage them to take it into account when designing their policies. Indeed, and this is one of the main claims of this paper, the nature of the issue call for different responses than the conventional ones. Fighting poverty and reducing inequalities are part of the core mission of all governments and societies, however the threat of radicalisation and extremism among youth calls for a set of quicker responses and specific measures to help steps already taken to fructify faster. Business as usual will not be enough In Egypt the fellows had a meeting w ith Khaled Azmi, Director of the Counter Terrorism Unit at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. During the discussion, a question was raised about the ways to reconcile the urgent answers the threat of radicalization calls for and the fact that actions to tackle socioeconomic difficulties and to durably reduce the marginalization of disadvantaged

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groups usually takes time. Mr Azmi’s response was two folds. Firstly, he referred to the strong sense of purpose within the government to launch bold reforms to stimulate the economy. Only a few days prior to the arrival of the fellows, a decision had been taken to strongly devalue the currency in order to attract foreign investments and increase tourism. If the methodology of action can be questioned depending on one’s political and economic convictions, one can not deny that such a measure indeed testifies of a sense of urgency among decision makers. Secondly, he mentioned that he was essentially betting on the historical common sense of Egyptians. In other words, for lack of other options he was placing his faith in the powerful endogenous counternarratives as effective means to limit the appeal of terrorist organizations. If the power of these counternarratives cannot be denied, the statement of this official is in our opinion a way of implicitly admitting his leverage was limited on that topic. Our analysis of this example is that if the recent reforms do show the decision makers’ sense of emergency, the way socio-economic challenges are handled in the context of a threat of radicalization does not seem to fundamentally change. Our hypothesis is that alternative path of action betting on the power of grassroots initiatives exist but are largely underexplored. For example initiatives such as Silatech Foundation’s approach to youth employability in the middle east is to us a good example of responses that can effectively prevent radicalization in countries at risk. Conclusion and Recommendations Radicalization and violent extremism is a very difficult subject to elaborate in a concise manner and we are aware that root causes of the problem are far beyond the reasons which have been briefly raised in this report, but it is our belief that combined with the insight of the other fellows, it will help shed a different light on this issue. We believe that socioeconomic problems have substantial effect on radicalization in MENA region as the region traditionally suffers from the highest youth unemployment rate in the world and the countries in the region are institutionally quite weak. Some of them do not have adequate financial resources to address the problems faced by society. The countries in the region seem to have a long-term plan regarding provision of quality education opportunities and decent jobs but it is our belief that to counter radicalization and violent extremism in the region a new set of additional measures is needed. However, it shall be noted that socioeconomic improvements in people’s live can only be meaningful if they are accompanied with political liberties. It is believed that if people are involved in decision-making processes through political parties and nongovernmental organizations, they would seek for nonviolent ways to make a change in their countries and in the world. We recommend that due to the state of the current crisis regarding radicalization in the region, the governments should also prepare short-term plans in addition to long-term plans as the situation deteriorates rapidly. Besides, we suggest that the countries should seek ways to create a security society, like the EU, in the region and in order to achieve this they should come together

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and allocate resources for mobility programs among young people in different countries in the region as according to findings of Research-based Analysis of ‘Youth in Action’ in Europe, an international mobility can foster respect and tolerance between different cultures and help young people to appreciate cultural diversity and enable them to make social connection with people across the world. REFERENCES CAIRNS, D., “Analytical Paper: Learning Mobility and Social Inclusion”, Youth Partnership, 30 October 2015, pp.4, 01/12/2016, http://pjp-eu.coe.int/documents/1017981/1668217/Analytical+Paper+Learning++Mobility+So cial+Inclusion+2015+Cairns.pdf/b0e76275-3afb-43e0-b793-06663e439e13 COLEMAN, I., “Youth Unemployment in the Middle East and North Africa”, Council on Foreign Relations, 13 June 2013, 01/12/2016, http://blogs.cfr.org/coleman/2013/06/13/youth-unemployment-in-the-middle-east-and-north-a frica/ FLORIS, S., “Studies on Youth Policies in the Mediterranean Partner Countries: Morocco”, SALTO YOUTH EuroMed Resource Centre, pp.12. TAŞPINAR, Ö., “Fighting Radicalism, not “Terrorism”: Root Causes of an International Actor Redefined”, SAIS Review, vol.24, no.2, Summer-Fall 2009, pp.80.

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Inclusion and intercultural engagement. A path to cohesive communities and societies.

