1984 anti-Sikh riotsFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

1984 anti-Sikh massacre

A Sikh man being surrounded and beaten by Congress supporters

Date October 31, 1984-November 3, 1984

Target Sikhs

Death(s) 2,700-5,500

The 1984 Anti-Sikh riots, also referred to as the 1984 Anti-Sikh Pogroms or Massacres,[1][2][3][4] were four days

of violence in northern India, particularly Delhi, during which armed mobs belonging to Indian National

Congress, killed unarmed Sikh men, women, and children, looted and set fire to Sikh homes, businesses and

schools, and attacked Gurdwaras.

In the 1970s, during the Indian Emergency, thousands of Sikhs campaigning for autonomous government were

imprisoned.[5] The violence began in June 1984, during Operation Blue Star, when Indira Gandhi ordered

the Indian Army to attack Sikh separatists in the Golden Temple. The attack on the Golden Temple resulted in

innocent pilgrims being killed, and religious artifacts and historical buildings being destroyed. The attack, and

a later operation by Indian paramilitary forces to clear separatists from the countryside of Punjab, was

perceived by many moderate Sikhs as an assault on their faith.

The violence in Delhi was triggered by the assassination of Indira Gandhi on 31 October 1984, by two of

her Sikh bodyguards in response to her actions during the preceding months. The Government of India

reported 2,700 Sikh deaths however human rights organizations and newspapers report the death toll to be

10,000-17,000. In the aftermath of the riot, the Government of India reported 20,000 had fled the city, however

the PUCL reported "at least" 50,000 displaced persons.[6] The most affected regions were neighborhoods

in Delhi. Human rights organizations and the newspapers believe the massacre was organized.[3][7] The

collusion of political officials in the massacres and the failure to prosecute any killers alienated normal Sikhs

and increased support for the Khalistan movement.[8] The Akal Takht, the governing religious body of Sikhism,

considers the killings to be a genocide.[9]

In 2011, Human Rights Watch reported the Government of India had "yet to prosecute those responsible for

the mass killings".[10] The2011 WikiLeaks cable leaks revealed that the United States was convinced about the

complicity of Indian Government ruled by the Indian National Congress in the riots, and termed it as

"opportunism" and "hatred" of the Congress government against Sikhs.[11][12]

Contents

 [hide]

1 Background

2 Characteristics of violence

o 2.1 Meetings and Distribution of weapons

o 2.2 Use of voter lists by the Congress Party

3 Timeline of events

o 3.1 First day (31 October)

o 3.2 Second day (1 November)

o 3.3 Third day (2 November)

o 3.4 Fourth day (3 November)

4 Aftermath

5 Investigations

o 5.1 Marwah Commission

o 5.2 Misra Commission

o 5.3 Kapur Mittal Committee

o 5.4 Jain Banerjee Committee

o 5.5 Potti Rosha Committee

o 5.6 Jain Aggarwal Committee

o 5.7 Ahuja Committee

o 5.8 Dhillon Committee

o 5.9 Narula Committee

o 5.10 The Nanavati Commission

o 5.11 Jagdish Tytler

o 5.12 Civil case in New York

6 Impact and legacy

7 In popular culture

8 See also

9 Notes

10 References

11 Further reading

12 External links

[edit]Background

In the 1970s, during the Indian Emergency, thousands of Sikhs campaigning for autonomous government were

imprisoned.[5] In 1984, during an Indian Army assault called Operation Bluestar, thousands of innocent Sikhs

were killed in the Golden Temple and the Sikh Reference Library was burned.[5]

[edit]Characteristics of violence

See also: Hondh-Chillar Massacre

After the assassination of Indira Gandhi on 31 October 1984, by two of her Sikh bodyguards, riots erupted on 1

November 1984, and continued in some areas for days, killing some 8000 Sikhs.[3] Sultanpuri, Mangolpuri,

Trilokpuri, and other Trans-Yamuna areas of Delhi were the worst affected. The mobs carried iron rods, knives,

clubs, and combustible material, including kerosene. The mobs swarmed into Sikh neighborhoods, arbitrarily

killing any Sikh men or women they could find. Their shops and houses were ransacked and burned. In other

incidents, armed mobs stopped buses and trains, in and around Delhi, pulling out Sikh passengers to be

lynched or doused with kerosene and burnt.

