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Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, Vol. 13, No. 2, 2004 179

International Migration

from Fiji: Gender and HumanDevelopment Issues

Dharma Chandra

University of the South Pacific

Fiji Islanders have emigrated to Australia, New Zealand, Canada and theUnited States of America since Fiji became independent in 1970. Emigrationhas continued since then with peaks during times of political crises, such asnational elections. It has experienced troughs during periods of politicalstability and economic growth. The trends in Fiji suggest that deficits inhuamn development, especially in relation to human security, underlie theemigration of Fiji citizens, particularly the Fiji Indians. The gender dimen-sions of emigration and its implications for human development are exploredin this article.

Introduct ion

International migration is a global phenomenon. Travel, communication,the flow of information, and movements of goods and services acrosstransnational borders have increased international connectivity and pre-cipitated international migration for permanent residence or temporarymovements. Women are now recognized as an important component of international migration: nearly half of international migrants are women(Jolly, Bell and Narayanswamy, 2003; Russell, 1995; United Nations, 1998;1995). An increasing number of women in the Asia and Pacific region aremigrating either with their families or as autonomous migrants to moredeveloped countries to seek employment, higher wages, better lifestyle, andto escape cultural constraints (United Nations, 1997; Jolly, Bell andNarayanswamy, 2003). Ultimately, migration is a means to improve theirhuman development prospects. Human development is concerned withhow people live, how freely they exercise their many choices and options,

and how much access they have to resources for their livelihood and to social

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180 ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

opportunities. An important aspect of human security is the possibility tolive in peace (United Nations Development Programme, 1995). Humansecurity is an important element of human development and when it is

threatened – by political conflict, ethnic violence, or economic and socialinsecurity – men and women resort to migration to improve their lifechances. Moreover, intergenerational human security, i.e., securing theirchildren’s future, is significant in understanding international migration atthe level of individual and families.

Explanations for international migration are diverse, complex andinterconnected. There are many different approaches (Massey et al., 1993;Russell, 1995), but understanding the gender dimensions in internationalmigration remains limited. In neoclassical economic explanations, migra-

tion is undifferentiated by gender and class (Massey et al., 1993). Otherframeworks, such as the household strategies model (Chant, 1992) andtransnational models (Jolly, Bell and Narayanswamy, 2003:5), offer moreexplanations on female migration. Women migrate for a variety of reasonsand they use different strategies and social networks to facilitate theirmigration. The decision to migrate is influenced by gender roles and statusas well as the characteristics of the places of origins and destinations (Boyd,2003:4). In the destination places, access to jobs, higher income potential andthe strength of social, familial and transnational networks are important inunderstanding the pull for migration (Voigt-Graf, 2002). In addition, struc-tural changes in the economy and the feminization of work have precipi-tated the international migration of women in many Asian countries (ILO,2001). The feminization of the labor market, the demand for women work-ers, the ready supply of women workers from developing countries, andchanging views on women’s mobility are factors behind the labor migrationof women (Añonuevo, 1996; Jones, 1992). According to ILO (2001:1):

It is the gender-segregated labor markets as well as the sexualdivision of labor in the household that determines gender-selective

migration flows. Stated simply, men and women follow differentmigration patterns (e.g., they migrate for different reasons) becausethey do different things in the sending country and are expected toengage in gender-specific occupations on arrival in the host coun-try.

Macro level findings on international migration and its consequenceson development in the places of origin are mixed, fragmented and debatable(Hadi, 1999:1; Newland, 2003:1; Russell, 1995; United Nations, 1997). How-ever, Skeldon (2002:78-79) argues that migration is an integral part of the

whole process of economic development and it underlies attempts toalleviate poverty. Micro-level studies indicate that the emigration of skilledpeople affects social and economic development because of the loss of skilled persons (Alhburg and Levin, 1990), but it can also have positiveconsequences because of remittances (Brown and Connell, 1993; Hadi, 1999;








181INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION FROM FIJI

United Nations, 1997:21; Zachariah and Rajan, 2001:59). Women migrantshave a significant influence on the social transformations and developmentof their families, households and communities in the places of origin and

destination. Women migrants’ active participation in the host countrieshave improved the chances for the second generation’s upward social andeconomic mobility (Vasta, 2004). The transfer of secular or liberal values andthe return migration of women could contribute to changes in women’sstatus, family relationships and other social changes in the areas of origin(Hadi, 1999:2-3).

People from the Pacific Islands have been part of global transnationalmigrations for decades (Hau’ofa, 1993:12-13; Ward, 1989). The magnitudeof migration, data problems, transnational linkages, remittances and devel-

opment are some of the key topics addressed by Alhburg (1986), Ahlburgand Levin (1990), Bedford (1989), Bettram and Watters (1985) Brown andConnell (1993), Connell (1983, 2002), Jones (1976), Mohanty (2001), Rallu(1994, 1996), Voigt-Graf (2002) and many others. A gender perspective oninternational migration in the Pacific has received little attention in theliterature. Other than the demographics of migrants (Ahlburg and Levin,1990: 12-13; BIMPR, 1995; Rallu, 1996: 29-30, Mohanty, 2001:61, 65), a genderperspectives of emigration is limited or non-existent in some Pacific Islandcountries.