EUNA Fellows 2016: Annegret Meinel and Ilaria Verratti

Xenophobia, violent extremism and terrorism always have and will still influence humanity. Being very prominent nowadays, these concepts pose a threat to every civilization. However, we believe that education can be a tool to put an end to or at least diminish the prominence of these destructive concepts. The observations and analysis presented below stem from our expertise, respectively as a German high school teacher and an Italian researcher and projects coordinator in the field of education and human development. We draw attention on inclusive education and intercultural competence because we consider them to be examples of good practices and methodologies that can improve educational outcomes and foster mutual understanding among individuals and societies. Both methodologies can be used as tactics to strengthen communities and reduce risks connected to the spread of misleading ideas about cultures, identities, religions and other systems of values or practices, that can, in the worst-case scenario, lead to violence and conflict. It goes without saying that education models embrace a variety of methodologies and approaches that bear fruit at different degrees and for different purposes, but due to the restricted space of analysis imposed by this brief report, we chose to focus on these two specific approaches for the following reasons. During our meetings and visits in Spain, Morocco, Egypt and Qatar, in the framework of the UNAOC Fellowship Programme, we understood that social inequality and distress are still part of the reality of the whole region. At the same time, we noticed that, both in Europe and the MENA region, a weak social fabric and lack of cohesion can expose our societies to risks and side-effects connected to persuasive propaganda, xenophobia, violent extremism and terrorism.1 We recognize that the appeal of extremism and terrorism on young individuals – with different personal and social backgrounds – is linked to complex phenomena that we cannot examine in these pages, but that have been extensively dealt with in separate contexts. In this report, our basic assumption is that alienation and marginalization are underlying reason2 why people turn to violent extremism and terrorism. Therefore, we propose community based approach through inclusive education and intercultural competence as preemptive tactics that can be integrated with other efforts.

1 These two terms can have different interpretations in EUNA and MENA countries. We, thus, remind that, also 2 Factors connected to structural violence, including several forms of poverty, inequality and discrimination, represent the major part of the problem that must be addressed at the highest political level.

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In Morocco, Egypt and Qatar we have detected a recurrent use of the concept inclusion in education, which is a sign of how these countries are opening up to reflections on diversity and plurality. Nonetheless, inequalities and divisions are still evident and widespread, thus hindering access and participation in learning cycles or shared educational environments where students and their families can assimilate the values of fairness and respect for all as they collaborate in building positive school communities. With specific regard to intercultural relations and dialogue, the three countries show in some measure a positive disposition to interact with foreigners, but nevertheless forms of racism and discrimination, including gender-based, are visible. It might be of value to mention some recent efforts, so to give an idea of the complexity of the factors implied in intercultural and interconnected societies. In 2011, Morocco adopted a new constitution recognizing the multiplicity of components of the Moroccan identity and in 2013 enacted the regularization of unauthorized African and European migrants. However, social, political and economic inclusion of migrant, refugees and minorities is still a crucial issue for the country. In the case of Egypt, the recent terrorist attacks, economic crisis and high rates of unemployment have sadly increased the illegal migration crisis in the Mediterranean, abuses of human rights against citizens and foreigners, and also hit one of the most important sector for the national economy, tourism. Qatar will probably need to reflect deeply on intercultural/multicultural policies in the coming years. In the three countries, according to our opinion, intercultural competence is mainly forged through everyday life, despite the fact that education could play an essential role in boosting it. We can affirm that the education system of each country appears to have assumed responsibility on this specific aspect, but still some hurdles (also connected to resources, outreach, institutional coordination, etc.) seem difficult to overcome and hinder the promotion of intercultural engagement in schools and the communities they serve. Key points Inclusive education and social inclusion Inclusive education is considered, in the narrow sense, as a specific approach promoting access to education for every child, especially for those with special needs, but not exclusively. The primary interpretation of this concept recognize in every child the potential to develop as a whole person through education and collective work in the classroom (with other students and well-trained teachers), but also in the broader school environment (with families and communities). This means that learning form and with others is doable and possible whenever we engage in interactions and learning processes, challenging our conception of normality, as we realize that this concept is a social construct and that prejudice and fear can be reduced and managed with constructive tools of understanding and collaboration. It is, then, particularly crucial to adopt the

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inclusive approach since pre-schooling years and during primary and secondary education, when the first stages of child development take place. On a broader sense, inclusion that can be achieved only if the whole community commits to the educational project as a duty and a mission at the same time. In this framework, civil society organizations, universities and research centers, local governments, welfare systems, the private sector and other possible stakeholders create around the school the most favorable environment where to develop and enhance the educational project. It is worth noting that in some countries grassroots experiences connected to inclusive education and community based approach have proved to be valuable pilot projects leading to relevant national policy and reforms. We acknowledge that similar efforts are rooted in ownership and accountability of the State, while international cooperation can boost the process through technical assistance, knowledge sharing and so forth. Intercultural competence Nowadays, as we are living in multicultural societies getting touch with other cultures on a daily basis, a traditional teaching of factual cultural knowledge is insufficient. The term culture is transformed into an open, multi-dimensional concept that often contains invisible and profound values, as shown in the image. The invisible part of the iceberg influences people’s perceptions, judgments and actions. Therefore, it is the teacher’s responsibility to turn the invisible part into a visible part in order to support cross-cultural understanding. The notion of learning changed as well. A learner’s personality must be trained in terms of openness and critical tolerance, both emphasized in the context of intercultural learning. In order to achieve this, a constant change of perspective is necessary between one’s own perspective and that of the target culture. Thus, prejudices and stereotypes can be seen and dismantled. The aim is to be sensitive to people from different cultures, which is an issue that must be taught and

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practiced in schools and communities. Training in intercultural competence can, for example, be integrated into the teaching of official, indigenous or foreign languages through role plays, literature, songs etc. Three constructive levels for the achievement of intercultural competence can be differentiated: savoir savoir, savoir faire and savoir être. • savoir savoir means knowledge acquisition in terms of cultural-specific facts that form the

basis of intercultural competence. This can include knowledge of society, history, culture, etc., which can serve to prevent misunderstandings. Moreover, it helps to interpret utterances in a cultural-specific way.

