1NC Demo Round

8/13/2019 1NC Demo Round

1/11

Increase = Pre-existing 1NC

A. Interpretation - Increase implies pre-existence

Websters 98

Increase: to make greater, argument,implies to what is already well

grown, orwell developed.

B. Violation - the Aff implements a new form of economic engagement.

C. Its a voting issue

1. LimitsAllowing new forms of economic engagement delimits the

topicthis decks negative predictability, which hurts education.

2. Ground - There is little literature on new engagement mechanisms and

most discussions of engagement refer to existing modes of incentives and

economic policiescore negative ground is critical to education.


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1NC

Easing the embargo will collapse Cubas health care model

Garrett, 10senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations and a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist (Lincoln, Castrocare in Crisis: Will Lifting the Embargo on Cuba Make Things Worse?,

Foreign Policy, July-August 2010,http://www.ihavenet.com/Latin-America-Cuba-Castrocare-in-Crisis-

LG.html)//EX

According to Steven Ullmann of the University of Miami's Cuba Transition Project, if Washington lifts its

embargo, Cuba can expect a mass exodus of health-care workers and then the creation of a domestic

health system with two tiers, one private and one public. The system's lower, public tier would be at risk

of complete collapse. Ullmann therefore suggests "fostering this [public] system through partnerships

and enhanced compensation of personnel." He also argues that officials in both governments should

"limit out-migration of scientific brainpower from the country." Properly handled, the transition could

leave Cuba with a mixed health-care economy -- part public, part locally owned and private, and partoutsourced and private -- that could compensate Cuban physicians, nurses, and other health-care

workers enough to keep them in the country and working at least part time in the public sector.

The only U.S. policy currently in place, however, encourages Cuban physicians to immigrate to the

United States. In 2006, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security created a special parole program

under which health-care workers who defect from Cuba are granted legal residence in the United States

while they prepare for U.S. medical licensing examinations. An estimated 2,000 physicians have taken

advantage of the program. Although few have managed to gain accreditation as U.S. doctors, largely due

to their poor English-language skills and the stark differences between Cuban and U.S. medical training,

many now work as nurses in Florida hospitals.

The Castro government, meanwhile, is in a seemingly untenable position. The two greatest

achievements of the Cuban Revolution -- 100 percent literacy and quality universal health care -- depend

on huge streams of government spending. If Washington does eventually start to normalize relations,plugging just a few holes in the embargo wall would require vast additional spending by the Cuban

government. The government would have to pay higher salaries to teachers, doctors, nurses, and

technicians; strengthen the country's deteriorating infrastructure; and improve working conditions for

common workers. To bolster its health-care infrastructure and create incentives for Cuban doctors to

stay in the system, Cuba will have to find external support from donors, such as the United Nations and

the U.S. Agency for International Development. But few sources will support Havana with funding as

long as the regime restricts the travel of its citizens.

In the long run, Cuba will need to develop a taxable economic base to generate government revenues --

which would mean inviting foreign investment and generating serious employment opportunities. The

onus is on the Castro government to demonstrate how the regime could adapt to the easing or lifting of

the U.S. embargo. Certainly, Cuban leaders already know that their health triumphs would be at risk.The United States, too, has tough responsibilities. How the U.S. government handles its side of the post-

embargo transition will have profound ramifications for the people of Cuba. The United States could

allow the marketplace to dictate events, resulting in thousands of talented professionals leaving Cuba

and dozens of U.S. companies building a vast offshore for-profit empire of medical centers along Cuba's

beaches. But it could and should temper the market's forces by enacting regulations and creating

incentives that would bring a rational balance to the situation.
http://www.ihavenet.com/Latin-America-Cuba-Castrocare-in-Crisis-LG.htmlhttp://www.ihavenet.com/Latin-America-Cuba-Castrocare-in-Crisis-LG.htmlhttp://www.ihavenet.com/Latin-America-Cuba-Castrocare-in-Crisis-LG.htmlhttp://www.ihavenet.com/Latin-America-Cuba-Castrocare-in-Crisis-LG.html


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For clues about what might constitute a reasonable approach that could benefit all parties, including the

U.S. medical industry, Washington should study the 2003 Commonwealth Code of Practice for the

International Recruitment of Health Workers. The health ministers of the Commonwealth of Nations

forged this agreement after the revelation that the United Kingdom's National Health Service had hired

third-party recruiters to lure to the country hundreds of doctors and nurses from poor African, Asian,

and Caribbean countries of the Commonwealth, including those ravaged by HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis.