International migration in Fiji has distinctive characteristics. Fiji has alarge population of Indian origin, whose migrant status, lack of landownership rights and distinct social and cultural heritage set them apart(Crocombe, 1981:201-208; Ravuvu, 1991). Fiji’s socio-political system, themarginalization of Fiji Indians from the political and decision makingprocesses, and military coups and subsequent political instability havedriven many Fiji Indians to migrate to countries such as Australia, NewZealand, Canada and the US. Emigration from Fiji increased since it gainedindependence in 1970, with Fiji Indians comprising over 90 percent of allemigrants.

This article provides an overview of the socio-political and economiccontext of emigration from Fiji since 1970. It discusses the socio-demograph-ics and occupational characteristics of emigrants, highlighting the impor-tance of the emigration of women, and the consequences of the loss of migrants, particularly women, on Fiji society. This article is based on theanalysis of emigration data provided by the Fiji Bureau of Statistics and theAustralian Bureau of Statistics, a review of current literature, includinggovernment reports, and informal discussions with professional organiza-tions. Additional data on the impact of emigration were gathered from

informal meetings and interviews with 28 emigrant women and theirfamilies and relatives in Suva, the main city in Fiji. Women emigrants of various skill levels – professionals, skilled workers, less-skilled workers,domestic workers – were interviewed. Wherever relevant, there will bemore emphasis on Fiji Indian than Indigenous Fijian emigrants.









As mentioned earlier, some analysis of the gender distribution of emigrants has been undertaken (Ahlburg and Levin 1990; Connell, 1984;Chandra, 1997; Mohanty, 2001; Rallu, 1996). A more in-depth analysis of the

gender aspects of emigration from Fiji is lacking. In part, this is reflective of the societal context where women’s roles and positions in the family and thecommunity emphasize their dependence on men and their emigration isassociated with men. One of the major obstacles to a deeper analysis of gender in international migration is the lack of sex disaggregated data onemigrants and their characteristics. Data are collected on emigrants’ ethnicgroup, age, occupation, reasons for migration, destination and date of travel; marital status, a key variable, is not available. Further, data gatheredat points of entry and departure have not been analyzed much (Fiji Bureau

of Statistics, 1997). With the continuing outflow of skilled women workers,especially teachers and nurses, there is a need to analyze the gender aspectsof emigration and its human development implications.

I ssues Underl yi ng I nt ernati onal M i grat i on from Fij i

Indigenous Fijians (51 percent) and Fiji Indians (44 percent) formed 95percent of the total population of Fiji Islands in 1996.1 Present-day FijiIndians2 are the fourth or fifth generation descendants of indentured labor-ers from India. These two ethnic groups have co-existed with little integra-tion for over 120 years. Their separate existence, promoted by the thenBritish colonial government, and the strong social and cultural systems of both Indigenous Fijians and Fiji Indians enabled them to maintain theirdistinct social and cultural aspects. Ethnicity rather than gender remains thedefining feature of the socio-cultural, economic and political life in Fiji. Over83 percent of the land is owned by Indigenous Fijians and is inalienable(Ward, 1998; 1965:118,136).3Fishing areas and rights, tourist resort areas,forestry and mining lands are all under traditional Fijian ownership whilesugar cane farming, retail, manufacturing and other industries are domi-

nated by the Fiji Indians. Indigenous Fijians from nearly two-thirds of theFiji Public Service (Government of Fiji, 2001). Data collection by governmentagencies are disaggregated by ethnicity and less so by gender and othercategories, reflecting the salience of ethnicity in Fiji. Political control has

1 The emigration of 31,992 Fiji Indians from 1996 to 2002 (Fiji Bureau of Statistics, 1990-2003)would have reduced their share of the total population by a significant proportion.

2

The British brought the forefathers of the Indo-Fijians as indentured laborers to work onsugar cane plantations in 1879 under the colonial government. From 1879 to 1916 about 60,000Indians were brought to Fiji. Indians were encouraged to make Fiji their permanent home (Ali,1977:7; Mayer 1961:1).

3 In 2001, state land Schedule A and Schedule B was converted to Native lease, increasingthe share of native-owned land to 91 percent of all lands in Fiji.









been in the hands of the Fijian elites and the chiefs since the 1970s, except forbrief periods in 1987 and 2000, when Fiji Indian-dominated parliamentswere overthrown by coups. Fiji citizens, especially those of Indian ancestry,

have been emigrating from the time that Fiji gained independence in 1970(Jones, 1976; Connell, 1987:21).

Emigrat i on and It s Impact on Fi j i ’s Populat i on

The emigration of Fiji Indians has a significant impact on populationcomposition. For nearly 50 years (1946-1986), there were more Fiji Indiansthan Indigenous Fijians. In 1946, Fiji Indians formed 46 percent of the totalpopulation while ethnic Fijians formed 45 percent. In 1986, Fiji Indians

represented 49 percent and ethnic Fijians accounted for 46 percent (FijiBureau of Statistics, 1989:7). After the 1987 military coups, IndigenousFijians gained numerical strength as they came to account for over 51percent4 of the total population (Fiji Bureau of Statistics, 1999). The smallershare of the Indigenous Fijian population was a sensitive issue for a longtime. The large and growing Fiji Indian population was seen as a threat,raising fears of perceived domination by the Fiji Indians (Ali, 1980; Lal,1992:235-237; Dean and Ritova, 1988:122). The rise of nationalist ideals, theprimacy of Indigenous Fijians in political processes, national politics andgovernment decision making, and the relegation of Fiji Indians to less thanequal status created tensions and conflict, particularly during nationalelections (Ali, 1980; Lal, 1992). The military coups in 1987 and the civiliancoup in 2000 left Fiji Indians few options for survival – “confront, emigrateor resigned indifference” (Lal, 1992:328). Many chose to emigrate.