Such wide-scale violence cannot take place without police help. Delhi Police, whose paramount duty was to upkeep

law and order situation and protect innocent lives, gave full help to rioters who were in fact Congress Workers or

else mercenaries hired by the Indian National Congress who where working under able guidance of sycophant

leaders like Jagdish Tytler and H K L Bhagat. It is a known fact that many jails, sub-jails and lock-ups were opened

for three days and prisoners, for the most part hardened criminals, were provided fullest provisions, means and

instruction to "teach the Sikhs a lesson". But it will be wrong to say that Delhi Police did nothing, for it took full and

keen action against Sikhs who tried to defend themselves. The Sikhs who opened fire to save their lives and property

had to spend months dragging heels in courts after-wards.

-Jagmohan Singh Khurmi, The Tribune

These "riots" are alternately referred to as pogroms[1][2][3][13] or massacres.[14][15]

[edit]Meetings and Distribution of weapons

On October 31, the crowd around the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), began shouting for

revenge with slogans like "Blood for blood" and turned into an unruly mob. At 5:20 PM, President Zail

Singh arrived at the hospital and the mob outside stoned his car. The mob began assaulting Sikhs by stopping

cars and buses to pull Sikhs out of them and burn their turbans.[16] The violence on October 31 was restricted to

the area around the AIIMS and did not result in any Sikh deaths.[16] People in other parts of Delhi reported their

neighborhoods were peaceful.

Throughout the night of October 31 and morning of November 1, Congress (I) party leaders met with local

supporters to distribute money and weapons. Congress party MP Sajjan Kumarand Trade Union leader Lalit

Maken handed out out 100 rupee notes and bottles of liquor to assailants.[16] On the morning of November 1,

Sajjan Kumar was seen holding rallies in, at least, the following Delhi neighborhoods; in Palam Colony from

6:30 AM to 7:00 AM, in Kiran Gardens from 8:00 AM to 8:30 AM, and in Sultanpuri from around 8:30 AM to

9:00 AM.[16] In Kiran Gardens at 8:00 AM, Sajjan Kumar was seen distributing iron rods from a parked truck to a

group of 120 people and instructing them to "attack Sikhs, kill them, and loot and burn their properties".[16] At an

undefined time in the morning of November 1, Sajjan Kumar led a mob of people along the Palam Railway

main road to the Mangolpuri neighborhood where the crowd answered his calls with chants of "Kill the Sardars"

and "Indira Gandhi is our mother and these people have killed her".[17] In Sultanpuri, Moti Singh, a Sikh who had

served in the Congress party for 20 years heard Sajjan Kumar give the following speech:

Whoever kills the sons of the snakes, I will reward them. Whoever kills Roshan Singh and Bagh Singh will get

5000 rupees each and 1000 rupees each for killing any other Sikhs. You can collect these prizes on November

3 from my personal assistant Jai Chand Jamadar.[note 1]

In the neighbhorhood of Sharkapur, Congress (I) leader Shyam Tyagi's home was used as a meeting place for

an undefined number of people.[18] H. K. L. Bhagat, the Minister of Information and Broadcasting distributed

money to Boop Tyagi, Shyam Tyagi's brother, and ordered him to “Keep these two thousand rupees for liquor

and do as I have told you....You need not worry at all. I will look after everything.”[18]

During the night of October 31, Balwan Khokhar, a local Congress (I) party leader who was later implicated in

the ensuing massacre, held a meeting at the Ration Shop of Pandit Harkesh in the Palam Colony.[18] At

8:30 AM on November 1, Shankar Lal Sharma, an active Congress party supporter, held a meeting at his shop

where he formed a mob and had the people swear to kill Sikhs.[18]