In some cases, the recruiters managed to persuade as many as 300 health-care workers to leave every

day. Although the agreement is imperfect, it has reduced abuses and compensated those countries

whose personnel were poached.

Cuba's five decades of public achievement in the health-care sector have resulted in a unique cradle-to-

grave community-based approach to preventing illness, disease, and death. No other socialist society

has ever equaled Cuba in improving the health of its people. Moreover, Cuba has exported health care

to poor nations the world over. In its purest form, Cuba offers an inspiring, standard-setting vision of

government responsibility for the health of its people. It would be a shame if the normalization of

relations between the United States and Cuba killed that vision.

Current Cuban health care effective model for elimination of disease

Cooper et al, 6 - Department of Preventive Medicine and Epidemiology, Loyola University Stritch Schoolof Medicine (Richard S., Joan F Kennelly, and Pedro Orduez-Garcia, Health in Cuba, International

Journal of Epidemiology, http://ije.oxfordjournals.org/content/35/4/817.full)//SY

Two aspects of the Cuban experience serve as reasonable demonstrations of the value of that strategic

approach. In the area of infectious disease, for example, the operative principles are particularly

straightforward: once a safe and effective vaccine becomes available the entire at-risk population is

immunized; if a vaccine is not available, the susceptible population is screened and treated; where an

arthropod vector can be identified, the transmission pathway is disrupted by mobilizing the local

community which in turn requires effective neighbourhood organization and universal primary health

care. The joint effect of these strategic activities will result in the elimination or control of virtually all

serious epidemic infectious conditions . In terms of child survival, a continuum of care that provides

for the pre-conceptional health of women, prenatal care, skilled birth attendants, and a comprehensive

well-baby programme can quickly reduce infant mortality to levels approaching the biological minimum.

Many observers will regard these propositions as reasonable, yet hopelessly too ambitious for the

poorer nations of the world. It must be recognized, however, that these principles have been

successfully implemented in Cuba at a cost well within the reach of most middle-income countries.

Infectious diseases cause extinctionthreat higher than everPlatt, 10Science journalist, Scientific American (John R., Humans are more at risk fromdiseases as

biodiversity disappears, Scientific American, 12/7, http://blogs.scientificamerican.com/extinction-

countdown/2010/12/07/humans-are-more-at-risk-from-diseases-as-biodiversity-disappears/)//SY

Well, according to new research published December 2 in Nature, the answer is yeshealthy

biodiversity is essential to human health. As species disappear, infectious diseases rise in humans and

throughout the animal kingdom, so extinctions directly affect our health and chances for survival as a

species. (Scientific American is part of Nature Publishing Group.)

"Biodiversity loss tends to increase pathogen transmission across a wide range of infectious disease

systems," the studys first author, Bard College ecologist Felicia Keesing, said in a prepared statement.


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These pathogens can include viruses, bacteria and fungi. And humans are not the only ones at risk: all

manner of other animal and plant species could be affected.

The rise in diseases and other pathogens seems to occur when so-called "buffer" species disappear. Co-

author Richard Ostfeld of the Cary Institute of Ecosystem Studies points to the growing number of cases

of Lyme disease in humans as an example of how this happens. Opossum populations in the U.S. are

down due to the fragmentation of their forest habitats. The marsupials make poor hosts for the

pathogen that causes Lyme disease; they can also better defend themselves from the black-legged ticks

that carry the affliction to humans than can white-footed mice, which, on the other hand, are thriving in

the altered habitatand along with them disease-carrying ticks. "The mice increase numbers of both

the black-legged tick vector and the pathogen that causes Lyme disease," Ostfeld said.