From as early as the 1970s to 2002, the recorded data show that 117,821emigrants have left Fiji (Fiji Bureau of Statistics, unpublished data; Chandra,1997). However, using indirect estimation - based on comparing the differ-ence between resident arrival and departure data and calculating three-yearrunning averages from 1970-2002 - the implied emigration could be as high

as 179,358,5 that is almost 20 percent of the current total population of Fiji. The difference in the recorded and implied numbers is most likely due toseveral reasons. First, some change their status from non-immigrant toimmigrant once they are overseas - e.g., some Fiji-born migrants who left Fijias visitors after the 1987 coups became residents abroad, especially in NewZealand and Canada (Bedford, 1989). Second, those who leave do not

4 The emigration of Fiji Indians after the May 2000 coups would have further changed the

ethnic composition of the population.5Data provided by the Fiji Bureau of Statistics were used to calculate implied immigration

(Chandra, 1997). The differences in resident arrivals and resident departures were examinedby calculating three-year averages to determine the extent of emigration. Similar calculationswere done for emigration from 1962 to 1994 (Chandra and Chetty, 1998:71). I also used the samemethod to calculate implied emigration from 1970 to 2002.









declare themselves as emigrants when departing from the country - this islargely due to emotional, cultural, professional and business ties to Fiji aswell as sentiments about leaving their birth place (this is especially true for

Indigenous Fijian emigrants). Third, some emigrants overstay their visarequirements and remain as unauthorized immigrants in the destinationcountries (Rallu, 1996:26; Chetty and Prasad, 1993:15).

More recent data (recorded or declared for emigration) show that from1990 to 2002 a total of 65,156 Fiji citizens emigrated. Indigenous Fijianemigration has also increased, mostly to the United States, Canada, Austra-lia and New Zealand. Canada used to be an important recipient of Fijiemigrants. In 1975, a little over 50 percent of all emigrants from Fiji went toCanada; 18 percent went to the United States; and 14 percent went to

Australia (Chandra and Chetty, 1998:71). In recent years, Australia and theUnited States are the major destinations. In 1997, 33 percent each of allemigrants went to Australia and the United States, 20 percent to NewZealand and 10 percent to Canada (Fiji Bureau of Statistics, 1997).

Fiji Indians comprise the overwhelming majority of emigrants from1990. As Figure 1 shows, the emigration of Fiji Indians peaked during the1987 military and 2000 civilian coups. According to the Australian HighCommission in Fiji applications for immigration, particularly for skilledand business migration had increased by over 200 percent after the May2000 coup. For instance, from July 2000 to July 2001, there were 1,151applications approved for skilled migration, 65 for business migration, 710for family migration, and 560 for student migration (The Fij i Times , 4 October2001). According to the US Embassy in Suva, thousands of Fiji citizensapplied for the United States’ Diversity Immigrant Visa Program in 2000.Green cards were given to 1,500 applicants (The Fij i Times , 4 August 2001).Fiji recorded the largest number of people selected under the AmericanGreen Card lottery in 2001 and 2002.

Charact eri st i cs and M ot i vat i ons of Emi grant s

M arital Status by Gender

Since the early 1980s, more women than men have been emigrating. Data onFiji immigrants in the destination countries also reveal the larger share of thefemale population. According to Ahlburg and Levin (1990), there were morefemale children and young women (15-34 years) than males in the same agegroups of all Fiji-born emigrants in the United States. Further, the Australianand the New Zealand census data indicated that there were more Fiji- born

female immigrants than their male counterparts in Australia (52 percent)and New Zealand (52 percent) (Australian Bureau of Statistics, unpublisheddata, 2003; BIMPR, 1995; Statistics New Zealand, 2001). From 1990 to 2001,women accounted for 51 to 54 percent of emigrants from Fiji (Table 1).Indigenous Fijians were less than 10 percent while Fiji Indians comprised









over 90 percent of emigrants. Indigenous Fijian emigration is also domi-nated by women, who make up 50-56 percent of the emigration stream(Table 1).

TABLE 1WOMEN EMIGRANTS (PERMANENT DEPARTURES) FROM 1990-2002

Total Total Indigenous Fijian Fiji Indian female Year emigrants females % female emigrants % emigrants %

1990 5650 51.4 54 511991 5432 52.9 56 531992 4621 52.1 54 521993 4107 53.9 51 541994 4155 51.3 51 511995 4931 53.0 54 531996 5030 52.8 52 531997 4493 50.9 54 51

1998 4829 50.1 49 501999 4837 51.4 56 512001 5275 50.5 50 502002 6316 50.5 51 50

SOURCE: Fiji Bureau of Statistics, unpublished data, 2002

FIGURE 1GENDER AND E THN ICITY OF EMIGRANTS FROM FIJI, 1990-2002

SOURCE: Fiji Bureau of Statistics, unpublished data, 1990-2002

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

1 9 9 0

1 9 9 1

1 9 9 2

1 9 9 3

1 9 9 4

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1 9 9 8

1 9 9 9

2 0 0 0

2 0 0 1

2 0 0 2

Fiji Indian females

Fi i Indian males

Indigenous Fijians









Emigration is selective of the young (Figure 2). In part, this reflects theinfluence of immigration policies, which specify age as part of the selectioncriteria. For example, the application forms for permanent migrants toAustralia and New Zealand indicate that those over the ages of 40 years arenot encouraged to apply as independent skilled migrants.