The chief weapon used by the mobs, kerosene was supplied by a group of Congress Party leaders who owned

filling stations.[19] In Sultanpuri, Brahmanand Gupta, the president of the A-4 block Congress Party distributed

oil while Congress Party MP Sajjan Kumar "instructed the crowd to kill Sikhs, and to loot and burn their

properties" as he had in other meetings throughout New Delhi.[19] In much the same way, meetings were held in

places like Cooperative Colony in Bokaro where P.K. Tripathi, president of the local Congress Party and owner

of a gas station in Nara More, provided kerosene to mobs.[19] Aseem Shrivastava, a Masters student at

the Delhi School of Economics described the organized nature of the mobs in an affidavit submitted to

the Misra Commission:

The attack on Sikhs and their property in our locality appeared to be an extremely organized affair...There were

also some young men on motorcycles, who were instructing the mobs and supplying them with kerosene oil

from time to time. On more than a few occasions we saw auto-rickshaw arriving with several tins of kerosene

oil and other inflammable material such as jute-sacks.[20]

A senior official at the Ministry of Home Affairs informed journalist Ivan Fera, that an arson investigation of

several businesses burned in the pogroms had uncovered an unnamed combustible chemical "whose provision

required large-scale coordination".[21] Eyewitness reports confirmed the use of a combustible chemical

besides kerosene.[21] The Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee later identified 70 affidavits which cited

the use of a highly flammable chemical in its written arguments before the Misra Commission.[19]

[edit]Use of voter lists by the Congress Party

On October 31, Congress party officials provided assailants with voter lists, school registration forms,

and ration lists.[22] The lists were used to find the location of Sikh homes and business, an otherwise impossible

task because they were located in unmarked and diverse neighborhoods. On the night of October 31, the night

before the massacres began, assailants used the lists to mark the houses of Sikhs with letter "S".[22] In addition,

because most of the mobs were illiterate, Congress Party officials provided help in reading the lists and leading

the mobs to Sikh homes and businesses in the other neighborhoods.[19] By using the lists the mobs were able

to pinpoint the locations of Sikhs they otherwise would have missed.[19]

In some cases, the mobs returned to locations where they knew Sikhs were hiding after consulting their lists.

One man, Amar Singh, escaped the initial attack on his house by having a Hindu neighbor drag him into his

neighbor's house and declare him dead. However, a group of 18 assailants later came looking for his body, and

when his neighbor replied that others had already taken away the body an assailant showed him a list and

replied, "Look, Amar Singh’s name has not been struck off from the list so his dead body has not been taken

away."[19]Sikh men not in their homes were easily identified by their distinctive turban and beard while Sikh

women were identified by their dress.

[edit]Timeline of events

[edit]First day (31 October)

9:20 AM: Indira Gandhi is shot by two of her Sikh security guards at her residence, No. 1 Safdarjung Road,

and rushed to All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS).

10:50 AM: Indira Gandhi dies.[23][24]

11:00 AM: All India Radio listeners learn that the two security guards who shot Indira Gandhi were Sikhs.

4:00 PM: Rajiv Gandhi returns from West Bengal and reaches AIIMS. Stray incidents of attacks in and

around that area.

5:30 PM: The motorcade of President Zail Singh, who is returning from a foreign visit, is stoned as it

approaches AIIMS.

evening and night

Mobs fan out in different directions from AIIMS.

The violence, including violence towards Sikhs and destruction of Sikh properties, spreads.

Rajiv Gandhi is sworn in as the Prime Minister.

Senior advocate and opposition leader Ram Jethmalani, meets Home Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and

urges him to take immediate steps to protect Sikhs from further attacks.

Delhi's Lt. Governor, P.G. Gavai and Police Commissioner, S.C. Tandon, visits some of the affected areas.

[edit]Second day (1 November)

The first killing of a Sikh occurs in east Delhi.