Counter planText: The Peoples Republic of China should substantially increase itseconomic engagement towards Cuba through an increase in trade relationsThe CP competes and solves the caseChina offers a unique model of economicengagement.Hsiang 9(Antonio C. Hsiang, Associate Professor at Chihlee Institute of Technology in TaiwanChina Rising in Latin America: More Opportunities than Challenges Journal of Emerging

Knowledge on Emerging Markets, Volume 1 issue 1 November 2009)

Because many Latin American countries no longer look to Washington leadership, the so- called

Washington Consensus has lost traction.28 As a global rising power,China offers an alternative model for

Latin Americas development. Even though Chinahas been hurt by the 2008 financial crisis, its economic and financialpowers have been

strengthened relative to those of the West. Chinas global influence will thusincrease,and Beijing will be able to undertake political and economic initiatives to increase it further. 29 In fact, Washington seemed to adopt a Chinese-style solution to its

escalating financial problems: greater state intervention to restrict the movement of capital.30Thus, Beijings emergence as a globaleconomic power is seen throughout Latin America as offering an alternativefrom the

Washington Consensus model for economic development. The Beijing Consensus is the brainchild of Joshua Cooper Ramo, a former

senior editor and foreign editor o f Time magazine and later a partner at Kissinger Associates, t he consulting firm of former Secretary of State Henry Kiss inger. According to Ramo, the

Beijing Consensus has three features. The first is a commitment to innovationand constant experimentation in reforms. The

second, a rejection of per capita GDPas the only measure of progress, as sustainability and equality also count.Andthe third, a

commitment toself- determination. Less developed countries should t herefore ensure their own financial integrity and keep great powers in check. 31 The

Beijing Consensus has evolved to describe a plethora of alternative plans for

economic development in the underdeveloped world. Ramo argues that China and India, who most pointedly ignored the

World Bank and the IMF-championed Washington Consensus, now have records that speak for themselves. 32 Consequently,the so-called the BeijingConsensus has been attracting attention in Latin Americ a because of Chinas distinctive development model, . . .[which] posits far more state intervention in the economy and a greater concern withpolitical stabilityand strong government to guide the development process.33


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The CP solves better because there are comparative benefits to China.

Dr. Hsiang 9(Antonio C. is an Associate Professor Chihlee Institute of Technology, Taiwan.China Rising in Latin America: More Opportunitiesthan Challenges Journal of EmergingKnowledge on Emerging Markets, Volume 1 Issue 1 November 2009)

It is no accident that in March 2007, during the Inter-American Development Banks annualmeeting in Guatemala, the Banks President LuisAlberto Moreno signed an agreement ofunderstanding with Zhou Xiaochuan, the head of the Peoples Bank of China, to formalizetalks overBeijings request to become a member. In November 2008, China became thethird Asian nation to join the bank, after South Korea and Japan.

Even former U.S.Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson asserts, Chinaobviously isa big player, a globaleconomic player, and thats

obviously a good thing for Latin AmericaWorld Bank economists report that the rise of China

and India is bestowing substantive net benefitson Latin America

through higher commodity prices, cheaper industrial inputs,

and growing capital inflows.Moreover, if Latin American governments adopt appropriateinvestment and

trade strategies, including negotiating bilateral free-trade agreements, Latin American exporters should

be able to successfully penetrate the burgeoning Asiancommercial markets and better integrate themselves into

Asian-linked global production networks. No wonder economistsfrom the

Organization for Economic Cooperation andDevelopment (OECD), generally concurwith their World Bank counterparts that as seen

through the Latin American lens, China is closer to heaven than hell .37Facing Chinas new role inthe Western Hemisphere, For most of Latin America, with the main exceptions of Mexico and Central America,China has been an

engine for export growth, allowing exporters to diversify away from

traditional markets in the north. Beyond the fact that the regions exports to China areconcentrated oncommodity products, the issue remains that Chinas economic and politicalrise should be a wake-up call for more reforms in the region.

A2SOFT POWER ADVANTAGE

1. Turn: Growing relative power will only strengthen the liberal order

Ikenberry 11PhD, Albert G. Milbank Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University in the Department of Politics

and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs [May/June issue of Foreign Affairs, G. John, The Future of the Liberal WorldOrder, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/67730/g-john-ikenberry/the-future-of-the-liberal-world-order?page=show]

Pronouncements of American decline miss the real transformation under way today.What is occurring is not American decline but a dynamicprocess in which other states are catching up and growing more connected. In an open andrule-based international order, this is what happens. If the architects of the postwar liberal order were alive to see today's system, they would think that their vision had succeeded beyond theirwildest dreams.Markets and democracy have spread. Societies outside the West are trading andgrowing. The United Stateshas more alliance partnerstoday than it did during the Cold War. Rival hegemonic states withrevisionist and illiberal agendas have been pushed off the global stage. It is difficult to read these world-historical developmentsas a story of American decline and liberal unraveling. In a way, however, the liberal international order has sown the seeds of its own discontent, since, paradoxically, the challenges facing it now -- the rise of non-Western states and new


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transnational threats -- are artifacts of itssuccess. But the solutions to these problems -- integrating rising powers and tackling problems cooperatively -- will lead the order's old guardians and new stakeholders to an agenda of renewal.