The 1995-2002 age and sex data show a high level of emigration forpeople under the age of forty, peaking at 20-24 years for females and 25-29

for males. Except for these two age groups, the gender distribution isgenerally balanced (Figure 2). Data on the marital status of emigrantsleaving Fiji are lacking, but existing data on immigrants in host countriessuch as the United States indicate that most Fiji-born immigrants aremarried (A lhburg and Levin, 1980:12-13). Similar patterns are indicated byrecent data in Australia (Australian Bureau of Statistics data, unpublished2003; BIMPR, 1995). As Table 2 shows, overall, females outnumber malesamong Fiji Indian immigrants to Australia. In terms of marital status, exceptfor the never-married, there are more females than males among the

married, separated, divorced and widowed immigrants. Single Fiji-bornmale immigrants also tend to outnumber single Fiji-born females in theUnited States (Ahlburg and Levin, 1990:12-13). The proportion divorced,separated and widowed among the non-migrant Fiji Indian females islower, 11 percent (Fiji Bureau of Statistics, 1999) compared with the Fiji

FIGURE 2PROFILE OF EMIGRANTS BY AGE GROUP AND GENDER, 1995-2002


- 1 5 - 1 0 - 5 0 5 1 0 1 5 2 0

0 - 4

5 - 9

1 0 -1 4

1 5 -1 9

2 0 -2 4

2 5 -2 9

3 0 -3 4

3 5 -3 9

4 0 -4 4

4 5 -4 9

5 0 -5 4

5 5 -5 9

6 0 -6 4

6 5 +

F e m a l e s

M a l e s









TABLE 2MARITAL S TATUS OF FIJI INDIAN IMMIGRANTS IN AUSTRALIA BY GENDER, 2001

(IN PERCENTAGE)

Females Males N Total

Married 52.9 47.2 15,486 100

Separated 62.6 37.4 831 100

Divorced 65.9 34.1 1,397 100

Widowed 88.1 11.9 807 100

Never married 46.3 53.7 5,091 100

Total 53.8 46.2 23,612 100

SOURCE: Australian Bureau of Statistics,unpublished data, 2003

Indian women in Australia. There is need for more research to assess whythe transition to divorce, separation and widowhood is associated withhigher migration among women than men.

Skills of Emigrant s by Gender

Data on the occupational background of emigrants suggest that women are

a significant part of the highly skilled who leave Fiji. For the period 1987-1989, women emigrants formed 45 percent of all professional, technical,administrative and managerial staff (Table 3). There were more womenamong clerical and related workers than men. For the period 1990-2002, Table 4 shows the continuation of the same pattern. Women represented 40

TABLE 3EMIGRATION OF SKILLED AND PROFESSIONAL PEOPLE BY GENDER, 1987-1989

% % of Total TotalMales Females Total Female 1986 Stock stock

Professional, technicaland related 1,108 568 1,676 33.9 9 17,774

Administrative andmanagerial 594 75 669 11.2 24 2,766

Clerical and related 621 1,104 1,725 64.0 11 15,569Sales workers 250 142 392 36.2 3 14,861Service workers 175 88 263 33.5 2 15,422Agricultural, animal husbandry

and forestry workersand fishermen 292 5 297 1.7 0.3 105,925

Production and related 1,252 221 1,473 15.0 3 49,000Others unclassified 3,456 6,168 9,624 64.1 NA

Total 7,748 8,371 16,119 51.9 NA 22,4019

SOURCES: Fiji Bureau of Statistics, unpublished data, 1999, 2002; Chetty and Prasad, 1993









TABLE 4EMIGRATION OF SKILLED AND PROFESSIONAL PEOPLE BY GENDER, 1990-2002

Female % of 1996% Emigrants Women's

Males Females Total Female 1996 Stock

Professional, technical and related 4,669 3,126 7,795 40.1 235 3.10

Administrative andmanagerial 2,878 692 3,570 19.4 37 2.64

Clerical, supervisorsand related 2,249 3,540 5,789 61.2 248 7.68

Sales workers 1,096 673 1,769 38.0 50 0.55Service workers 828 488 1,316 37.0 38 0.49Agricultural, animal husbandry,

forestry workersand fishermen 1,340 29 1369 2.1 2 0.04

Production workers, transport equipmentoperators andlaborers 5,706 1,127 6,833 16.5 98 3.05

Others 12,762 23,953 36,715 65.2 1949 30.99 Total 31,528 33,628 65,156 51.6


percent of all professionals, 61 percent of all clerical and related workers and20 percent of emigrants with administrative and managerial backgrounds.

Table 5 shows that women emigrants are predominantly in the medical,dental and related occupations. The emigration of nurses (and doctors) inlarge numbers reflect the high demand for such professionals overseas. Fijinurses have found employment in the Marshall Islands (Rokoduru, 2002:44),Australia, New Zealand, the United States, the United Kingdom and the

Middle East (Communication with Fiji Nurses Association Director, 4 June2003). Nearly 50 percent of all emigrant teachers and one-third of allemigrant accountants are women. In addition, the majority of the clericalworkers - typists and related workers were women. Nurses, teachers,typists, clerical workers, and stenographers, jobs that are dominated bywomen, have experienced high rates of emigration (Table 5), which can havefar -reaching consequences on the social and economic development of Fiji.