9:00 AM: Armed mobs take over the streets of Delhi and launch a massacre.

Among the first targets are Gurdwaras, the holy temples of Sikhs, possibly to prevent Sikhs from

collecting there and putting up a combined defense.

The worst affected areas are low income colonies like Trilokpuri, Mongolpuri, Sultanpuri and Palam

Colony. The few areas where the local police stations take prompt measures against mobs see hardly

any killings or major violence. Farsh Bazar and Karol Bagh are two such examples.

[edit]Third day (2 November)

Curfew is announced throughout Delhi, but is not enforced. The Army deployed throughout Delhi too

but ineffective because the police did not co-operate with soldiers (who are not allowed to open fire

without the consent of senior police officers and executive magistrates).

Mobs continue to rampage.

[edit]Fourth day (3 November)

Violence continues. By late evening, the national Army and local police units work together to subdue

the violence. After law enforcement intervention, violence is comparatively mild and sporadic.

[edit]Aftermath

The Delhi High Court, while pronouncing its verdict on a riots-related case in 2009, stated:[25]

“Though we boast of being the world’s largest democracy and the Delhi being its national capital, the sheer mention of the incidents of 1984 anti-Sikh riots in general and the role played by Delhi Police and state machinery in particular makes our heads hang in shame in the eyes of the world polity. ”

There are allegations that the government destroyed evidence and shielded the guilty. Asian

Age, an Indian daily newspaper, ran a front-page story calling the government actions "the

mother of all cover-ups."[26][27]

From 31 October 1984 to 10 November 1984, human rights groups People's Union for

Democratic Rights and People's Union for Civil Liberties conducted an inquiry into the riots by

interviewing victims of the riots, police officers, neighbors of the victims, army personnel and

political leaders. In their joint report, entitled Who Are The Guilty?, they concluded:

The attacks on members of the Sikh Community in Delhi and its suburbs during the

period, far from being a spontaneous expression of "madness" and of popular "grief

and anger" at Mrs. Gandhi's assassination as made out to be by the authorities, were

the outcome of a well organised plan marked by acts of both deliberate commissions

and omissions by important politicians of the Congress (I) at the top and by

authorities in the administration.[6]

Eyewitness accounts obtained by Time magazine state the Delhi Police looked on as "rioters

murdered and raped, having gotten access to voter records that allowed them to mark Sikh

homes with large Xs, and large mobs being bused in to large Sikh settlements".

[28] Time reported the riots only led to minor arrests and that no major politician or police officer

had been convicted and quotes Ensaaf, a human rights organization, as saying the

government worked to destroy evidence of involvement by refusing to record First Information

Reports.[28]

A Human Rights Watch report published in 1991 on violence between Sikh separatists and

the Government of India traces part of the problem back to the government response to the

violence:

Despite numerous credible eye-witness accounts that identified many of those

involved in the violence, including police and politicians, in the months following the

killings, the government sought no prosecutions or indictments of any persons,

including officials, accused in any case of murder, rape or arson.[29]

There are allegations that the violence was led and often perpetrated by Indian National

Congress activists and sympathizers during the riots. The government, then led by the

Congress, was widely criticized for doing very little at the time, possibly acting as a

conspirator. Voting lists were used to identify Sikh families.[7]

On 31 July 1985, Harjinder Singh Jinda, Sukhdev Singh Sukha and Ranjit Singh Gill

of Khalistan Commando Force assassinated Lalit Maken (Member - Parliament of India and a

leader of Congress (I)) to take revenge of 1984 Anti Sikh Riots. In a 31-page booklet

titled Who Are The Guilty, People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) listed 227 people who led

the mobs, Lalit Maken's name was third on the list.[30]

Harjinder Singh Jinda and Sukhdev Singh Sukha also assassinated Congress (I) leader Arjan

Dass because of his involvement in 1984 Anti-Sikh riots. Arjan Dass's name appeared in

various affidavits submitted by Sikh victims to the Nanavati Commission which was headed by

Justice G.T. Nanavati, retired Judge of the Supreme Court of India.[31]

Captain B. Bareth of the Maratha Light Infantry, deployed in Kanpur, reveled to the effect that

his efforts to save a Sikh home from being burnt down were thwarted by civil authority.[32]

[edit]Investigations

Numerous commissions have been set up to investigate the riots. The most recent

commission on the riots, headed by Justice G.T. Nanavati, submitted its 185-page report to

the Home Minister, Shivraj Patil on 9 February 2005 and the report was tabled in Parliament

on 8 August 2005.