The coming divide in world politics will not be between the United States(and the West)and thenon-Westernrising states. Rather, the struggle will be between those who want to renew and expandtoday's system of multilateral governance arrangements and those who want to move to aless cooperative orderbuilt on spheres of influence. These fault lines do not map onto geography, nor do they split the West and the non-West. There are passionate champions of the UN, the WTO, and arule-based international order in Asia, and there a re isolationist, protectionist, and anti-internationalist factions in the West.The liberal international order has

succeeded over the decades because its rules and institutionshave not just enshrined open trade and free markets but alsoprovidedtools for governments to manage economic and security interdependence. The agenda for the

renewal of the liberal international order should be driven by this same imperative: to reinforce the capacities of national governments to govern and achieve their economic and security goals.As the hegemonicorganization of the liberal international order slowly gives way, more states will haveauthority and status.But this will still be a world that the United States wants to inhabit.Awider array of states will share the burdens of global economic and political governance,and with

its worldwide system of alliances, the United States will remain at the center of the global system. Rising states do not just grow more powerful on the global stage; they grow more powerful within their regions, and this creates its own set of

worries and insecurities -- which is why states will continue to look to Washington for security and partnership. In this new age of international order,the UnitedStateswill not be able to rule.But it can still lead.

2. At best the aff tries to solve for a dead problem. Relations are beyond gone

the US will still maintain diplomatic isolation.

Hanson and Lee 13Stephanie Hanson is associate director and coordinating editor at CFR.org. She manages the editorial productionof the website and covers economic and political development in Africa and Latin America. Brianna Lee is Senior Production Editor at CFR [January31, 2013, U.S.-Cuba Relations, http://www.cfr.org/cuba/us-cuba-relations/p11113]

What is the status ofU.S.-Cuba relations?Theyarevirtually nonexistent.There is a U.S. mission in Havana, Cuba's capital, but it has minimalcommunication with the Cuban government. Since 1961, the official U.S. policy toward Cuba has been two-pronged:economic embargo and diplomatic isolation. The George W. Bush administration strongly enforced the embargo and increased travelrestrictions. Americans with immediate family in Cuba could visit once every three years for a maximum of two weeks, while family remittances to Cuba were reduced from $3,000 to just $300 in 2004. However, inApril 2009, President Obama eased some of these policies. He went further in 2011 to undo many of the restrictions imposed by the Bush administration, thus allowing U.S. citizens to send remittances to non-family

members in Cuba and to travel to Cuba foreducational or religious purposes. Congress amended the trade embargo in 2000 to allow agricultural exports from the United States to Cuba. In 2008, U.S. companiesexported roughly $710 million worth of food and agricultural products to the island nation, according to the U.S.-Cuba Trade and Economic Council. However, that number fell by about 50 percent in 2012. Total

agricultural exports since 2001 reached $3.5 billion as of February 2012. Nebraska, Oklahoma, and Texas have all brokered agricultural deals with Cuba in recent years.Tension betweenCuba and the UnitedStatesflaredin December 2009with Cuba's arrest of Alan Gross, a USAIDsubcontractorwho traveled to the country to deliver communications equipment and arrange Internet access for its Jewish community.Cuban authoritiesalleged Gross was attempting to destabilize the Cuban regime through a USAID-sponsored "democracy promotion" program, and he was subsequently sentencedto fifteen years in prison.Despite initial optimism over Obama's election,Cuban politicians and citizens are lesshopeful of a positive relationship developing between the two countries. Ral andFidelCastro have both criticizedtheObamaadministration. In a 2009 speech, RalCastroaccused the UnitedStatesof "giving new breath to open and undercover subversion against Cuba."

3. The only comprehensive study proves no transition impact. Our evidence will

always win this debate!