• savoir faire relates to the acquisition of abilities, such as assessing one’s own and foreign utterances and behaviors as cultural-specific or individual, and then behaving correctly in a situation-dependent way.

• savoir être is connected to the acquisition of attitudes. It allows being open and tolerant towards strangers. Differentiated and (self-)critical evaluation of the own as well as a foreign culture illustrates the highest level of intercultural competence.

Observations and notes from the MENA countries In Morocco the concept of inclusion has been incorporated in the framework of education at both central and local levels, as observed during our meetings with the National Instance for Assessment of the Higher Council of Education, Training and Scientific Research, the Association for the Defence of Children’s rights and the Moroccan League for the Protection of Children. Still, the country has not yet achieved a common national education standard, since specific limitations and differences between rural and urban areas persist, especially in provision of adequate school infrastructure, satisfactory teacher training and continuous learning programs, etc. As experienced during previous fieldwork in remote areas of the country, teachers, head teachers, families and students are trying to make sense of their existence as Moroccan citizens and communities, taking at the same time into account their rights as minority, as women, as vulnerable groups exposed to the risk of poverty, marginalization and migration. Thus, they are eager to extend the debate and reflections on equality of opportunity as well as of participation in growth and development of their country and in connection to the world’s global challenges. The number of associations and NGOs is an evidence of this trend. Also, young students recognize that traditional and rote learning (especially in religion classes) is no more appropriate for a fast-changing globalized world and that the lack of opportunity for academic or professional experiences is a burden for their personal growth and even for their country. Also in Egypt, equity and quality of education remain a challenge. Inclusion is hampered by child labour, poverty and gender disparities. During our visit to Port Saeed Language School we observed a range of common physical barriers that hinder access for all. This cultural and

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empirical aspect can be associated with limited appreciation of diversity and inclusion. Also, we realized during our visit to the Zewail City of Science and Technology and at the Al-Azhar Islamic Institution, that the country and the private sector have increased their investments in higher education and ITC and STEM excellence programs, but we could not appreciate the same effort in closing the student achievement gap and in providing quality education for all, especially for vulnerable groups, through special pre-schooling and basic education formula. In this regard, we observed a critical need of assistance through association, civil society organizations, NGOs and similar networks that can boost educational process and involvement of local communities. The stress put by authorities on ‘national security’ is critically dismissing and hampering security of citizens and society, so that inclusion and integration of diversity will keep being overridden by polarization and restrictive law. Nevertheless, good practices in the country are still evolving. In fact, we consider the ‘Family House’ initiative promoted by Al-Azhar and the Coptic Church one meaningful example of deepening the debate on coexistence through interfaith dialogue and mutual understanding, showing ways for attenuating sectarian problems and denounce discrimination. At the Qatar University and at the Qatar Center for Interfaith Dialogue, we frequently heard that inclusive education is part and parcel of the national policy and a priority in the sector of education. We must point out that in this country emphasis seems to be given chiefly to special schools. This show inclination to a specific logic of segregation and lack of more inclusive practice in the education system. The creation of a specialized programme for school performance at the Qatar University represents an example of strategic view and result-based approach that can help to improve educational outcomes. However, this dynamic could be stepped up to political decision-making level for more inclusive approaches through the creation, for example, of a specialized observatory. Since the lack of training and education are often the major setback of development in the region, reflected especially in unemployment rates, we acknowledge that it is important to boost youth empowerment and participation. Silatech3 evaluations, in collaboration with other international organizations like ILO and the World Bank, show that younger generations are impoverished because of national policies deficiencies on welfare and youth participation as well as by conflicts. It is no coincidence if, during our meeting with Silatech and with other institutions in the three countries, the urgency of working with mind-sets and of creating opportunities, as well as the need for hope for everybody, were repeatedly mentioned in the course of our conversations. Conclusion This brief report has underlined the need for convergence of interests and efforts at the community level, in particular trough collaboration and joint action among young people,

3 The Silatech initiative is based in Doha and reaches 16 countries in the MENA region providing services linked to SMEs and employment creation and trainings.

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families, local authorities, civil society organizations, the private sector and other stakeholders. Schools represent privileged spaces where to enhance participatory dynamic and build cohesive and resilient societies – primarily at the local level – capable to deal with different aspects of generational or social change introduced by new technologies and media, variable economic and financial conditions, migration and displacement, and other phenomena that characterize modern and global societies. We made reference to inclusive education and intercultural competence as two valuable approaches for community building and showed how both of them can be scaled up Morocco, Egypt and Qatar. It is worth reminding that the most successful policies, programs and strategies of development have achieved significant outcomes and impacts mainly thanks to the high levels of grit and persistence of the main actors and target groups involved. Critics and conflicts perceived among different actors, for example between authorities and CSOs or minority groups, should not reduce or limit comprehensive analysis of the situation, nor the potential of plurality and collective work. We conclude with the following recommendations. Recommendations 1. Promote methodologies for intercultural competence and allow teachers to acquire expertise in

the field. This approach is also fundamental in schools enrolling and incorporating children belonging to ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities and migrant and refugee children.