Ten commissions and committees have so far inquired into the riots. The commissions below

are listed in the order they were formed. Many of the primary accused were acquitted or never

charge-sheeted.

[edit]Marwah Commission

This commission was appointed in November 1984. Ved Marwah, Additional Commissioner of

Police, was assigned the job of enquiring into the role of the police during the carnage of

November 1984. Many of the accused officers of Delhi Police went to Delhi High Court. As

Ved Marwah completed his inquiry towards the middle of 1985, he was abruptly directed by

theHome Ministry not to proceed further.[33] Complete records of the Marwah Commission

were taken over by the government and were later transferred to the Misra Commission.

However, the most important part of the record, namely the handwritten notes of Mr Marwah,

which contained important information, were not transferred to the Misra Commission.

[edit]Misra Commission

Misra commission was appointed in May 1985. Justice Rangnath Misra, was a sitting judge of

the Supreme Court of India. Justice Misra submitted his report in August 1986 and the report

was made public six months thereafter in February 1987. In his report, Justice Misra stated

that it was not part of his terms of reference to identify any person and recommended the

formation of three committees.

The commission and its report was criticized by People's Union for Civil Liberties and Human

Rights Watch as biased. A Human Rights Watch report recording the Misra Commission

noted:

It recommended no criminal prosecution of any individual, and it cleared all high-level

officials of directing the riots. In its findings, the commission did acknowledge that

many of the victims testifying before it had received threats from local police. While

the commission noted that there had been "widespread lapses" on the part of the

police, it concluded that "the allegations before the commission about the conduct of

the police are more of indifference and negligence during the riots than of any

wrongful overt act."[29]

People's Union for Civil Liberties criticized the Misra commission for keeping information on

the accused secret while revealing the names and addresses of victims of violence.[34]

[edit]Kapur Mittal Committee

Kapur Mittal Committee was appointed in February 1987 on the recommendation of the Misra

Commission to inquire into the role of the police, which the Marwah Commission had almost

completed in 1985 itself, when the government asked that committee to wind up and not

proceed further.

After almost two years, this committee was appointed for the same purpose. This committee

consisted of Justice Dalip Kapur and Mrs Kusum Mittal, retired Secretary of Uttar Pradesh. It

submitted its report in 1990. Seventy-two police officers were identified for their connivance or

gross negligence. The committee recommended forthwith dismissal of 30 police officers out of

72. However, till date, not a single police officer has been awarded any kind of punishment.

[edit]Jain Banerjee Committee

This committee was recommended by the Misra Commission for recommending registration

of cases. It consisted of Justice M.L. Jain, former Judge of the Delhi High Court and Mr A.K.

Banerjee, retired Inspector General of Police.

The Misra Commission held in its report that a large number of cases had not been registered

and wherever the victims named political leaders or police officers, cases were not registered

against them. This committee recommended registration of cases against Mr Sajjan Kumar in

August 1987, but no case was registered.

Incases in spite of the recommendation of the committee. In December 1987, one of the co-

accused along with Sajjan Kumar, namely Mr Brahmanand Gupta filed a writ petition in the

Delhi High Court and obtained a stay against this committee. The government did not oppose

the stay. The Citizen's Justice Committee filed an application for vacating the stay. Ultimately,

the writ petition was decided in August 1989 and the high court quashed the appointment of

this committee. An appeal was filed by the Citizens Justice Committee in theSupreme Court of

India.

