15 Socio-Economic and Community Baseline 15.1 … of socio-economic and community impacts and common...

Simandou SEIA Volume I Mine Chapter 15: Socio-Economic and Community Baseline

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15 Socio-Economic and Community Baseline 15.1 Introduction This chapter provides a common baseline for subsequent chapters of the SEIA report that address the socio-economic and community impacts of the Simandou Mine. Chapters that utilise this baseline include: Chapter 16: National Economy; Chapter 17: Employment and Economic Development; Chapter 18: In-Migration; Chapter 19: Land Use and Land-Based Livelihoods; Chapter 20: Social Structures and Community Life; Chapter 21: Community Health, Safety and Security; Chapter 22: Labour and Working Conditions; Chapter 23: Ecosystem Services; and Chapter 24: Human Rights.

Where there is additional baseline information specific to individual topics (ie in-migration, community health, labour and working conditions, ecosystem services, and human rights), that information is provided in the relevant chapters. It should be noted that this format differs from the approach adopted for the preceding environmental chapters. This chapter also provides a single overview of legislation and standards that are applicable to the assessment of socio-economic and community impacts and common across the topics covered in Chapters 16: National Economy to 24: Human Rights. As with baseline information, legal information specific to individual topics (ie labour and working conditions, ecosystem services, and human rights) is included in the relevant chapters. The remainder of this chapter is organised in the following sections: Section 15.2 explains the study area considered in the assessment of socio-economic and community

impacts and for which baseline data has been collected; Section 15.3 provides an overview of legislation and standards relevant to the topics covered by the

assessment, together with a brief summary of a number of policies and programmes in Guinea which contribute to social and economic development;

Sections 15.4 to 15.12 describe baseline conditions in the study area with reference to the following:

Section 15.4: National Economy; Section 15.5: Administrative Divisions, Governance and Leadership; Section 15.6: Demographics and Social Organisation; Section 15.7: Land Management and Tenure; Section 15.8: Livelihood and Economic Activities; Section 15.9: Poverty and Distribution of Wealth; Section 15.10: Social Infrastructure and Services; Section 15.11: Risks and Community-Identified Needs Raised in Data Gathering and

Consultation; and Section 15.12: Project Economic and Community Development Programmes.

The baseline information presented in this chapter draws upon a number of existing data sources, studies and surveys that have been undertaken in recent years for the Simandou Project. In particular, the following references have provided a significant amount of information: Synergy Global Consulting Ltd in consultation with CommDev, World Bank, IFC (2007); Community

Development Framework Study for the Mining Sector in the Republic of Guinea;


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Projet Élargi de Gestion des Ressources Naturelles (PEGRN), Diallo (2005); Étude socio-économique de la Forêt Classée du Pic de Fon, Résultats d’étude réalisée par utilisation de la Méthode Accélérée de Recherche Participative (MARP);

Watta CAMARA, Chef de Division Relations Riveraines Salim KOUYATE, Consultant S.I. Rapport D’enquetes Socio-Economiques Usages et Usagers des Ressources de la Forêt Classée du Pic De Fon, (Juillet 2008);

SNC Lavalin Environment (2008); In-Migration Plan - Preliminary Report;

SNC Lavalin Environment (August 2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline;

Pic de Fon Classified Forest Development and Management Plan 2010–2030;

La Granada Enterprises Ltd, Etude de Base socio-économique Etat de reference Beyla-ville, Mission du 24/11/08 au 28/02/09, Rapport 2/3; and

La Granada Enterprises Ltd, Etude de Base socio-économique Etat de reference, Mission du 18/02/08 au 17/05/08, Rapport 2/3.

These studies have in turn drawn upon a number of existing primary data sources; these are referenced in the individual reports. Findings from the stakeholder consultation process have been used to supplement report findings. The results of these studies are being made available in a Social and Environmental Baseline report for the mine on the Simandou SEIA website, http://www.riotintosimandou.com/ENG/index_seia.asp. 15.2 Study Area Development of the Simandou Mine will have a wide range of effects on the socio-economic and community conditions in the immediate area surrounding the mine, as well as extending across the whole of Guinea. Accordingly, the study area has been defined at three levels: national, regional, and local. The national study area encompasses the whole of Guinea.

The regional study area extends over the four prefectures surrounding the mine: Beyla, Kérouané,

Macenta and N’Zérékoré. The local study area comprises parts of the four sub-prefectures including and immediately

surrounding the Simandou Mine (ie Nionsomoridou, Beyla Centre, Boola and Kouankan). It is broadly defined by the N1 road to the north and east, Boola Town and Dandano to the south, and Bonodou and Famoila to the west.

The local study area is shown in Figure 15.1. It also lists the rural districts, urban quarters and the communities located within the vicinity of the mine.


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Table 15.1 Administrative Divisions

Prefecture Sub-Prefecture Urban Commune (CU) or Rural Commune (CR/CRD)

District (rural) or Quarter (urban)

Communities

Beyla Beyla Centre CU Beyla (urban area)

Beyla Town Beyla Sobakono

Diakolidou Bouffèro

Diakolidou Sobakono

Diakolidou Tinikan

Kissibou

CU Beyla (rural area) Kissibou Bobaro

Mamoridou

Morisangarédou Morisangarédou

Kéoulendou

Piyaro

Niadou

Banankoro Banankoro

Foma

Goékoro

Thia

Koimoridou

Manakoro

Beyla Nionsomoridou CRD Nionsomoridou Nionsomoridou Nionsomoridou

Wataférédou II

Wataférédou I

Bangalydou

Kissiboula

Soumailadou

Yéndédou Traoréla

Yendedou

Kamandou

Moribendou

Moribadou Moribadou

Siatouro

Mafindou Mafindou

Baladou

Kankoro

Soyaro

Sondou Sondou

Sossaba Kamiandou

Beyla Boola CRD Boola Boola Centre Sotedou

Diabamoridou Diabamoridou

Famadou

Gbabedou

Sogbeni

Bassikoro


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Prefecture Sub-Prefecture Urban Commune (CU) or Rural Commune (CR/CRD)


Communities

Fouama Fouama centre

Koidou Koidou

Saoussoudou Saoussoudou

Yapangaye Yapangaye

Macenta Kouankan CRD Kouankan Banko Banko Centre

Lamandou

Kotia (hamlet)

Mandou

Naouinzou

Touréla

Orono

Dandano Dandano

Silafarala

Bonodou

Koréla

Mamouroudou

Bonodou

Bossoferooodou

Camaradou Mamadi

Famoila

For the purposes of the assessment communities within the local study area have been grouped into geographical clusters of “Project Affected Communities” (PACs). PACs are used in certain assessments (notably, community health, safety and security and in-migration) to allow the nature and extent of potential socio-economic and community impacts to be differentiated between communities based on their relative proximity and accessibility to Project infrastructure or activities. The PACs are defined in Table 15.2 and illustrated in Figure 15.1. Table 15.2 Description of PACs

PAC Geographic Location Description

PAC 1 In and around Beyla town Communities located in the main administrative centre, which contains the bulk of services. It is the key site for transport routes and therefore is a trading hub.

PAC 2 Moribadou Communities closest to the present exploration activities and to the new mine plant area and access roads. It has experienced significant growth due to in-migration over recent years.

PAC 3 Nionsomoridou and Wataférédou I and II

Communities located northeast of the Simandou ridge. They are in close proximity to the proposed mine plant area and stockyard. The new mine access road will run past Wataferedou I and II and the accommodation camp will be near Wataférédou I.

PAC 4 Traoréla, Bangalidou, Kamandou, Lamadou, Worono, Mandou and Banko

Communities to the northwest of the Simandou ridge. Will not have access to the mine area during construction and operation.

PAC 5 Dandano, Silafarala and Touréla Communities located southwest of the concession. They have had no direct access to the concession to date and will have no direct access during construction and operation.

PAC 6 Baladou (Bonodou), Foma and Kankoro

Communities located to the southeast of the mining concession, away from the main mining and associated infrastructure areas.


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PAC Geographic Location Description

PAC 7 Kissiboula, Piyaro, Morisangarédou, Kéoulendou, Boubaro and Mamoridou

Communities located along and near the N1 road approaching Beyla from the west and the south. This group includes communities located in the near vicinity of the Beyla airstrip.

PAC 8 Mafindou and Banankoro Communities located along the road from Moribadou to Beyla junction.

PAC 9 Wawakoro, Manankoro, Boola Communities located along the N1 highway southward towards N’Zérékoré. This highway will provide the main transport route to Project.

PAC 10 Communities along the N18 towards Senko

Communities located along the N18 road running northeast from Beyla to Senko and further east in the direction of the border with Côte d’Ivoire (This PAC is considered only in relation to the community health assessment in Chapter 21: Community Health, Safety and Security).

15.3 Legal and Other Requirements 15.3.1 Guinean Law Guinean legislation relevant to the assessment of socio-economic and community impacts include the following (for the full titles and details of the regulations referenced in this section, please refer to Annex 1C: Legislation, Standards and Administrative Framework). The Constitution of Guinea (Loi Fondamentale de la République de Guinée) establishes the right to

private property ownership (both customary and legal) and states that land may not be expropriated unless it is in the wider public interest and is accompanied by fair and prior compensation. It also establishes the right to work, the right for social security andthe right for children to be protected from exploitation, as well as providing for state assistance and protection of elderly and people with disabilities.

The Guinean Civil Code (Code Civil de la Republique de Guinée) defines civil rights and responsibilities

as related to the family, parental authority, divorce, child custody and the choice of a place of residence. The Land and Domain Code (Code Foncier et Domanial L/99/013/AN) reinforces the right of private

ownership in accordance with the Constitution and establishes systems of land registration. Customary rights are not explicitly addressed but Article 39 defines land owners as physical persons or legal entities that can demonstrate peaceful, personal, continuous (in excess of thirty years) and bona fide occupation of a dwelling as an owner. The Code also requires that compensation for expropriation must be fair and must cover the whole of the quantifiable and known loss incurred as a direct result of the expropriation.

The Declaration on Land Policy in the Rural Environment (Declaration de politique foncière en milieu

rural D/2001/037/PRG) recognises customary rights and sets out proposals to encourage sustainable resource management and the development of a transparent and equitable land market. Its’ focus is on clarifying and securing land tenure property rights in rural areas, including increasing the participation of local authorities and stakeholders.

The Urban Code (Code de l’Urbanisme L/98 No 017/98) establishes the Guinean State as responsible

for national and regional development plans.

The Local Government Code (Code des collectivités locales) establishes the principle that local communities must be consulted by the State when undertaking projects affecting land.

K O U A N K A N

B O O L A

NIONSOMORIDOU

B E Y L A - C E N T R E

K O R O P A R A

Baladou

Moribadou

Traoréla

Touréla

Mandou

Lamandou

Beyla

Wawakoro

Kéoulendou

Foma

KoimoridouKankoro

Kabakoro

Thia

Kissiboula

Banko

KorèlaWataférédou II

Mamoridou

Boubaro

Piyaro

Bangalydou

Mafindou

NionsomoridouKamandou

Soumailadou

Tourela

Goékoro

Nyela

Doukourela

Gbadédou

Soyaro

Mimaro

D'giboudou

Banankoro

Gbagbadou

Wataférédou I

Morisangarédou

Niadou

Dandano

Silafarala

BousséférédouBousséférédou II

Camaradou Mamadi

Boola

Kamana

Famoila

N'Falydou

Naouinzou

Dibouta

Bassikoro

Sogbéni

Famodou

Manankoro

SotédouKoidou

Diakolidou-Tininkan

Diabamoridou

Domanidou

Saoussoudou

Brikoidou

Cemandou

Ouinzou

Orata

Palan

Orokpoi

Fassinédou

Vassaou

Fouamacentre Yapangaye

Boumoukoro

Fandou

Sougbadou

Kouyonou

Djeoulenou 2Djeoulenou 1

Diadou

Kokouna

Kollako-Moussadou

BakomaCentre

Fassama CentreTokeleguizia Centre

BalassoCentre

BaghalayeCentre

Biliguewoulou Centre

1

2

34

5

6

9

8

7

10

N.1

N.1

8°40'0"W

8°40'0"W

8°50'0"W

8°50'0"W

9°0'0"W

9°0'0"W

8°40'0

"N

8°40'0

"N

8°30'0

"N

8°30'0

"N

8°20'0

"N

8°20'0

"N

500000

500000

510000

510000

520000

520000

530000

530000

540000

540000

9200

00

9200

00

9300

00

9300

00

9400

00

9400

00

9500

00

9500

00

9600

00

9600

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Client: Taille: Titre:

Date: 15/07/2012

Dessiné par: WB

Vérifié par: ELW

Approuvé par: KR

Projet: 0131299

Echelle: Comme Barre d’échelle

Légende:

Figure 15.1Zone d'étude locale et communautés affectées par le projet /Local Study Area and Project Affected Communities

Communautés affectées par le projet / Project Affected CommunitiesZone d'étude locale / Local Study AreaUsine et infrastructures minières /Mine Plant & InfrastructureProjet de route de la mine /Proposed Mine RoadContour de mine / Mine OutlineTerril de stériles / Waste EmplacementTracé indicatif de la voie ferrée /Indicative Rail Alignment

Agglomération / SettlementChef lieu de préfecture / Prefecture Chief TownChef lieu de sous-préfecture / Sub-Prefecture Chief TownVillage / VillageRoute principale / Primary RoadRoute secondaire / Secondary RoadRoute tertiaire / Tertiary RouteCours d'eau / WatercourseLimite de la sous-préfecture / Sub-Prefecture Boundary

Projection: WGS 1984 UTM Zone 29N

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The Pastoral Code (Code Pastoral L/95/51/CTRN) defines the general rules and rights relating to traditional livestock farming in Guinea. Areas of forestry and fallow land may be used as pasture resources subject to the permission of the property owner and any measures needed to protect the environment. The Code also sets out the obligation of development projects to take into account the interests of traditional livestock farming if located in the rural environment.

15.3.2 International Standards Guinea is a signatory to a number of international agreements relevant to socio-economic and community issues, including the following (for further details see Annex 1C: Legislation, Standards and Administrative Framework): the UN Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW): Guinea’s National

Policy for the Advancement of Women was developed in 1996 to support women’s economic advancement, facilitate theirfamily, social, and cultural role, and to improve their status in society;

the Convention on the Rights of the Child, ratified in 1990; and

the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, ratified in 1978.

A number of other relevant international conventions and agreements are identified in Chapter 22: Labour and Working Conditions and Chapter 24: Human Rights. The assessment of socio-economic and community impacts has also been undertaken in line with international guidance on social impact assessment, including: IFC Social and Environmental Performance Standards (2012) including:

PS 1: Assessment and Management of Environmental and Social Risks and Impacts; PS 2: Labour and Working Conditions; PS 4: Community Health, Safety, and Security; PS 5: Land Acquisition and Involuntary Resettlement; and PS 6: Biodiversity Conservation and Sustainable Management of Living Natural Resources.

IFC Good Practice Note No 3 – Assessing the Social Dimensions of Private Sector Projects. PS 7: Indigenous Peoples has not been considered as relevant, as there are no indigenous peoples in the study area according to the characteristics as defined in the standard. 15.3.3 Rio Tinto Standards A number of Rio Tinto policies and standards are relevant to socio-economic and community issues. Rio Tinto’s Communities Policy states: ‘We set out to build enduring relationships with our neighbours that are characterised by mutual respect, active partnership and long term commitment. Mutual respect depends on our understanding the issues that are important to our neighbours and our neighbours understanding what is important to us. Wherever we operate, we do our best to accommodate the different cultures, lifestyles, heritage and preferences of our neighbours, particularly in areas where industrial development is little known. Our communities and environment work is closely coordinated and takes account of peoples’ perceptions of the effects and consequences of our activities.’ Rio Tinto’s global Communities Standard defines requirements with which all global operations must comply, covering: communities multi-year planning (MYP); socio-economic knowledge base;


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Social Risk Analysis (SRA); mutually acceptable consultation and engagement procedures; community contributions, activities and targets; cultural heritage; resettlement of communities; legally binding agreements with communities; complaints, disputes and grievance; compensation; trusts, funds and foundations; human rights; and indigenous peoples. Audits to assess compliance with the Communities Standard are undertaken by trained Rio Tinto staff from other operations. Following an audit, action plans are developed to address any non-conformance identified. Progress is then tracked monthly on site and biannually by the Rio Tinto head office. A Social Impact Assessment Guidance document provides guidance to managers on social impact assessment in keeping with the Communities Policy and Communities Standard. Guided by these standards, the Simandou Project has established the following vision and goals: to implement Rio Tinto’s health and safety, environment, community, engineering, human resources and

operating standards in a way that positively transforms the way large mining projects are conducted;

to work with the Guinean government and people and other partners to make sustainable and equitable improvements to the quality of life of Guineans and build thriving local communities;

to profitably and responsibly develop the Simandou resource in a way that maximises value for

shareholders and Guinea; to build enduring relationships with local communities, which are characterised by mutual respect, active

partnerships and long-term commitment; and

to contribute to a sustainable regional economy in partnership with the Republic of Guinea. 15.3.4 Guinean Development Policies and Programmes In partnership with the international community, Guinea is participating in two key programmes relevant to current and future baseline socio-economic conditions: the Poverty Reduction Strategy and the Village Support Programme. These programmes are described below. 15.3.4.1 Poverty Reduction Strategy Guinea has participated in the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) programme of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank for a number of years. Guinea’s second PRSP (PRSP-2), originally covering the period of 2007-2010 but since extended for application through mid-2012, describes macroeconomic, structural, and social policies and programs to promote growth and reduce poverty and associated external financing needs. The PRSP programme also serves as a framework for implementing the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). PRSP-2 was prepared by the Republic of Guinea through a broad participatory process with civil society and development partners. The PRSP programme is based on the principle that institutional capacity is critical to: improve governance and institutional and human capacity-building; expedite growth and expand employment and income opportunities for all; and improve access to high quality social services.


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PRSP-2 proposes a number of actions to address and improve institutional capacity:

strengthening local governments’ managerial capacity by supplying competent personnel as well as

required infrastructure and facilities; implementing training programmes for local government personnel to improve their performance

capabilities; promoting community practices (eg parents’ associations, health centre management committees, water

points, schools, rural paths); establishing credit institutions in urban communes (Commune urbaine – CU); strengthening the involvement of civil society organisations (CSO) in local government; enhancing the participation of young people and women in local government activities; improving management of community infrastructure; promoting decentralised participatory development; promoting growth of private sector and employment; and improving access to education. The Simandou Project is committed to operating in line with PRSP-2 and to contributing to poverty reduction through its day to day operations and its community and economic development programmes. 15.3.4.2 Village Support Programme To accelerate improvements at a local level, the Republic of Guinea has developed a national programme for rural development with the support of the World Bank. The Village Support Programme (Programme d’appui aux communautés villageoises – PACV) was initiated in 1999 and is supported by the Ministry of Decentralisation, with international funding contributions from lenders such as the World Bank, the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), the Global Environmental Fund (GEF) and the French Development Agency (Agence française de développement, AFD). The current phase of the programme runs from 2007 to 2013. It is focussed on the rural population who lack basic access to education, health care, clean water and other essential social and economic infrastructure. The PACV programme works to strengthen the capacity of the local administration to manage rural development, with an ultimate goal of providing local communities with the knowledge and skills they need to manage their own development. It aims to:

find new ways to engage local communities as direct participants in local development; produce a framework for a new network of decentralised, self-governing village level institutions, with

the long term aim of engaging this network in broader district / national level development planning and implementation; and

provide local communities with the knowledge and skills they need to manage their own development. The PACV is organised through the Rural Development Communes (Communes rurales de developpement - CRD). Approximately one third of communes in Guinea are currently participating in this programme. Each is required to work collaboratively with the local population to produce a local development plan (Plan de developpement local - PDL) as the main tool to guide local socio-economic development including education, agriculture, small and medium enterprise (SME) development, health, water and sanitation. Annual investment plans (Plans d’investissement annuel – PAI) are derived from PDLs and are used by donors and government to target contributions. Each commune receives a grant of US$50 000 per year to cover the PAI and support is provided in monitoring investments. The Project will work with the PACV programme to align its community development contributions with the identified needs of communities affected by the Project. To date, the Project has agreed to contribute US$1 million to the development of the PDLs in communes in Beyla and Forécariah prefectures.


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15.4 National Economy 15.4.1 Context In 2011 Guinea ranked 178th out of 187 countries on the Human Development Index (HDI) (1), thereby categorising it as a country with ‘low human development’. This rating is comparable to the neighbouring countries of Sierra Leone (180th) Liberia (182nd), Côte d'Ivoire (170th), Mali (175th), Guinea Bissau (176th) and Senegal (155th). Guinea has a population of approximately 10 million people and covers a surface area of 24,857 km2. The country has important mineral reserves; almost half of the world's known reserves of bauxite and significant iron ore, gold, and diamond reserves are found in Guinea. However, only a small proportion of these are currently being exploited. More than half of the population (and over 80% in rural areas) lives below the poverty line. Levels of education are low, especially in rural areas which have the highest concentration of illiteracy (2). It is estimated that 81% of women are illiterate. Literacy levels have risen from 29% in 2003 to 39% in 2009 (3). Access to health services in the country is also limited. The capacity of sanitation and water infrastructure is generally insufficient to meet the needs of the population, only 19% have access to adequate sanitation facilities and 7% have access to drinking water (4). Transportation connections across the country are limited to national roads and secondary roads that are often compromised by weather. There is limited access to individual or private sector credit. Guinea was affected by political instability in 2008-2010 as well by armed conflicts in Liberia (1989-2003), Sierra Leone (1991-2002) and Côte d’Ivoire (2001-2011). 15.4.2 Economic Performance 15.4.2.1 GDP and GDP Growth Rate Guinea’s gross domestic product (GDP) in 2010 was approximately US$4.5 billion (GNF 33.6 trillion) in 2010 (5), equating to a per capita GDP of US$452 (GNF 3.4 million) (6) (7). The main contributors to GDP are industry, accounting for approximately 54% (with an increasing contribution by the mining sector) and services, at approximately 30%. The remainder is agriculture and manufacturing, as summarised in Figure 15.2.

(1) HDI provides a composite measure of three basic dimensions of human development: health, education and income. (2) World Education - available at http://www.worlded.org/WEIInternet/projects/ListProjects.cfm?Select=CountryandID=148 (3) United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Institute for Statistics (4) World Health Organization - available at http://apps.who.int/whosis/data/Search.jsp (5) Economist Intelligence Unit Guinea Country Report 2011 (6) Calculated at an exchange rate of GNF 7 473 to US$1. All other figures in this chapter are reported in US dollars only unless otherwise noted. (7) World Bank (2011); World Development Indicators 2011.


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Figure 15.2 Economic Sector Contribution to GDP

Source: Economist Intelligence Unit Country Report September 2011 The average annual growth rate over the previous 5 years was 2.8%, falling to less than 1% over the 2009-2010 period, largely due to the impact of the international economic crisis on Guinea’s mineral exports (1). However, in a context of improving political stability allowing for economic, fiscal and monetary reforms, increased investor confidence and foreign investments, the economic growth rate was forecasted to increase to 4% in 2011, potentially reaching 5% in 2012 (2). 15.4.2.2 The Mining Sector Guinea is the world's largest exporter of bauxite. It is also a producer of gold and diamonds. Iron ore deposits are yet undeveloped however, a number of iron ore mining projects are currently under development (including Simandou) that are expected to lead significant growth in the sector. While mining contributes only 15% to GDP, the sector is responsible for providing 25% of Guinea’s fiscal revenue and generates 90% of exports. Lack of diversification from the mining sector to date has left the Guinean economy exposed to variations in the international price of bauxite, driving variations in government revenue. In recent years, the government has promoted diversification within the mining sector and encouraged the valorisation of mine output in-country, such as through the production of refined alumina. 15.4.3 Inflation and the Exchange Rate Guinea has suffered from very high inflation in recent years, with annual rates as measured by the consumer price index, ranging from 4.7% to 34.7% between 2006 and 2010 (3). IMF estimates suggest the annual inflation rate for 2011 is likely to have been 19.6%. Inflation has occurred partly as a result of the depreciation of the Guinean Franc exchange rate, driving up the cost of imported food and fuel which together account for roughly 40% of non-mining imports. Monetary expansion policy in the second half of 2009 meant that the market exchange rate depreciated excessively, losing more than 35% of its value against the US dollar over 2009–2010. This had an immediate effect on basic commodities such as rice and cooking oil, most of which are imported. For instance, food prices rose by almost 10% between December 2010 and mid-2011. (1) IMF Country Report, August 2011 (2) Economist Intelligence Unit (2011); Guinea Country Report. (3) World Bank (2011); World Development Indicators 2011.