2. Encourage and ensure, whenever possible, consultation processes at different extents and levels, involving students and young-adults, families, teachers, pedagogues and educational specialists, head teachers, psychologists and social workers, CSOs, private sector, spiritual and religious leaders, etc.

3. Provide teachers and educational specialists with tools (platforms, manuals, etc.) that can enrich their skills, especially through methodologies related to inclusive education and intercultural engagement. Orientation and pre- and in-service training (including motivational training or any type of training that can help handle complex situations) of school staff and teachers is crucial and key.

4. Open and expand space for debate with national and international CSOs, universities and research centers4 that have explored and applied their knowledge on inclusive education and similarly on social inclusion and community based approach. Similar debate might lead in the medium-long term to relevant reforms of adoption of strategic plans. In the short term, these

4 It is worth noting, taking into consideration the work experience of one of the authors of this report, the number of collaboration that the University of Bologna and the Italian NGO Educaid have established in different countries. This case represents an example of how international actors can partner and support national institutions and local actors in boosting education quality through pilot projects, evaluations and other specialized services.

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actors can offer guidance and support for specialized pre- or in-service teacher trainings (including on motivational factors), curricula development, assessments, etc.

5. Establish and strengthen networks and collaborations with actors involved in marginal areas and communities, where youth is distant form realities that can offer opportunities for their growth and active citizenship and, at worst, is exposed to risks ranging from isolation and alienation to involvement in violent action.

6. Finally, with respect to the UNAOC alumni network, which gather specialists in several fields, such as education, capacity building, community building and so forth, we consider that it could be involved in establishing contacts for counseling or possible partnerships with specialized institutions and centers for excellence that can collaborate in evaluations, identification of experimental projects and other specific requests.

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Global Education’s role in bridging cultures United Nations Alliance of Civilizations Fellowship

Anca Gliga, EUNA Fellow 2016 Global Education is a field that has gained significant importance as the world we live in becomes more and more of a ‘global village’. In spite of the technological discoveries and unprecedented general development the humanity is experiencing nowadays, the world is undergoing a period of crisis – economic, political, ecological, societal. As the worldwide population reached 7.5 billion individuals in 2016, and with the overall population doubling in the last 50 years (3 billion in 19601), we are dealing with problems such as unequal distribution of resources, lack of access to education and health, gender inequality, extremism and radicalization, extreme poverty (with 1 billion out of 7 billion people living with less than one dollar a day1). These problems are difficult to tackle and, while a top bottom approach has been initiated by the United Nations starting with the year 2000 (with „Millennium Development Goals”, followed by the „2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development”), it has become increasingly vital for a bottom-up approach to meet these goals, and it is development and global education that prepares humans to respond to the challenges of an interconnected world, to take responsibility for, and to advocate global solidarity and social justice.1 The magnitude of the issues discussed above can lead to either despair, or to the realization that sustainability must be worked out by communities in their local areas and can only be built from the bottom up.1 While it is undoubtedly useful for governments worldwide and institutions to set general goals and work on changing legislation, policies, structures to encourage various stakeholders, industries, and, ultimately, communities and individuals to change the destroying patterns of action, we can only effectively change the things we have most time to work on and, for most of us, this is ourselves and our local communities. It brings to mind the catchphrase, “think globally; act locally” and adds the plea “and live sustainably.” Therefore, it is argued that “Sustainable development must be implemented where people are able to learn, feel, and be empowered to act – at the local level”.1 Thus, in order for individuals worldwide to become engaged in the process of development, specific competences are needed, such as analytical and critical skills, fostering democratic participation, human rights education, transformation of conflicts, intercultural knowledge and active citizenship. These skills would enable them to respond to the global challenges, based on having an understanding of underlying cultural, political, economic strata, as they currently exist in the world. These aspects are being taught under what is internationally called „global education” and in Europe mainly referred to as „development education”. A definitory point to add is the fact that global education is a different, new kind of education. It is an open-ended process, where there is no initial plan determining what the result of the learning experience should be or how the skills gained would be put into practice. The students

