1029 1599 1 PB Dorylaion Poem

8/12/2019 1029 1599 1 PB Dorylaion Poem

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Fotin Spingou

A poem on the ReFoRtiFicAtion oF DoRylAion in 1175

Manuel K mnen s (1143-1180) decided t rganize a campaign against theSeljuk Turks in rder t maintain Byzantine p wer in the East1. Bef re startingthe expediti n, in the summer r autumn f 11752, he set ab ut rebuilding

r re-establishing D rylai n and S ublai n, aplekta (supply centres) nthe plateau f Asia Min r, which had been affected by Turkish n mads3.Acc rding t Niketas Ch niates, Manuel first rebuilt D rylai n and thenS ublai n4. After his j urney t S ublai n, he returned t C nstantin ple

* I wish t thank Pr f. Marc Lauxtermann, my academic supervis r, f r his invaluablehelp. I w uld like als t thank Dr. Ge rgi Parpul v, Dr. Ida T th, Dr. Christ s Simelidis, andPr f. Michael Grnbart f r their suggesti ns. All remaining mistakes, f c urse, are mine.This article w uld n t have been p ssible with ut the gener us supp rt f the F undati n f rEducati n and Eur pean Culture (f unded by Mr. Nik s Trichas).

1. See P.mAgDAlino The empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 1143-1180 , Cambridge U.P.1993, 95-8. A.Stone , D rylai n Revisited: Manuel I K mnen s and the Ref rtificati n fD rylai n and S ublai n in 1175,REB 61 (2003) 183-99, esp. 186, 195.

2. K. BoniS , : (a),Theologia 19 (1941-8) 717.3. D rylai n was a new c nstructi n, 3 km n rth f the ld city (BoniS ,

(a), 713-4. A.Stone , Eustathian Panegyric as a Hist rical S urce,JB 51 (2001)241; Stone , D rylai n Revisited, 191). Acc rding t the exp siti n f imperial expediti nsand r ster f aplekta by C nstantine P rphyr genet s ( = Text A, 4, ed. J. F.h AlDon , Constantine Porphyrogenitus.Three Treatises on Imperial Military Expeditions. Introduction, Edition, Translation andCommentary [CFHB 28], Wien 1990, 80-1, cf. ibid. 252) the Byzantine emper r used t st pin this aplekt n during his j urneys.

4. Acc rding t an ther view, Manuel rebuilt D rylai n in rder t establish anetw rk f f rtresses ... t pr tect the agricultural p pulati n which had previ usly livedin pen villages s that they c uld cultivate the land in security and pay their taxes.

: - , /


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(bef re Epiphany, 1176)5. There, Euthymi s Malakes delivered a panegyricspeech t the Emper r during the feast f Epiphany6, and Eustathi s fThessal niki wr te his Lenten rati n7. B th refer t the expediti n and t theref rtificati n f D rylai n. The f ll wing year, Manuel waged war againstK nya, but his plans quickly failed. He was defeated at Myri kephal n n17 September 11768.

Manuel K mnen s is the sec nd m st praised emper r in Byzantinehist ry. M re than seventy m n dies, panegyrics, rati ns and many therrhet rical texts were dedicated t him9. Theref re, it is n t surprising that ap em was dedicated t the ref rtificati n f D rylai n in 1175.

D rylai n was a thriving city during the tenth and eleventh centuries,but the Turkish invasi ns f rced the inhabitants t aband n it10. This area

Cl . FoSS, The Defences f Asia Min r against the Turks,Greek Orthodox Theological Review27 (1982) 152 (= idem,Cities, Fortresses and Villages of Byzantine Asia Minor [Vari rum],Aldersh t 1996, V, 152).

5. Niketas Ch niates ( , ed. J.-A.vAn Dieten ,Nicetae Choniatae Historia [CFHB 11/1], Berlin 1975), 177, 86-90.

6. Cf.BoniS , (a), 69-72.

7. ( - , ed. P. W iRth , Eustathii Thessalonicensis: Opera Minora (magnam parteminedita) [CFHB 32], Berlin 2000 = Eustathi s f Thessal niki), B, 17-45.

8. mAgDAlino , Manuel, 95-8. J. W.BiRkenmeieR , The Development of the KomnenianArmy: 1080-1180 [Hist ry f Warfare 5], Leiden 2002, 54 ( pp site view ab ut the meaning

f the defeat in Myri kephal n). F r the rec nstructi n f D rylai n, seeBiRkenmeieR ,Komnenian Army , 106-7, n te 10.