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Since the adoption of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Pater (1) (PRSP-2) controlling inflation is now a government priority. Although there is a risk of political unrest and inflationary pressures from the increased demand for minerals (2), the IMF predicts average inflation to trend downwards. 15.4.4 Government Revenue and Expenditure In 2010, government revenue (including grants) was 16% of GDP, rising to 20% in 2011 (3). International donor grants were limited over 2008-2010 due to political instability, but contributed up to 25% of government revenue in 2011 (Figure 15.3). Figure 15.3 Government Revenue as % of GDP

Source: Adapted from International Monetary Fund Guinea Country Report 2011 Under the new Government’s fiscal policy, the Guinean State aims to increase its share of mining revenue to 33%, from 15% in 2011 (4). Guinea is currently in the process of becoming a signatory to the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) (5). Once this is finalised, all mining companies in Guinea will be required to submit to higher standards of fiscal transparency according to the requirements of the EITI. Rio Tinto is already a corporate member of the EITI and complies with its provisions. Guinea’s foreign debt is currently just over US$3 billion, or nearly 70% of GDP. Debt servicing is currently 23% of public expenditure and thus places a significant burden on the economy.

(1) Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) are prepared by member countries in broad consultation with stakeholders and development partners, including the staffs of the World Bank and the IMF. Updated every three years with annual progress reports, they describe the country’s macroeconomic, structural, and social policies in support of growth and poverty reduction, as well as associated external financing needs and major sources of financing. (2) Economist Intelligence Unit, Guinea Country Report 2011 (3) This section, including all data and figures included, is taken primarily from the International Monetary Fund Guinea Annual Report 2011 except where otherwise noted. (4) Economist Intelligence Unit, Guinea Country Report 2011 (5) The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) supports improved governance in resource-rich countries through the verification and full publication of company payments and government revenues from oil, gas, and mining.


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According to the IMF, ‘the new government has moved quickly and decisively to stabilise the economy. Policies aim to achieve a major fiscal adjustment by restoring fiscal control and reining in excessive spending. This will permit a sharp reduction in bank financing and monetary growth to support a reduction in inflation and stabilisation of the exchange rate’ (1). 15.4.5 Balance of Payments, Exports and Imports In 2010 exports of goods amounted to US$1 279 million, while imports totalled US$1 305 million, creating a deficit of US$174 million. As shown in Figure 15.4, mining sales constitute the majority of Guinea’s exports. Mining sales consist mainly of bauxite, which accounted for 34% of total revenue from goods exported in 2010 (2). Guinea's main customers are India, Russia, the United States, Germany, France, Spain and Ireland. Figure 15.4 Exports 2008 – 2010

Source: International Monetary Fund Guinea Country Report 2011 Imports in 2010 were from a wider variety of sectors, approximately half of which were composed of intermediate and capital goods, followed by food products and other consumer items and petroleum products. 15.5 Administrative Divisions, Governance and Leadership 15.5.1 Territorial Structure The current territorial structure of Guinea was established in 1986 and was confirmed through amendments to the Constitution in 2011. According to this structure, Guinea is divided into seven administrative regions (Boké, Faranah, Kankan, Kindia, Labé, Mamou and N’Zérékoré) which are further divided into 33 prefectures. The city of Conakry ranks as a special zone and is considered to be an administrative region and a prefecture. The prefectures are divided into sub-prefectures and at levels beneath that the Guinean system distinguishes between rural and urban areas as shown in Figure 15.5.

(1) International Monetary Fund Guinea Annual Report 2011 (2) Available at http://www.africaneconomicoutlook.org/en/countries/west-africa/guinea/


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Figure 15.5 Administrative Divisions in Guinea

Simandou Project activities will extend across the country passing through ten prefectures from the west to the southeast (prefectures of Beyla, Macenta, Kérouané, Kankan, Kouroussa, Kissidougou, Faranah, Mamou, Kindia and Forécariah) (1). The Simandou Mine is located in N’Zérékoré Administrative Region and straddles two prefectures (Beyla and Macenta), and three sub-prefectures (Beyla Centre and Nionsomoridou in Beyla Prefecture and Kouankan in Macenta). Boola Sub-Prefecture is located to the south as shown in Figure 15.1. The local study area incorporates parts of these four sub-prefectures and covers five communes and nineteen districts / quarters listed in Table 15.1. Each district or quarter includes a number of communities identified as sectors in urban areas and villages or hamlets in rural areas. 15.5.2 Local Government and Administrative Authorities The decentralisation policies instituted by the Republic of Guinea in the early 1990s aimed to increase the capacity of local government structures through improving administrative efficiency, governance, decision-making and financial accountability of local authorities. The functions of administrative authorities relevant to the regional and local study area are identified in Table 15.3 Table 15.3 Representatives of Local Government and Administrative Authorities in the Study Area

Administrative Division

Authority Function

Region Governor – Appointed by Government

Disseminate national guidelines and policies.

Transmit suggestions and demands from the prefectures to the centre.

Execute the region’s recurrent budget and the investment (crédits délégués) placed under its control by law.

Monitor, coordinate and control regional administrative directorates, including health, education, housing, urban planning, community support, Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) coordination.

Promote information, cooperation, and communication for a harmonised and sustained development process.

(1) This SEIA considers only those prefectures affected by the Simandou Mine. Potential impacts to other prefectures as a result of other Simandou Project activities are considered in separate SEIAs for the Simandou Port and Simandou Rail.


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Administrative Division

Authority Function

Prefecture Prefect – Appointed by Government

Disseminate, execute and monitor national guidelines and policies.

Implement laws and regulations, and maintain security.

Execute public expenditures within the prefecture.

Monitor, coordinate and control all prefectural administrative directorates and their agents.

Oversee and support the work of the sub-prefectures.

Prepare Prefectural Development Plan (PDP) and promote socio-economic and cultural development within the prefecture. The Prefecture Development Committee, presided by the Prefect, is responsible for the PDP.

Sub-Prefecture Sub-Prefect – Appointed by Government

Implement laws, regulations and decisions from higher levels of government.

Maintain public order and security. This function is shared with the councils of the districts within the sub-prefecture.

Collect all local taxes and fees (in conjunction with District Councils).

Monitor, coordinate and control administrative directorates of the sub-prefecture.

Provide support to and oversee the work of CR and CU, in particular with respect to providing professional statements regarding all CR/CU decisions in order to facilitate the oversight role of the prefecture.

Urban / Rural Commune

Mayor (Urban commune) – elected by population

Approximately 350 Urban and Rural Communes have been created to promote local service delivery and local development within the districts that they represent. Services include general administration, infrastructure and transport, urban management, hygiene and sanitation, social services, economic services, and local development and urban planning.

The Mayor of the Commune supervises the preparation of LDP and reviews it prior to providing it to the relevant Prefect.

President (Rural Commune) -elected by population

District (urban) / Quarter (rural)

President - elected by population

Work with sub-prefectures for public safety and security.

Dispute resolution and management.

Collect local taxes and fees.

Sector / Village Sector Chief (Doutigui / Doti) - elected by population

A channel by which traditional leaders communicate with local government.

Local census.

Collect local taxes and fees.

15.5.3 Traditional Governance and Local Leadership 15.5.3.1 Overview In the local study area, traditional governance is upheld by a number of traditional authorities including the Council of Elders (Conseil des sages), religious authorities and Land Chiefs (“chefs de terre”). These traditional authorities also interact with government authorities, notably District / Quarter Presidents and Sector Chiefs. 15.5.3.2 Council of Elders A Council of Elders is elected for each urban district and rural quarter and is legally recognised. Individuals are elected for an indefinite term and traditionally the Council of Elders is headed by the oldest person of the ‘generation of the fathers’. The Council of Elders plays an important role as custodians of local tradition. They preside over festivals and religious ceremonies, often in conjunction with religious leaders (see below) and they help to preserve and disseminate traditions to young people. They are recognised to have a particularly important role in resolving intra- and inter- family conflicts, including land ownership and


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management. The Councils of Elders nominate candidates for the position of Sector Chief and support him in his representation to the local authorities. 15.5.3.3 Religious Authorities Religious Authorities at a local level include the Imam and the Mosque Council. They are respected spiritual leaders within communities and are often consulted by the local administration prior to key decisions being taken affecting the area over which they preside. 15.5.3.4 District / Quarter Presidents and Sector Chiefs The District / Quarter Presidents and Sector Chiefs represent the local government at a local level. They are usually elected by the local population based on proposals made by local leaders including, in particular, the Council of Elders. In some special cases they may be nominated by local government for political / security reasons. They often work with the local Land Chief (see below) and therefore offer a channel by which traditional leaders can communicate with local government. 15.5.3.5 Founding Families and Land Chiefs Each village has a founding lineage (1), that is the descendents from the family who first established the community. The traditional founding lineage authority is held by the patriarch of this family (2). Traditionally, important decisions cannot be taken at the village level without the blessing of the Patriarch. Representatives from the local administration will therefore often consult him and representatives of the founding family before taking decisions that might affect the village. The Patriarch often also acts as the Land Chief. The Land Chief is responsible for managing the use of land through various rules that are aimed at preserving land fertility and cover land allocation to communities and individuals, fallow areas and periods, prohibited areas etc. He is also in charge of resolving land conflicts, in consultation with the Council of Elders. The rights and responsibilities of the Land Chief are passed from generation to generation within the founding family. Brothers and half-brothers of the founding family Patriarch are known as the ‘generation of the fathers’. If the lineage of a founding family no longer persists, the oldest surviving male member of the ’generation of the fathers’ typically becomes the new founding lineage Patriarch and Land Chief. This individual is often an elderly man, and therefore may be assisted in carrying out his tasks by his sons and younger brothers. As villages have grown through the settlement of other families, the local village society has become characterised by tightly interconnected networks of families and lineages (3). Within the local study area, rapid growth of villages has led to the expansion of family networks and resulted in instability and uncertainty with respect to the integrity of the clan and the territorial unit over which they may lay claim to. At present, rural villages within the local study area are generally characterised by between three and seven key lineages. The number of lineages is increasing rapidly in areas such as Beyla and Moribadou. In-migration of non-affiliated individuals to the local study area is also changing the social structure of villages. In recent years, the influx of refugees from neighbouring countries, as well as the influx of individuals and families from other parts of Guinea and other countries looking for work, has led to more diverse communities, therefore progressively modifying the influence of traditional lineages on local authority.

(1) A lineage is traditionally comprised of the people who are descended from the same patriarch, including blood relations, cousins on the father’s side and their children. (2) The patriarch is the male head of the family, who is often a member of the oldest generation. Whilst this means that the patriarch can be the oldest man of the family, extended family networks in a polygamous context commonly result in the role being held by a younger male of the older generation. (3) In this context, a clan refers to a group of close-knit and inter-related families who observe the same rules.


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15.5.3.6 Heads of Households

In Guinea, the basic social unit is the family. Decision-making for the family is typically undertaken by the family patriarch.

In 2007, there were approximately 17% of female-headed households in Guinea (1). Female household heads are generally widows with no closely related adult male relatives who are able to take on this lead role. There are very few households headed by women in the local study area. 15.5.4 Institutional Capacity The process of decentralisation and strengthening of local governance and administrative structures is recognised as an important component of sustainable socio-economic development. As part of this process, local administrations have been allocated a number of responsibilities which were not previously allocated to them. This, combined with unequal access to education and training, means that in many cases local administrations have insufficient organisational capacity to deliver public services. Local administrations also have limited budgets (as a result of a small tax base) and some lack capacity for financial management and accountability. This has led to limited service delivery at the local level in a number of cases. 15.6 Demographics and Social Organisation 15.6.1 Population At the national level, Guinea’s population was approximately 10.2 million in 2008 and was growing at an estimated 3.1% per year. Approximately 28% of the population lived in urban areas in that same year and the remaining 72% lived in rural areas (2)

. Population growth in urban areas is projected to outpace growth in

rural areas; the United Nations Population Fund estimates rural population growth at 1.9% and urban population growth at 4.3% from 2012 to 2015 (3). At the national level, average population density was 41.42 inhabitants per square kilometre (hbt/km2), according to the Institut National de la Statistique de Guinee (INS). 15.6.1.1 Population Distribution in the Study Area The town of Beyla is the largest community and also the main urban and economic centre in the local study area, with a population of over 22 000. There are approximately 8 000 people living in Moribadou and according to 2008 population estimates the next largest villages are Dandano (4 500) and Nionsomoridou (2 100). In other rural villages, the population varies between 100 and 950 people. Villages with fewer than 100 people are generally referred to as hamlets and are associated with the larger villages. There is no consistent data set for a single year but the best estimate is that the total population of the local study area was between 50 000 and 60 000 in 2009. On average, the population density of the local sub-prefectures is 23 inhabitants per square kilometre. The local study area population has increased in recent years primarily as a result of in-migration (see Chapter 18 In-Migration). In-migration has resulted from fluctuations in the political and security situation within Guinea and in neighbouring countries, as well as from opportunities offered by the exploration activities at the mine. Data on population growth in local villages and Beyla is presented in Table 15.4.

(1) As quoted in the Simandou Project Social and Environmental Baseline Study; Volume B; Social Component; Mine Component; August 2010 (2) Available at http://www.stat-guinee.org/ (3) Available at http://unstats.un.org/unsd/pocketbook/PDF/Guinea.pdf


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Table 15.4 Population Changes in Key Communities in the Mine Project Area, 2008-2011

Community 1996 2005 2008 2009 2010 2011

Mafindou (PAC 8) 93 229 463 537 447 535

Moribadou (PAC 2) 502 - 3 806 5 207 6 931 8 078

Nionsomoridou (PAC 3) - - 2 132 2 007 1 916 2 144

Traoréla (PAC 4) - 329 952 1 062 849 1 053

Total for surveyed villages 7 353 8 813 10 143 11 810

Beyla 10 000 22 233

Other data for the communities in the area for dates up to 2009 are summarised in Table 15.5. Table 15.5 Local Study Area Population Estimates

Commune (CU/CR/CRD)


Community 2007 2008 2009

Beyla

Beyla Town

Beyla Sobakono - - 4921

Diakolidou Bouffèro - - 2712

Diakolidou Sobakono - - 3284

Diakolidou Tinikan - - 6466

Kissibou - - 4850

Kissibou

Boubaro 335 - -

Mamoridou 279 - -

Morisangarédou

Morisangarédou 508 - -

Kéoulendou - - 320

Piyaro 508 - -

Niadou 330 - -

Banankoro

Banankoro 458 536 -

Goékoro 172 - -

Foma 464 636 -

Thia 203 - -

Koimoridou 402 - -

Nionsomoridou

Nionsomoridou

Nionsomoridou 770 2132 2007

Wataférédou II 131 279 -

Wataférédou I 199 163 -

Kissiboula 622 748 -

Soumailadou 236 541 -

Bangalydou 154 166 -

Yéndédou

Traoréla 329 952 1062

Kamandou 378 716 -

Yendedou 432 676 -

Moribiendou - 291 -

Moribadou Moribadou 768 3806 5207

Mafindou

Mafindou 229 463 537

Baladou - - 285

Kankoro 128 320 -

Soyaro 382 198 -

Sondou Sondou 1020 - -


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Commune (CU/CR/CRD)


Community 2007 2008 2009

Sossaba Kamiandou 370 - -

Boola

Boola Centre Sotedou 289 - -

Diabamoridou

Diabamoridou 173 - -

Famadou 111 - -

Sogbeni 103 - -

Gbabedou 161 - -

Bassikoro 91 - -

Fouama Fouama centre 1211 - -

Koidou Koidou 806 - -

Saoussoudou Saoussoudou 326 - -

Yapangaye Yapangaye 910 - -

Kouankan

Banko

Banko Centre 558 - -

Lamandou 195 - -

Mandou 222 - -

Kotia (hamlet) - - 54

Naouinzou 423 - -

Touréla 261 - -

Orono 85 - -

Dandano

Dandano 4536 - -

Silafarala 225 - -

Bonodou

Koréla 468 - -

Mamouroudou - - 39

Bonodou 738 - -

Bossoferedou 187 - -

Camaradou Mamadi 87 - -

Famoila 423 - -

Source: SNC Lavalin Environment (2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline and Simfer In-Migration Monitoring (2011).

15.6.2 Age and Gender Distribution The population of Guinea is young and diverse, with many ethnic groups represented. Nationally, the population of Guinea is young (48% of the population are aged below 15). The proportion of the population above the age of thirty years decreases rapidly as the age increases. Figure 15.6 illustrates the distribution of people by age and gender living in local villages and in Beyla town. Of specific relevance, there are a far greater proportion of females below the age of nine and between 30 and 44 in the rural villages than in Beyla town. In Beyla town, there are a larger proportion of women above the age of 55 years than men.


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Figure 15.6 Age Distribution in Rural Villages of Local Study Area and Beyla Town, 2007-2009

Sources: According to the SLE surveys 2007/2009 and La Granada Ent. 2009a. Village and household surveys were undertaken between 2007 and 2009 by SNC-Lavalin Environment.

In Guinea in 2005, the national male / female ratio was 0.92 (there were 92 men for every 100 women). In rural areas the gap is larger at 0.89. In the rural villages surrounding the proposed mine site, the male / female ratio is 1.01 (101 men for every 100 women). In urban areas, there is a longer-term trend of out-migration of youth to Conakry and elsewhere in Guinea or to neighbouring countries, looking for either training or employment. In most villages, the dependency ratio (1) is high, given the high number of people below the national working age (sixteen years). This places a significant burden on the population of working age. The average dependency ratio is 1.08 in CU of Beyla (almost 11 people inactive for 10 working people), with an even higher dependency ratio in CR of Nionsomoridou (1.6) and CR of Kouankan (1.8).

(1) The dependency ratio is calculated by dividing the number of people under age 15 and above age 64 by the number of people between the ages of 15 and 64, then multiplying by 100. For instance, a dependency ratio of 0.9 means there are nine dependents for every ten working-age people.


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15.6.3 Origins, Ethnicity, Language, Religion and Traditional Practices Table 15.6 provides an overview of the origins, ethnicity and religion of key villages in the local study area. Table 15.6 Origins, Ethnicity and Religion in Key Villages in the Local study area

District Sector / Village Date Founded

Founding Families

Historic Origin of Community

Ethnic Groups Religion

CU Beyla

Beyla Town Beyla Sobakono 1600 Bérété; Kanté

Marabout Konianké Islam


- - - Konianké Islam

Diakolidou Sobakono

- - Social conflicts Konianké, Peul, Malinké, Sousou, Guerzé Kissi

Islam

Diakolidou Tinikan

- Kourouma - Konianké, Peul, Malinké, Sousou, Guerzé Kissi

Islam Christian

Kissibou 1960’s - - Kissi, Guerzé, Toma, Konianké, Peul

Christian Islam

Morisangarédou Morisangarédou 1937 Mory Sangaré

Pasture land Peul Islam

Kéoulendou 1940 Camera - Konianké Islam

Piyaro 1908 Moussa Traoré

Fleeing Touré Konianké, Peul Islam

Banankoro Banankoro 1848 Vayamo Camara

Fleeing Touré Konianké Islam

Foma 1908 Kaba Bilivogui

Looking for water

Konianké, Toma Mania, Guerzé, Peul

Islam Animism Christian

Goékoro 1868 Nièbè Condé; Konaté

- Konianké, Peul Islam

Thia 1858 Moussa Camara

Agriculture / pasture land, Hunting land

Konianké Islam

Koimoridou 1837 Kéké Camara; Condé

- Konianké Islam

CR Nionsomoridou

Nionsomoridou Nionsomoridou 1215 Koumoura; Fofana

- Konianké, Malinké, Manian, Peul

Islam

Wataférédou II 1927 Kourouma Agricultural land / Iron production

Konianké Islam

Wataférédou I - - - - Islam

Yéndédou Traoréla 1880 Condé; Camara; Traoré

Agricultural land

Konianké, Peuls Bassando, and Peuls Fouta

Islam


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District Sector / Village Date Founded

Founding Families

Historic Origin of Community

Ethnic Groups Religion

Moribadou Moribadou 1880 Yapalan Condé

Agricultural land; Hunting land

Konianké, Peul, Malinké, Sousou, Guerzé Kissi

Islam

Mafindou Mafindou 1808 Mafini Camara; Bérété

- Konianké Islam

Baladou 1880 Balla Bilivogui; Condé

Social conflicts Toma, Peuls, Konianké, Soussou, Guerzé, Kissi

Islam

Kankoro 1908 Condé Hunting land Konianké Islam

CR Kouankan

Banko Banko Centre 1942 Kemo Menze Camara

Social conflicts Toma Mania Islam

Lamandou 1888 Lama Condé

Hunting game; Agricultural land

Konianké Islam

Kotia (hamlet) 1850 Grovogui - Toma Christian Animism

Mandou 1880 Keita; Condé

Tribal wars Toma Mania Islam

Naouinzou 1887 Hatakoi Gorovogui

Tribal wars Toma, Kissi, Guerzé

Islam Christian

Touréla 1907 Vamara Camara

Agricultural land

Konianké Islam

Orono 1890 Soumaoro Tribal wars Toma Mania Islam

Dandano Dandano 1860 Koikoi Sakouvogui

Land conflicts Toma Islam Christian

Silafarala 1958 Billigui Moriba Koivogui

Agricultural land

Toma Islam

Bonodou Koréla 1897 Condé Agricultural land

Toma Mania, Peul

Islam

Mamouroudou (hamlet)

1920 Soumaoro Agricultural land

Konianké Islam

15.6.3.1 Village Origins The origins, founding families and key lineages are fundamental to understanding the social, cultural and political characteristics of the communities. There have been several periods of village creation in the local study area. There are also common threads in terms of the reasons for establishing new villages and where the settlers came from. These are outlined below (1). Earliest villages: In the local study area, Nionsomoridou is the oldest community, settled nearly 800

years ago in 1215. Beyla Sobakono, the original village that has become the town of Beyla, was

(1) SNC Lavalin Environment (August 2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline.


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founded in the early 1600s. Both of these communities were established by families headed by esteemed religious leaders (marabouts) that migrated from areas farther north in the Konya region.

Villages established between the late 1700s and the 1850s: During this period, several Konianké

villages were established east of the Simandou Range and southwest of Beyla, including Banankoro, Thia and Mafindou. The settlers to Banankoro came from near Moussada, the original centre of Konya. Mafindou was settled when people moved from Soyara, a village 14 km to the south. West of the Simandou Range, the Toma village of Naouinzou was established in this same period. Social conflicts or tribal wars appear to be the reason people migrated into the area from elsewhere in Macenta Prefecture.

Villages established between 1850 and the early 1900s: The majority of villages in the local study area were founded during this period. Many people fled areas of fighting or moved because of taxes imposed, others resettled in search ofnew agricultural and / or hunting lands. New villages are generally located within close range of where people had previously been living. For example, Traoréla was settled by people from Koréla (about 10 km away), Kankoro by people from Soyara (5 km), Touréla by people from Banko (5 km) and Lamandou by people from Moribadou (5-10 km over the mountain range). Toma villages such as Foma and Dandano were settled by people who had been living within Pic de Fon.