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are exposed to facts, perspectives, causes and effects, while being encouraged to have a critical approach with regard to development aspects, to the policies the local or global agents (governments, agencies) are suggesting, as well as to come up with their own solutions locally, and, most importantly, to feel empowered to actively engage in generating change. It is an unprecedented perspective over the process of education, thus reinforcing that the unilateral type of education does no longer respond to the current needs of development. Furthermore, global education’s underlying idea is the fact that we are interconnected and that the much needed change in economy, development, social conditions, can only occur if individuals everywhere, from the Global South to the Global North, East to West engage actively in finding solutions to the current global problems and become social agents of change themselves. The need for such type of knowledge, particularly the idea of „global citizenship”, interconectedness and higher focus on intercultural education became evident during the United Nations Alliance Fellowship in the MENA region. If in Spain, the rich and diverse culture of Andalucia is based on the notion of „convivencia”, in Morroco, at the Higher Council of Education, Training and Scientific Research it was emphasized that there exists a need for inclusive education focusing on „values to be taught to our children, in the spirit of coexistence, peace among ourselves and others, individuals and nations”. However, the challenges that were brought forward in regards to implementing such programs were mainly three: firstly, the need to agree on common values to be taught; secondly, „the biggest question” was how to teach religion in schools in a predominantly Muslim country, whilst being at the same time mindful on not inducing the idea that „our religion is the best religion” and thirdly, how to focus on „education that creates and promotes good citizenship and that is linked with skillsets preparing one for jobs”. At the Rabita Mohammadia des Ouléma (Mohammadia League of Scholars), the Secretary General emphasized that it is ‘disconnection that leads to extremism’, thus also bringing forward the need for a values-based education that would nurture our interconnectedness. This narrative was also predominant in Egypt where, at Cairo University, it was mentioned that “terrorism comes from a clash of cultures”, particularly a narrative of “Islam against the West” and, as the Head of the Countering Violent Extremism at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs later emphasized, also “growing ethnic and sectarian divisions”. As such, a lack of understanding of our interconnectedness, of intercultural education and of the notion of “global citizenship”, together with the use of religion to justify extremist actions puts high pressure on an extremely challenged region. Global education, through all its aspects (sustainable development, intercultural education, global citizenship, peace and human rights education) comes to challenge, through the critical and analytical thinking it encourages, the one-sided view that leads to seeing the world as divided. It was discussed at the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs about the dangers of “imposing one view of the human being” and how it has lead to terrorism by using religion for legitimacy “if you are a Muslim you are a believer, if not you are an enemy”. At the Zewail City of Science of Technology the root causes of terrorism were identified to be multiple: economic discrimination, religious persecution, nationalist or separatist

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motives, divergent political ideologies and other marginalizing factors. If we look at these factors, we can argue that they are based on an imbalance of power between different individuals or groups, and on a one-sided perspective of one party having the absolute truth. Global education is focused on bridging the gap between divergent opinions, by creating the space to hear and tolerate each other’s different points of view. On this point, at the Qatari Ministry of Foreign Affairs it was discussed how one of the focuses in the country was to revise the curriculum, “in order to understand others more and more, to enhance mutual understanding and to eliminate superiority and discrimination”. Furthermore, the need for thinking and acting globally was emphasized at the Doha Center for Intercultural Dialogue where the notion of coexistence was again emphasized and the idea that “isolationism will fire back at us” brought forward, together with the powerful statement of “if we don’t dialogue, we have war”. A recurrent theme of the Fellowship throughout the four countries, yet particularly in Morocco, Egypt and Qatar was that significant migration in the region, for a variety of causes, made it unavoidable for leaders to explore ways regarding how to promote more inclusion, tolerance and mutual coexistence among the populations. Both in stable and more fragile political environments, the prevalence of the concern and challenge exists. Whilst, undoubtedly, the difficulties the MENA region and the world in general are facing nowadays are complex, diverse and highly challenging, it could be argued that global education, with its tools that teach one how to live with more tolerance, unity and understanding in “convivencia” might be a valuable solution.

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Neighbourhood Watch: Combating Youth Radicalisation

Orla Murphy Introduction This report, written in the context of the UNAOC 2016 EUNA Fellowship trip, investigates the measures taken to combat youth radicalisation taking into account Target 4.7 of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, which states:

By 2030, ensure that all learners acquire the knowledge and skills needed to promote sustainable development; including, among others, through education for sustainable development and sustainable lifestyles, human rights, gender equality, promotion of a culture of peace and nonviolence, global citizenship and appreciation of cultural diversity and of culture’s contribution to sustainable development.

The terminology of ‘neighbour’ is frequently utilised by ISIS, with Abu Muhammad al-Adnani al-Shami, a senior leader of ISIS when alive stating that the aim is to fill the lives of Westerners with terror so ‘the neighbour fears his neighbour’.5 The concept of the neighbour was one which appeared throughout the agenda of the Fellowship Trip. From Casa Araba, in Cordoba embracing its Arab neighbours’ culture and religion, to the city of Doha which has seen a diverse population of more than one hundred and eighty nationalities develop in the past fifty years. At the Rabita Mohammadia of Ulemas in Morocco, Mr. Ahmed Abbadi stated “The notion of the neighbourhood is now geographical. There is no longer a sense of solidarity.” Identified causes of radicalisation A recent Europol report6 identified the profile of those especially vulnerable to radicalisation: young people- particularly young men with previous criminal participation- who experience social or economic isolation, and live in urban areas with a high representation of Muslim citizens. “Mental or identity problems, lack of education, unemployment and an inferiority complex can make them vulnerable to radicalisation and recruitment, offering a sense of social belonging and emotional fulfilment.” These young people are not necessarily religious and may not be directly recruited but may also be inspired by jihadist propaganda. Examples of events that trigger the process of radicalisation may include, acts of aggression against their country of origin or their own community, losing a job, dropping out of school, grieving a loved one, or experiencing personal humiliation. Thus, religion may not be an impetus, or indeed a catalyst for radicalisation but rather, a means to overcome the aforementioned personal challenges. Indeed, Mr. Khaled Azmi, Director of the