9. D. Angelov , Imperial ideology and Political Thought in Byzantium, 1204-1330 ,Cambridge 2007, 30. Am ng these rhet rical enc mia there are many texts in verse written

by vari us auth rs such as The d re Pr dr m s, Manganei s Pr dr m s, r the an nym usp ets f the c llecti ns in manuscriptMarcianus gr. 524 . The p ets praised the Emper reither at fficial cerem nies r in the s -calledtheatra (See M.mullett , Arist cracy andPatr nage in the literary circles f C mnenian C nstantin ple, in:The Byzantine AristocracyIX to XIII Centurie s, ed. M.AngolD [BAR Internati nal Series 221], oxf rd 1984, 173-201.Cf. P.mARciniAk , Byzantine Theatr n - A Place f Perf rmance?, in:Theatron. RhetorischeKultur in Sptantike und Mittelalter , ed. M.g RnBARt [Millennium-Studien 13], Berlin-NewY rk 2007, 277-85, esp. 278-9 and A.Stone , Euthymi s Malakes in Theatr n,Byzantina 30(2010) 55-65).

10. S. S p. v RyoniS , The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process ofIslamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century , Berkeley 1971, 123.


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A PoEM oN THE REFoRTIFICATIoN oF DoRYLAIoN IN 1175 139

between Bithynia, Phrygia and Galatia11 was a matter f dispute betweenthe Byzantines and the Turks f r ver a hundred years. At first, crusaders fthe First Crusade chased Turkish settlers ut f D rylai n (1097)12. H wever,the status qu was unstable and new Turkish invasi ns all wed n mads tre-settle in the same area13. Due t the c ntinu us warfare, the city wasaband ned f r alm st a hundred years14. It is w rth n ting that Manuel (after1159) had als driven away the n mads fr m D rylai n, but they returnedsh rtly after. The Turks did n t have the strength t withstand rganizedmilitary expediti ns. They tried t infiltrate the city nly during peri ds

f peace r p litical upheaval. Manuel attempted t s lve this pr blem byrec nstructing the f rtress and by stati ning s ldiers ready f r battle15.

A terminus p st quem f r the dating f the p em is the year 1171, whenAlexi s II was n minated as c -emper r16. The p em refers t a city in AsiaMin r17 that had been ren vated by the Emper r. There are g d gr undsf r assuming that the p em refers t the rec nstructi n f D rylai n duringthe autumn f 117518.

11. D rylai n was the third maj r city f the theme f opsiki n acc rding t. D rylai n was the third maj r city f the theme f opsiki n acc rding t Dethematibus ( , ed. A.peRtuSi , Costantino Porfirogenito. De thematibus [Studi eTesti 160], Citt del Vatican 1952), 4.18, and was included in Phrygia Epictetus ( ).on the theme f opsiki n, see T. l ounghiS , in: Asia Minor and its themes.Studies on the Geography and Prosopography of the Byzantine Themes of Asia Minor (7th 11th centuries) , ed. e. k ountouRA -g AlAke St . l AmpAkeS t. l ounghiS A. SAvviDeS v.v lySSiDou , Athens 1998, 163-200, esp. 188 and 191.

12.. v RyoniS , Decline, 116, 185.13.. v RyoniS , Decline, 110. Acc rding t J hn Kinnam s ( , ed. A. m eineke ,

Ioannis Cinnami epitome rerum ab Ioanne et Alexio Comnenis gestarum [CSHB], B nn1836), 295, 6 tw th usand n mads were settled there with their fl cks.

14.. v RyoniS , Decline, 153.15.. v RyoniS , Decline, 188. Cf. H. g lykAtzi -AhRWeileR , Les f rtresses c nstruites

en Asie Mineure face linvasi n Seldj ucide, in:Akten des XI. InternationalenByzantinistenkongresses, Mnchen 1960, 189.

16. The auth r refers t Alexi s II twice (vv. 45 and 59).. The auth r refers t Alexi s II twice (vv. 45 and 59).17. The enemies are the Persians, i.e. the Turks, (see vv. 8, 29). The enemies are the Persians, i.e. the Turks, (see vv. 8, 29)18.. Sp. l AmpRoS , , NE 5 (1908) 332; P.W iRth , Kaiser Manuel I. K mnen s

und die ostgrenze, BZ 55 (1962) 21.. BoniS , : (b),Theologia 20 (1949) 146.mAgDAlino , Manuel, 96. Manuel had an ambiti us ref rtificati npr gramme (AhRWeileR , F rtresses, 186-7; Stone , Panegyric, 242). The ref rtificati n

f D rylai n was f utm st imp rtance and, theref re, it was much praised in imperial