MacDonald '11Professor of Political Science at Williams College & Professor of Political Science at University of Miami [Paul K.MacDonald & Joseph M. Parent, Graceful Decline? The Surprising Success of Great Power Retrenchment, International Security, Vol. 35, No. 4(Spring 2011), pp. 744]

FYI, this carddouble as aDemocracy tu

you want :)Americans artrusted, anyattempts to exinto Cuba wilcreate increasdistrust andregime-fueleddemocraticbacklash. Killrelations and


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In this article, we question the logic and evidence of the retrenchment pessimists.To date there has been neither acomprehensive study ofgreat power retrenchment nor a study that lays out the case for retrenchment as a practicalorprobablepolicy. This articlefills these gaps bysystematically examiningthe relationship between acuterelative decline and the responses of great powers. We examine eighteen casesof acute relative decline

since 1870and advance three main arguments. First, we challenge the retrenchment pessimists claim that domestic or international constraints inhibitthe ability of declining great powers to retrench. In fact, when states fall inthe hierarchy of great powers,peaceful retrenchmentis the most common response, even over short timespans. Based on the empirical record,we find that great powers retrenchedin no less than eleven and no more thanfifteen of the eighteen cases, a range of6183 percent.When international conditions demand it, states renouncerisky ties, increase reliance on allies or adversaries, draw downtheirmilitary obligations, and impose adjustments ondomestic populations. Second, we find that the magnitude of r elative decline helps explain the extent of great power retrenchment. Following the dictates of neorealist theory, great powers retrench for thesame reason they expand: the rigors of great power politics compel them to do so.12 Retrenchment is by no means easy, but necessity is the mother of invention, and declining great powers facepowerful incentives to contracttheir interests in a prompt and proportionate manner. Knowing only a states rateof relative economicdecline explains itscorrespondingdegree of retrenchment inas much as61 percent of the caseswe examined.Third, we argue thatthe rate of decline helps explain what forms great power retrenchment will take. How fast great powers fallcontributes to whether these retrenching states will internally reform, seek new allies or rely more heavily on old ones, and make diplomatic overtures to enemies. Further, our analysis suggests thatgreat powers

facing acute decline are less likely to initiate or escalate militarized interstate disputes.Faced with diminishing resources, great powers moderate their foreign policy ambitionsand offer concessionsin areas of lesser strategic value. Contrary to the pessimistic conclusions of critics, retrenchment neither requiresaggression nor invites predation. Great powers are able to rebalance their commitmentsthrough compromise, rather than conflict. In these ways, states respond to penury the same way they do to plenty: they seek to adopt policies that maximize security givenavailable means. Far from being a hazardous policy, retrenchment can be successful. States that retrench often regain their position in the hierarchy of great powers. Of the fifteen great powers that adopted retrenchment in response to acuterelative decline, 40 percent managed to recover their ordinal rank. In contrast, none of the declining powers that failed to retrench recovered their relative position. Pg. 9-10

4. Interdependence ensures peace

Ikenberry 11PhD, Albert G. Milbank Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University in the Department of Politicsand the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs [May/June issue of Foreign Affairs, G. John, The Future ofthe Liberal WorldOrder, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/67730/g-john-ikenberry/the-future-of-the-liberal-world-order?page=show]

The liberal international order is not just a collection of liberal democratic states but an

international mutual-aid society-- a sort of global political club that provides members with tools for economic and political advancement. Participantsin the

order gain trading opportunities, dispute-resolution mechanisms,frameworks forcollective action,

regulatory agreements, allied security guarantees, and resources in times of crisis. And just as there are a

variety of reasons why rising states will embrace the liberal international order, there are powerful obstacles to opponents who would seek

to overturn it.To begin with, rising states have deep interests in an open andrule-based system. Openness

gives them access to other societies-- for trade, investment, and knowledge sharing.Withouttheunrestricted investment

from the United States and Europe of the past several decades, for instance, China and the other rising states would be on a muchslower developmental path.As these countries grow, they will encounter protectionist and discriminatory reactions from slower-growing countries threatened with the loss of jobs

and markets. As a result, therising states will find the rules and institutions that uphold nondiscrimination

and equal access to be critical.The WorldTradeOrganization-- the most formal and developed institution of the liberal international order --

enshrines these rulesand norms,and rising states have been eager to jointhe WTOand gain the rights and protections it affords. Chinais already deeply enmeshed in the global trading system, with a remarkable 40 percent of its GNP composed of exports -- 25 percent of which go to the United States. China could be drawn further into the liberal order through

its desire to have the yuan become an international currency rivaling the U.S. dollar. Aside from conferring prestige, this feat could also stabilize China's exchange rate and grant Chinese leaders autonomy in setting macroeconomic policy.