5 Changes in Modus Operandi Revisited, Europol, 2016 6 Changes in Modus Operandi Revisited, Europol, 2016

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Counter Terrorism Unit at the Arab Republic of Egypt’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs succinctly stated that ISIS have not based their actions upon Islamic teachings but have injected Islam into their propaganda, utilising the Qur’an as an attempt to legitimise their actions. Addressing the causes of radicalisation Unemployment and Education The Middle East and North Africa region has the highest rate of youth unemployment at 30.4% in 2014.7 Unemployment, an aforementioned recognised factor of vulnerable youth, is a problem being addressed by an NGO based in Qatar, Silatec. The organisation promotes large-scale job creation, opportunities for entrepreneurship and access to capital and markets, and introduces young people to economic and social development. Working with over 150 international, regional, and local youth organisations, Silatech has created or sustained over 280,000 jobs for youth. Also addressing the issue of employment, the educational policies of Egypt, Morocco and Qatar, all promote inclusive education including encouraging girls’ education and ensuring that those in hard to reach rural areas have access to education. UNICEF states in general terms that increased education equity decreases the likelihood of conflict.8 Furthermore, the discipline, support system of both teachers and classmates, provide young people with routine and stability. As demonstrated at Port Saeed Language School, Cairo, school provides a safe space for young people to discuss hate speech and radicalisation. Counter-narratives to combat radicalisation Regarding the ideology presented by ISIS, a recent Arab Youth Survey, (an 8,000 person sample group aged 18-26 from across the Middle East and North Africa) demonstrated that the majority rejected what ISIS represented in response to world events (such as the persecution of people in their country) and only 13% said they could imagine themselves supporting Isis even if it did not use much violence.9 Earlier this year, Egypt stated at the UN Security Council that counter-narratives are at the top of the agenda for combating radicalisation, by presenting alternatives to the representations purported by ISIS, which appeal to vulnerable youth. In an eloquent presentation by the Secretary General of the Rabita Mohammadia of Ulemas, Mr. Abbadi described the narrative offered by Da’esh was introduced to EUNA Fellows as “The Arena of Dreams”. These dreams, of a united Islamic State; Dignity; Purity; and Salvation, are communicated subliminally as the raison d’etre of ISIS. If we fail to offer alternative dreams, we will never beat ISIS.”

7 Unemployment, youth total (% of total labour forces aged 15-24), International Labour Organisation, available at: http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.UEM.1524.ZS 8 Education, UNICEF’s Case for Support, UNICEF, available at: https://www.unicef.org/publicpartnerships/files/UNICEF_Case_for_Support_-_Education_14Dec2015.pdf9 Arab Youth Survey, 2016, available at: http://www.arabyouthsurvey.com/en/home

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Measures to prevent social exclusion Interfaith dialogue was a key activity in the countries visited by the EUNA cohort. Its importance cannot be underestimated as radical groups seek to exacerbate the differences between people of different religions. The Doha Institute for Interfaith Dialogue operates in a country where 85% of the population is expats; with forty different denominations practiced by its residents. In this diverse landscape, respect, tolerance, and interfaith dialogue is key to harmony and co-operation. The Egyptian Media Development Programme, a Cairo-based NGO, promotes and implements a five-point test for both editors and journalists to identify whether or not an article contains hate speech. This measure is in line with the widely applauded European Commission’s No Hate Speech movement- which in Ireland is supported by over twenty youth organisations operating across the country. 2016 saw world politics shifting dramatically to the right; with the U.S. President-Elect having suggested the introduction of identity cards for Muslims during his campaign. On our trip we learned that Cairo University was one of the first institutions in Egypt to remove a question regarding religion from registration papers and thereafter identification. This policy move to eliminate differentiation which allows for discrimination and social exclusion is one which could be replicated by institutions around the world in an act of tolerance and peace promotion. Conclusion The UNAOC Fellowship brought together two twelve-person groups of young people, introducing twenty-four neighbours across an 18,000 mile journey that allowed for biases to be challenged, stereotypes debunked, problems identified, and solutions developed. This process of learning, through cultural immersion, and intercultural dialogue advances the objectives of Target 4.7 of the Sustainable Development Agenda, in line with development education. The learnings explored in this report, are in no way a comprehensive list of actions required for combating youth radicalisation, rather the points allude to the fact that as inhabitants of this world, as global citizens, we cannot deny that we share a neighbourhood- albeit a large one. Radicalisation is not a region-specific problem, and as such cannot be combated with a region-specific response. In an increasingly interdependent and interconnected world, both economically and socially, we cannot ignore our neighbours. It is our neighbours from near, and afar, who will support each global citizen to play their part in combating radicalisation.

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Education as Empowerment: Combating the Radicalization of Youth through Social Entrepreneurship and Government Initiatives in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) By Marissa A. Gutiérrez-Vicario and Trent S. Lawrence, Jr. United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC) Fellowship Report 11 December 2016 Abstract

As 2016 United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC) Europe and North America (EUNA) Fellows, we explored youth disenfranchisement within three countries: Morocco, Egypt, and Qatar. However, in this paper we will primarily focus on Egypt because of the country’s high youth unemployment rate and history of youth disenfranchisement. In particular, this report frames disenfranchisement as the lack of access to employment opportunities, denial of free speech, and the absence of creative expression. Despite the challenges found within the MENA region, we strongly affirm that the opportunities to address economic, social, and political problems can be found within the region itself. Highlighted in this paper is the work of different non-governmental organizations and actors who are using various innovative educational initiatives to mitigate these outlined challenges. Education, including programs initiated by non-governmental organizations through the support of state bodies, provides an alternative to the harmful effects of economic and social disenfranchisement that can oftentimes lead to the radicalization of MENA youth.