Villages established between the early 1900s and 1960s: In the first half of the 20th century, several other communities in the local study area were established. In the mid-1940s, the existing village of Banko moved. The reason for this is not clear, although the community experienced an epidemic of smallpox during that period. The other new villages were established as ‘satellite’ villages. Wataférédou II was founded by people coming from the neighbouring village of the same name.

As discussed in Section 15.5.3.5, the lineage characteristics of the villages within the local study area are changing with the influx of refugees and migrants from neighbouring countries and other parts of Guinea. This is leading to more diverse communities and progressively modifying the influence of traditional lineages on local authority. 15.6.3.2 Ethnic Composition and Language There are more than thirty ethnic groups in Guinea. However, three groups account for 95% of the country’s population, namely the Peul / Fulani (45%), Malinké (30%) and Soussou (20%). Traditionally, the Forest Guinea region, (including Beyla and Kérouané prefectures), has been a region where different communities co-exist with various traditions, customs, languages, religions and beliefs. Ethnic diversity is a resultof inter-ethnic marriages and population movements (including in-migrants / refugees). The population of the administration region of N’Zérékoré is composed of several ethnic groups, including the Konianké, Guerzé, Toma Mania and Peul. An overview (including their geographical distribution) is outlined below and summarised by selected villages in Figure 15.7. The majority ethnic group in the study area is Konianké (previously known as Malinké). They originally

came from the Sub-Saharan region to the north and became known as the Konya when they moved into the Simandou region. They have since inter-married with local residents and are now referred to as Konianké. Konianké is the most dominant group in the Beyla Prefecture; the majority of residents living in Beyla and the rural villages located to the east of the Simandou Range identify themselves as Konianké. They can also be found in the northwest part of Macenta Prefecture. More recently however, there has been significant in-migration of different ethnicities into Beyla and Moribadou; this has led to a lowering of the proportion of Konianké in the study area.

The Toma, Guerzé and Kissi are among the ethnic groups that lived in the Simandou region prior to the

arrival of the Konya. The Guerzé live in the southeast part of N’Zérékoré and within Beyla Prefecture, they are primarily located in the CR of Boola. They are predominantly farmers and over the years have developed specific agricultural practices and maintained fertile fields in wealthy villages. The Malinké / Konianké and Guerzé initially had close social, economic and political ties. However, as the Malinké /


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Konianké came to dominate this region, they progressively severed their ties with the Guerzé and began to push them to the south and southeast of the region.

The Toma originated in the savanna areas in the prefectures of Kankan and Kérouané and now live primarily in the forested areas in the center of the N’Zérékoré region, including the prefectures of Beyla and Macenta. The villages in which they have settled include Kotia, Naouinzou, Dandano and Silafarala in the CR of Kouankan, Baladou in the CR of Nionsomoridou and Foma in the CU of Beyla. These villages are located on the south-western and souther boundaries of the Pic de Fon Classified Forest. Futrher details on this forest are provided in Section 15.7.

Small groups of migratory Peul, most of who are active in cattle herding, are found near forests within the region. They have in some instances settled permanently in the Simandou region, attracted by the favourable conditions for livestock. In 1908 the village of Morisangarédou was founded by a Peul from the Bassandou area between Kankan and Faranah; Peul continue to be the major ethnic group in this community.

In Beyla and other urban centres the population is more ethnically diverse and thus less homogenous than in the rural villages.

Figure 15.7 Ethnicity in Selected Villages in the Local Study Area

Source: SNC Lavalin Environment (2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline.

There are no known concentrations of refugees in the local study area, however, there is a refugee camp located in Kouankan that was established in 2000. Since the 1990s, over 500 000 individuals have arrived in Guinea seeking refuge from political instability and conflict in neighbouring countries. While Guinea's refugee population has declined in recent years, either through independent or assisted repatriation, the UNHCR reports that the country continues to host approximately 14 000 refugees from Liberia, Sierra Leone, Côte d'Ivoire and other countries (1). The three main national languages in Guinea are Peul, Malinké / Konianké and Susu. Although each ethnic group has its own customs and language, these are often assimilated amongst the groups over time. In the local study area, 96% of the population speak Malinké or Konianké. Almost 22% of the population can speak French. In the villages on the east of the Simandou Ridge, 7% can speak English. This may be explained by the relative proximity of Sierra Leone to the local study area.

(1) UNHCR. 2012 Regional Operations Profile - West Africa. Available at http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e484c66

– last accessed on 08-05-12.


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15.6.3.3 Religion and Traditional Practices Islam is practiced by the majority of residents both within the local study area and throughout Guinea. Muslims account for as much as 98% of the population in the CU of Beyla and 94% in the CR of Nionsomoridou. Small numbers of Animists are also found in the CR of Nionsomoridou. Ethnically more diverse, the CR of Kouankan also has the largest non-Muslim population; 19% of households categorise themselves as Animists and 3% as Christian. The remainding 77% are Muslims. Animist beliefs and rituals have been integrated into both Christian and Muslim practices. The majority of the Christians found in the area are migrants from other African countries. The majority of villages either have at least one mosque or access to a mosque in a neighbouring village. In the larger villages there are numerous mosques (eg Nionsomoridou, Moribadou and Mafindou). In many cases these are modest single-room structures that can accommodate approximately twenty to thirty people. Larger mosques are found in the larger communities, such as Beyla and the larger villages (eg Moribadou). Dandano has a church but no mosque while Silafarala has both a church and a mosque. Traditionally, villages have sacred places linked to nearby natural areas. The sites are largely in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest, forests surrounding the villages, along the banks of rivers, or, at the foot of large trees. Altars are often formed with a pile of stones or a rock used for sacrifices and prayer. Nearly 100 sites have been identified within the local study area. For more information of cultural heritage and practices, refer to Chapter 13: Cultural Heritage. 15.6.4 Village Structure and Social Organisation The local study area is characterised by scattered traditional rural villages, typically comprising small agglomerations of family concessions, surrounded by forest land and scattered plantations. Each concession is a grouping of traditional huts with thatch roofs yet, rectangular houses with tin roofs are also becoming increasingly prevalent. Concessions also include small kitchen vegetable gardens, generally limited to a few square metres. The largest villages are Moribadou (178 ha), Nionsomoridou (42 ha) and Dandano (32 ha). While the members of a community generally live together in their founding village, many villages have also established separate hamlets or encampments associated with outlying agricultural and / or grazing lands. These are generally agricultural hamlets that are used temporarily during the dry season. Other hamlets are established by herders near grazing lands for their animals or used as hunting camps. Two hamlets forming part of lands associated with the village of Moribadou, known as Kotia and Siatouro, were present close to the mine area. Both are now abandoned. Kotia was a permanent hamlet and appears to have been abandoned as Moribadou was seen as offering greater opportunity for employment on the Simandou Project. Siatouro was located in an area used for seasonal cultivation but is within an area of the Pic de Fon Classified Forest in which cultivation is not permitted (for further details see Section 15.7). The physical form of the traditional rural village and the development within the village reflects, in many respects, aspects of the social organisation of communities in the local study area. A village is often sub-divided into different areas, each one generally recognised as ‘belonging’ to and occupied by the members of a single lineage. In other instances, however, a lineage may extend into different spaces within the village. For example, Foma and Touréla each have two subdivisions; Nionsomoridou, Banko and Silafarala have three, Baladou and Moribadou have five, and Dandano has eight. Traditionally, each village is encircled by a forested area. These forests are a source of resources which form an integral part of people’s livelihoods, as well as being places of social, cultural and religious importance (see Chapter 13: Cultural Heritage). Photographs of typical traditional villages are shown in Figure 15.8.


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Figure 15.8 Typical Traditional Villages

15.6.5 Household Structure In most cases, the household is comprised of an extended family or clan. Throughout Guinea both nuclear and extended households are present. Nationally the average household size is estimated to be six persons, however, in the local study area it is ten persons. In addition to the wives and children of the household head, the household will often include his brothers and their wives and children. Household size is generally much smaller among recent in-migrants. Although polygamy is prohibited by the Guinean Civil Code (Article 315) (1), it is estimated that approximately half of Guinean women, and as many as two thirds of the households in the study area are in polygamous unions (2). The head of each household is the patriarch; he has responsibility for, and authority over, its other members. In 2005, the United Nations estimated that 46% of girls in Guinea between the age of 15 and 19 were married, divorced or widowed (3). The practice of polygamy often leads to forced marriages, common in most ethnic and religious groups. In addition, the practice of ‘sororate marriage’ persists (marriage between a widower and the sister of his deceased wife) (4). 15.6.6 Mutual Aid Networks and Associations In each village, there are a number of civil society organisations which provide support to those in poverty. Alongside traditional leadership figures and representatives of local government, they identify and manage the common interests / issues of the communities. Traditionally, mutual aid groups are organised by social groupings (eg men, women and young people) and economic grouping (eg agricultural cooperatives). Special collections are undertaken when individuals or households require specific assistance. Other mutual aid groups are based on lineages and bring people together to organise and pay for family ceremonies. There are often different associations for elderly and younger men. Organisations aimed at young men bring people together to accomplish common tasks. Together they cultivate fields and perform tasks for the benefit of the community, for instance road maintenance, building schools and mosques, cleaning village tracks, amongst others.

(1) de civil: adopté par loi 004/APN/83 du 16 février 1983. Civil Code adopted by law No 004/APN/83 of 16 February 1983 (2) Africa for Women’s Rights (2011). “Guinea- Conakry”. Available at www.africa4womenrights.org – last accessed on 30-08-11. (3) Ibid. (4) Social Institutions and Gender Index (2009) Gender Equality and Social Institutions in Guinea. Available at http://genderindex.org/country/guinea - last accessed on 14-03-12.


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Organisations also exist which are targeted specifically for women. Some are intended to provide mutual assistance, for instance to help individuals and families in difficulties. Others serve to organise women for paid and unpaid agricultural labour. Typically women’s associations support activities such as cleaning water sources, management of wells and boreholes, maintenance of schools and develop health related programmes. Increasingly, men’s and women’s groups are working together and mixed-gender groups are now being established. The nature of mutual aid networks and associations varies between the villages dependent uponthe nature of specific issues that a particular village facaes, as well asthe availability of relevant skills. A summary of some of the key associations relevant to the local study area is provided in Table 15.7. Table 15.7 Mutual Aid Associations Relevant to the Local Study Area

Mutual Aid Organisation Description

Council of Mosques Co-ordinate the maintenance and repair of mosques.

Council of Islamic League Co-ordinate religious (Islamic) activities.

Provide assistance to the sick and those in need.

The Water Point Committee (Comité des Points d’Eau - CPE)

Manage drilling and the maintenance of boreholes.

Collect payments relating to borehole use.

Management Committee of the Health Centres (Comité de Gestion des Centres de Santé - COGES)

Oversee the maintenance and hygiene of health centres.

Association of Parents (Association des Parents et Amis de l’Ecole - APAE)

Typically work with schools and liaise with the school principal, the village and administrative services.

Co-ordinate and undertake school facility repairs and help run school canteens.

Management Committee of Forest Protect forests around villages; manage wood cutting activities, implementreforestation programs and respond to bushfires.

Committee for the Maintenance of Rural Roads Maintain rural roads.

Union of Agricultural Groups of Nionsomoridou (Union des Groupements Agricoles de Nionsomoridou - UGAN)

Includes 39 associations in the Nionsomoridou CR withover 650 members (including more than 300 women).

Farm more than 70 ha of collective fields, lowlands and plains dedicated to rice cropping and market gardening.

Members receive training from an NGO and collectively invest in order to improve farming outputs

Fata Association Work together to undertake paid farm work.

Income received by the group is typically used to purchase clothing for its members.

Established a tontine (an investment system by which the women subscribers pay into a fund and receive dividends on the investment)

In 2008, 47% of people living in the villages close to the proposed mine belonged to one or more mutual aid organisation (1). In some villages, such as Kéoulendou, Traoréla, Moribadou, Baladou and Naouinzou as well as the hamlet of Mamouroudou, 65% of the population belongs to a group. Figure 15.9 and Figure 15.10 show the proportion of villages involved in mutual aid and youth organisations in the local study area. Youth Associations actively participate in local development activities such as the maintenance of roads, sporting facilities, mosques and schools. In the village of Boubaro, the youth association comprises

(1) La Granada Enterprises Ltd, (2008). Étude de Base socio-économique, État de référence. Mission du 18/02/08 au 17/05/08, Rapport 2/3. Conakry: Simfer S.A.


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approximately 35 people and is committed to agricultural tasks: clearance, ploughing, mounding and harvesting. They are paid 10 000-15 000 GNF/day (US$1.5 to US$2) and the money collected serves to either buy goods for the benefit of the group or is redistributed amongst its members. In villages close to the proposed mine there has been a decline in the number of people joining mutual aid organisations, particularly amongst young people (1). It appears that young people are more interested in wage employment opportunities arising from the Simandou Project and as a result, are abandoning more traditional forms of mutual aid and support. Figure 5.10 shows that in the CRs of Nionsomoridou and Kouankan large proportions of young people are not involved in mutual aid groups. In addition to associations and committees, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) also provide assistance to people in the study area. Most of these are based in the urban areas in Guinea; however, some NGOs run programmes on women’s economic empowerment and health and literacy in rural areas. NGOs active in the local study area include Village Sans Frontière pour les Actions de Développement (VISFAD) which focuses on community health, and ZALI-AC, which focuses on literacy. Figure 15.9 Membership in Mutual Aid Organisations in the Local Study Area


(1) La Granada Enterprises Ltd, (2008) Étude de Base socio-économique, État de référence. Mission du 18/02/08 au 17/05/08, Rapport 2/3. Conakry: Simfer S.A.


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Figure 15.10 Membership in Youth Organisations in the Local Study Area


15.6.7 Vulnerable Groups In the local study area categories of people who are considered to have some level of vulnerability are: women; the elderly; marginal / minority ethnic groups; refugees; disabled or chronically ill persons; villages with limited access or no access to roads; people without access to land or land-based livelihoods; and youth. 15.6.7.1 Women In traditional Guinean society, a number of practices tend to determine the social status of women as lower than that of men. Traditionally, women do not inherit or own land. Women are entitled to hold land only on a usufruct (1)

basis, which authorises them to work family-owned land and draw a wage.

(1) Usufruct is a right of enjoyment enabling a holder to derive profit or benefit from property that either is titled to another person or which is held in common ownership.


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Women often play a limited role in decision-making at community and national levels. Although sometimes participating in village councils and other traditional forums, women’s position and power in village affairs and decision-making is still generally limited.

Women generally have low levels of social development when measured in terms of literacy,

educational attainment or general health conditions.

At a national level, the literacy rate for women is only 14% (versus 45% for men). In the N’Zérékoré region, the average literacy rate for women is 22%. In this region school enrolment rates for girls are significantly below the national average and the discrepancies become larger at upper levels of education. In the local study area, more girls than boys fail to complete school. Consequently, the levels of education are lower amongst women than men (see Section 15.10.1).

The incidence of maternal mortality is very high in Guinea. The country was ranked 178th out of 187 countries in 2008 with a maternal mortality ratio of 680 deaths of women per 100 000 live births (1).

In the local study area, women primarily work as unpaid agricultural labour while men control cash-cropping and agricultural income. Women primarily use their produce for household consumption. As a result, formal credit is generally less accessible to women than to men. This is in parts compensated by the fact that mutual aid organisations tend to be important amongst women.

In Guinea 17% of rural households are headed by women. Nearly 55% of rural female headed households (45% of rural male headed households) live below the poverty line.

15.6.7.2 The Elderly The elderly are generally recognised as being vulnerable. They are often dependent on the younger generations for assistance in meeting their basic needs (eg housing, water, food). They typically prefer their lifestyles to remain unchanged and are less likely to readily adapt to change. Not being part of the active workforce, the elderly are usually not in a position to take advantage of the benefits typically associated with large projects such as the Simandou Project. 15.6.7.3 Marginal / Minority Ethnic Groups As described in Section 15.6.3.2, the population of the administration region of N’Zérékoré is characterised by ethnic diversity resulting from of inter-ethnic marriages and population. On the whole, there is reportedly limited discrimination against any particular ethnic group. There may, however, be a risk that in some villages dominated by particular ethnic groups, there may be some form of discrimination against the minority ethnic groups, such as the Peul, who migrate through the area and with whom conflicts have been reported in relation to grazing. 15.6.7.4 Refugees Historically there has been an influx of refugees into Guinea, specifically those who were displaced during civil disturbances in Liberia and Sierra Leone between 1990 and 1995. There was a dramatic reduction in the number of refugees, between 2004 and 2007 due to assisted the repatriation of approximately 50 000 refugees to their countries of origin, mostly from the prefectures of Kissidougou and N'Zérékoré, where the mine is located. Although many of the refugees have integrated into local village communities and there are no obvious concentrations of refugees in the area, it is possible that they may still be regarded as outsiders by some. No specific examples of discrimination were identified but there may be a risk that the refugees could be marginalised from decision-making and access to opportunities

(1) UNDP (2011). International Human Development Indicators – Guinea.


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15.6.7.5 Disabled or Chronically Ill Persons; The disabled are usually considered as vulnerable individuals within society. Where there are disabled persons it should be recognised that they are vulnerable and unlikely to be able to access the Project benefits. People living with HIV/AIDS and Tuberculosis (TB) can be considered to be disabled as their ability to remain healthy and maintain their livelihoods is often compromised by their illness. There are inadequate facilities available in the local study area to diagnose and treat people living with HIV/AIDS and TB. 15.6.7.6 Villages with Limited or No Access to Roads; There are a number of villages with limited or no road access. In particular, road access is severed / disrupted for many villages during the rainy season. In particular, the villages of Lamandou, Orono, Baladou and Touréla are not accessible by road. As such, access to markets, health care facilities and other social infrastructure and services is extremely limited and people may not receive information about the Project and the associated opportunities. 15.6.7.7 People without Access to Land or Land-based Livelihoods Given the heavy reliance on land and land-based livelihoods (80-95%), people without access to land are vulnerable and are likely to find it difficult to support themselves and their families. In the local study area there are few alternatives available to people to sustain themselves. 15.6.7.8 Youth For the purposes of this assessment, youth are quantitatively defined as persons aged approximately 15 to 24 or, recognising variations by cultural context, qualitatively defined by their degree of independence with respect to their obtainment of a livelihood, relationship status and living arrangements (1). Youth can be recognised as vulnerable, though in a way distinct from other categories listed above. Being at their physical prime but often facing an unknown future, youth may be seen as both empowered and disempowered. Youth are vulnerable in the sense that they are between dependence (childhood) and independence (adulthood); without access to resources and support to enable their transition to adulthood, youth may face a large degree of instability in their lives. Another characteristic of youth is that it is a time when individuals are developing their identities and questioning societal norms; when youth perceive that their economic and social prospects are poor, they may engage in antisocial behaviour. 15.7 Land Management and Tenure 15.7.1 Pic de Fon Classified Forest Development and Management Plan A key factor influencing current patterns of land use and management in the local study area is the designation of the Pic de Fon Classified Forest. The Classified Forest was designated in the 1950s with the principal aim of protecting timber resources. A development and management plan was published in 2010 covering the period from 2010-2030, as described in Chapter 12: Biodiversity. Rio Tinto first discussed the need for a stakeholder agreed management plan with the Centre Forestier de N’Zérékoré (CFZ) in 2005, and decided to engage in the development of the Pic de Fon Management Plan in 2008. The Pic de Fon Management Plan was agreed by Government on 15 October 2010, and implementation commenced in December 2010, financed by Rio Tinto and by revenue from plantation and rice cultivation within the Classified Forest which is paid to the Comité de Gestion Forestière (COGEF). The Plan is being implemented in partnership with CFZ by staff the Rio Tinto Simandou Environment Department based at the Mine site. Following one year of implementation, Rio Tinto financed a third-party review of the Plan in February 2012, the results of which are currently being integrated into management planning for 2012 and onwards.

(1) Proposed mitigation measures targeting youth will be directed towards the 15 to 24 age group, but ages may be adjusted upwards or downwards as determined appropriate for the Guinean context through on-going stakeholder feedback, and as required by applicable Guinean laws. See World Bank. ‘Children & Youth’. Available at http://go.worldbank.org/2ESS9SO270 - last accessed 11 May 2011.


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The main aim of developing and implementing the plan was to reconcile biodiversity conservation with mining and sustainable management of renewable natural resources. The Plan defines a spatial zoning system with three zones: a Fully Protected Area (8 839 ha), a Production Area (8 048 ha), and a Mining Area (7 988 ha) shown in Figure 15.11. The following activities are prohibited in all parts of the Classified Forest: panning for gold or gold washing - these cause deterioration of bas fonds, making them unfit for

cultivation; opening or operating sand, gravel or stone quarries; harvesting timber; using fire or cutting down trees to harvest honey; cutting down trees to harvest fruit, or picking unripe fruit; harvesting fuelwood for commercial purposes; fishing with small-mesh nets (prohibited to protect young fish); fishing using explosives; fishing using poisons of any kind; and building small dams across streams to create fishing ponds (to avoid diverting water from riverbed). There are other various general restrictions which apply to forest activities. These are indicated below.

Hunting is prohibited in the forest for the 20 year duration of the Development and Management Plan, in

accordance with a notice published by the Hunters’ Brotherhood. This is monitored by COGEFs, the CFZ and the forest service.

Agricultural activities are limited to cultivation of the bas fonds. Where these have sources of water and a substantial cover of raffia palm trees, they will not be cultivated. Affected farmers will be assisted to develop land outside the area. No land clearing will be permitted for the opening of new agricultural areas.

Perennial fruit tree plantations are a major agricultural activity in and around the Classified Forest producing coffee, cocoa, bananas, kola and avocados. Most plantations are in the south near the villages of Dandano and Banko. A maintenance and harvesting agreement is to be negotiated between the occupants, COGEFs and CFZ. Establishment of new fruit tree plantations and expansion of existing ones will not be permitted.

Grazing (excluding the grazing of zebu, which is specifically prohibited) is authorised in grassland

savanna areas only at densities of up to 15 head per ha to avoid over-grazing. This will be monitored by the livestock authorities to ensure that wild fauna is not contaminated by sick domestic animals. Suitable grazing areas will be identified by CFZ in cooperation with livestock farmers, COGEFs and Simfer. CFZ and COGEFs will ensure that this activity is beneficial to the interests of all stakeholders. Regular surveys will be carried out to monitor the regeneration of wood resources.

Market gardening is allowed, but will be directed to interested villages and suitable bas fonds. Fishing will be authorised in the Production Area and the Mining Area for local consumption only. If the

quantities caught exceed this purpose and are sold on the commercial market, COGEFs must ensure that the activity is sustainable and beneficial for the local community.

B E Y L A

M A C E N T A

N.1N.1N.1

Baladou

Dandano

Moribadou

Traoréla

BousséférédouBousséférédou IICamaradou

Mamadi

Touréla

Mandou

Orono

Lamandou

Famoila

N'Falydou

Naouinzou

Koidou

Domanidou

Foma

KoimoridouKankoro

Kissiboula

Banko

Korèla

Bonodou

Wataférédou II

Mafindou

NionsomoridouKamandou

Vassaou

Gbadédou

Soyaro

Mimaro

D'giboudou

Kouwandala

Wataférédou I Bobaro

DelewouCentre

BaghalayeCentre

BiliguewoulouCentre

Mamouroudou

9°0'0"W

9°0'0"W

8°30'0

"N

8°30'0

"N

500000

500000

9500

00

9500

00

Client: Taille: Titre:Légende:

Figure 15.11Zones de gestion de Pic de Fon / Pic de Fon Management Areas

Zone de gestion / Management ZoneZone minière / Mining ZoneZone de sécurité de la mine /Mine Safety ZoneZone de production /Production ZoneZone de protection intégrale /Strict Protection ZoneUsine et infrastructures minières /Mine Plant & InfrastructureContour de mine / Mine OutlineTerril de stériles / Waste EmplacementTracé indicatif de la voie ferrée / Indicative Rail Alignment

Chef lieu de préfecture /Prefecture Chief TownChef lieu de sous-préfecture /Sub-Prefecture Chief TownVillage / VillageRoute principale / Primary RoadRoute secondaire / Secondary RoadRoute tertiaire / Tertiary RouteCours d'eau / WatercourseLimite de la préfecture / Prefecture Boundary

Projection: WGS 1984 UTM Zone 29N

File:

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Date: 12/06/2012

Dessiné par: WB

Vérifié par: PS

Approuvé par: KR

Projet: 0131299

Echelle: Comme barre d'échelle


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There will be no timber harvesting in the Classified Forest during the term of the development plan, except for the harvesting of wood for either rural construction or fuel purposes to meet household needsin both the Production Area and in the Mining Area. Harvesting of non-timber forest products, such as medicinal plants, straw, wild fruit and berries, vines, bamboo, raffia and honey, will be allowed to continue in the Production Area and the Mining Area, but only for household use.