Data on the occupational background of other female migrants areshown in Table 6. Over 90 percent of the group included women who were

homemakers as well as female children below 18 years. Family migration(couples and their dependents) is a very common form of migration.Whether the married women were traveling with their children for settle-ment purposes (with their husbands joining them later) or they are part of families migrating as a unit cannot be ascertained from the data. Studies do









TABLE 5SELECTED OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS AND PERCENT FEMALE OF ALL EMIGRANTS,

2001-2002

% females 2001 % females 2002

Professional, technical and related workers 43.0 40.7Medical, Dental, Veterinary & Related Workers 79.2 74.6Accountants 33.9 33.3

Teachers 50.8 55.3

Clerical, supervisors and related workers 62.4 60.3Managers 20.2 20.2Bookkeepers, Cashiers & Related Workers 61.4 62.9Stenographers, Typists, Card & Tape Punching

Machine Operators 97.7 96.2Clerical & Related Workers Not Elsewhere Classified 63.2 53.3

Food and beverages 52.2 37.5


indicate that women who are either legally married or living in de factounion also travel alone (Rokoduru, 2002:46) to seek employment, to visitfriends and relatives, and to escape familial and communal pressures,

especially among Indigenous Fijian women.It is also significant to note that three times more men than women fromFiji travel overseas for retirement purposes. This is particularly so in case of Fiji Indian families who split temporarily while their children settle abroad.6

Children who have settled abroad also encourage parents to retire abroad.Retirement abroad is also a consequence of insecurity in relation to their

TABLE 6

ALL

O THER

EMIGRANTS

NOT

CLASSIFIED

BY

OCCUPATION

, 2001-20022001 2002

Females Males Females Males

Occupations unspecified 0.6 4.4 0.8 3.8Homemaker/ home duties 48.2 1.6 48.9 1.5Students below 18 years of age

and infants 45.3 78.2 46.5 78.9Retired 5.9 15.8 3.9 15.7

Total % 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total 2,178 1,284 1,845 1,110


6 Often elite men retain their Fiji residence while women and children emigrate. The elitewomen maintain two households and travel frequently to stay with their children.









pension fund.7 Data from the Fiji National Provident Fund and discussionswith authorities and emigrants indicate that the majority of withdrawals aredone by Fiji Indians who have retired and who wish to emigrate and invest

abroad.

M otivations for Emigrat ion by Gender

Emigration in the last two decades has been explained in terms of ethnicity,political insecurity (including perceptions of community and personalinsecurity), and economic factors (limited access to farming land, expiry of native leases, growing landlessness and evictions from farms) (Fiji Daily Post , 2 January 2001). The loss of socio-economic opportunities in the light

of persistent political instability and overall discriminatory practices(Chandra, 1997:57; Bedford, 1989; Mohanty, 2001; Naidu, 2001; Reddy,Mohanty and Naidu, 2002, Voigt-Graf, 2003) push people to migrate tocountries that protect their rights and where there is social harmony. On theother hand, conditions in other countries – higher salaries and wages,employment opportunities, opportunities for upgrading human capitalskills, long term peace and stability, protection of sociopolitical rights, fairtreatment, and overall socioeconomic and physical security – exert a pow-erful influence on the emigration motivations of both men and women.

For the most part, gender-related explanations have been overshad-owed by ethnicity and political and economic security issues in Fiji. Under-standing the underlying motivations and strategies from the gender per-spective remains limited unless they are explored from the household orfamily perspective. The push and pull factors operating at the familial orhousehold levels are compounded by many other factors such as genderroles, familial relationships, access to resources accessibility for emigration,transnational networks, and individual member’s potentials and risks foremigration

Sociopolit ical and Economic Insecurity

Political factors are a major consideration for emigration from Fiji (Chandra,1997; Chandra and Chetty, 1998; Chetty and Prasad, 1993; Lal, 2003; Mohanty,2001 and Naidu, 1997; Reddy, Mohanty and Naidu 2002; Voigt-Graf, 2002,2004). Emigration peaks correspond with crisis periods while emigrationtroughs are associated with stable periods (Figure 3).

Although a numerical majority, Fiji citizens of Indian origin have beenmarginalized from participating in the political process and decision-mak-

7 Political parties have raised the security and the use of the Fiji National Provident Fund. There are concerns that government borrowing sows fears among its contributors who worryabout the security of the funds in the future.









ing at the national government level. Further “the coups of 1987 and 2000have raised great fears in the minds of the Fiji Indian community and theysaw the loss of democracy as the loss of their rights” (Sami, 2001:5). FijiIndians fear the move towards provincialism and the entrenchment of Fijiansupremacy is inevitable:

It is undoubtedly true that many Fijians want to retain politicalcontrol of the country in their own hands and to entrench theprinciple of the paramountcy of Fijian interests in the political

system permanently. There may be differences among them overthe method and the means, but not about the ultimate ends (Lal,19992:331-332).