Introduction

The MENA region has one of the highest concentrations of youth,1 with more than 28 percent of the population between the ages of 15 to 29.2 It is no wonder, then, why the youth population has advocated to carve out a space to voice their struggles. For instance, the MENA region has an unemployment rate of over 27 percent, which is considered to be one of the highest in the world.3 As the unemployment rate steadily increases, the lack of economic opportunities become more apparent. The problem of unemployment and underutilized talent has “discouraged young men and women who either lack the motivation or opportunity to find a job or improve their skills,” creating a more dismal situation for youth populations in the MENA region.4 There are several unique challenges that youth across the MENA region face, specifically in the country of Egypt. Some of these challenges include: lack of representation of young people within the media, unemployment coupled with the absence of educational opportunities, and the harmful stereotypes of youth based on religious affiliations. In certain areas within the country there is a tremendous lack of opportunities for youth to participate and/or contribute to the general society. In 2016, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development

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(OECD) reported that “the participation of young men and women in formal institutional political processes remains low.”5 The report further acknowledges that the “marginalization of youth and their concerns has resulted in a negative perception towards political engagement that shows little faith in politics and governmental institutions.”6

Like some of its regional counterparts in Tunisia and Libya, the lack of youth representation in Egypt is troubling. Not only does Egypt have a high rate of youth unemployment, but it also has large hierarchical systems in place which often restricts young people from gaining access to mainstream media such as non-censored internet, newspaper, radio, and international television channels.7 Many of the MENA youth have negative opinions of and little trust in the media. It has also been well-documented that the younger populations in the region view the press as “commercial and manipulative.8 Additionally, youth throughout the MENA region have very limited outlets to creative opportunities. Artistic engagement, access to media and public information, and cross-cultural dialogue continues to be regulated and controlled. Therefore, we will examine the role of a non-governmental organization in its efforts to create a more democratic environment within Egypt, while simultaneously working towards dismantling the harmful stereotypes perpetuated by the media.

Case Study of Challenges of Media & Stereotypes within the Region: The Egyptian Media Development Program (EMDP)

Egyptian media, embedded with negative stereotypes that reinforce divisions, highlights another challenge in accessing creative channels. While many of the stereotypes perpetuated within Egyptian media are centered around gender inequality and misogyny,9 further labels are promoted aligned with the racial division between Egypt and sub-Saharan Africa. In a country plagued by high unemployment, African migrants are particularly met with media-fueled racism.

Thus, rather than breaking down these stereotypes, Egyptian media perpetuates them with little accountability from its audience. One organization working to hold the media more accountable is the United States Agency for International Development (USAID)-funded Egyptian Media Development Program (EMDP) in Cairo, Egypt.10 At EMDP we had the opportunity to further understand the representations of identity, media literacy, and freedom of speech within the nation. During our visit, we were able to understand how the structure and landscape of the media could change the quality of information produced and the issues that organizations focus on. Within its mission, EMDP also expressed a strong commitment to holding state media institutions accountable to their constituencies and providing local journalists with the technical tools to become more responsive to local issues. An example of this work in action was EMDP’s training of journalists within the Egyptian newspaper, Al Ahram. EMDP provided the tools that led to the creation of a special edition of the newspaper entitled Tahir Youth that was “critical of state television, as well as the performance of state institutions – including the Ministry of Information – and their failure to fulfill the demands” of local protestors in January 2011.

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Despite the challenges bolstered by larger media institutions, EMDP and its affiliate, the Ethical Journalist Network, have crafted tools for journalists to become more accountable while combatting the aforementioned stereotypes. EMDP seeks to systematically address the issues that editors face, such as hate speech and extremist ideas, which helps to cultivate more socially responsible journalists.11 One such tool developed by EMDP is the “Five Point Test for Journalists”, which helps editors identify hate speech to better understand methods of dissemination.12 This method, used in conjunction with the “Glossary of Hate Speech” toolkit, is extremely beneficial in thwarting negative stereotypes and xenophobia. This approach is especially important when reporting on migrants, as not to conflate their realties with false racial stereotypes. More so, by challenging xenophobic ideologies, journalists are providing people with the materials they need to inform and educate themselves as members involved in the political discourse of the larger society.

Moving Forward

Throughout the UNAOC Fellowship, we devised a strategy that focused on entrepreneurship and global citizenship. We also emphasized the importance of education and intercultural dialogue as prevention tools for radicalization that addresses the disenfranchisement of MENA youth. Reflecting upon and using key concepts from The Higher Council of Education, Training, and Scientific Research (The Council) in Rabat, Morocco and Silatech in Doha, Qatar, we established a set of theories critically addressing the economic and social disenfranchisement of young people. While each establishment focuses on their own youth populations, they possess a distinct set of skills and models.