Specific provisions apply in the three zones as outlined below. 15.7.1.1 The Fully Protected Area The Fully Protected Area covers 8 839 ha of the Classified Forest. It encompasses the most intact parts of the forest on the western side of the Simandou ridge and some mountainside sectors. It is identified as the heart of the Classified Forest, as well as a genetic reservoir of flora and fauna where the greatest biodiversity is conserved and protected for scientific research and other purposes. The following practices are prohibited in the Fully Protected Area: operation and maintenance of fruit tree plantations, including banana plantations; grazing; fishing of any kind; use of bas fonds for any purpose; market gardening; beekeeping; harvesting of vines, bamboo or raffia; harvesting of wood of any kind; picking of wild fruit and berries; harvesting of medicinal plant products and straw; harvesting of palm tree products; and starting bush fires. 15.7.1.2 The Production Area The Production Area covers 8 048 ha of the Classified Forest. It is located primarily on the southern, southwestern and northern edges. It is made up of extensive plantations of fruit trees, cultivated areas - such as bas fonds and plains and, large expanses of grassland savanna which have been created by a long human presence and frequent burning and are used for grazing of large livestock. The following activities are authorized in the Production Area: cultivation of selected bas fonds for a limited period during the first phase of the development plan (5–10

years), until new resources can be developed outside of the Classified Forest;

management of the fruit tree plantations for a limited period of 10 years, until new resources can be developed outside of the Classified Forest;

grazing of livestock only on grassland savanna or in non-forested areas, in order to facilitate natural

forest regeneration; other improvement or production activities, such as market gardening or beekeeping, decided on a

case-by-case basis by the management authorities; reforestation of degraded areas with local species; and other activities, including:

gathering of dead wood; fishing;


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cutting bamboo and rattan; harvesting of straw; cultivation of raffia; cutting of vines; and limited harvesting of wood for rural construction.

15.7.1.3 The Mining Area The activities permitted in the Production Area (eg maintenance and harvesting of plantations, palm groves, fishing and use of bas fonds for farming) will also be permitted in the Mining Area until the mine development activities are initiated and mine infrastructure constructed. Once mine development and construction activities begin, they will create new safety risks for third parties, meaning that community ingress into the Mining Area will need to be controlled and restricted. 15.7.2 Customary Land Tenure Land is a critical resource that is relied upon for development and livelihood activities throughout the study area. Those people who do not own or have user rights to land are considered to be vulnerable. In Guinea, as in the rest of Africa, land is administered through both statutory and customary systems of land tenure and usage rights. A summary of land tenure and management is provided below. The influx of migrants associated with the exploration phase of the Project in recent years has resulted in increased pressure on land in the area surrounding the mine. This is most notable in Beyla and Moribadou. The right to occupy and cultivate land in rural Guinea is largely administered through the customary land tenure system. Summarised simply, founding families are considered as “custodians” of all village land on behalf of the community (known as the chef de terre [sotigui]); this responsibility (also termed “droit éminent”) is passed from generation to generation within the founding lineage. They are responsible for allocating land to community members, managing land conflicts, and ensuring the respect of some local practices for the preservation of land fertility – including fallow and exclusion (sacred) areas. The founding lineage allocates land to others to use for residential and agricultural purposes as follows. The founding family invites two or three other lineages to settle. The newcomers are allocated lands to

clear and exploit for habitation and agriculture. The newly arrived families are initially granted conditional rights (“droit précaire”) to the land. Over time

the nature of land ownership shifts to one of unconditional rights (“droits consolidés”), with the new lineage gaining full control of the land.

Subsequently established lineages may invite other lineages to settle and allocate some of their lands to them. As a result, in some communities there can be several “generations” of lineages that hold consolidated rights to their lands and constitute the principal lineages. Access to land for new arrivals can therefore be considered as a temporary right (droit précaire), granted by the founding lineage that may become confirmed over time. Land can also be loaned out with the permission of the chief and elders. There may often be restrictions on the use of such land (for example, perennial plantation,s such as fruit trees, may not be authorised). Share-cropping, or the practice of making agricultural land available on a seasonal or longer-term basis in return for a proportion of the sharecropper’s harvest, is common in the local study area. The majority of land ownership across the local study area is customary; between 80% and 90% of land has been inherited or received as a gift from extended family. In the urban towns, approximately 5% of land is fully registered under the Land and Domain Code (CFD), and approximately 40% of the population are in the process of registering for formal recognition of their land tenure. In the rural areas as little as 1% of land is


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officially registered as private property. However, there are exceptions eg in Moribadou (1), the village closest to the mine, approximately 7% of the land is registered as privately owned. 15.7.3 Formal Land Tenure 15.7.3.1 Situation in Beyla Town In Beyla Town, in 2008-2010, it was found that nearly half of all households (47%) only hold customary tenure rights to their land (Table 15.8). As for the other households: a small number (5%) have fully registered titles under the requirements of the CFD. Some people have

documents that form part of the process of acquiring full registered title;

a small number (4%) have a land transfer document that was prepared at the time that they acquired ownership of the land. This document is a required first step in the process of acquiring registered title; and

in addition to the land transfer document, 42% of land holdings are also recorded on an official land-use

plan. This plan records the location of the property within the jurisdiction (eg town, district, sector), the area of the property and the presence of any constructions on the property. This planis accompanied by a fact sheet that identifies the owners and their rights. This is the second step in the process of acquiring registered title.

Table 15.8 Land Tenure in Beyla Town (% households) – 2008 (2)

Beyla town districts Statutory Title Customary Title Public land Land transfer

document Official land

use plan Registered

title Heritage

Rights stated Heritage Rights

not stated

Beyla Sobakono 2 13 0 79 3 3

Diakolidou Bouffèro 9 50 9 22 0 10

Diakolidou Sobakono 4.5 4.5 0 91 0 0

Diakolidou Tinikan 3 50 4 38 5 0

Kissibou 3 79 12 6 0 0

Beyla Town 4 42 5 45 2 2

15.7.3.2 Land Transfer Process in the Local Study Area Increasingly, land transfer transactions take place in urban and peri-urban areas in Guinea. This is the case in the urban area of Beyla and in other communities such as Moribadou, which have recently experienced a significant influx of people. The process of land sale can either be informal (overseen by a Land Chief and between local people), or formal (involving the Department of Urban Development and Housing). In the local study area approximately three quarters of households do not have any documents to support their land use rights. These households are located primarily in villages of Nionsomoridou CR, namely, Traoréla, Moribadou, Mafindou and Baladou. Due to customary land use rules enforced at community level, contestation of land use rights remains infrequent. Table 15.9 illustrates the means by which land is acquired in the local study area. The predominant means of accessing land is through inheritance (nearly 90% in CU Beyla, 78% in CR Nionsomoridou and 63% in CR Kouankan), reflecting the fact that most rural land is under customary forms of tenure. After inheritance, the

(1) The town of Beyla and, to a lesser extent, the village of Moribadou are practically the only places where formal land registration is taking place. In the other villages of the LSA, the process has not yet appeared. (2) La Granada Enterprises Ltd. (LGE) (2009a) Étude de Base socio-économique, État de Référence, Beyla-ville. Mission du 24/11/08 au 28/02/09, Rapport 2/3. Conakry: Simfer S.A.


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second most common form of acquisition is by gift / allocation (14%), then loans (5%), family agreements (2.3%) and finally purchase (0.9%). Each of these categories is discussed in more detail below. Inheritance and family agreement: These are the most common forms of land acquisition in the CU of

Beyla and CR of Nionsomoridou. However, on the west side of the Simandou Range in the CR of Kouankan, only two-thirds of households acquired land through inheritance and the proportions are as low as one-quarter (eg Touréla) and below 60% in Lamandou, Orono, Silafarala, Koréla and Mamouroudou. Mamouroudou is a hamlet of Koréla. Kotia appears to be a hamlet established within the lineage lands of a family, given that everyone acquired their land through inheritance. In the case of Mamouroudou, half the population acquired their land through inheritance, and the other half was allocated land by village authorities. Many of the Koréla hamlets have been established by Peul herders. Therefore, the use rights in Mamouroudou may be temporary or permanent depending on how they use the land and, if for cultivation, whether or not for plantations.

A small percentage of households said they acquired their land through a family agreement (overall

percentage of 2.7%). This may be a way of understanding one’s inheritance. Equally, it may reflect how most women and many young people within households have access to the land they use for cultivation.

Gifts and allocation is the second most common form of land acquisition; 14% of households acquired

land through an allocation made by the village chief or (if different) the head of the founding family. In the CU of Beyla and CR of Nionsomoridou, just over 10% of households were allocated land whereasin CR of Kouankan, more than aquarter of households received land in this manner (28.8%). The nature of use rights may be temporary and the allocation of particular parcels of land occurs on an annual basis or when fallow land is ready to use again. As noted above, the previous user of the land in question most often grants the permission to the new user. If a household wishes to establish plantations on their allocated land, they will require the permission of the village chief until their use rights become permanent.

The loan of land is the most common way in which newcomers to a community are able to acquire land

to grow crops. The proportion of households in the local study area that obtain land in this manner is, on average, about 5%. In some villages, however, 10-20% of households accessed land through loans (eg Banakoro, Traoréla, Mafindou and Banko). In Piyaro, close to the town of Beyla, about one quarter of households borrow land. In the CR of Nionsomoridou, the proportion of loans is almost three times the average in Traoréla. In Kouankan CR, this is true in the villages of Banko, Naouinzou and Touréla.

Land purchase accounts for only 0.9% of land acquisition in the local study area. This is in sharp contrast to the proportion of statutory land title (51%) in the town of Beyla (Table 15.9). However, it is consistent with the predominance of customary use rights throughout the local study area. Moribadou is one village where 7% of households purchased their land, most likely as a result of the demand for land caused by the influx of people looking for work. However, land purchase has also occurred in villages where these pressures are not as evident, namely Goékoro (10%) and Koréla (5.9%). The incidence of payment for land correlates with the villages where households purchased their land.

Table 15.9 Land Acquisition in the Local Study Area (% households), 2007 – 2009

Villages Inheritance Family agreement

Gift / allocation Loan Purchase

Morisangarédou 85.7 0.0 14.3 0.0 0.0

Kéoulendou 100 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0

Piyaro 75 0.0 0.0 25 0.0

Banankoro 88.2 0.0 0.0 11.8 0.0

Foma 75 0.0 12.5 12.5 0.0

Goékoro 90 0.0 0.0 0.0 10

Thia 100 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0

Koimoridou 100 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0


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Villages Inheritance Family agreement

Gift / allocation Loan Purchase

CU Beyla 89.4 0.0 3.3 6.1 1.4

Nionsomoridou 82.4 5.9 5.9 5.9 0.0

Wataférédou II 87.5 0.0 12.5 0.0 0.0

Wataférédou I - - - - -

Traoréla 75 0.0 8.3 16.7 0.0

Moribadou 89.3 0.0 0.0 3.6 7.1

Mafindou 72.2 0.0 16.7 11.1 0.0

Baladou 87.5 0.0 12.5 0.0 0.0

Kankoro 50 30 20 0.0 0.0

CR Nionsomoridou 77.7 5.1 10.8 5.32 1

Banko 71.4 0 14.3 14.3 0.0

Lamandou 44.4 22.2 33.3 0.0 0.0

Mandou 66.7 0.0 33.3 0.0 0.0

Naouinzou 87.5 0.0 0.0 12.5 0.0

Touréla 25 0.0 62.5 12.5 0.0

Orono 50 0.0 50 0.0 0.0

Dandano 86.7 0.0 13.3 0.0 0.0

Silafarala 56.3 6.3 37.5 0.0 0.0

Koréla 52.9 5.9 23.5 11.8 5.9

Mamouroudou 50 0.0 50 0.0 0.0

CR Kouankan 62.8 3.1 28.8 4.6 0.5

Total 76.6 2.7 14.3 5.3 0.9

Source: SNC Lavalin Environment (2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline. Village and household surveys were undertaken between 2007 and 2009.

15.7.4 Land Management Institutions and Conflict Management 15.7.4.1 Land Management Institutions The main institutions in charge of land tenure management at the level of the prefecture and the CR are as follows. Prefecture Land Tenure Commission: Established by the CFD, the Prefecture Land Tenure Commission

is responsible for determining whether investment requirements have been satisfied by applicants for land titles. However, in terms of the local study area, the Land Tenure Commission in Beyla, established in 1994, has never been functional (1).

Prefecture Department of Urban Planning and Housing: The Department of Urban Planning and

Housing assumes responsibility for carrying out the mandate of the Ministry of Urban Planning and Housing within the prefecture. Under the 2008 Decree D/2008/040/PRG/SGG, this includes the establishment of the framework for physical development within the territory of the prefecture inclusive of the CR and CU (2). The Mandate includes obligations to prepare strategic and local development plans (Plans ou Schémas Directeurs, Plans Locaux d’Urbanisme) and The Urban Development Master Plan (Schéma Directeur d’Aménagement et d’Urbanisme – SDAU). The latter defines the principal

(1) RTI International (2006). Report on the Preliminary Study of Land Use and Management in the Simandou Zone, Republic of Guinea. RTI International. (2) According to Article 185 of the 2008 Decree: “Established at communal and community levels, across the Department of Urban Planning and Housing, in collaboration with other concerned departments and agencies, the general framework of spatial development.”


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orientations for physical development of an urban area (types and locations of land uses, transportation infrastructure, public and community services and future development areas). There is no SDAU for the town of Beyla.

The CFD stipulates that the various CRs are responsible for the management of community land and assets. The Rural Land Policy advocates the establishment of local Land Commissions at the CR. However, to date no CR Land Commissions have been established in the area. It should be noted that at CR level, the commune council is in charge of preparing a Local Development Plan (Plan de développement local – PDL) that establishes a programme of development and maintenance of infrastructure and public services within the CR territory – the Village Support Program (Programme d’Appui aux Communautés Villageoises – PACV) described in Section 15.3.4 aims to support the councils in developing those PDLs (1). 15.7.4.2 Conflict Management Land is a common source of conflict in villages, occurring both within and between communities as described below. Intra-community conflicts: They are generally minor in nature and occur between individuals of the same

social group. The most common source of conflict is due to crop loss caused by unrestrained livestock. Less frequently, conflict occurs when someone has occupied land that has not been allocated to them.

Inter-community conflicts: The basis of these conflicts may be similar in nature to those that occur within

a community, but are often compounded by the lack of allegiance felt by the parties to the social group. For example, a historic conflict occurred between the villages of Traoréla and Koréla. This stemmed from the decision of leaders in Koréla to allow Peul herdsmen from Sierra Leone to settle permanently on their village lands. The conflicts of farming and herding activities have been exacerbated by the limits on use of lands within the Pic de Fon Classified Forest. These conflicts sometimes require the intervention of local administrations or other authorities.

The village Council of Elders is the institution responsible for traditional conflict resolution. Mediation is used primarily in the case of inter-community conflicts. In general, conflicts within villages and towns are settled through the intervention of the Local Councils, without reference to administrative authorities or the courts. In terms of modern conflict resolution, the sub-prefecture is the administrative body responsible for hearing and resolving conflicts for people living in rural villages. The prefecture has this responsibility in the CU of Beyla. If a matter cannot be resolved by the sub-prefecture it may be referred to the Prefectural Peace Court which is mandated to judge land litigation matters. In 2006, there were 18 land disputes before the Beyla Peace Court which represented 95% of the cases before the Court (2). 15.8 Livelihood and Economic Activities 15.8.1 Agriculture 15.8.1.1 Main Crops In the local study area, 80% to 95% of household heads are involved in agriculture. The populations of Beyla and the other larger villages (eg Dandano, Moribadou and Nionsomoridou) have more diverse livelihood activities such as waged employment and service-based and small-scale transformation businesses, eg rice hulling, coffee crushing and soap production. These are, however, small-scale and provide limited surplus income. In this essentially agricultural economy, growth is severely constrained by environmental and socio-economic factors, including:

(1) La Granada Enterprises Ltd. (LGE) (2008b) Étude de Base socio-économique, État de référence. Mission du 18/02/08 au 17/05/08, Rapport 2/3. Conakry: Simfer S.A. (2) RTI International (2006). Report on the Preliminary Study of Land Use and Management in the Simandou Zone, Republic of Guinea. RTI International.


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the limited availability and quality of agricultural land, water, forestry products, hunting and fishing resources;

limited access to modern agricultural techniques and equipment; limited access to markets due to poor transportation infrastructure; limited access to processing techniques for local valorisation of agricultural output; and

limited access to credit. The majority of the households (61%) rely on small-scale landholdings of less than four hectares. An important characteristic of subsistence agriculture is the high diversity of crops grown by households, on average, ten different crop types are grown per household. Rice, as the staple food, is the primary crop grown by most households. Other crops include cassava, yam, potato, groundnut, corn. Women also cultivate market gardens. Lastly, mango trees and various citrus trees are cultivated in the immediate periphery of villages as well as plantain and banana. The Republic of Guinea has identified increased rice production as a key strategy to reduce poverty in rural areas of the country. As a result there have been a number of development programmes sponsored by the government and donors to improve rice production in lowland areas which are particulary affected by soil degradation and erosion. In the Forest Guinea region, government objectives to upgrade lowland development have been hampered due to the high iron content in waterways. 15.8.1.2 Agro-Forestry Products Coffee was first introduced in the region in the 1930’s and more recently cocoa has been cultivated to take advantage of the favourable conditions on the western slope of the ridge. In the past decade there were initiatives to revitalise production. However, this programme is no longer operational and as a result plantations are limited in extent, poorly managed, and production is low. Many people cultivate kola trees interspersed with coffee trees. Kola nut has a high value for West African communities due to its medicinal properties. It also has important ceremonial uses and often accompanies social events such as weddings. Natural palm groves located along streams and bas fonds are exploited to extract red oil used for cooking and artisanal soap preparation. 15.8.1.3 Subsistence versus Income-Generating Agricultural Activities In the local study area, a distinction can be made between subsistence activities and income-generating activities. Subsistence activities are mainly rice and tuber production, fishing and hunting and animal husbandry. Income generating activities common in all villages are agriculture related services (ie trades and crafts), animal husbandry and market gardening. In specific villages, other income generating activities include palm oil production (Mafindou), plantations (Nionsomoridou and Banankoro) and groundnuts (Banankoro). Diversification into cash crops varies significantly across the area and is closely related to agro-ecological conditions. Villages of the western slope of Simandou (CR of Kouankan) benefit from greater rainfall and can therefore engage in cash cropping such as coffee, cola, cacao and fruit trees. Natural and cultivated palm groves are also found in this area. Natural palm groves are exploited to extract palm oil used for cooking and artisanal soap production. There are no industrial scale agricultural activities practiced in the mine local study area.


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15.8.1.4 Agricultural Land Types There are four distinct types of agricultural land ie lowlands, uplands, plains and plantations. The lowlands (bas fonds), including valley bottoms and flood plains, occupy only a small part of the local study area. Access to lowlands is highest amongst households in the CU of Beyla, in particular the villages of Piyaro, Morisangarédou, Banankoro, Foma and Thia where 50% to 67% of households farm in lowlands. Lowlands benefit from abundant natural irrigation all year round and fertile soils. They do not require fallow periods. They are used for rice cultivation and market gardening in the rainy season and in the dry season become excellent grazing land. These are considered to be the most valuable agricultural land and are generally protected under the customary law. Giving or selling lowland plots to foreigners is strictly prohibited (Figure 15.12). Cultivation of the lowlands is presently based on traditional methods although there is potential for the use of enhanced agricultural technologies. Figure 15.12 Typical Lowland Agriculture

Note: The picture on the right hand side is a satellite image of the lowland agricultural areas along the rail route

The uplands or hillside lands (coteaux) (Figure 15.13) are the most widespread agricultural land areas. They account for about 10% of the local study area and are used by approximately one-third of households in CU/CRs having access to hillsides. On average, the surface area of an upland plot is larger than that of a lowland plot. Most upland plots are cultivated with rice, other cereals (eg millet, fonio, sorghum) and groundnuts. Slash and burn agriculture is typically used, with fallow periods averaging five years. In recent times, fallow periods are shortening as a result of pressure on land from increased population. Crop yields are low (one to two tons per hectare for rice). Hillside fields are normally communal lands of a village and cultivated collectively. Areas of slash and burn are generally large, often more than 100 ha and are usually located within a radius of 1 to 1.5 km from the village and along paths / roads. Following clearance, each family is allocated an area of 0.5 to 1.5 ha which is subdivided among the household head, his wives and other family members.


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Figure 15.13 Typical Hillside Agriculture

The agricultural plains occupy uneven land above the bas fonds and are located along both sides of rivers. Unlike the lowlands, plains are not regularly flooded. Soils are of good quality but unsuitable for flooded rice cultivation. On the plains, the main crop is species of rice adapted to the plains, with an annual crop cycle ranging from 3 to 6 months depending on the variety of rice used. The single largest area of agricultural plains is about 400 ha near the village of Morisangarédou. Agricultural plains are the only areas that are large enough to allow motorised ploughing equipment. However, despite attempts to introduce more modern technologies, people have returned to the use of traditional methods and tools. The land is rarely left fallow and the income generated is not significant. Where the land is left fallow for a short period, it is used for grazing. The large extent of the agricultural plains enables a large quantity of produce to be grown. Accordingly, they are of great value to their owners who can cover all their subsistence requirements with rice. Agricultural plains are valued as highly as the lowlands plots. Plantations and palm groves are cultivated in both the lowland and upland areas. The income per hectare is relatively low, and the surface areas must be large to generate substantial income as the sale price for fruit is generally low. Plantations are rare in the local study area and are generally located within community forests around villages, alongside huts and in riparian forests. Coffee and cacao plantations are generally found in closed forests. The natural palm groves are widely exploited by local people to gather palm seeds and produce palm oil. During baseline surveys in 2008-2010, there were 161 fruit tree plantations in the Classified Forest, 155 of them in the Production Area and 6 in the Mining Area. These plantations covered a total of 213.64 ha in the Production Area and 18.09 ha in the Mining Area. Most of the plantations are in the southern part of the Pic de Fon, near the villages of Dandano and Banko. The most common crops are coffee, cocoa, bananas, cola and avocado. There is a higher concentration of natural palm groves on the western and southeast slopes of the Pic de Fon Classified Forest. Plantations have a particular legal status since they are registered as individually owned lands. During baseline surveys undertaken for the Project in 2008-2010, it was found that the Pic de Fon Classified Forest had 21 natural palm groves, with between 4 and 21 trees per grove near the villages of Traoréla, Mamorodou, Lamadou and Banko. Palm oil and palm kernel oil are extracted from about 17 groves each year. The total area of the groves was 292.60 ha. The establishment of new fruit tree plantations and the expansion of existing ones will no longer be permitted in the Classified Forest. Within the Fully Protected Area, there will also be no maintenance or harvesting of existing fruit plantations. In the Production Area, maintenance and harvesting of the plantations will be authorised for a period of 10 years, until the activity has been developed outside of the Classified Forest.