Personal and community insecurity caused by political tensions, elec-tion rhetoric and ethnic-based policies create an uncertain environment.Both documentary sources and the limited empirical research undertakenshow that political instability and the bleak prospects for Fiji Indians aremore important than economic explanations for migration (Lal, 2003; Naidu,1997;The Fij i Sun , 25 October, 2002; Singh, 2002; Voigt-Graf, 2001, 2003). Thelack of acceptance as equal citizens, as suggested by references to them as“guests” (vulagi) , “foreigners” or “outsiders” (Roberston and Tamanisau,1988; Dean and Ritova, 1988:119; Ravuvu, 1991: 58-60) is a serious concernamong the Fiji Indians, engendering much insecurity about their future and

0

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7000

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1 9 8 1

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1 9 8 7

1 9 8 9

1 9 9 1

1 9 9 3

1 9 9 5

1 9 9 7

1 9 9 9

1972

election

1977

election1987 coups and

1990

constitution

1982

election

2000 coup

FIGURE 3

POLITICAL EVENTS AND TRENDS IN EMIGRATION









that of their children’s future in Fiji (Ali, 1981:32; Chetty and Prasad, 1993;Fij i Times , 23 September 2000; Kunabuli, 1990; Lal, 1992a and 2003). Morewomen than men indicated personal and physical insecurities as a majorfactor in their desire to emigrate. For men, the major factors are economicinsecurity and fear for personal safety and physical security for their wivesand daughters (Pangerl, 2002:31). The physical violence and atrocitiessuffered by men and women, especially during the May 2000 coup and theevictions from native leased land in settlements, have heightened fearsabout safety. This is exacerbated by the poor peace and order situation – FijiIndians are the majority of victims in most crime statistics (Fij i Times , 1-2August 2002; Fiji Police Department, 2002).

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination(CERD) report on Fiji to the United Nations highlights numerous areas of discriminatory practices (United Nations, 2003). Racial and institutional-ized discriminatory practices in public sector employment and promotionshave created insecurity among Fiji Indians about their livelihood and futureprospects (Kumar, 1997:87). The Indigenous Fijian-dominated governmentshave made numerous provisions for policies and practices in favor of Indigenous Fijians (Sharma, 1997:106; Kumar, 1997:85, Government of Fiji,2001: Voigt-Graf, 2003:375). The less skilled are also considering migrationbecause of limited opportunities and deepening poverty.8 Fiji Indian sugarcane farmers, the majority of whom are on native land leases and whoselease agreements are now expiring or had expired, expressed much fearabout their economic and political future. As a result, such an “ethnic biasedgovernment pushes people to emigrate” (König,1996:10)

Fiji Indian men and women employ a number of strategies to plan theiremigration. For the highly skilled, immigration is facilitated by the posses-sion of skills and capital sought out by destination countries. For the lessskilled, family migration through sponsorship or migration for marriage areimportant strategies. In Australia most immigration from Fiji is mainly forfamily reasons (Voigt-Graf, 2003:151) and similar findings are reported byAhlburg and Levin (1990) for Fiji-born immigrants in the United States. Three decades of emigration had resulted in the establishment of familiesand kin networks in various countries. Their transnational networks linkmany Fiji Indians with their families abroad. According to Lal (2003:3), “Itis often said that there is hardly a single Indo-Fijian family in Fiji that doesnot have at least one member abroad. The expectation is that those who

8 The reports on poverty indicate that the proportion of people who lived in povertyincreased from 15 percent in 1983 to 26 percent in 1996 to 35 percent in 2000. In addition, thenumber of people receiving family assistance from the Social Welfare Department increasedfrom 6,011 in 1990 to 11,813 in 1999 (Willkinson, A 2002; Walsh , 2002; Barr and Naidu, 2002).









migrate will assist those who remain behind.” Transnational families often“…develop and maintain multiple relations – economic, social, and organi-zational – that cut across national boundaries” (Lal, 2003:3). Fiji Indianwomen migrate as dependents with husband and children, as autonomousand independent emigrants (students and working women) and singlewomen migrating for marriage.9 Transnational networking between emi-grants and non-emigrants has facilitated greater emigration (Voigt-Graf,2003:376).

Gender, Emi grat i on and Human Devel opment

The loss of skilled women and men has enormous economic, social andpolitical consequences. Reddy, Mohanty and Naidu (2002:57) estimate thefinancial cost of losing skilled people over the last decade at over F$60million, a very large amount for a small country. Further the cost of education and training and the losses in tax revenues associated with thebrain drain leave the country of origin poorer. While there is no explicitpolicy to curb the outflow of skilled people, it is perceived that the emigra-tion of Fiji Indians is seen as desirable by the state. The emigration andshortage of highly skilled people has led to the recruitment of expatriateprofessionals. In 2000, the Immigration Department gave 200 work permitsto expatriate professionals and skilled workers (The Fij i Times , 7 August2002). Expatriates come to Fiji on short-term contracts to fill the skills gapand are usually on higher pay than the locals.