But if China wants to make the yuan a global currency, it will need to loosen its currency controls and strengthen its domestic financial rules and institutions. As Barry Eichengreen and other economic historians have

noted,the U.S. dollar assumed its international role after World War II not only because the U.S.


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economy was large but also because the United States had highly developed financial

markets and domestic institutions-- economic and political --that were stable, open, and grounded in the

rule of law. China will feel pressures to establish these same institutional preconditions if it

wants the benefits of a global currency. Internationalist-oriented elites in Brazil, China,

India, and elsewhere are growing in influence within their societies, creating an expanding

global constituency for an open and rule-based international order.These elites were not party to the grand bargains that laybehind the founding of the liberal order in the early postwar decades, and they are seeking to renegotiate their countries' positions within the system. But they are nonetheless embracing the rules and institutions of the

old order.They want the protections and rights that come from the international order's Westphalian defense of

sovereignty.They care about great-power authority.They want the protections and rights relating to trade and investment.And they want to

use the rules and institutions of liberal internationalism as platforms to project their

influence and acquire legitimacy at home and abroad.The UN Security Council, the G-20, the governing bodies of the Bretton Woods institutions-- these are all stages on which rising non-Western states can acquire great-power authority and exercise global leadership.


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10/11

A2ECONOMY ADVANTAGE:

1. Embargo economically irrelevantneed market reforms to create

capital

Vsquez & Rodrguez 12 director & assistant director of the Project on Global Economic Liberty at the Cato Institute [Ian Vsquez and L. JacoboRodrguez, Trade Embargo In and Castro Out, http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/trade-embargo-castro-out]

The Helms-Burton Act seeks to discourage investmentin Cubaby imposing sanctions on foreign companies profiting from property confiscated by the Castro regime. But fearsthat foreign investmentthere, which is much lower than official Cuban figures claim,will save the communist systemfrom its inherent flaws are unfounded; significant capital flows to Cuba will notoccur unless and until the country introduces market reforms.While the Helms-Burton Act may slowinvestment in Cuba, U.S. allies (in particular, Canada, Mexico, and members of the European Union) have not welcomed that coercive attempt to influence their foreign policy. Not surprisingly, the EuropeanUnion is contemplating retaliatory sanctions.

2. Alt Cause - Plan cant solve economy

AJ Delgado[Cuban American columnist, author, Harvard Law graduate] April 13th, 2013 Bill Maher Ignorantly Rants Against The Cuban Embargo, Adding Himself To The List Of Useful Idiotshttp://www.mediaite.com/tv/bill-maher-ignorantly-rants-against-the-cuban-embargo-adding-himself-to-the-list-of-useful-idiots/

Mention China, and youll soon here another embargo-opponent or simpleton (I know, I repeat myself) argument: Look how capitalism is crushing Communism in China! It would have the same effect in Cuba! I would advise

proponents of this particular argument to back away slowly so as to preserve any future pretense of being somewhat well- read. Heres why: even the most cursory overview of Chinese policy denotes a strong contrast with Cuba:

unlike the Cuban regime, the Chinese government tolerates and even encourages a booming,

entrepreneurial domestic market. That is why China has been able to thrive, while Cuba has not. An American embargo has

nothing to do with Cubas economic failures the regimes own Soviet-style policies have

destroyed its economy and even decades of trading with a myriad of nations has not solved

its problems.

Remember, Capital is thefor money to make moneexample, if I have $1000that is not capital, but if Iin a growing stock, then i

because it is money creatsurplus of funds without

addition of any labor.Governments measure thin terms of capital, not juThis card is stating that awill happen to the Cubangovernment is that it willmore money, but that monot translate into sustainacapital investments withosignificant market reformmeans no improved econ
http://www.mediaite.com/author/aj-delgado/http://www.mediaite.com/author/aj-delgado/http://www.mediaite.com/author/aj-delgado/http://www.mediaite.com/tv/bill-maher-ignorantly-rants-against-the-cuban-embargo-adding-himself-to-the-list-of-useful-idiots/http://www.mediaite.com/tv/bill-maher-ignorantly-rants-against-the-cuban-embargo-adding-himself-to-the-list-of-useful-idiots/http://www.mediaite.com/tv/bill-maher-ignorantly-rants-against-the-cuban-embargo-adding-himself-to-the-list-of-useful-idiots/http://www.mediaite.com/author/aj-delgado/http://www.mediaite.com/author/aj-delgado/