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15.8.1.5 Size of Land Holdings The majority (61%) of households have landholdings that are less than 4 ha, one-quarter have holdings between 5-9 ha; and less than 10% have holdings larger than 15 ha. The average landholding size per village varies considerably, for example in Dandano it is between 1-80 ha. The overall average landholding amongst households was 8 ha, this included people’s access to lineage lands and communal lands (see Figure 15.14). In Dandano and Koréla on the west slopes of the ridge and in Koimoroudou in the vicinity of Beyla, the

average landholding among households is 60-80 ha. In these communities, the average landholding is 8-10 times the overall average.

Throughout the CR of Nionsomoridou, households have, on average, landholdings that are larger (8 ha),

in particular in Moribadou and Baladou.

Conversely, in small villages such as Kéoulendou, Orono, Thia and Lamandou, households tend to have smaller than average landholdings.

Figure 15.14 Size of Land Holdings in Villages of the Local Study Area, 2007 – 2009


15.8.1.6 Agricultural Labour Recently, the monetisation of activities in what was traditionally a subsistence economy has resulted in an increase in the number of young men leaving rural areas to seek wage employment rather than continue the traditional agricultural activities. As a result, there is a shortage of capable people to undertake agricultural work. To overcome labour shortages, wealthier families may hire temporary or permanent farm workers who live with the family during the agricultural season. Figure 15.5 shows the populations of temporary and permanent agricultural workers in villages, and illustrates the predominance of temporary labour. In the CU


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of Beyla, temporary farm workers are paid 3 000 - 5 000 GNF (US$0.4-0.7) per day for undertaking activities such as clearing and ploughing fields or threshing and pounding rice. Permanent farm workers typically receive up to 300 000 GNF (UD$42) for three months of work. Farm workers generally come from nearby prefectures, for example, Kérouané, Samana or Kankan. In most cases, contracts are negotiated when workers arrive and pay is issued at harvest time. Once the activities have been completed, contracted farm workers leave to work their own land or on other contracts. Figure 15.15 Permanent and Temporary Agricultural Workers in the Local Study Area,

2007 – 2009


Hiring of permanent employees to help in agricultural tasks occurs most often in villages on the east slope of the Simandou Range, in communities that have been more affected by the introduction of monetised economic activities. Hiring temporary employees is more commonplace; about half of households require assistance at certain times of the year. Agricultural labour tasks have historically been addressed by rotational work groups. These groups have played an important roll in ensuring that there is always a sufficient labour force to carry out agricultural activities (termed kabiladen). Traditional groups are organised by combining men of the same lineage. They work strictly within a single village and are headed by the elder of a given lineage. One group may occasionally assist another in cases where they are lacking men of working age. The group is complemented by a group of women, usually their wives, who carry out ancillary tasks eg transportation of harvested goods. The services of the group will rotate between the plots of the various members without wages being paid. The recipient of the service is obliged to provide the midday meal. There are also labour groups who work between villages (termed tcheden). In addition to these non-wage labour groups, wage-earning groups (zérédia) also exist that operate when the rotational labour force does not have the capacity to address village needs. The zérédia is made up of young men; women traditionally work as unpaid labour. It is headed by a chief who is appointed by the members of the group. The group earns a wage but this is not divided amongst members. Part of the wage


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is paid to the soti, (elder of the founder lineage), and is put towards village needs. The rest is used to purchase items needed by the young people of the village such as football equipment. The zérédia carry out work both within a village and in the wider community. These work groups have been negatively affected by the Project due to the large number of young men who have left to seek employment with the mining company. Exploration activities that have taken place at the Project’s mine site in recent years have indirectly resulted in the formation of new types of labour groups that did not exist prior to 2003. These groups have been formed by in-migrants who had expected to be employed by the Project. However, they have had limited success in the area. In Moribadou for example, the migrants’ group unfamiliarity with village structures, agricultural techniques and the agricultural calendar has led to the execution of unsuccessful market garden projects which had beenlaunched with the support of Simfer. 15.8.1.7 Agricultural Calendar There is a direct link between the timing of different agricultural activities and farming income. The lean period is the time between harvests when granary supplies dwindle and new crops are not yet harvested. During this period many farmers sell part of their rice harvest to cope with continuous and unexpected expenses or, they are forced to sell immediately after the harvest when prices are low. Later, they often have to buy rice to meet family needs when a sack of rice is at its highest price. Farmers attempt to resolve this recurring problem by using rice varieties from various cycles, long and short, but the short-season varieties produce less and are more fragile. Introducing varieties and improved farming techniques and usage of inputs through agricultural extension services would partially solve this problem. Table 15.10 summarises the annual calendar of agricultural activities on the eastern and western slopes of the Simandou ridge. Table 15.10 Agricultural Calendar

Crops Activities

Clearing Sowing Maintenance Supervision Harvest

Western slope of Simandou range

Rice – hillside Dec – Jan April – June June – July Aug – Sept Sept – Oct

Rice – lowland May – June June – Aug Aug Nov – Dec Dec – Jan

Groundnuts Jan – April March – April July - Aug – Sept

Cowpeas Jan – April March – April July - May – Sept

Corn Jan – April March – April July -

Bananas Jan – April March – April July - Nov – Jan

Cassava Jan – April March – April July - Aug – Jan

Potato April Nov July - Dec – Jan

Taro April April – Aug Aug – Oct - Dec – Jan

Coffee June June – Aug July - Dec

Kola nuts June June – Aug July - Dec

Cocoa June June – Aug July - Oct – Nov

Palm oil June June – Aug July - -

Citrus fruit June June – Aug July - Dec

Eastern slope of Simandou range

Hillside Jan – Feb March – June July – Aug Sept Oct – Nov

Lowland May June – July Aug Sept Nov – Feb


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15.8.1.8 Agricultural Inputs and Irrigation Agriculture in the Forest Guinea region does not involve extensive use of either agricultural inputs or irrigated lands that could significantly increase crop yields. The vast majority of cultivated land in Guinea (94.7%) relies on rainfall; only 2.1% is irrigated, mostly in lowlands areas. In addition, 3.3% of cultivated plains are subject to annual flooding. There is little or no use of fertilisers or selected seeds in the local study area. Most Guinean farmers (95%) cultivate their land using hand tools. In the local study area, 38% of households use animal traction and 58% use a plough. The use of animal traction is lower in the CR of Kouankan where fewer households raise animals. 15.8.1.9 Key Challenges The main challenges faced by farmers throughout the study area are outlined below: community-based or smallholder land rights limit opportunities for larger-scale agricultural

developments;

limited agricultural production due to lack of capital, inputs, protection against hazards (eg drought, animals, insects);

lack of support for agricultural extension, and for enhanced development of lowlands and plains;

lack of modern agricultural equipment, limiting the potential to work on plains and large areas;

lack of access to improved seeds, hence relatively low yield from traditional seeds;

lack of interest in agricultural activities as young people prefer wage employment leading to decreased agricultural production as well as further food shortages; and

use of traditional techniques, mainly involving slash and burn, and associated repeated out of control bush fires that destroy the forest and crops, and deplete the soil.

15.8.2 Animal Husbandry and Pastoralism Breeding and raising livestock is not as well developed in the local study area as compared to other regions such as Upper and Lower Guinea. No households in the local study area depend on pastoralism as their primary livelihood activity yet 15% depend on it as their secondary livehood activity. The land is well suited to grazing and pastoralism. The main forms of animal husbandry are poultry (58%), cattle (27%), goats (8%) and sheep (6%). Livestock raised is used for the following purposes: home consumption (35%), savings (28%), sacrifice (20%) and market sale (17%). Poultry accounts for 58% of animals used for home consumption, 57% of market sales and 56% of sacrifices, while cows account for 61% of the animals that are reared specifically for savings. People breed and raise livestock within different land use categories. Pastures are generally seasonal and take advantage of fallow lands or areas of grassland, wooded savanna and woodland; permanent pastures are very rare. Due to the nature of livestock activities, it is difficult to estimate the actual areas occupied by pastures. There are seven defined eco-pastoral zones in Guinea; they are grouped according to climate (annual precipitation, length of dry season) and geography (mountain range, maritime influence). The local study area transects two of these zones, as outlined below. The Forest Zone extends to the south-east, south of Kissidougou-Beyla. Rainfall generally exceeds

1 700 mm per year with a brief dry season of 3 to 4 months. Vegetation consists of savanna and some scattered forest. The primary constraint to livestock development is people as they lack engagement


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and skills in pastoral activities; to a lesser extent parasitism is a problem. Pastoralism is limited in this zone.

The Transition Zone is a narrow strip between the forest and savanna between Faranah-Komodou in

the north and Kissidougou-Beyla in the south. This zone is primarily savanna grasslands with annual rainfall of more than 1 500 mm over a seven-month period (May-November). The area offers significant potential fodder, however grazing is limited in this zone due to high grass (3 m) which livestock cannot penetrate.

15.8.2.1 Animal Husbandry Systems There are two types of livestock farming, sedentary and nomadic farming, depending on the sub-prefectures. The sedentary farming system is almost always extensive. In all villages farmers raise domestic livestock - small ruminants, especially sheep and goats. Raising cattle occurs primarily in the northern part of the local study area in the CR of Nionsomoridou. Pigs are raised exclusively in Animist or Christian households. Small animals remain in the vicinity of huts and near villages. Cattle graze in pasture areas that vary according to season. Animals are tethered to protect crops during winter rainy seasons and roam freely in the dry season. Transhumant livestock farming occurs in the regional study area; predominantly in the north. Large herd migrations can take place over distances of more than 100 km. The presence of transhumant herders confirms the husbandry potential of the local study area, which is generally fertile with large opened spaces for livestock to circulate and graze. They generally camp with their herds for 3 to 4 years until pastures are exhausted before moving on to other zones. There are, however, a growing number of herders who have settled permanently in the local study area, turning to sedentary animal husbandry. The authorities decide when the herds will leave for transhumance (usually around 15th February) and when they will return (usually around 15th May) to their home prefectures on an annual basis. There is some coordination between the various prefectures to manage the movement of livestock. The Pastoral Code defines the general rules governing livestock management (ie managing exploitation of grazing areas, preservation of pastoral land use rights, and resolution of conflicts). The Code, however, is not widely complied with and herds of cattle are found in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest. Pastoralism is a traditional activity associated with a number of groups, in particular, the Peul. In the northwest between the villages of Koréla and Traoréla, the presence of several Peul hamlets and cattle parks can be observed. Many cattle paths and tracks converge towards these areas. The local study area is currently occupied by Peul herders who settled in the area in about 2005. It is estimated that there are 3 000 to 4 000 cattle being raised in the area. 15.8.2.2 Profile of Animal Husbandry In the local study area, households have on average 4.1 heads of cattle (4.7 in the villages east of Pic de Fon), 0.9 sheep and 1.2 goats (0.6 goats in the villages east of Pic de Fon). There are, however, significant variations across the villages. The main features of the animal husbandry can be summarised as: the town of Beyla has developed substantially more animal husbandry than the other villages;

the average number of cattle per household is equal to the average for Beyla Prefecture, and accounts

for more than 86% of the entire population of cattle in N’Zérékoré region;

Macenta Prefecture to the west of the Simandou Range has little animal husbandry activity, with one of the lowest populations of cattle per household in Guinea;

generally, all households in the local study area have chickens and some households have goats. There is very little pig raising except in Traoréla and Koréla; and


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cattle raising is widespread but relatively more important for households in the CU of Beyla. Figure 15.16 presents a detailed account of livestock owned per village. Figure 15.16 Distribution of Livestock in the Local Study Area, 2007 – 2009 [1]

Source: SNC Lavalin Environment (2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline. Note: [1] Village and household surveys undertaken between 2007 and 2009 by SNC-Lavalin Environment.

15.8.2.3 Livestock as a Savings Strategy and Income Generator Household income from livestock includes the sales of cattle, sales of milk, fat and butter and other activities, such as renting out oxen or being hired to guard or herd animals. This additional income allows villagers to survive and cope with daily and exceptional expenses such as health care, ceremonies and food purchases. Due to their value, the number of cattle per capita is a strong measure of the capacity of households to improve their livelihoods in volatile conditions. In the local study area where banking systems are virtually absent, owning cattle assists households to deal with unexpected events or shocks. On average there are 0.44 cattle per capita; variations between villages are outlined below. Morisangarédou has the highest ratio with more than one head of cattle per capita. In Foma, Piyaro, Thia, Wataférédou II, Mafindou, Silafarala there is approximately one head of cattle for

each resident; and, in other villages, less than 0.5 head per capita. No cattle were reported in the villages of Baladou, Kotia, Naouinzou and Dandano. 15.8.2.4 Livestock Trade In Guinea there are two systems for trading and marketing cattle, sheep and goats. Farmers either transport their animals directly to a collection market or to local brokersor alternatively, they negotiate the purchase of animals with middlemen who thentransport the livestock to markets or sales centres. The decision by a farmer to sell an animal is rarely speculative rather, it is made in order to meet vital needs of the family or to cover expenses for key traditional ceremonies.


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At the regional level the markets in the towns of N’Zérékoré and Guéckedou are the final destinations for most livestock traded from the local study area. Intermediate markets exist in Boola to the east of the Simandou Range and Bonodou to the west. Trans-border trade with countries such as Liberia and Sierra Leone is complex, but these countries have traditionally purchased cattle from Guinea. 15.8.2.5 Herder and Farmer Conflicts In the local study area conflicts can occur between herders and farmers as a result of cattle roaming into agricultural fields. There are various village by-laws obliging people to manage the movements of their cattle during the cultivation seasons, but pastoralists do not necessarily respect these customary agreements. For instance, ongoing conflict is reported in the village of Wataférédou II between herders and other villagers. There is also conflict between the villages of Traoréla and Koréla due to the latter’s invitation to Peul to settle permanently in the village, thereby creating tensions with Traoréla farmers whose crops are allegedly damaged by livestock. Conflicts were also reported in the villages of Baladou, Foma and Kéoulendou. Traditionally, farmer-herder conflicts are referred to the village Council of Elders for resolution. Conflict resolution committees have been established at the district level, moving the process towards adjudication by officials who have been elected to head local governments (CU and CR) or appointed to district, sub-prefectural and prefectural administrations. 15.8.3 Natural Resources and Non-Timber Forestry Products 15.8.3.1 Overview Natural products, including forest products, form an integral part of people’s livelihoods, particularly in July and August when food stocks are low and households must find other strategies for subsistence and trade. Hunting, gathering and fishing are common strategies involving exploitation of non-timber forest products (NTFP). Natural resources used in local villages include wood for fuel, building materials, edible and medicinal plants, insects and small game. The degree of reliance on these products varies from village to village. For example, people living in Dandano, Moribadou, Nionsomoridou and Banko actively harvest NTFP, whilst the villagers in Baladou rely less on forest resources due in part to their relative isolation limiting access to markets to sell NTFP. 15.8.3.2 Hunting Hunting is practised as a means of acquiring meat for consumption. Wild meat accounts for up to 85% of all meat consumed; it is less costly and seen as more desirable. Hunted animals include antelope, African brush-tailed porcupine (Atherurus africanus), cane rat, yellow-backed duiker, red-flanked duiker, blue duiker, black duiker, squirrel, bushback, rabbit, partridge, striped ground squirrel and monkey. The majority of people prefer cane rat over other wild animals. Two main reasons were given for this preference: cane rat meat is easy to obtain and households say that by eating cane rat they are fighting one of the worst enemies of their crops. Nevertheless, the wild animal eaten most often by households is squirrel. Villages that have been engaged in hunting are widely distributed throughout the local study area, as outlined below (1). In order of intensity, Dandano, Silafarala, Naouinzou, Banko, Moribadou and Baladou are the villages

where hunting is most frequently practiced.

Households with hunting as a primary or secondary occupation (ie for income-earning) are more numerous in Koimoridou, Moribadou, Mafindou, Baladou, Lamadou, Touréla, Orono and Koréla.

The prestige attached to bestowing gifts of bushmeat to special guests partly accounts for the prevalence of hunting in the villages of Dandano, Silafarala, Naouinzou, Baladou, Moribadou, Banko, Mandou and Foma.

(1) Carter, J. (2009). Final Report. Pic de Fon Primate/Large Mammal Survey. As part of the Social and Environmental Baseline Studies of the Simandou Project. 45 p. +appendices.


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A Hunter’s Confederation was established in 2010 with the purposes of controlling illegal hunting undertaken by residents and migrant hunters and managing approved hunting in a more sustainable fashion in order to benefit wildlife and people. After more than two years of discussions and negotiations, the Hunter’s Confederation was formalised: the roles and responsibilities of the organisation were decided, the executive board was elected and the first annual work plan was produced. A decision was made to stop hunting altogether within the boundaries of the Pic de Fon Classified Forest. This idea was initiated by the members (hunters) themselves and accepted unanimously. As such, traditional subsistence hunting is no longer authorised in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest and a total ban on hunting is now enforced. Prior to implementation of the Pic de Fon Management Plan (1), significant bushmeat hunting occurred throughout the year. Hunting occurred at unsustainable levels and had a negative effect on mammal populations within the Classified Forest. This is the primary location in the local study area where bushmeat hunting took place. Although tracts of humid forest and woodlands exist within community lands outside of the Classified Forest, there are no clear spatial alternatives for hunting because many preferred mammal prey are restricted to humid forest. Dependency on bushmeat and the prevalence of hunting activities could be partially replaced by other sources of protein, such as livestock or the provision of new sources of food and income. Howevever, the act of hunting is embued with cultural and traditional significance and so therefore replacements may not always be popular or readily adopted. According to the Wildlife Protection Code and Hunting Regulations (2), the hunting season outside of the Classified Forest area extends from 15th December to 15th April. In general, people hunt throughout the year yet it is more intensive in the dry season. 15.8.3.3 Wild Trees and Plants There may be as many as 35 to 40 species of wild trees and plants with food value that are available in the Pic de Fon forest and in the broader studya area, and are harvested as NTFPs by local communities. These include edible plant species such as wild fruits, nuts, seeds, leaves and mushrooms. These are primarily used for subsistence purposes, but are also traded to provide low levels of income. In West Africa 94 species of wild plant are recorded to be used as food; around 60 of these are used by local communities in the Pic de Fon area. Different parts of plants are exploited and consumed in various forms: leaves are eaten fresh, dried, cooked or fermented; fruits are eaten fresh or used to produce juice, jam, jelly and wine and; seeds and fruit kernels are used as sources of oil and fat or as spices. Other plant parts, such as tubers, young shoots and buds are also consumed as food. Bitter kola, African grains of Selim, African oil palm, African bush pepper, Kanda, Parkia biglobosa and raphia palm are the most common types of plant and trees used by the local communities. African grains of Selim and African bush pepper provide very peppery grains that are used as spices. A number of species, such as Carapa procera, Ricinodendron heudolotii, Pseudopodia microcarpa, Nauclea latifolia, Ficus capinsis, Landolphia sp. and Aframomum sp. are also appreciated for their edible seeds. The fruit of Néré, Bussea occidentalis and Guinean plum are very rich in vitamins and prized by local populations (3). The five tree species harvested most frequently by the majority of households in the study area are Elaeis guineensis, Garcinia kola, Parkia biglobosa, Piper guineense and Xylopia aethiopica. These are used for both home consumption and for market sale. Whilst the harvesting of fruit from Xylopia aethiopica was reported in all villages, fruit from the bitter kola (Garcinia kola) and of Piper guineense is harvested mainly in the Pic de Fon forest. In contrast, natural palm kernels and the fruit of the néré and Xylopia aethiopica are harvested mostly in the village territories. (1) Diakité, D. et al. Centre Forestier N’Zérékoré (2010). Pic de Fon Classified Forest Development and Management Plan 2010–2030. (2) Wildlife Protection Code and Hunting Regulations, as referenced in SNCL Social and Environmental Baseline Study - Volume B - Social Baseline - Mine Component, August 2010. (3) Diallo (2005), Étude socio-économique de la Forêt Classée du Pic de Fon, Résultats d’étude réalisée par utilisation de la Méthode Accélérée de Recherche Participative (MARP). Projet Élargi de Gestion des Ressources Naturelles (PEGRN), Winrock International. Centre Forestière N’Zérékoré (2007). Camara and Kouyaté (2008). Rapport d’enquêtes socio-économiques – Usages et usagers des ressources de la Forêt classée du Pic de Fon. Direction Générale du Centre Forestier de N’Zérékoré. Guinée.


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The Forest Management Committee (Comité de Gestion Forestière - COGEF) is responsible for the management of NTFPs in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest. They recognise the rights of the local communities to harvest forest products for personal consumtption and set the permissible harvest dates and terms and conditions for each fruit. The terms and conditions may include the payment of a local permit fee. The dates set for harvesting periods will be announced in mosques and churches and other meeting places. Those that transgress the COGEF’s rules, which prohibit the cutting down of trees to harvest fruit or the picking of unripe fruit, are punished. Other plant materials utilised in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest include the by-products of bamboo, rattan and malantocloa, vines, straw and raffia leaves. These are used to build or repair dwellings and to make furniture and other items, amongst other things. According to Diallo (2010) (1), rattan is used in 83% of the villages surrounding the Classified Forest. Large rattan, Ancistrophyllum secundiflorum, is the species most commonly used in the construction of the framework of rattan furniture. The small rattan palm, Eremospatha macrocarpa, and medium rattan, Calamus deerratus, are used to make belts for climbing palm trees and in basketry in Banko, Dandano, Naweinzou and Touréla. Most rattan related activities take place in the village of Dandano where the majority of those who make and sell baskets, climbing belts and household furniture reside. The intensity of the craftwork in the villages threatens the rattan vines which are thinning in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest and adjacent village territories. Villages make extensive use of the grassland areas of the Pic de Fon Classified Forest for straw which is used to construct and maintain thatch roofs. These roofs are replaced every five years. There are three main grass species that are used for this purpose, namely wan, tigbè and fouati. The N’Zérékoré Forestry Centre (Centre Forestier de N’Zérékoré – CFZ), COGEFs and the villagers will take responsibility for locating straw-harvesting sites on the basis of the areas traditionally used by each village. The three parties will also reach a consensus about the start and end dates for harvesting straw in the forest. Straw sheaves are gathered up immediately after harvesting in orderto decrease the risk of bush fires. Canarium schweinfurthii is an aromatic plant, found both in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest and throughout the villages in the local study area. The species is prized for its resin, which is used as an air freshener and glue for kitchen utensils by villages throughout the area. The raffia palm tree (Raphia spp., in particular Raphia vinifera) is used in all the villages surrounding the Pic de Fon Classified Forest. The palms are used to build dwellings and storehouses and these leaves are replaced every year. In total, over 400 000 leaves are cut and used by households in the area. The fibres of the young leaves are widely used in the construction of mats, baskets, hats and bags. Current harvesting of Raphia vinifera, both in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest and in the village territories is threatening the species. Overharvesting is taking place in the villages of Banko, Dandano, Foma, Korèla, Moribadou, Nionsomoridou, Traoréla and Wataférédou II. The overharvesting recently seen in Moribadou and Traoréla is associated with the recent and substantial influx of workers seeking jobs on the Simandou Project. Raphia vinifera is also used to make wine which is popular throughout the villages of the local study area. Raffia winemaking provides a source of income for many living in these communities. Raffia wine is sold locally in the villages of Baladou, Banko, Foma, Mandou, Moribadou, Naweinzou, Siyafarala and Traoréla. On average over 40 litres of raffia wine is harvested per day in each of these villages. Of this, 85% is sold and 15% kept for family consumption. In the villages of Dandano, Moribadou and Traoréla the raffia used for winemaking is harvested chiefly from inside the Pic de Fon. In the villages of Moribadou and Traoréla, the consumption of raffia wine has increased recently, in line with the influx of job seekers. The intense utilisation of this resource presents a threat to the survival of the species in the Classified Forest. Local communities will be permitted to harvest bamboo and raffia for household use. The oldest bamboo groves will be assigned on a priority basis to make sure they are not lost. Raffia will be harvested on lowland areas, where there are substantial populations of the species. Raffia, like bamboo, regenerates quickly, thus the cutting of older branches will be recommended. The harvesting of rattan is prohibited for five years, until

(1) Diallo, M. (2010). Rapport Etudes Socio -Economiques Des Douze Terriors Villageois de la Foret Classee du Pic de Fon.