[edit]Potti Rosha Committee

Potti Rosha Committee was appointed in March 1990, by the V.P. Singh government, as a

successor to the Jain Banerjee Committee. In August 1990, Potti-Rosha issued

recommendations for filing cases based on affidavits victims of the violence had submitted.

There was one against Sajjan Kumar. A CBI team went to Kumar's home to file the charges.

His supporters locked them up and threatened them harm if they persisted in their designs on

their leader. As a result of this intimidation, when Potti-Rosha's term expired in September

1990, Potti and Rosha decided to disband their inquiry.

[edit]Jain Aggarwal Committee

The committee was appointed in December 1990 as a successor to the Potti Rosha

Committee. It consisted of Justice J.D. Jain, retired Judge of the Delhi High Court and Mr D.K.

Aggarwal, retired DGP of Uttar Pradesh. This committee recommended registration of cases

against H.K.L. Bhagat, Sajjan Kumar, Dharamdas Shastri and Jagdish Tytler.

The Committee also suggested setting up of two - three Special Investigating Teams in the

Delhi Police under a Deputy Commissioner of Police and the overall supervision by

theAdditional Commissioner of Police, In-charge - CID and also to review the work-load of the

three Special Courts set up to deal with October - November 1984 riots cases exclusively so

that these cases could be taken up on day-to-day basis.

The question of appointment of Special Prosecutors to deal with October - November 1984

riots cases exclusively was also discussed. This committee was wound up in August 1993.

However, the cases recommended by this committee were not even registered by the police.

[edit]Ahuja Committee

Ahuja Committee was the third committee recommended by the Misra Commission to

ascertain the total number of killings in Delhi. This committee submitted its report in August

1987 and gave a figure of 2,733 as the number of Sikhs killed in Delhi alone.

[edit]Dhillon Committee

The Dhillon Committee, headed by Mr Gurdial Singh Dhillon was appointed in 1985 to

recommend measures for the rehabilitation of the victims. This committee submitted its report

by the end of 1985. One of its major recommendations was that the business establishments,

which had insurance cover, but whose insurance claims were not settled by insurance

companies on the technical ground that riot was not covered under insurance, should be paid

compensation under the directions of the government. This committee recommended that

since all insurance companies were nationalised, they be directed to pay the claims. However,

the government did not accept this recommendation and as a result insurance claims were

rejected by all insurance companies throughout the country.

[edit]Narula Committee

Narula Committee was appointed in December 1993 by the Madan Lal Khurana government

in Delhi. One of the recommendations of the Narula Committee was to convince the Central

Government to grant sanction in this matter.

Mr. Khurana took up the matter with the Central Government and in the middle of 1994, the

Central Government decided that the matter did not fall within its purview and sent the case to

the Lt. Governor of Delhi. It took two years for the Narasimha Rao Government to decide that

it did not fall within Centre's purview.

Narasimha Rao Government further delayed the case. This committee submitted its report in

January 1994 and recommended the registration of cases against H.K.L. Bhagat, Sajjan

Kumar and Jagdish Tytler. Ultimately, despite the delay by the Central government, the CBI

was able to file the charge sheet in December 1994.

[edit]The Nanavati Commission

The Nanavati Commission was established in 2000 after some dissatisfaction was expressed

with previous reports.[35] The Nanavati Commission was appointed by a unanimous resolution

passed in the Rajya Sabha. This commission was headed by Justice G.T. Nanavati, retired

Judge of the Supreme Court of India. The commission submitted its report in February 2004.

The commission reported that recorded accounts from victims and witnesses to the riots

"indicate that local Congress leaders and workers had either incited or helped the mobs in

attacking the Sikhs".[35] Its report also found evidence against Jagdish Tytler "to the effect that

very probably he had a hand in organising attacks on Sikhs".[35] It also recommended

that Sajjan Kumar's involvement in the rioting required a closer look. The commission's report

also cleared Rajiv Gandhi and other high ranking Congress (I) party members of any

involvement in organising riots against Sikhs. It did find, however, that the Delhi

Police "remained passive and did not provide protection to the people" throughout the rioting.