In particular, the consequences of the loss of skilled women on eco-nomic and social development are significant. In Fiji, women’s entry in thelabor market only improved in the last two decades. Their labor forceparticipation rate was 39 percent in 1996 (Fiji Bureau of Statistics, 1999),increasing from 23 percent in 1986. In 1996 24 percent of women over 15years of age in Fiji were in formal sector employment when compared with

76 percent of men (Fiji Bureau of Statistics, 1999). Except for clerks, profes-sional and service workers, where women represented about 55, 42 and 35percent, respectively, all other occupational categories were dominated bymen (Fiji Bureau of Statistics, 1999). The impact of the emigration of skilledwomen has a significant impact on the stock of skilled people. In the twoyears after the 1987 coups, women emigrants constituted 9 percent of professional, technical and related people, 24 percent of administrative andmanagerial and 11 percent of clerical and related workers (Table 4). The lossof skilled women in the same occupational categories continued from 1990

to 2002 (Table 5). In 1996, professional women emigrants represented nearly

9 Local daily newspapers carry an average of three to five advertisements in the personalclassified ads section.









three percent of the stock of professional women. This high attrition of thestock of skilled workers within such a short period is difficult to replenish. The impact of women emigrants on the current stock of skilled labor force

and its replacement is difficult to gauge. While there are many unemployedpeople in the labor market who could replace the skilled workers who left,the quality of lost skills in terms of experience, training and expertise isdifficult to replace. The next census, in 2006, will provide more indicationson the impact of the loss of the highly skilled as well as the gender and ethnicdistribution of Fiji’s labor force. The next section discusses the impact of theemigration of medical personnel and teachers, the majority of whom arewomen.

Gender and Emigration of M edical Personnel

The emigration of nurses and doctors has severely affected Fiji’s healthsystem (Naidu, 1997:72-75). The departure of about 586 doctors between1984 and 1994 had left the Ministry of Health with a severe shortage of doctors. This is a persisting problem which was exacerbated by the 2000coup. According to the Ministry of Health, 32 doctors emigrated betweenMay 2000–2001. Political uncertainty and the lifting of the closed-doorpolicies for the migration of doctors to Australia were part of the reasons forthe migration of doctors to Australia (

Fij i D ail y Post , 28 June 2001). To meet

the shortfall of doctors, the Ministry of Health has recruited foreign doctors.In some regions nearly two-thirds of doctors are expatriates (The Fij i Sun , 7August 2001). The costs of recruitment for each foreign doctor are almost100 times higher than locally trained doctors (Fij i D ail y Post , 7 October 2002).Fiji’s health system is adversely affected by the emigration of nurses as well.In the last five years an average of 114 nurses per year left, according to areport by the Ministry of Health Permanent Secretary (The Fij i Times , 13August 2003).

The emigration of medical personnel has worsened the doctor/ nurse-

to-population ratios. In 1997, there was one doctor to 1,929 people but thisdeteriorated to 2,978 in 1999. Similarly, the nurse-to-population ratio in-creased from 1 per 453 in 1997 to 1 per 523 in 1999 (Reddy, Mohanty andNaidu, 2002:58; Ministry of Health unpublished data, 2002). The shortage of doctors and nurses especially in peri-urban and rural centers has causedmany difficulties. Some major hospitals are understaffed and under-ser-viced. The local media have highlighted the long waiting lines and of patients returning without seeing doctors on numerous occasions (The Fij i Times , 11 March 2002). Nurses are overworked, underpaid10 and are often

frustrated with working and living conditions. Rural health centers faceeven greater problems with scarce resources and poor allocation of person-nel. Community outreach programs suffer as the smaller pool of nurses aregiven more responsibilities. In my discussions with women NGOS address-ing reproductive health issues, informants remarked that women patients









who prefer women health providers, especially for consultations regardingreproductive health, feel the loss of women doctors and nurses. As asolution, the hiring of expatriate doctors poses other problems: recruitment

problems (some doctors have dubious credentials), excessive costs to thegovernment and communication difficulties with patients, among others.

Gender and Teacher Emigrat ion

Women teachers form over 50 percent of all emigrant teachers. Womenholding positions of responsibilities such as principals, head teachers, headsof section, and women specialist teachers such as those in home economics,textiles, secretarial studies, computer studies and counseling have emi-

grated in large numbers. Their experience and quality of service are difficultto replace. Furthermore, the emigration of teachers does not necessarilyfollow the schooling time cycle. In my discussions with teachers, it waspointed out that teachers resign anytime during the year and this makes itvery difficult for schools to replace lost skills quickly. According to onestudy, when senior and experienced teachers emigrate, they are oftenreplaced by junior teachers or inexperienced and untrained graduates. In1996, 41 percent of all graduate teachers in secondary schools were un-trained. There was an improvement in 2000, when untrained graduatesrepresented 20 percent of all graduate teachers. More women than mengraduate teachers were untrained in 1996 (55 percent) and this changed to48 percent in 2000 (Ministry of Education, 1997:37; 2001:52). While theemigration of teachers has provided opportunities for unemployed gradu-ates, the recruitment of untrained and younger teachers is most likely toinfluence the quality and the standard of teaching.

Teachers, particularly in the villages and rural settlements, have leader-ship roles in many social and cultural aspects of community life. Womennon-government organizations (NGOs) in rural areas depend on the lead-ership roles of women teachers. Their emigration reduces the stock of

resource persons and hampers social and cultural development initiativesat the grassroots level. Replacing these kinds of resources is very difficult.

Social Implicat ions of Women’ s M igrat ion on Households and Communities

Emigration has had much impact on the families and communities leftbehind. Quantitative data on the impact of emigration are not available.However, qualitative data and anecdotal evidence indicate both positiveand negative effects. The migration of men and women has different

10 Almost 87 percent of nurses retire after 25-30 year services of service on a salary of F$13,160 (Ministry of Health, 2003).









consequences. Where men have emigrated, women have had the opportu-nity to take the lead, make all major decisions (e.g., children’s education,property and familial relationships), and keep their families functional.