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the resource has been assessed in the Classified Forest. For future harvesting, selective cutting is recommended. If these products are harvested for commercial purposes, as is the case of raffia wine, the CFZ and the COGEFs must ensure that the harvesting is carried out in such a way as to support implementation of the development plan. 15.8.3.4 Bee Keeping Bee keeping is a common practice in the Beyla area. According to the animal husbandry service, the Beyla and Kérouané farming and grazing project (PRODABEK) introduced the practice in 2002. Bee keeping in the area has been improved in recent times. Training on the utilisation of improved hives (Kenyan top bar hives, or KTBHs) was provided to nearly 300 beekeepers; over 1 250 KTBHs were made and over 2 300 litres of honey is now being produced. However, no formal bee keeping is undertaken in these areas. Honey extraction has been undertaken by fire and the cutting down of trees; public awareness about more effective bee keeping practices therefore needs to be raised in the villages. Support is required in the training of bee keepers, the issuing of necessary equipment and, ultimately, the training of carpenters in the construction of modern KTBHs. The use of fire and the cutting down of trees to harvest honey is prohibited within the Pic de Fon Classified Forest due to the risk of forest fires which decimates bee colonies. 15.8.3.5 Wood Wood and charcoal are the two main sources of energy for local communities. Wood accounts for approximately 77% of household needs. Wood resources harvested are used primarily to meet household energy needs, and for cooking and transformation of produce eg palm oil. Most firewood used by local communities is collected outside of the Pic de Fon: 18% comes from the forest and 82% from the wider village territories (1). At the time of the baseline study (2008-2010), the amount of wood harvested per year in village territories outside the Pic de Fon Classified Forest (over 8 000 bundles) is significantly greater than the amount harvested within it (about 2000 bundles). Villagers travel a distance of 0.5 to 5 km to obtain fuelwood. The greatest amount of wood cut in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest was reported in the villages of Foma, Dandano, Lamadou, Nionsomoridou, Traoréla and Koréla. According to the inventories taken by Winrock International in 2005 (2), the rarest timber species in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest are Albizzia ferruginea, Combretodendron africana, Entandrophragma candollei, Entandrophragma utile, Entandrophragma cylindricum, Guarea cedrata, Guibourtia ehie, Lophira lanceolata, Lovoa trichilioides, Nauclea diderrichii and Turraeanthus Africana. For some species, such as the Combretodendron africana, Daniellia oliveri, Daniellia thurifera, Distemonanthus benthamianus, Entandrophragma utile, Guarea cedrata and Turraeanthus africana, there are no crop trees in the 0-to-20-cm diameter at breast height (DBH) class. These species are the ones used mainly for timber. As such, there will be no form of timber harvesting in the Classified Forest for the entire term of the development plan (20 years). The CFZ, the Centre Nimba and Simandou Mountain Environmental Management Centre (de Gestion de l’Environnement des Monts Nimba et de Simandou – CEGENS) and the COGEFs will strictly enforce this policy. Collection of fire wood will only be allowed in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest where it is already dead or blown down. According to Diallo (2010) (3), 114 wooden poles per household are cut from the forest and need replacing every six years. According to Watta et al (2008) (4), 27 plant species with multiple uses are used for rural construction in the area. The CFZ and the CEGENS must identify the species that are under the greatest pressure in order to provide guidelines for the harvesting of wood for this purpose. Harvesting will be limited

(1) Diallo, M. (2010), Rapport Etudes Socio -Economiques Des Douze Terriors Villageois de la Foret Classee du Pic de Fon. (2) Winrock International (2005). Étude socio-économique de la Forêt Classée du Pic de Fon, Résultats d’étude réalisée par utilisation de la Méthode Accélérée de Recherche Participative (MARP). Projet Élargi de Gestion des Ressources Naturelles (PEGRN). 55 p. (3) Diallo, M. (2010). Rapport Etudes Socio -Economiques Des Douze Terriors Villageois de la Foret Classee du Pic de Fon. (4) Watta et al. (2008). As referenced in SNCL Social and Environmental Baseline Study - Volume B - Social Baseline - Mine Component, August 2010.


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to only that which meets the needs of local communities. The harvesting of fuel wood for commercial purposes will be prohibited. There is no commercial logging in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest or surrounding forests, although timber is harvested by local people for household construction and furniture making. Charcoal production is becoming more common, and is a lucrative activity due to population growth and the resultant increase in demand. 15.8.3.6 Medicinal Plants Collection of medicinal plants is a common practice among local communities. Out of 76 species of plants known to be used for traditional medicine in West Africa, around 60 are used by local communities in the Pic de Fon area. None of these species are currently used by the pharmaceutical industry. Given the low income of the local populations and the high cost of drugs on sale in the markets, traditional medicine remains an important custom in the study area. In addition, there is an important cultural aspect related to the use of traditional medicine by the local healers (guerriseurs); itprovides them with prestige and power and as a result they are highly respected, especially in the smaller, more traditional villages. Women and healers are authorised to continue to harvest medicinal plants to meet family needs. As for species for which there is a commercial market, the COGEFs and the CFZ will define ways to enhance and turn a profit from their harvesting. Co-management partners will raise public awareness in the villages about harvesting methods for various plant materials in order to ensure long-term survival of the species. Local healers travel an average of 1.3 km in search of close to 50 plant species including the branches, bark, leaves, fruit, roots and / or stems of Afrormosia laxiflora, Annona senegalensis, Carapa procera, Cassia spp., Daniellia oliveri, Ficus spp., Hymenocardia acida, Khaya senegalensis, Mitragyna stipulosa, Nauclea latifolia, Parkia spp., Pterocarpus erinaceus and Terminalia glaucescens. With the exception of Cassia spp., Daniellia oliveri, Nauclea latifolia and Terminalia glaucescens, which are found only in the village territories, all the other species are available in both the Pic de Fon forest and the territories. Species that are hard to find in both the Pic de Fon forest and the village territories include Carapa procera and Khaya senegalensis, in Mandou, and Parkia biglobosa in Dandano. 15.8.3.7 Sacred Sites Forests hold sacred value to the villages as they are thought to offer protection, ie during the holding of animist rituals, or in the safeguarding of springs and graves. This is because they are thought to be the abode of deities or spirits that are either worshipped or feared by the locals. These and other sacred sites are of particular importance to the youth as they are used as ceremonial grounds for the initiation rites of young men and women. A total of twenty two initiation sites are located within the local study area. The initiation sites used by women are said to be kept secret to preserve their integrity. While the sites for women may be used for rites related to female excision, they are also likely to represent women-only spaces for the conduct of other rites of passage to womanhood and for spiritual activities. Also, in the Guinean bush, some isolated scattered trees are believed to be sacred and forests are thought to be the home of ancestors, and home of gods or spirits. These different forest types and sacred spaces were previously highly protected owing to their social and cultural roles, as well as due to the importance of protecting the inherent biodiversity. These are however currently under threat and undergoing decline. Further descriptions of sacred sites and other aspects of cultural heritage can be found in Chapter 13: Cultural Heritage. 15.8.4 Artisanal Mining The study area, like much of Guinea, has rich mineral resources. There is artisanal mining of diamonds, gold and corundum throughout the study area. Mining of diamonds and gold occurs at several locations in the local study area, mostly as a seasonal activity that allows people primarily engaged in agriculture to earn


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income during the dry season. There are many prospectors in Banankoro, Kousankoro and Soromaya Sub-Prefectures (in Kérouané Prefecture). The inhabitants of Baladou, Dandano, Foma, Lamandou, Moribadou, Nionsomoridou, Orono, Siyafarala, Touréla, Traoréla and Wataférédou II have gold deposits in their village land. In Dandano and Foma, in particular, since 1983, small-scale gold mining has been intense along streams that have their headwaters in the Classified Forest. This mining is chiefly done between October and June each year. The average amounts extracted per village are estimated to be between 24 and 35 g per day (up to about 1 kg per month). Small-scale diamond mining is carried on in Baladou, Korèla and Orono but the quantity mined is not known. The diamonds mined are sold in Gbonodou, which is the main diamond market in the area. In Moribadou and Wataférédou II, the mining of corundum (ruby) began in August and September 2007, and by February 2008 some 800 people were registered as corundum miners. The quantities mined vary between 25 and 35 kg per day in the two villages. Much of the artisanal mining is managed by in-migrants coming from neighbouring regions of Guinea and from Mali, Côte d’Ivoire and Sierra Leone. The working and living conditions or artisanal miners are poor and daily wages are often low. The local economic benefit of these mining activities is often minimal as profit is not reinvested into the region. The Ministry of Mining (mines and quarries section of the prefecture) regulates artisanal mining activities however, its small scale and itinerant nature makes it difficult to implement government control. As such, the economic contribution of artisanal mining to the local economy is not being realised and the link to livelihoods is difficult to define. 15.8.5 Fishing Inland fishing is an important subsistence activity for villagers although it is marginal in terms of income generation in most parts of the study area. The fish are primarily used to supplement dietary requirements. In Upper Guinean forests, fishing has a low potential for growth since the average regional consumption of fish (4 kg per capita) is well below the national average of 11 kg per capita. The local study area has several rivers with important fishing potential; to the west of the Simandou Range is the Diani River (Mandou, Banko, Touréla and Lamandou) and the Milo River (Traoréla) and,on the east side is the Loffa River (Moribadou, Foma) and the Dion River (Wataréfédou II and Nionsonmoridou). There are approximately 36 freshwater fish species in the area, however, local people mostly fish for five species: Petrocephalus (Tèntènènfou), Alestes (Farama), Heterobranchus (Djèbèrè), Clarias (Salan) and Tilapia (Kawanin). Of the fish caught, 77% is eaten at home (either fresh or smoked), whilst 23% is sold. Fishing is conducted annually by both men and women but in the dry season it is mainly practised by women. In fishing communities, women account for 80% of those engaged in the processing of fish and other seafood. Fishing is normally undertaken with either tapered threads or hooks or alternatively, fishermen and women use nets in the small ponds that are created by the flow of river water from damns. Fishing activities peak in the dry season (September to October) following the agricultural harvest, during which time farmers have more time to pursue alternate activities. Two types of fishing are practised in the region: extensive fish farming and semi-extensive fishing in ponds or reservoirs. In the villages of Nionsomoridou, Foma and Mandou, there are more than ten ponds, whereas other villages near the Classified Forest have two to four ponds. There are no professional fishermen in the local study area. Fishing in the Pic de Fon Classified Forest is essentially allowed only for local consumption. The following types of fishing are not permitted: fishing with small-mesh nets (prohibited to protect young fish); fishing using explosives; fishing using poisons of any kind; and fishing by means of impounding riverbeds (prohibited to prevent flooding).


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15.8.6 Trade and Local Business 15.8.6.1 Trade The role of regional markets is vital for isolated village populations that have limited opportunities to sell their modest production and buy consumer goods. The most popular local markets include Bonodou, Boola and Macenta. Due to its central position between the production and consumption areas, the Macenta market plays a role in regulating coffee prices. Most of the local trade occurs in the town of Beyla; home to one of the five main weekly markets of the administrative region (alongside Gueckedou, Koyamah, Gouéché and Zougéta). The closest international trade route is towards Sinko, a city near the border with Côte d’Ivoire, where rice, fonio, corn and cattle are traded. Mali imports bananas, palm oil and kola nuts from the area. Agricultural products are the only local products that are traded. Over 45% of agricultural produce is provided by villages in the CU of Beyla and 18% from Gbackedou. Livestock and meat is also supplied from towns near Beyla. Processed food, however, comes from N’Zérékoré (29%), mostly transiting from Conakry. For specialised products or services, households in the local study area travel to the town of Beyla. For more basic products they can generally find what they need in small markets. Overall, households in the CR of Kouankan actively trade in Bonodou. However, people in villages in the northern part of the CR go to the market in the village of Nionsomoridou and those living in the southern part of the CR trade in markets in Dandano or Kouankan. In villages closer to the Simandou Range, households trade in Moribadou. In the CR of Nionsomoridou and CU of Beyla the primary trade centre is the town of Beyla, although Moribadou is a trade centre for villages on the west and east sides of the Simandou ridge. Southern villages of Baladou and Foma trade in Dandano or Boola while Kankoro and Koimoridou trade in the town of Beyla. There are two specialised markets within the local study area, a large cattle market in Boola and an abbatoir in Nionsomoridou. Poor road conditions and high transportation costs are factors that limit commercialisation and exchange flows. This situation, among others, pushes small producers who have few opportunities, to sell their commodities at low prices to intermediaries and brokers. In the majority of villages rice and oxen are the most commonly traded product by households (38% each). Households also trade market garden produce (24%), groundnuts (12%), cassava, corn and other crops. Women are primarily responsible for market gardening and therefore their role is increasing in importance due to the heavy reliance on trading in this produce. Market gardening is a dominant trading strategy for the households in the CU of Beyla. 15.8.6.2 Local Business A range of small businesses exist throughout the area to support the basic needs of the local communities. These small businesses include small scale production activities (eg palm oil production, groundnut paste production and charcoal production), retail (eg grocery supply, clothing and agricultural supplies shops) and services (eg restaurants, hairdressers, transportation and mobile phone services), amongst others. Goods and services are primarily exchanged for cash, however goods and services are also bartered. Men have developed more specialised trade skills as carpenters, mechanics, electricians, plumbers, stone masons, sculptors, rice hullers, and blacksmiths. Comparable women’s activities include market trading of agricultural produce, basket and soap making, pottery and embroidery. Women’s activities account for up to 75% of people working in various trades and crafts in rural areas. Accordingly, support for the development of commercial activities was a principal concern amongst women as a means to increase their income sources and their ability to provide for their families’ needs. There are nine small and medium enterprises (SME) in Beyla including seven construction companies, a fish conservation enterprise and a surveillance company. In addition, there are numerous micro-enterprises in the informal sector engaged in activities such as soap production, literacy courses, micro-credit and fruit and vegetable processing and conservation. As the administrative centre of the prefecture, 8% of the N’Zérékoré


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region’s civil servants work in Beyla. Given that there are no large industrial scale operations near the local study area, the local businesses have not developed their capacity to deliver at a large scale or to international standards of quality and health and safety. In the local study area, small businesses consist of: palm oil production in the villages of Baladou, Lamandou, Mamouroudou, Kankoro, Orono and Kotia; peanut paste production in Thia and Wataférédou II; and charcoal production in Kéoulendou. As tourism is not developed in the region, tourism infrastructure is rare or non-existent. There are a few hotels including one in Beyla that is very dilapidated and a few in the prefectural town of Macenta. Based mainly on a subsistence economy, the region faces many obstacles in developing a network of small and medium scale businesses. These main obstacles can be summarised primarily as a lack of regional economic opportunities including the population’s lack of education and training, lack of access to energy, isolation and a poor transportation system as well as difficulties in accessing credit. 15.8.7 Employment and Unemployment Guinea’s labour force was estimated to be 4.7 million in 2009, with 76% active in the agricultural sector (1). Informal employment and subsistence livelihoods predominate in agriculture and fishing. There are no publicly available national statistics for unemployment in Guinea and the line between the formal and informal sectors is blurred. However, it is known that formal unemployment affects younger people most. A reported 16.6% of high school graduates, and nearly 12% of university graduates or post-graduates are unemployed, as well as 15.4% of those who have completed vocational training (2). According to the IMF Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper of 2008, as a result of poverty and predominance of informal employment, many people undertake several jobs but are still unable to gain income above the poverty line (3). Subsistence farming is often associated with additional informal cash generating activity. 15.8.8 Waged Employment Waged employment is most common in urban areas where there is more industry, retail and services (eg government). In the study area, waged income comprises approximately 3.5% and 7% of household income in rural and urban areas, respectively. Very few women work in the formal waged sector in Guinea, where nearly 90% of workers are men (4). In the public and private sectors alike, Guinean women are underrepresented among salaried staff and are largely concentrated in the lower and middle ranking positions. Of Guinea’s 51 000 civil servants, approximately 22% were women in 2005. While there is legislation for equal pay, women do not receive family allowances (based on spouse and dependents calculations), because current legislation awards such payments to the husband as the head of the household. Livelihoods that have traditionally been based on subsistence agriculture are beginning to shift towards wage employment. This shift is evident in the rural areas surrounding the mine where local people have been employed for the early exploration phase activities. The anticipation of extensive waged employment opportunities linked to the Project has resulted in raised expectations amongst the local population for employment (5) and an influx of job seekers to the local study area.

(1) International Labour Organization. Key Indicators of the Labour Market database. Available at

http://www.indexmundi.com/facts/guinea/employment-in-agriculture. (2) International Monetary Fund Guinea: Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper of 2008 (4) World Bank (2004). Évaluation de la situation de genre en Guinée: rapport de synthèse FYW4. Washington, D.C. 34 p. (5) The expectation and need for employment opportunities was raised throughout the study area during the Stakeholder Engagement meetings.


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15.8.9 Employment Skills The skills in the local area are primarily linked to subsistence activities commonly practiced in villages close to the proposed mine, namely agriculture, pastoralism and fishing. A small portion of the population have skills linked to the subsistence activities (eg maintenance and repair of farming equipment, transport, artisanal mining), running of small businesses (eg restaurants, bars, general dealers, salons), and construction of local houses and small scale buildings and infrastructure. There appears to be some degree of specialisation in occupations in different villages in the local study area and these are outlined below. Larger villages such as Moribadou and Nionsomoridou have significantly more people who are engaged

in non-agricultural activities such as vending, trades and crafts and working on the current Simandou Project or studying.

People in Nionsomoridou are also active in trading coffee and kola nuts.

Artisanal mining occupies a number of people in the village of Baladou.

Charcoal making occurs primarily among women in the village of Kéoulendou.

Palm oil production is carried out in villages that are in the vicinity of natural palm groves such as Lamandou, Baladou, Kotia and Kankoro. This tends to be an occupation of household heads rather than other men in rural households.

Hunting is reported in villages near the Pic de Fon Classified Forest such as Traoréla, Koimoridou, Baladou and Lamandou.

15.9 Poverty and Distribution of Wealth 15.9.1 Prevalence of Poverty in Guinea Nearly half of the Guinean population (49%) lives below the poverty line with of US$196 per person per year (US$0.53 per day) (1). Of these, 19% live in extreme poverty with an income below US$116 per person per year. According to the PRSP-2, the number of Guineans living in poverty has increased significantly since 2003. This was exacerbated by the slower economic growth and high levels of inflation. 15.9.2 Distribution of Poverty and Wealth The distribution of wealth in Guinea is extremely distorted with a Gini coefficient of 0.403 (2). As shown in Figure 15.17 households in the 1st quintile (ie the poorest 20% of the population) only have a 6.4% share of Guinea’s total consumption. At the other extreme, households in the 5th quintile (ie the richest 20% of the population) account for 47.2% of total consumption and those in the 4th quintile (ie the second richest 20% of the population) account for 21% of the country’s consumption.

(1) International Monetary Fund (IMF) (2008). Guinea: Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP-2). (2) The Gini Coefficient is an indicator that measures income inequality. The coefficient varies between 0, which reflects complete equality and 1, which indicates complete inequality (one person has all the income or consumption, all others have none). (World Bank)


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Figure 15.17 Gini Coefficient – Distribution of Consumption in Guinea

Source: Adapted from International Monetary Fund Guinea: Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper of 2008 Poverty is unequally distributed between the urban and rural areas of the country and is most prevalent in rural areas. Figure 15.18, from the PRSP-2, shows the incidence of poverty (as averages over the population of each prefecture) by administrative region of Guinea. Although both rural and urban people are living in poverty, there is a significant difference in income and affordability. The Labé Region has the highest incidence of poverty from 61.1% to 66.3%, with the regions of Kankan, Faranah and N’Zérékoré (the administrative region in which the mine will be located) falling into the next band from 43.4% to 61.1%. These regions are poorer than Kindia and Boké, which are closer to the capital and have a higher concentration of economic infrastructure, basic social services and qualified human resources (1). Figure 15.19 shows the incidence of poverty at the prefecture level. This shows that none of the prefectures in the study area register the highest poverty levels of between 63.4% and 72%. Beyla and Faranah fall into the next band (moderate poverty) at between 43.4% and 61.1%.

(1) International Monetary Fund Guinea: Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper of 2008.

6.4

10.6

47.2

14.8

21

1st Quintile

2nd Quintile

3rd Quintile

5th Quintile

4th Quintile

% D

omes

tic C

onsu

mpt

ion


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Figure 15.18 Incidence of Poverty by Administrative Region, 2002/2003

Source: International Monetary Fund Guinea: Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper of 2008 Figure 15.19 Incidence of Poverty by Prefecture

Source: International Monetary Fund Guinea: Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper of 2008


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Table 15.11 indicates the percentage levels of poverty per CU/CR and prefecture in 2008. At the prefectural level, there are a larger proportion of people in Beyla who are living in poverty compared with Macenta. Poverty levels in Beyla are typically lower than in Nionsomoridou and Kouankan (primarily because of the urban town of Beyla). In the rural villages surrounding the mine site, 67.7% of households are unable to produce sufficient food to meet their nutritional needs. In the broader region the proportion of undernourished households is 54%. Table 15.11 Incidence of Poverty in the Local Study Area, Region and Country, 2008

Administrative Level Poverty Incidence (%)

Beyla Prefecture 55.1 – 63.4

CU Beyla 49 – 59

CR Nionsomoridou 50 – 69

Macenta Prefecture 46.2 – 55.1

CR Kouankan 59 – 69

N’Zérékoré Region 56

Guinea 49.1


Farmers who cultivate and market perennial crops (palm oil, coffee, cocoa) tend to be wealthier than other households. They are located primarily in communities such as Foma and Dandano on the southern and south-western boundaries of Pic de Fon Classified Forest. Even among wealthier families who are able to market small agricultural surpluses, the income generated is not considered sufficient to improve living standards (eg building a home, schooling for children, better care). Poorer households tend to be those to the east of the Simandou Range who do not raise livestock and those to the west of the range, who do not have perennial trees. For most people, access to cash income provides opportunities to improve household conditions. Beyond sales of farm produce, other sources of cash income include work contracts for agricultural operations, rental of oxen (about 10 000 GNF/day), hunting, artisanal mining or waged employment on the Simandou Project, which represents by far the most privileged option. 15.9.3 Dimensions of Poverty Causes of poverty are multiple and complex but its effects are readily perceived. Income poverty is a key aspect. The inflation rate in Guinea ranged from 4.7% to 34.7% between 2006 and 2010 resulting in significant loss of purchasing power amongst households across the country. In rural areas most people rely on subsistence agriculture to produce food and other products needed to meet household consumption needs. Limited productivity and climatic vulnerability mean that food security is a critical issue. In the N'Zérékoré region (2002), the food supplies of 42% of households were insufficient (1). The PRSP-2 reports that food security has been deteriorating with 44% of households in the N’Zérékoré region were considered to be undernourished in 2008 (2). Other important dimensions of poverty are reflected in the socio-demographic characteristics of the area. They include the lack of hygiene and the poor health status of the population, high rates of illiteracy, rudimentary housing and the lack of modern tools of production. Isolation in remote locations can be exacerbated by the lack of road infrastructure and hinders access to information which can in turn limit the potential for integration and development planning.

(1) Direction Nationale De La Statistique (2002). Enquête sur le questionnaire des indicateurs de base du bien-être (QUIBB), for the Ministère du Plan. (2) International Monetary Fund IMF (2008). Guinea Poverty Reduction Strategy 2007-2020 (PRSP-2). Available at www.imf.org – last accessed on 02-02-10.