One such theory was inspired by our visit to The Council. There we learned that positive representations of religion was one of The Council’s key strategies in engaging youth who may be susceptible to extremist religious ideas.13 To preserve the future of education among MENA youth, we propose focusing on teaching sociological facts, while exploring the depth of global citizenship, and why it is essential for students to become exposed to such content at younger ages. In Morocco, we noticed the lack of sufficient space for youth to outwardly express themselves because their voices were limited or underrepresented. While education reforms have been quite tedious and difficult to implement, the Moroccan government should involve youth in administration activities and policy modifications. The engagement of young people in the political system will help policymakers better understand the scale of disenfranchised youth in the region, while simultaneously working to better equip youth with the tools to better understand the world around them.

To tackle youth disenfranchisement across the Arab world Silatech, an educational company, creates distinctive economic opportunities for Arab youth. The organization focuses on three main pillars: employment, enterprise development, and policy research. These concepts are ideal in a world populated by so many displaced youth who are struggling both socially and economically. One of the ways Silatech fulfills its mission is by connecting youth to resources

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that help them launch and grow their own businesses.13 Moreover, these opportunities give Arab youth the ability to learn new skills while supplying them with mentorship and competency-based teachings in engineering and science.

While Silatech has a successful track-record in championing social entrepreneurship initiatives across the MENA region, imagine the impact if the organization extends its reach beyond Arab nations. It could have a larger influence on youth unemployment across the globe. In an effort to tackle this issue, there are several key policies that need to be implemented by international leaders, starting with the education sector. In our discussion with Secretary General of the Mohammedia League of Moroccan Ulma, Dr. Ahmed Abbadi, he expressed the following: “The alliance of civilizations cannot be a mere hobby, it is the work that we are passionate about and that needs to be done and if we let this go, the problem will only be aggravated.”14

To fully address the issue of disenfranchised MENA youth, the organizations we focused on, along with institutions at all levels, must strategize and teach theoretical skills through apprenticeships and internships to help youth gain relevant 21st century training that they cannot obtain in traditional classroom settings alone. Preparation in both soft and hard skills should be infused with academic programs. This will equip youth with the necessary networking abilities and would allow them to gain exposure as well as mentorship opportunities. Realizing this problem, parliaments must address the disparity between skills and jobs. We believe that investing more in young people and revamping training programs could help delineate the effects of the youth crisis in the MENA region.

From our field visits, we found that MENA governments should promote entrepreneurially-focused education reforms to foster new ideas amongst youth who are internet and tech-savvy. Furthermore, the implementation of agricultural programs in developing countries could serve as an important factor in curbing the rising unemployment rates by allowing young people to gain experience working under paid traineeships. Reducing youth unemployment in the MENA region is a challenging task but the solutions are plentiful. Whatever strategy governments choose to apply, they must prioritize the needs of young people, while simultaneously committing to providing youth with a real voice to promote empowerment and development of this promising population.

References 1 Youth Policy (copyright. 2014). “Middle East and North Africa: Youth Facts.” Youth Policy [website]. Available at: www.youthpolicy.org/mappings/regionalyouthscenes/mena/facts/#refFN13. Accessed on 5 December 2016. 2 Ibid. 3 “MENA region retains highest youth unemployment rate in the world.”

www.ilo.org/beirut/media-centre/news/WCMS_412797/lang--en/index.htm. 08 October 2015. Accessed on 5 December 2016. 4 “Youth in the MENA Region: How to Bring Them In.” OECD [website]. Available at: www.oecd.org/mena/governance/youth-in-the-mena-region.pdf. Accessed on 5 December 2016. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 7 Visit to the Egyptian Media Development Program, Cairo. Conversation with Tarek Atia, November 2016. 8 “Breaking the Barriers to Youth Inclusion.” Chapter 2: Youth Participation, Voice, and Active Citizenship. World Bank [website]. Available at: www.worldbank.org/content/dam/Worldbank/document/MNA/tunisia/ breaking_the_barriers_to_youth_inclusion_eng_chap2.pdf. Accessed on 5 December 2016. 9 “Egypt: Empowering women journalists.” Available at: www.dw.com/en/egypt-empowering-women-journalists/a-19264911. Accessed on 5 December 2016. 10 “Egyptian Media Development Program Transformed Media at Critical Time.” Available at: www.msiworldwide.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/07/EGYPT_MEDIA.pdf. Accessed on 5 December 2016. 11 Visit to the Egyptian Media Development Program, Cairo. Conversation with Tarek Atia, November 2016. 12 “Hate Speech: A Five Point Test for Journalists.” Available at: http://ethicaljournalismnetwork.org/resources/publications/hate-speech. Accessed on 5 December 2016. 13 Visit to The Higher Council of Education, Training, and Scientific Research, Rabat, Morocco. Lecture on “Strategic Orientation for Education in Morocco,” November 2016 13 “Silatech.” Available at: http://www.silatech.com/publication.pdf. Accessed on 6 December 2016. 14 Visit with the Secretary General of the Mohammedia League of Moroccan Ulma, Dr. Ahmed Abbadi, November 2016.