[35]P.V. Narasimha Rao was Union home minister and, according to the testimony before the

Nanavati Commission, was “either indifferent or ineffective”. The commission “did not give a

shred of evidence for its exoneration of Rao”. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, while

presenting the Nanavati Commission’s report, along with action taken report by the

government, candidly confessed that even 21 years after the tragic riots and judicial inquiries

into them, the “truth had not yet been fully revealed”. He “apologised” not only to the Sikh

community but also to the whole nation. Jagdish Tytler was then a member of the Council of

Ministers and the next day he had to resign.[36]

[edit]Jagdish Tytler

India's Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) closed all cases against Jagdish Tytler in

November 2007 for his alleged criminal conspiracy to engineer riots against Sikhs in the

aftermath ofIndira Gandhi’s assassination on 31 October 1984. CBI submitted a report to

the Delhi court which stated that no evidence or witness was found to corroborate the

allegations against Tytler of leading murderous mobs during 1984 Re-probe Tytler’s role:

Court.[37] It was also alleged in the court that then member of Indian Parliament Jagdish Tytler

was complaining to his supporters about relatively "small" number of Sikhs killed in his

parliamentary constituency Delhi Sadar, which in his opinion had undermined his position in

the ruling Indian National Congress party of India.[38]

However in December 2007, a certain witness, Jasbir Singh, who is living in California,

appeared on several private television news channels in India, and stated he was never

contacted by Central Bureau of Investigation. India's main opposition party Bharatiya Janata

Party (BJP) demanded an explanation from the minister in-charge of CBI in Indian Parliament.

However, Minister of State for Personnel Suresh Pachouri, who is in-charge of department of

CBI, and was present in the parliament session, refused to make a statement.[39]

On 18 December 2007, Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate of Delhi court, Sanjeev Jain,

who had earlier dismissed the case after CBI submitted a misleading report in his court,

ordered India's Central Bureau of Investigation to reopen cases relating to 1984 anti-Sikh riots

against Jagdish Tytler.[40]

In December 2008, a two-member CBI team was sent to New York to record the statements

of two eyewitnesses, Jasbir Singh and Surinder Singh. The two witnesses have stated that

they saw Jagdish Tytler lead a mob during the riots, but did not want to come to India as they

feared for their security.[41] They also blamed the CBI for not conducting a fair trial and

accused it of protecting Tytler.

However, in March 2009, CBI gave a clean chit to Tytler, amidst protests from Sikhs and the

opposition parties.[42]

On 7 April 2009, a Sikh reporter with Dainik Jagran, Jarnail Singh hurled his shoe at home

minister P Chidambaram in protest against the clean chit given to Tytler and Sajjan Kumar.

He was however let off as the home minister did not want the police to pursue the case, in lieu

of the upcoming Lok Sabha (general) elections.[43]

On 9 April 2009, over 500 protesters from various Sikh organisations from all over the country

gathered outside the court which was scheduled to hear CBI’s plea of closing the case against

Congress leader Jagdish Tytler in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots case. Later in the day, Tytler

announced his decision to pull out of the Lok Sabha elections, saying he does not want to

cause embarrassment to his party. This sensitive issue has once again poked its face and

Congress does not want this to become an anti-Congress tide. This has forced the Congress

party to cut the Tytler and Sajjan Kumar Lok Sabha tickets.[44]

[edit]Civil case in New York

On March 14, 2011, an American-based NGO, Sikhs for Justice, filed a civil suit in the United

States District Court for the Southern District of New York accusing the Indian government of

complicity in the riots. The court issued a summons to the Indian Congress Party and Kamal

Nath.[45]

[edit]Impact and legacy

“It seemed easy for [former Prime Minister] Rajiv Gandhi to say, ‘When a giant tree falls, the earth

below shakes.’ Our trees were felled and we can still feel the tremors.” -Victim whose husband was

burned alive during the pogroms[46]