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15.9.4 Poverty and Gender In developing countries such as Guinea, an important dimension of gender inequality is the amount of time women work in a day or a week compared to men. In a study on time poverty (1) in Guinea, the results showed that in rural areas women worked an average of 55 hours per week compared to 44 hours for men (2). More women living in rural areas are time poor (56.3%) than women living in urban area (35.8%). For men it is the reverse, with urban men more likely to be time poor than rural men (37.4% vs.34.7%). Women and men in rural areas spend approximately the same time working on the farm or family business (21 hours per week for women and 23.9 hours per week for men). Men will spend more time than women working for a wage (13.1 hours versus 8.6 hours for women), while women spend a larger portion of their time carrying out various domestic chores such as fetching water (18.3 hours per week compared with 2.6 hours for men). In Beyla, water points are distant for many users and obtaining water is a long process with waiting times of up to 2 hours. In 2007 the proportion of women heading households in Guinea was nearly 17% (3). Of the 17% of rural households headed by women, nearly 55% are living below the poverty line. Comparatively, 45% of rural households headed by men live below the poverty line (4). Few households in the local study area are headed by women with the majority being headed by men. 15.9.5 Household Income Households generally operate at a subsistence level throughout the project area however, small incomes are derived through a range of activities, most notably agriculture. Households in Beyla’s urban areas also rely heavily on agriculture andgrow much of what they require to meet their own consumption needs. At the same time a greater proportion of households in Beyla than in the rural villages are engaged in commercial activities that contribute significantly to livelihood strategies. As a result income levels are higher in Beyla compared with rural villages in the local study area. Within the town, the residents of some urban districts are wealthier than others (see Table 15.12). The urban district of Beyla Sobakono has the lowest average annual per capita income which is equal to the average for rural villages in the local study area, ie 357 000 GNF (US$50) per capita per year. The richest district, Diakolidou Sobakono, has a significantly higher annual per capita income of 611 727 GNF (US$85). The following dominant activities were identified for the town of Beyla: 37% of household income is obtained from farming activities and 3% from animal husbandry;

at least 25% of household income comes from agriculture service activities such as equipment repairs,

small scale agro-processing, crafts; and 7% of household income comes from waged employment.

(1) Time poverty is defined as “working long hours and having no choice to do otherwise. An individual is time poor if he / she is working long hours and is also monetary poor.” (2) World Bank (2009). Working Long Hours and Having No Choice : Time Poverty in Guinea, Policy Research Working Paper 4961. Washington, D.C. 39 p. (3) International Monetary Fund IMF (2008). Guinea Poverty Reduction Strategy 2007-2020 (PRSP-2). Available at www.imf.org – last accessed on 02-02-10. (4) Direction Nationale De La Statistique (2002). Enquête sur le questionnaire des indicateurs de base du bien-être (QUIBB), for the Ministère du Plan.


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Table 15.12 Income Profile of Beyla Town (%), 2009

Beyla Sobakono

Diakolidou Sobakono


Kissibou Diakolidou Tinikan

Beyla

Agriculture 40 50 23 38 34 37

Agriculture-related activities 30 25 22 18 37 24

Salaried agriculture income 3 3 10 14 6 7

Trade 10 6 6 4 6 6

Animal Husbandry 3 1 9 9 1 5

Rent from Housing - - 7 4 4 3

Rent from land - 2 - - - 1

Donation 14 13 23 13 12 15

Other - - - - - 2

Income per capita (GNF) 364 349 611 727 536 599 515 507 455 553 470 553

Income per household (GNF) 568 533 949 291 826 070 790 999 705 814 728 200

Source: La Granada Ent. 2009

In rural villages in the local study area, agricultural activities, including the sale of crops and / or the sale of animals and animal products, are the main sources of income for nearly three quarters of households. Only one quarter of households rely on non-agricultural activities as their primary source of income. Following agriculture, animal husbandry is the second most important income source, most notably in villages located on the eastern slopes of the Simandou ridge (ie Wataférédou II, Morisangarédou, Goékoro, Foma and Banankoro). Trades, crafts, services and small businesses are most prevalent in the villages of Kéoulendou, Traoréla, Moribadou, Mafindou, Baladou, Kankoro, Kotia, Mandou and Orono. Income levels are difficult to quantify because of the importance that bartering plays in the mixed economy of subsistence and monetised activities. However, it is strongly believed that income levels arelow for the majority of households in the rural villages; 14.4% of households in Beyla do not receive any monetary income but instead rely on subsistence activities. The average annual income for households in the local study area is 2 486 100 GNF per household and 357 000 GNF. There are a small number of households (13%) earning over 16 million GNF per year. As shown in Figure 15.20 the highest per capita incomes are reported in the CR of Kouankan, in particular the villages of Dandano, Orono, Touréla, Mamouroudou and Kotia; and, in the villages of Kéoulendou (CU of Beyla) and Baladou (CR of Nionsomoridou). Overall, income levels are lower in the CU of Beyla and the CR of Nionsomoridou. In villages close to the proposed mine site, such as Moribadou, Traoréla or Nionsomoridou, modest levels of employment on the project and an active trading and service sector should serve to enhance the levels of income. However, at the same time, these communities have been affected by an influx of migrants many of whom remain unemployed and have difficulties accessing land to grow crops for their own needs.


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Figure 15.20 Annual Income by Village in the Local Study Area, 2007 – 2009 (1)

Source: SNC Lavalin Environment (2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline. (1) Village and household surveys were undertaken between 2007 and 2009.

Rain fed and irrigated rice cultivation represents the greatest share of household revenue in the villages east of the Pic de Fon Classified Forest. Market gardens represent 12% of the cash revenue of the households in the area east of the Pic de Fon, as do livestock. Almost half of household income is generated from plantations (plantain, fruit banana, coffee, cola). Processing activities (palm oil and palm / raffia wine) provide 10% of household income, which represents significant value added. Passive income is also important. This relates mainly to small trading activities or paid farm labourers yet cassava and sweet potato cultivation also represent a negligible share of passive income. Overall, financial revenue represents 61% of household income in these areas. Despite the significant isolation of certain villages the households remain strongly linked to trade circuits. 15.9.6 Savings, Investment and Microfinance In general, there is not a culture of saving and investment in the study area or in Guinea as a whole. There are a number of reasons for this, including limited cash in the economy, very high inflation, lack of disposable income and limited banking facilities. Although people do not use formal investment and savings mechanisms, tontines are widely used for saving. Tontines are an investment tool into which subscribers make payments and dividends are received on the investment. The investors are usually groups of people with common interests (eg women, farmers, fishermen), forming a mechanism by which issues are managed collectively. The income earned serves to buy goods for the benefit of the group or is redistributed amongst the members. In addition, special collections are undertaken when individuals or households require specific assistance.


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In areas where banking systems are absent, owning cattle is seen as a measure to ensure that a household can deal with unexpected events or shocks. Due to their high value, cattle can be sold at any time to generate income if required. In the local study area at the time of the baseline surveys (2008-2010) formal credit was only available through two credit institutions: Crédit Rural de Guinée (CRG) and the Banque Internationale de Commerce et d’Industrie de Guinée (BICIGUI). In Beyla, 18% of households were found to own bank accounts. CRG was found to have about 4 000 clients, with about 2 500 accounts in the town of Beyla and other clients in the larger villages of Nionsomoridou and Moussadou. BICIGUI was found to have about 1 500 clients. In the rural areas formal credit is not common, given that the banks are located in the towns and the conditions to open an account are a minimum of 10 000 GNF and, for a savings account, a minimum of 100 000 GNF. Informal credit systems (eg mutual aid groups and associations) are more widely used in the rural areas. Formal credit is generally not accessible to women because the terms often require that the borrower be a household head with assets (particularly land). The majority of households in the local study area (70%) have accumulated significant debt (1). Average household debts represented a third of household income. 50% of the households had used loansfor food or health related spending and 20% for agricultural inputs. This reflects the fact that a significant proportion of those seeking credit do it to meet basic needs (food, health, subsistence farming). When they are able to generate sufficient savings for investment, the key priorities of households are to improve their houses and to enhance their agricultural production (crops and animals) to increase income. Generally, the CR of Kouankan had a below average debt ratio. Low ratios can mean that households have a balanced budget, but it can also mean that borrowing was not an option in their village. However, villages with higher debt to income ratios, such as Banankoro, Nionsomoridou, Wataférédou II, Moribadou, are also those with the lowest income per capita. This indicates that the villages affected by the influx of large numbers of people, many of whom do not have work or land to grow crops, are the same villages where debt levels are the highest. Since 2006, the Simandou Project has supported microfinance programmes to promote economic development in the local study area. These programmes are outlined in Section 15.11. 15.9.7 Development Aid Most development aid in the local study area is provided by Rio Tinto, donors, and international and national NGOs based in Beyla. Section 15.11 describes the Project’s past and existing economic and community development programmes. Donors and NGOs contribute towards various key aspects of development such as education, health and economic development for the purposes of directly or indirectly alleviating poverty through enhancing populations’ enhanced skills and well-being or access to resources. Donors and NGOs often work in partnership. For example, World Education is an international NGO working in Beyla that offers scholarships for women to increase female attendance in schools. The organisation is also part of the USAID Programme “Faisons Ensemble” (Working together) administered by a consortium of NGOs to strengthen civil society organisations and increase literacy. A number of organisations are currently present in the area. International organisations include WEG (World Education Group) working on literacy, ONUSIDA (HIV/AIDS), GTZ (health), DW (literacy), EU and USAID (Faisons Ensemble). National organisations include BED (Bureau d’entraide pour le développement), CNLS (Comité national de lutte contre le Sida), PACV (Programme d’appui aux communautés villageoises) and APROFIG (Association pour la promotion de la fille en Guinée). Local NGOs include ACEB (Appui aux communautés pour l’éducation à Beyla) and AJP (Association des jeunes pour le progrès, Kérouané). Three national NGOs are active in Beyla.

(1) SNC Lavalin Environment (August 2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline.


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ZALI-AC, which works very closely with World Education.

The Réseau des Femmes Mano pour la Paix (REFMAP – Mano’s Women Network for Peace) is active in mediation and conflict management in the community.

Association des animateurs communautaires de Guinée (AACG - Association of Community Leaders of Guinea) is involved in health matters such as malaria and nutrition.

Also, there are three local NGOs all very active despite funding constraints. The Association pour le Développement Intégré de Beyla (ADIB – Association for Beyla’s Integrated

Development) is involved in education, health and agriculture and is directly financed by membership.

The Appui au Développement des Communautés Rurales (ADCR - Support for Rural Community Development) focuses on economic development, as well as health and education.

The Centre d’Appui pour le Développement de Groupements aux Initiatives de Base (CADGIB – Support Centre for the Development of Core Initiatives) was created in 2008 to create synergy between different programmes in order to stimulate socio-economic development.

15.10 Social Infrastructure and Services Across the local study area the level and quality of social infrastructure and services vary. Most appear to be inadequate to meet the needs of the population. Respondents to the survey across the study area claim that the high levels of poverty are attributable, in part, to the inadequate infrastructure and services, including but not limited to: lack of access to potable water for domestic consumption (largely due to limited number of water wells

and boreholes, and an absence of water distribution networks) and inadequate sanitation; isolation resulting from inadequate road infrastructure; under-resourced and poor quality education infrastructure; and remote and under equipped health centres and hospitals. The remainder of this section provides a description of the key infrastructure and services available in the local study area. These include: education; health; housing; water and sanitation; domestic waste management; roads and transportation; and power. 15.10.1 Education 15.10.1.1 General Situation For Guinea, the office of Regional Education Inspection coordinates the activities of prefectural education departments. Education is provided free of charge and is compulsory, however, enrolment and attendance levels remain low. French is the language of instruction at all levels with the exceptions of Franco-Arab and Koranic schools that also use Arabic and local languages. Overall, there are high levels of dissatisfaction amongst the population about the schooling system, specifically the standard of the education system and quality of the infrastructure. The other concerns of the population are: a lack of schools (particularly secondary schools) in the area;


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a lack of adequately qualified teachers and high student to teacher ratios; overcrowded class rooms; long distances to schools; high schools and majority of teachers based in urban areas; and a lack funds to pay for school meals, stationary etc. 15.10.1.2 Donor Programmes Worldwide, a multi-donor trust fund called ‘The Catalytic Fund’, driven by The Global Partnership for Education, has been implemented as a means of providing transitional financial assistance to countries whose education sector plans have been endorsed by its donors. It is comprised of 46 developing countries and more than 30 bilateral, regional, and international agencies, development banks, the private sector, teachers, local and global civil society groups, and it is devoted to enrolling children in school to receive a quality education. The strategy for 2011-2014 (1) prioritises increased support for fragile states, learning outcomes and quality education, and girls’ education. Guinea is one of 37 countries that have received a funding allocation and as part of the programme, UNICEF has committed to support the construction of up to 1 000 schools and invest in teacher training and improved curricula in Guinea over the next two years. In addition, World Education implements the Ambassadors' Girls' Scholarship Program (AGSP) which provides support to approximately 7 500 girls in Guinea. This program provides assistance to the vulnerable female youth population who are economically disadvantaged, disabled or HIV-affected or infected. The AGSP provides comprehensive support for girls' education in the form of scholarships, mentoring and parent and community awareness programs to promote and support girls' education for the duration of primary school (2). These programmes will have an impact on the education levels across Guinea including in the regional and local study area. 15.10.1.3 School Enrolment and Attendance The net enrolment rate to primary schools in Guinea as a whole is extremely low at 43%, with 77% enrolment in Conakry, falling down to 44.5% in the N’Zérékoré region. At the secondary level the national net enrolment rate is significantly lower (17%). Discrepancies between boys and girls attendance are high. In the N’Zérékoré region, the enrolment rate in primary school was lower for girls (42%) thanfor boys (47%). In addition, only 48% of girls who enrol for primar school actually complete it (compared to 72% of the boys) (3). The junior high school net enrolment rate falls down to 11% for girls and 17.5% for boys. For senior high school, the rates are 2% for girls and 5% for boys. In Beyla there are more girls (1 418) than boys (1 242) enrolled in primary schools. This is due to policies that encourage girls to attend schools as well as financial incentives offered by Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). However, secondary school attendance is still higher amongst boys (58%) than girls (45%). The low enrolment of girls into secondary school has been attributed to limited financial resources spent on them, as well as cultural factors, such as the common practice of early marriage. In the local study area there are more children enrolled in Koranic schools than in public schools. Many parents who are uneducated do not see the necessity to send their children to public school, particularly if there is no public school in the village or the distances are too far. The children receive only religious instruction at the village “madrasa” (Koranic school) which are distributed more widely throughout the local study area. However, public education is increasingly seen by the population in the local study area as an avenue to employment opportunities in the mining industry and as a result, enrolment numbers in year one

(1) The Global Partnership for Education (2011). Strategic Directions of the Global Partnership for Education 2011-2014. Available at http://www.globalpartnership.org/media/Strategy%20Papers/Strategic_Directions_for_Replenishment.pdf - last accessed on 14-03-12. (2) World Education (2012). “Guinea: On the Frontlines of Girls' Education”. Available at http://www.worlded.org/WEIInternet/features/StoriesGlobal/Guinea_-_On_the_Frontlines_of_Girls_Education.cfm - last accessed on12-01-12. (3) World Bank (2004). Évaluation de la situation de genre en Guinée: rapport de synthèse FYW4. Washington, D.C. 34 p.


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classes in public schools have begun to grow. In Mafindou, Baladou and Moribadou, schools have been forced to turn students away. Kindergartens or pre-primary education is available only in the more developed urban areas of Guinea and these schools are privately run. Children enter the primary education programme at the age of six and the programme lasts for six years. There are primary schools in most rural villages as well as in the urban areas. Secondary school comprises of junior high school (Grades 7-9) and senior high school (Grades 10-13). Secondary schools are located in the urban areas and large villages. There are on average 47 pupils for each teacher in primary school and 53 students per teacher in secondary school in the local study area. As a result, classrooms are overcrowded in both primary and secondary schools. School drop out is a common phenomenon among both boys and girls. Children leave school early because of a lack of teachers and because they are required to participate in agricultural and other household income generating activities. In general, families lack funds to pay for general school expenses. 15.10.1.4 Education Levels Throughout Guinea a large proportion of the population has never benefitted from schooling. In the town of Beyla, is its 39% and in the N’Zérékoré region this includes nearly 72% of women and 51% of men. The majority of village chiefs have also not received a formal education. Very few people in the region reach post-secondary education, the rates being limited to nearly 2% of men and 0.1% of women. The literacy rate in the town of Beyla is 39%. Amongst villages in the local study area the literacy levels are low (between 5% and 20%) although 19% of the population can read and write in French or English. Figure 15.21 provides an overview of the percentage of the population with formal education and those without. The villages with the highest percentage of people with formal education are Nionsomoridou (just over 40%), Mafindou (just below 40%), Koréla (just over 30%), 30% in Dandano, Kotia and Baladou, and just below 30% in Lamandou and Mandou.


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Figure 15.21 Formal Education Levels in the Local Study Area, 2007 – 2009 [1]

Source: SNC Lavalin Environment (2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline. (1) Village and household surveys were undertaken between 2007 and 2009. 15.10.1.5 Educational Infrastructure and Quality The lack of school facilities is considered to be one of the principal reasons for the low literacy levels and the poor school attendance. An overview of the education facilities in the local study area is provided below. There are 38 primary schools serving the populations of the CU of Beyla and CR of Nionsomoridou, 6 of

which are located in the town of Beyla. In the local study area there is at least one primary school in the majority of the villages in the CU of

Beyla and in all the villages in the CR of Nionsomoridou. However, in the CR of Nionsomoridou, many primary schools stop in year four as the schools only have three classes. In the CR of Kouankan, only 30% of the villages do not have a primary school. There are no primary schools in the villages of; Goékoro, Thia, Lamandou, Kotia, Touréla, Orono, Silafarala and Mamouroudou. The nearest schools are located between 26 and 96 minutes walk from these villages.

Other education facilities in the town of Beyla include two private kindergartens, six primary schools, a Christian school, two Koranic schools and two Franco-Arab schools.

There are two secondary schools in the local study area, both of which are located in the town of Beyla.

The overall level of satisfaction with education facilities and levels of service is low, most notably in the CR of Kouankan. This relates to the lack of schools, long walking distances to schools, overcrowding in classrooms, student / teacher ratios, the lack of experience of teachers and lack of teaching materials.

The majority of school structures in the local study area were built more than fifteen years ago and are

now in poor condition (see Figure 15.22). Many classrooms are built from mud or straw. Newer school buildings, particularly in the more populous communities, are in good condition, eg schools in Banakoro and Banko. Rural and urban schools often lack a safe source of drinking water and sanitation facilities.


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Figure 15.22 A Classsroom in a Public School in Beyla

Compounding the effects of inadequate infrastructure there are also an insufficient number of teachers.

In order to maintain the few teachers available, communities are often responsible for contributing to the teacher’s salaries. Due to insufficient staffing some schools can only provide a single teacher for multiple levels, or for the entire student body. This problem results in significant delays in enrolment and progression of students as rotational classes are required. In the cases where there is only a single teacher, new students are not able to enrol regardless of being of school going age as the teacher is forced to teach a student body from the start to the end of their age range.

Some villages in the region participate in a school canteen programme (organised by World Food

Programme (WFP)). Participating villages include Kéoulendou, Banankoro and Koimoridou in the CU of Beyla, and Nionsomoridou and Moribadou in CR of Nionsomoridou.

15.10.2 Health Infrastructures and Services Existing health infrastructure and services in the local study area are described in Chapter 21: Community Health, Safety, and Security. 15.10.3 Housing There are two principal types of housing in the area, traditional or more ‘modern’ (see Figures 15.23 and 15.24). Traditional houses are circular mud brick huts with a conical thatch roof. Nearly two thirds of Guineans live in this type of house, and it is the most common form of housing in the local study area. Some households, most commonly in urban areas, live in more ‘modern’ rectangular houses constructed of cement bricks, with metal roofs. The low level of development in the local study area compared to the national situation is, in part, characterised with respect to housing: in Guinea, 66% of urban houses are built using cement, while in Beyla the figure is only 15%; and


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in the N’Zérékoré region, 81% of houses have corrugated metal roofs; in Beyla, the proportion is only 48% (1).

In the rural villages of the local study area, more ’modern’ structures are increasingly being built (eg in Traoréla, Nionsomoridou, Wataférédou, Moribadou and Banko). Figure 15.23 Typical Traditional Housing Structures

Figure 15.24 Typical Modern Housing in Beyla

The type of house structure is an indicator of household living conditions, particularly in the case of households that can afford to build brick / cement structures. The construction of houses with and without finished floors can be viewed as a proxy for housing quality, since houses built with dirt floors tend to increase the propagation of infections and parasitic diseases. In the villages of the local study area approximately 99% of people live in structures with dirt floors as compared to 56% at the national level and 75% in rural Guinea. This indicates that the households in the local study area are living in more difficult conditions with higher levels of poverty than the average Guinean. In Beyla 51% of households live in structures with cement floors. This indicates that the quality of housing in Beyla is typically better than in rural villages. Nonetheless, the proportion of structures with cement floors in Beyla is significantly lower than the average of 81% in urban centres in Guinea. The cost to build housing structures depends on the quality of materials. A traditional hut ranges between 400 000 GNF and 800 000 GNF (approximately US$53 to US$16), depending on the quality of materials. In (1) SNC Lavalin Environment (2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline.


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contrast, it costs 6 to 10 million GNF (approximately US$803 to US$1 338) to build a rectangular masonry or concrete house with a tin roof, four bedrooms and a living room but without interior plaster finishes. It costs 15 to 20 million GNF (US$2 007 to US$2 676) to build a five bedroom house with a plaster finished walls and.ceiling. 15.10.4 Water and Sanitation 15.10.4.1 Water The Regional Health Plan of N’Zérékoré (2005) (1) indicates that the main sources of water for communities in the administrative region are boreholes (45%), traditional wells (18%) and rivers or streams (17%) (see Figure 15.25). According to national Guinean standards, villages that are accessible by road should be provided with one borehole for every 300-500 inhabitants. The village is required to contribute 30% towards the cost and individuals who use the facility are required to pay a monthly fee that is used to maintain the infrastructure and the area surrounding the well or borehole. A water committee is established to periodically collect the pre-established usage fee. There is almost always at least one woman on this committee. The usage fee and payment terms vary depending on the village, seasons and availability of drinking water. It can vary from 500 to 1 000 GNF per person per month, however, it is free in some villages. Water provision in the N’Zérékoré region is below the regional standards; only 33% of the rural population and 27% of the urban population have access to potable water. Figure 15.25 Village Water Sources (wells / boreholes and rivers)

Approximately two thirds of households in larger villages such as Nionsomoridou and Kouankan rely on drinking water from boreholes, compared with 39% in the CU of Beyla. In the town of Beyla 30% get drinking water from boreholes and 58% from wells (ameliorated and traditional). In the smaller rural villages less than 20% of households have access to boreholes or wells. In many instances these are defective or have been abandoned due to malfunction or lack of maintenance. Table 15.13 provides an overview of the number of functional boreholes and wells in the local study area. Water from boreholes is usually of better quality than water from open wells as it is often pumped from a deeper aquifer and thus better protected from contamination. Water drawn from shallow wells is often at risk of being contaminated by sanitation effluents. Use of wells and boreholes is generally restricted to a few hours a day in order to control use and enable recharge of the source.