Consequently, women gain some freedom in dealing with a broad range of familial and household issues. On the other hand, their participation inhousehold activities and in income earning activities increases their burdenand responsibilities. While there are some positive changes, the increasingrole of women is not welcomed by conservative elements in the community.

At the community level, the emigration of skilled women and commu-nity and religious leaders has created a vacuum for learned and knowledge-able people. Cultural and religious gatherings and life cycle events such asbirths, deaths and marriages feel the void created by the loss of relatives and

family members. Diminished interfamilial networks have created physicaland social isolation, giving rise to depression and other social problems. Theseparation of immediate family members and relatives and their dispersionin different countries have created difficulties in getting together for impor-tant family events such as deaths and marriages (Nandan, 1995).

In addition, elderly parents and the disabled family members who areleft behind often suffer emotional and physical isolation due to separationand limited social and economic support. Children who have emigrated insome cases have abandoned their elderly parents to be cared for by relatives.NGOs and the Suva Old Peoples Home have been providing support forsuch groups. The emigration of sons in many situations has led to daughtersproviding old age care and support to aging parents. This practice wastraditionally unacceptable in Hindu families.

The autonomous emigration of women as workers (both skilled andunskilled) and their migration for marriage (including cross-cultural mar-riages and marriages of younger women to older partners) show liberalviews concerning the mobility of women to western countries. Fiji Indianemigrants are seen as more western-oriented (Voigt-Graf, 2002). Emigra-tion has brought important changes to the core values and beliefs of Fiji

Indian families. Anecdotal evidence indicates that where one partner,especially the woman emigrated, family life undergoes numerous upheav-als and stress. Coping with children, domestic work pressure on left-behindfathers and interpersonal and familial relationships are all affected. Long-term absences could lead to family problems, social and cultural conflictsupon reunion and poverty. Data gathered during informal meetings withemigrant women and their families in Suva indicated the emergence of astronaut families, a new feature for Fiji Indian emigrants. It is difficult toestimate the numbers of such families due to their sporadic nature. Elite and

middle class women who have emigrated (and obtained either their citizen-ship status or continue with their resident visa) maintain two households –one in the host country and one in Fiji. They shuttle between their two homesuntil the children are married and economically independent. When theyreturn, they contribute to community work, providing much support to









women’s organizations. Transnational networks are strengthened withmore and more with the emigration of men and women. They sustain andmobilize further emigration; they also become sources of social capital,

investments, foreign exchange and knowledge transfer. The diaspora alsohas beneficial consequences for women – e.g., social support for the mobilityof unmarried women, remittances, particularly during family crises andpolitical instability. Non-migrant women also benefit from the rise of smallbusinesses and trade relations with families and community membersliving overseas. Some examples are home-based industries, such as homeprocessing of vegetables and root crops, selling of second hand clothes, fooditems and variety goods.

Conclusions

The increasing emigration of both skilled men and women and the impactof their departure on health, education and society has become a seriousconcern for the state as well the communities. This article presented somesignificant findings on the consequences of emigration, highlighting thegender aspects.

The Fiji government acknowledges the emigration of skilled people andits adverse effects on social and economic development, but efforts to curbtheir outflow are minimal. It is perhaps mildly approved, as the dominantemigrants are Fiji Indians. This might appear to be politically desirable asthis will reduce the population of Fiji Indians, which will further erode theirrepresentation in the country’s social, economic and political life. Theemigration of Fiji Indians will continue for as long as the expulsive forces of political marginalization and discriminatory polices, ethnic tensions, andlimited economic growth and large wage differential in the neighboringdeveloped countries exist. Emigration has reduced the Fiji Indian popula-tion and the size of their electorates and also contributed to their lesserparticipation in public sector employment.

The demand for workers such as nurses, teachers and service workershas pulled many women into emigration. Fiji has suffered an enormous lossin terms of human resources, training costs, income tax benefits, andoutflow of capital in the last three decades. Furthermore, the rapid attritionof the occupational stock, especially women workers, is difficult to replen-ish in a short time. The recruitment of foreign experts or tapping lessexperienced, sometimes untrained local people in both public and privatesector employment, has been costly. The major challenge for the state is toreduce the outflow of skilled people and also to prepare its stock of skilled

people to ensure that basic services in health and education do not suffer.More importantly, training women in occupations that lose skilled peopleneeds to improve. To curb the brain drain the state has extended the servicesof retired people, especially nurses, recruited foreign doctors, initiated jobevaluation and provided training programs. However, a lot more needs to









be done to address salary differentials and working conditions in order toretain the nurses, doctors, teachers and other skilled people, particularlywomen.

One of the most important requirements is the collection and reportingof sex- disaggregated data on all aspects of emigration. While it is acknowl-edged that gathering migration data is complex and fluid due to the natureof the migration process itself, there is need for better recording andassessment of migration data. A study of other countries’ data collectionsystem and migration policies and programs is needed. In addition, thereis a need for more focused research on skilled migration, particularly themigration of medical personnel, teachers, accountants, information tech-nology personnel, administrators and managers, and how the society,

government and labor market respond to human development issues raisedby these migrations.

Finally, while the dynamics of globalization and the international‘marketability’ and mobility of people will continue to drive skilled peoplefrom Fiji, maintaining political stability, encouraging inclusiveness in politi-cal processes, promoting investment and economic growth, and advancingthe equitable distribution of the benefits of development are imperative inplugging the brain drain and sustaining human development.

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