The attack on the Sikh community in India is remembered annually in the UK with a

remembrance march through London bringing together thousands of Sikhs from all over the

UK. The Sikh Pogroms are cited as a reason to support creation of a Sikh homeland in India,

often called Khalistan.[47][48]

When violence in Delhi was triggered after the assassination of Indira Gandhi eminent

freedom fighter Guru Radha Kishan worked tirelessly to protect sikh families even when his

own office in north delhi caught fire. Later he organised the first Peace March in Delhi with a

noticeable participation of sikhs and their families demanding immediate relief for sikh

community and severe prosecution for the killers. He severely criticised HKL Bhagat and MP

from Karol Bagh Dharam Das Shastri for their alleged role in anti-sikh riots even when they

were very closely associated with him personally. Many other ordinary Indians of different

religious dispositions made significant efforts to hide and help Sikh families during the rioting

and human rights organizations along with the media applauded this humanitarian act.[49]

Recently on 15 July 2010 the Sikh high clergy (Jathedar) declared the events following the

death of Indira Gandhi to be a Sikh "Genocide" replacing the widely used term "Anti-Sikh riots"

used by the Indian government, media and other writers.[50] The decision came soon after a

similar motion was raised in the Canadian Parliament by a Sikh MP.

[edit]In popular culture

The Delhi riots have been the core subject of several films and novels.

2005 English film Amu, by Shonali Bose and starring Konkona Sen Sharma and Brinda

Karat, is based on Shonali Bose's own novel of the same name. The film portrays story of

a girl, orphaned during the riots, reconciling with her adoption years later. The film which

won the National Film Award for Best Feature Film in English was censored in India and

was released on DVD without the cuts.

2004 Hindi film Kaya Taran (Chrysalis), directed by Shashi Kumar and starring Seema

Biswas, is based on the Malayalam short story "When Big Tree Falls" by N.S. Madhavan.

The film revolves around a Sikh woman and her young son who have taken shelter in a

nunnery in Meerut during the 1984 Anti-Sikh riots.

2003 Bollywood film Hawayein, directed by Ammtoje Mann, is based on the aftermath of

Indira Gandhi’s assassination, the nationwide 1984 Anti-Sikh riots and the subsequent

victimization of the people in Punjab (India) in the years that followed.

Khushwant Singh 's novel "Tragedy of Punjab: Operation Bluestar & After" focuses on the

events surrounding the pogrom.

[edit]See also

H. S. Phoolka

[edit]Notes

1. ̂  On November 2, Moti Singh witnessed two policemen, one an SHO and another a

constable, both of whom who had attended Sajjan Kumar's meeting the previous day,

shoot and kill Roshan Singh (his son) and kill his grandchildren when they ran to help

their father.[18]

[edit]References

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3. ^ a b c d Bedi, Rahul (1 November 2009). "Indira Gandhi's death remembered". BBC.

Retrieved 2009-11-02. "The 25th anniversary of Indira Gandhi's assassination revives

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killing"

4. ̂  Nugus, Phillip (Spring 2007). "The Assassinations of Indira & Rajiv Gandhi". BBC

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18. ^ a b c d e Kaur, Jaskaran; Crossette, Barbara (2006). Twenty years of impunity: the

November 1984 pogroms of Sikhs in India (2nd ed.). Portland, OR: Ensaaf.

p. 28.ISBN 978-0-9787073-0-9.

19. ^ a b c d e f g Kaur, Jaskaran; Crossette, Barbara (2006). Twenty years of impunity: the

November 1984 pogroms of Sikhs in India (2nd ed.). Portland, OR: Ensaaf.

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2010.

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nation. Citizens for Democracy. Retrieved 4 August 2010.

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page story (The Asian Age): p. 1.

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Justice".TIME.

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Retrieved 20 June 2010.

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Servant’".Tehelka (Tehelka). Retrieved 10 March 2011.

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01.

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