(1) Regional Health Plan of N’Zérékoré (2005)


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Table 15.13 Boreholes, Wells and Access to Potable Water in the Local Study Area, 2008

CU/CR Sector/Village Number Boreholes

Number Functional Boreholes

Number Lined Wells

Number Functional Lined Wells

Access to Potable Water

CU Beyla Beyla Town 13 11 9 2

Morisangarédou - - 1 -

Kéoulendou 1 1 - -

Piyaro 1 - - -

Banankoro 1 1 - -

Foma - - - - -

Goékoro - - - - -

Thia - - - - -

Koimoridou - - - - -

CR Nionsomoridou

Nionsomoridou 3 3 - -

Wataférédou II 2 1 - -

Wataférédou I - - - - -

Traoréla 1 - - - -

Moribadou 3 2 - -

Mafindou 1 - - -

Baladou - - - - -

Kankoro - - - - -

CR Kouankan Banko 1 1 - -

Lamandou - - - - -

Kotia - - - - -

Mandou 1 - - - -

Naouinzou 1 1 - -

Touréla 1 1 - -

Orono - - - - -

Dandano 4 - - - -

Silafarala 2 - - - -

Koréla 4 4 - -

Mamouroudou - - - - -

Sources: According to SNC-Lavalin Environment surveys and La Granada Ent. 2008b; Diallo, 2005

Surface water is used only for human consumption where ground water is inadequate, located far away from houses and crops or, is unavailable. Often well water cannot be consumed and is used only for washing. Rain water is the primary water source used to irrigate crops. In the dry season surface water is used to supplement the rain water for crops. Table 15.14 presents details of the surface water sources used in a number of villages in the study area.


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Table 15.14 Surface Water Sources and Uses in Selected Villages in the Local Study Area

CU/CR Village / Watercourse

Uses of Water Alternative Water Sources

CU Beyla Banankoro

Siankoun Gbe, Siankoun Fin

Washing clothes, bathing, construction, consumption

Livestock watering

Either river for washing and bathing. The borehole with hand pump and Mosque well in Banankoro village for drinking and cooking water.

Foma

Loffa River

None

CR Nionsomoridou

Nionsomoridou

Miya River


Livestock watering, fishing

3 boreholes with hand pump, 6 properly constructed wells and 6 poorly constructed wells, all in Nionsomoridou village.

Wataférédou II

Watakonin River


Livestock watering (300 heads)

One borehole with hand pump in Traoréla village.

Traoréla

Mala, Kinyeho, Mokouko Rivers



One borehole with hand pump in Traoréla village.

Moribadou

Darako River



3 boreholes with hand pump, 5 wells, all in Moribadou Village.

Mafindou

Kouwan River


Livestock watering

Mamadi Camara well in Mafindou village.

Kankoro

Findia, Torokoroko Rivers

Kankoro well is used for water for drinking and cooking. The well runs dry in the dry season.

CR Kouankan Banko

Pulowaya River


Livestock watering

Borehole with hand pump, Forest Centre well and Adama Traoré well.

Lamandou

Worongbe River

None.

Mandou

Woron River

2 wells and a borehole with hand pump in Mandou.

Orono

Woron River

None.

Mamouroudou

Woron River

Toubaboukonin River and Banankonin River, both distant from village.

15.10.4.2 Water Quality In addition to access and quantity of water available, concerns have been voiced by the local community regarding access to potable water. The main concerns expressed are outlined below. In the dry season when the water quantity is low, many of the surface water sources are polluted,

leading to increases in dysentery, diarrhoea, cholera and other water borne diseases. People and livestock use the same water sources. While people tend to draw water away from areas

that are frequented by animals, back waters in particular are often polluted by animals.


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Due to the high turbidity level in the surface water, there is often coloration and decreased water quality due to runoff. This has become more of a problem recently, thought to be due to drilling operations for the Simandou Project.

Even in the town of Beyla where most of the population gets its water from boreholes and drilled wells, 47% of households reported being unsatisfied with water quality.

15.10.4.3 Sanitation According to the regional Health Directorate of N’Zérékoré (2006) (1), 46% of the population does not have access to any form of sanitation in the region (54% therefore having access to sanitation). Of those people who do have access to sanitation 14% use covered latrines, 36% use uncovered pit latrines, and only 3% use flush toilets. In addition, 13% of health centres and 65% of schools are not equipped with latrines. In the local study area the proportion of households with access to latrines is 47% in the CU of Beyla, 62% in the CR of Kouankan and 64% in the CR of Nionsomoridou, the rural locations exceeding the regional average. As there is no piped sanitation infrastructure in the local study area the villages and towns mostly use pit latrines. Access is variable (see Figure 15.26), ranging from 100% in Touréla, 76% in Moribadou and 63% in Nionsomoridou to no form of latrines in Thia, Kotia and Mamouroudou. In the town of Beyla 95% of the population have access to a latrine although the number of latrines is limited to one per 29 persons. Figure 15.26 Access to Sanitation (essentially Latrines) in the Local Study Area, 2007 – 2009 [1]

Source: SNC Lavalin Environment (2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline. Note: [1] Village and household surveys were undertaken between 2007 and 2009.

15.10.5 Domestic Waste Management Infrastructure According to the Integrated Survey on Poverty Assessment (2002-2003), there is no formal waste management infrastructure in the entire mine study area. The majority of the population discard waste in the

(1) Direction Nationale De La Statistique (DNS) and Orc Macro (2006) Enquête Démographique et de Santé, Guinée 2005. Calverton, Maryland, U.S.A.: DNS and ORC Macro.


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open fields. Within the area surrounding the mine, domestic waste is mainly discarded in the areas surrounding villages. 15.10.6 Road and Transportation Infrastructure The road network within the entire study area is limited making travel between villages difficult. The roads are not paved and are made of iron rich soils, and are often in very poor condition during the rainy season. The quality of the roads varies from poor to moderate (passable). To date, the Project has undertaken road upgrades in Beyla (including bridges) and upgraded the roads from Beyla to Canga East. This has enabled improved access for the villages of Moribadou, Mafindou, Banankoro, Mamoridou and Boubaro. Some villages have limited (seasonal) or no road access, specifically Lamandou, Orono, Traoréla, Kankoro, Kotia and Mamouroudou. The majority of people walk on small tracks that link villages to one another and to outlying agricultural and pasture lands. The main road passing through the mine study area is the National Highway (N1) which crosses eastward from Kérouané to Beyla and southwards from Beyla to Moola. Sections of the road are covered with asphalt, however, the quality of the road is poor. The Project is in the process of undertaking routine repair and maintenance on the N1 from Kankan to N’Zérékoré. To date, the road between Beyla and N’Zérékoré (approximately 130 km) has been upgraded and over 600 km of road has been rehabilitated and maintained. Local workers are being employed for this work. In urban areas bicycles and motorcycles are common. In the local study area, due to the poor quality of the roads, bicycles remain the most common form of transportation with 26% of households having a bicycle and 12% of households having a motorcycle. There are very few private cars in the study area. 15.10.7 Power In Guinea access to electricity is limited to just 20% of households with the service being concentrated in urban areas. Less than 3% of households living in rural areas have access to electricity compared to 64% of urban households. In the local study area less than 5% of households have access to electricity. There is no power grid and electricity is primarily generated using diesel generators. The majority of households use alternate fuel sources such as wood and charcoal. In the local study area it is only urban areas have access to electricity. In the town of Beyla 19% of households have access to it. Of these households, 83% use electricity produced by generators, 72% have their own generator, 7% are connected to the generator of a neighbour and 4% to generators operated by small companies. There are also four distribution groups across the town that sell electricity, mostly to commercial customers. Beyla’s grid was installed seven years ago by the government but centralised delivery still remains unreliable. Households have access to electricity for an average of 4.5 days per week and for approximately 4.8 hours a day. Spending related to electricity averages 123 500 GNF (approximately US$17) per month. Other households with electricity use rechargeable car batteries or solar panels. The only available source of electricity in the rural villages is by means of privately owned generators. There are only five known such generators and these are located in Wataférédou II (1 generator), Traoréla (1), Moribadou (2) and Dandano (1) (1). The most commonly used fuel source is firewood and it is used for cooking, heating and some artisanal activities such as blacksmithing. Charcoal is used by some households but is not widely produced. The most common use of charcoal is in forges for the manufacture of farming equipment. However, making and selling charcoal is attracting interest as immigrants look for income-generating activities while they wait for employment on the Simandou Project. For lighting, people use kerosene lamps.

(1) SNC Lavalin Environment (2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline.


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15.10.8 Project Support to Social Infrastructure and Services Since 2006 the Simandou Project has supported a number of programmes to provide social infrastructure and services related to education, health, water, housing, transportation, and power in the study area. These programmes are described in Section 15.12. 15.11 Risks and Community Identified Needs Raised in Data Gathering and Consultation Within the framework of socio-economic primary data collection for the Simandou Project a number of important issues were identified. Local populations are optimistic and have high expectations that the Project will foster development, economic benefits and livelihoods opportunities. However, these very expectations, in combination with a multiplicity of issues, constitute risks and challenges for the Project. In-migration and the socio-economic issues it raises for local host communities surrounding the local study area one of the most significant risks associated with the Simandou Project. The influx of people, essentially job seekers attracted by the Project, began as early as 2004 and has continued a steady increase since that time. The phenomenon is an inevitable consequence of large projects where future prospects, economic benefits and livelihood opportunities attract interest. However, the rapid increase of population that is taking place, particularly in the larger communities, raises several risks. Amongst the households in the local study area, numerous development priorities were identified. These ranged from basic needs such as food security and employment to recreation (sports facilities), cultural needs (pilgrimage to Mecca) and support for family. The two highest priorities are improved housing and employment. Others revolve around agriculture ie food security, assistance with agricultural development, livestock breeding, equipment, access to credit and support with women’s gardens. Table 15.15 summarises the first priority needs as expressed by men, women, young people and the elderly. They are presented by decreasing order of importance. Table 15.15 First Priority Needs in the Local Study Area, 2007

Needs Elders Women Men Youth

Improved housing 4.8% 9.6% 29.8% 4.9%

Employment 4.8% 2.7% 6.7% 45.3%

Food security 30.5% 8.4% 7.0% 4.9%

Agricultural development assistance 1.0% 10.3% 16.1% 2.5%

Access to health services and facilities 37.1% 6.5% 5.3% 2.5%

Support to commercial activities 0.0% 15.7% 5.0% 3.9%

Access to school and education 2.9% 4.6% 5.6% 13.3%

Access to credit, founds, capital, money 2.9% 6.1% 2.6% 3.9%

Improved accessibility (better roads and tracks) 1.9% 4.6% 4.4% 3.4%

Clothing 1.0% 8.4% 1.5% 3.4%

Support for women’s gardens 1.0% 10.0% 1.2% 0.5%

Improved drinking water (boreholes, lined wells) 1.0% 7.3% 1.8% 0.5%

Pilgrimage to Mecca 6.7% 1.9% 2.9% 0.5%

Debt repayment 0.0% 1.1% 2.6% 0.0%

Access to transportation 0.0% 0.0% 0.9% 3.4%

Equipment (agricultural et others) 1.0% 0.8% 1.5% 1.0%

Livestock breeding support 0.0% 0.4% 2.0% 0.5%

Mosque restoration / construction 2.9% 0.4% 0.9% 0.0%

Lowland development 0.0% 0.8% 1.2% 0.0%

Sports facilities (foot terrain) 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 2.0%


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Needs Elders Women Men Youth

Support to family 0.0% 0.8% 0.0% 0.0%

Electricity 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.5%

Others 1.0% 0.4% 0.6% 3.0%

Source: SNC Lavalin Environment (2010); Social and Environmental Baseline Study (Mine Component): Volume B – Social Baseline. Note: Percentages indicate the percentage of respondents by population type (eg elders, women, men, youth). Among those surveyed were 105 elders, 261 women, 342 men, and 203 youth, for a total of 911 individuals.

The key observations that can be drawn from this assessment of priority needs are outlined below. The four most important development priorities identified by nearly all groups include the desire for

improved housing, employment, food security and assistance with agricultural development.

By far the most important development priority identified by male heads of households is the need for improved housing, followed by assistance with agricultural development, food security, employment, access to education and health services.

For women, the highest priorities are linked to commercial and agriculture / subsistence-related activities. Their first priority is support for commercial activities (marketing produces), followed by assistance to agricultural development and support to improve their gardens. Women also prioritiseedimproved housing, clothing, health care and education as areas that require development.

The majority of elders indicated greater access to health services as their key need, followed by food security.

Youth regard employment as their most pressing need, followed by improved access to schools and education.

Important development priorities generally appear to be: support for commercial activities, agricultural development, better access to schools and education, improved roads and improved access to clean water.

15.12 Project Economic and Community Development Programmes 15.12.1 Overview The Simandou Project is without precedent in Guinea in terms of size and potential economic contributions..

Having been present in Guinea for almost 10 years, Rio Tinto recognises that the development of the Project has the potential for significant impacts on the national economy and communities’ livelihoods. It also recognises that, despite possessing mineral wealth, some countries have historically experienced a ‘resource curse’ in which extractive projects have paradoxically inhibited economic growth and worsened development levels. Accordingly, the Project has undertaken a number of economic and community development activities since 2006 and has established partnerships with external stakeholders committed to promoting development in Guinea. These programmes and partnerships provide a platform for future community and economic development activities designed to mitigate impacts identified in the following chapters: Chapter 16: National Economy; Chapter 17: Employment and Economic Development; Chapter 18: In-Migration; Chapter 19: Land Use and Land-Based Livelihoods; Chapter 20: Social Structures and Community Life; and Chapter 21: Community Health, Safety and Security. Brief details of activities to date are provided below.


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15.12.2 Partnerships When designing and implementing socio-economic and community programmes the Project takes into account the integrated involvement of the Republic of Guinea as well as international agencies and organisations dedicated to promoting development in Guinea. The Project’s key international partners to date include the following. International Financial Institutions: The Project is working to align its programmes with Guinea’s

PRSP-2, a development policy and planning document supported by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. The Project expects to work further with the World Bank, serving as the centre of a multi-million dollar growth pole project to further the Bank’s objectives to utilise mining as a stimulus for broader growth in Guinea. Alongside the IFC the Project is also implementing a three year IFC Linkages Programme (funded 30/70% IFC/the Project with an annual investment of US$1.3 million), which provides technical assistance to strengthen local SMEs and assist them to compete for supply contracts.

Multilateral Donors: Donor partnerships have included undertaking youth reproductive health

programmes with the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) and infrastructure planning with the European Commission, which presently funds infrastructure refurbishments in the Guinée Forestiére (sections 9 and 8 of the railway line) and Guinée Maritime (Sections 2 and 1).

Bilateral Development Agencies: The Project has worked with AFD, the French development agency,

on local capacity building in support of the PACV, and GIZ and USAID (German and US development agencies respectively) on HIV/AIDS and malaria treatment programmes.

The Project has also collaborated with a number of Guinean NGOs and civil society organisations on its economic and community development programmes. These include ADCAP (the Association for Community Development and Agro-Pastoralism) and CADIC (Centre for Support and Development of Community Initiatives), AUDI (Actors United for Integrated Development) for agricultural programmes; PRIDE Finance and CAFODEC for microfinance programmes; and the Chamber of Mines of Guinea for HIV/AIDS treatment and prevention programmes. The Project will continue to seek partnerships with the Republic of Guinea, international agencies and organisations, and NGOs to design and implement socio-economic and community programmes in the future, as part of its Social Management Framework (see Volume V: Social and Environmental Management Plan). 15.12.3 Past and Ongoing Programmes Between 2006 and 2009, the Project spent over US$34 million on education, health, agriculture, social and environmental studies, and public infrastructure including a new airfield, roads and bridges, and telecommunications systems. These activities and programmes, which promote both direct and indirect economic benefits in Guinea, are summarised in Table 15.16. As an example, in 2008 the Simandou Project commenced routine repair and maintenance of the National Highway (N1) from Kankan to N’Zérékoré following discussions between the Project and the Republic of Guinea. The initial scope of work involved the rehabilitation of numerous dangerous sections with an initial cost of US$2.5 million, but the scope was extended to focus on maintenance of an approximately 130 km length of road between Beyla and N’Zérékoré. The earthworks contractors responsible for the delivery of the programme employ local Guineans with approximately 15 full time employees and, to date, have rehabilitated and maintained more than 500 km of road.


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Table 15.16 Project Economic and Community Programmes in Guinea, 2006 – 2009

Investment Area Description of Programmes Expenditure (US$m)

Infrastructure Aerodrome construction, public road maintenance and construction, construction of mobile communication systems, construction of school and market, construction of public bridge, rehabilitation of health centres and installation of water wells.

16.4

Education and Youth Affairs

Adult literacy education programme, donation of school equipment, and financial support to school programmes and events.

0.25

Health and Hygiene

Distribution of mosquito nets, HIV/AIDS prevention programmes, malaria prevention programme, and donation of sanitation equipment.

0.19

Agriculture ‘Microcredit’ programmes, support to farmer unions, and construction of cattle enclosures

0.11

Economic Development

Economic Development Fund [1], rail rehabilitation studies, and economic development studies.

5.5

Social Studies Socio-economic baseline studies, development plans, and zoning and migration plans. 1.8

Environmental Projects

Reforestation and nursery programme, forest fire prevention programme, baseline studies, and environmental education.

3.76

Tax Payments Royalty advances, taxes, and expatriate salary taxes. 6.42

Total 2006-2009 34.43

Note: [1] Contributed by the IFC which has a 5% stake in the Simandou Project Source: Rio Tinto Simandou 2009 Sustainable Development Report

From 2009 to 2011 the Project continued to invest in socio-economic and community programmes, these are set out below. 15.12.3.1 Employment and Business Development Opportunities In 2009 the Simandou Project employed over 1 000 people in Guinea (including over 550 fulltime employees) with more than 90% of the workforce being Guinean. To further empower individuals and communities to take advantage of the Project's direct, indirect, and induced business and employment opportunities, thereby maximising economic development, the Project has developed a number of business / SME and work readiness programmes including the following.

Beyla Enterprise Centre: The Centre was constructed in 2010 and its function is to create a group of

businesses that will be able to meet Project tender requirements for the provision of goods and services. It provides a central location for businesses to access information and training (eg access to credit opportunities, developing business plans) and to make use of office and communication equipment. Over twenty two training sessions for SMEs were held in 2011.

Local Microfinance and Small Business Programme: In collaboration with PRIDE Finance and CAFODEC the Project has established a microfinance programme that provides loans to small businesses as well as training in credit management. To date, the programme has disbursed approximately US$232 000 in loans and trained 1 129 beneficiaries. Some local enterprises receiving funds from the programme, including GATEC and UGAN, have since obtained contracts with the Project and its contractors. The programme is expected to be self sufficient within three years, allowing it to continue to provide financial products and services to communities without requiring the Project's direct support.

15.12.3.2 Capacity Building

Support for a capacity building programme for local authorities in 19 villages and Beyla Town nearby the Simandou Mine, at the eastern end of the rail corridor. The programme included training on project and financial management, with the objective of providing communities with the skills to transparently and effectively undertake development projects that meet local needs and priorities. A total of 1 335 people underwent training, and the programme facilitated the construction of 70 water wells, 6 small bridges, 3 cattle


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parks, a market, a school and an enterprise centre. This feeds into the Project’s ongoing support to the PACV programme as described in Section 15.3.4.2. 15.12.3.3 Community and Infrastructure Programmes Between 2010 and 2011, the Project contributed US$10.5 million in socio-economic and community programmes related to a number of development areas, including but not limited to health, business development, education, public infrastructure, and agriculture, as well as the promotion of cultural events. Partners from the national government and international development community contributed an additional US$381 000 in funds and collaborated in the majority of Project programmes (see Section 15.12.4). Many of these programmes continue today and are described in Section 15.12.3 below. The Project also made a number of non-cash contributions in 2010 and 2011, including the transportation and donation of goods for social services and businesses in the local study area (eg building materials, education materials, equipment for businesses and radio stations, and medication and mattresses for health centers). 15.12.3.4 Health, Safety and Security (HSS) Activities The Project has undertaken a number of programmes to address HSS issues in the broader Project area, working in collaboration with USAID and GIZ in particular. Two areas of focus have included malaria and HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment programmes. Malaria Prevention and Treatment: The Project commenced a comprehensive vector control programme

in 2008 to eliminate new incidents of malaria in areas currently controlled by the Project. The programme includes environmental and chemical mitigation, control and reduction of individual risk, limiting the effects of infection, and supporting prompt diagnosis and treatment. The malaria frequency rate in controlled areas reportedly halved as a result of the implementation of the malaria vector control programme between January 2009 and February 2010.

In 2009, the Project also began working to combat malaria in local communities near the mine,

establishing agreements with the National Malaria Control Programme (Programme national de lutte contre le paludisme - PNLP) and USAID. In coordination with the PNLP the Project has trained community agents on malaria prevention and treatment to broaden communities' access to care. The programme also supported the distribution of about 7 000 DEET impregnated bed nets to pregnant women via local health centres in Beyla Prefecture (section 9 of the railway line). An additional 10 000 DEET impregnated bed nets have been distributed to local communities via USAID. It is believed that these programmes, together with the Project’s vector control programme, have contributed to reductions in the frequency of malaria among local communities.

HIV Prevention: The Project has supported a number of activities to promote awareness, and prevent

the spread of, HIV/AIDS for both its workforce and local communities. These activities have included training and support for health personnel and health structure management committees in Beyla prefecture (section 9 of the railway line), organising a HIV/AIDS awareness caravan to travel through communities, distributing condoms, training peer educators in Canga and Conakry, hosting community events for World AIDS Day, and supporting the creation of a youth centre in Beyla to focus on reproductive health. Partners in these activities have included Guinea’s Ministry of Health, UNFPA, GTZ, the Chamber of Mines of Guinea (CMG), Partenaires contre le Sida, and REGAP+.

In 2011 the Project was recognised for its HIV/AIDS and malaria prevention activities with an Award for Business Action on Health (category Community Investment) from GBC Health, a coalition of more than 200 companies and organisations working 'to mobilise the power of the global business community to build a healthier world'.


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15.12.3.5 Land Based Livelihood Development To date, the Project has focused its livelihoods development programmes in the prefectures of Beyla and Macenta (Section 9), specifically on villages immediately surrounding the Pic de Fon Classified Forest. It is anticipated that other appropriate agriculture, forestry, and fishery programmes will be extended to other areas along the rail corridor. The Project initiated the following Livelihood Development programmes in 2011. Agricultural Development: This programme strives to support the communities affected by the

enforcement of the Guinean Forest Code, which prohibits a range of income generating activities within the borders of the Pic de Fon Classified Forest. Through a variety of projects the Project is supporting villages (1) immediately bordering the Classified Forest to find agricultural intensification solutions through the use of chemical herbicides, mineral fertilisers, animal traction, high yielding seed varieties, and good farming techniques.

Most notably, the Project has supported a rice production programme since 2010, which began with a pilot in the village of Lamadou but was extended in 2011 to seven other villages. The programme aims to reduce dependency of the rural population to the natural resources in the Pic de Fon, contribute to the improvement of food self sufficiency, reduce the inflation of food prices, and improve rural households’ revenues through yield improvements. During the programme’s implementation average productivity increased from 1.3 tonne/ha to 4.3 tonne/ha.

Projects have been identified in consultation with the administrative authorities, local communities and

relevant government and partners (government and private). NGO partners include ADCAP (Association for Community Development and Agro-pastoralism), CADIC (Centre for Support and Development of Community Initiatives), and AUDI (Actors United for Integrated Development). The Project is primarily responsible for support, advice, partnership management, and monitoring and evaluation.

Income Generation: In addition to the agricultural intensification projects above, the Project has supported projects focused on enhancing income generation opportunities. Projects to date have included a focus on the breeding and sale of agouti, a rodent native to West Africa, to reduce uncontrolled hunting and provide alternate sources of protein to local communities. Other projects support the growth and sale of jatropha, a shrub that serves as natural fencing and protects against erosion, and palm oil, to enhance production levels and improve market linkages for local farmers. The Project is currently investigating new opportunities for income generation projects based on local needs and market demand.

(1) The villages involved include: Bankoro, Foma, Lamandou, Wataferedou 1, Moribadou, Banko, Dandano, Korela, Kissibou,

Soumailadou, N’tchia, Mando and Moyenne.

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