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3. Latin America not key to the economy- cant keep up with India and china, lack

of trade diversity, inflation, lack of education

Oppenheimer 2011(`Latin American decade' or wishful thinking?, 2/5/11, http://www.miamiherald.com/2011/02/05/2053100/latin-american-decade-or-wishful.html?asset_id=Oppenheimer%20Report%3A%20Interview%20with%20Alejandro%20Foxley&asset_type=html_module)

But skeptics paint a more sobering picture of the region's future.Latin America is growing at less than half the rates of China or

India; inflation rates in Venezuela and Argentina areabout30 percent; the crime rates in Mexico,

Central America and Venezuela are reaching all-time records; education and innovation

standards are rapidly falling behind those of the rest of the world, and much of the region's

growth is based on world commodity prices that could tumble if China has an economic

setback. Over the past 10 years, Latin America's dependence on raw materials has risen from 27 to 39

percent,according to ECLAC'S figures.Instead of diversifying their exports and producing increasingly

sophisticated goods, most countries are just exporting more raw materials,much like they did centuries ago. Just as theStandard & Poor's presentation was suggesting a `Latin American decade,'' the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, released a new Global Competitiveness Index showing that with the exception of Chile and Barbados,

there is no Latin American or Caribbean country ranked among the top 50 most competitiveeconomies in the world.My opinion:Despite new economic and political stability in countries such as

Brazil, Chile and Peru, much of the current excitement about Latin America is optimism by

default. The U.S. economy is not yet out of the woods; Europe is a mess; the Middle East is

boiling.And that means international economists are eager to see bright spots wherever they can find them. Latin America is doing relatively well, mostly thanks to external factors. I hope I'm wrong about this, but barringa major move to improve its education standards and diversify its exports, this will not be the `dawn of Latin America's decade.'' With luck, it will be the start of an era of prosperity for a few countries, and the last two or three years

of a cycle of externally driven growth for most others.

3. No Impact - Economic collapse is inevitable, the plan cant overcome structural

issues in the US marketplace

James Wood[a retired Country Manager for Citibank in three Latin American countries. At 71, James is

devoted to analyzing markets and where our economy is going] Jun 12 2012http://seekingalpha.com/article/652661-the-unavoidable-u-s-reality-the-upcoming-economic-collapse

The US, and much of the world,faces an unavoidablereality. There must be a severe economic collapse before we

can proceed with the next period of sustained economic growth. This scenario is based on

fundamental economic theory and a long history of what happens when the current

economic conditions persist and are worsening.This reality is of utmost importance to any investor except one with a very short-term investment horizon.

Thisunavoidablerealityisclearlydemonstrated by the fundamentally opposing policies of the American

right and left.The right, represented by the Tea Party, has both the clearest policies and the least supportable views in terms of economic theory and the real history of the world. The Tea

Party's economic plan is to lower taxes, primarily to the richest. To balance the budget, it

plans to cut benefits, primarily to those most in need. This strategy will do severe damage to

the pretense of a social safety network.A fundamental reason for cutting taxes to the rich is that they will invest and thereby enrich the whole community. The Tea Partyplan fails based on three critical parameters: Classic economic theory. Historical fact in similar circumstances. Common sense. First, lets discuss classical economic theory. GDP (Gross Domestic Product) is the measure of how

an economy is doing. GDP is the measure of our total annual income. When GDP goes up, people naturally tend to invest. When it goes down, people naturally tend not to invest. GDP is the sum of all spending by the people (the

private sector) plus all the spending of the government (government sector) plus net exports (the net balance between exports and imports). If exports are greater than imports, the net balance adds to the GDP. If imports exceed

exports, the net balance decreases the GDP.
http://seekingalpha.com/article/652661-the-unavoidable-u-s-reality-the-upcoming-economic-collapsehttp://seekingalpha.com/article/652661-the-unavoidable-u-s-reality-the-upcoming-economic-collapse

1NC Demo Round

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Transcript of 1NC Demo Round