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The verses have the characteristics f an fficial enc mium. The auth rp rtrays the Emper r as a shining example f the virtues, especially wisd m,c urage, justice and m derati n19. Spyrid n Lampr s suggested that it waswritten either by a dweller f D rylai n r by The d re Pr dr m s, andthat it was pr bably perf rmed in C nstantin ple by a pers n wh claimedt be a dweller in the city20. Paul Magdalin c ntended that it was a verseinscripti n n the walls f D rylai n21. It is p ssible that a c urt p et, wheither acc mpanied the Emper r r was well inf rmed ab ut what washappening in the campaign, wr te a p em f r a small feast rganized tcelebrate the rec nstructi n f the city walls f D rylai n22.

The v cabulary and the imperial ide l gy expressed in the p em suggestthat it was perhaps perf rmed in D rylai n, after its ref rtificati n, in fr nt

f a highly cultivated audience. The fact that the auth r d es n t namethe city pr vides evidence f r this hyp thesis: he refers t D rylai n nlyas this city because the audience presumably knew what he was talkingab ut23. Furtherm re, if the p em has been perf rmed in C nstantin ple,

panegyrics. See als F.c hAlAnDon , Les Comnne. tudes sur lempire byzantin au XIe etXIIe sicles, v l. 2:Jean II Comnne (1118-1143) et Manuel I Comnne (1143-1180) ,Paris 1912, 502-4 and TIB 7, 240-2.

19. Cf. G. T.. Cf. G. T.DenniS , Imperial Panegyric: Rhet ric and Reality, in:Byzantine CourtCulture from 829 to 1204 , ed. H.mAguiRe , Washingt n D.C. 1994, 131-40.

20.. l AmpRoS , , 332. Reviewed by W.h RAnDneR , Theodoros Prodromos.Historische Gedichte [WBS 9], Wien 1974, 68 (n . 219).

21.. mAgDAlino , Manuel , 96 (n te 281) and 456.22. Acc rding t Kinnam s (297, 17; cf.. Acc rding t Kinnam s (297, 17; cf.Stone , D rylai n Revisited, 190) the

c nstructi n was c mpleted after just f rty days (cf. v. 50). It is unlikely that this p em is averse inscripti n (mAgDAlino , Manuel, 96, n te 281), because verse inscripti ns are usuallyin d decasyllable, and the few verse inscripti ns c mp sed in dactylic hexameters r elegiacdistichs are usually relatively sh rt and usually date fr m earlier peri ds (Cf. A.RhoBy ,Byzantinische Epigramme auf Fresken und Mosaiken [Denkschriften der phil s phisch-hist rischen Klasse 374. Verffentlichungen zur Byzanzf rschung 23], Wien 2009, 62-3),with the excepti n f the sepulchral epigram n the t mb f Manuel K mnen s, C.mAngo ,N tes n Byzantine M numents,DOP 23-24 (1970) 372-5; n the latter inscripti n, seeg.FAtouRoS , Das Grab des Kaisers Manuel I. K mnen s,BZ 93 (2000) 108-12, and its review:c l . SoDe , Zu dem Grab Kaiser Manuel I. K mnen s,BZ 94 (2001) 230-1). Furtherm re, thec ntent f the p em d es n t supp rt such usage.

23. vv. 3, 47, 50, 51. The reading. vv. 3, 47, 50, 51. The reading presupp ses a gesture by a perf rmer. This is an

extra indicati n f r a p ssible perf rmance f the p em.


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we w uld expect the p em t refer t S ublai n as well. S ublai n is n tmenti ned, m st likely because the Emper r had n t yet undertaken theref rtificati n there24.

What is m re, the nly descripti n f the city is a rhet rical exercise.oddly en ugh, the rat r d es n t refer t the fertility f the area a t p sf r the ther texts that describe the rec nstructi n f D rylai n25. Thisfurther supp rts the idea that the p em was perf rmed in D rylai n ands the audience had n need t hear a descripti n f the area. A rhet ricalpers nificati n f the city w uld have been attractive t them. But what wasthe audience f r a p em like this? Any listener w uld be an educated Greek-speaker. It is kn wn that the city had been alm st aband ned by its Greekdwellers. As a result, there is n questi n f the citizens understanding thep em. It seems m re pr bable that a small cerem ny might have taken placebef re the walls f D rylai n, after the c nstructi n w rks came t an endand bef re the Emper r left f r S ublai n.

The an nym us auth r f the D rylai n p em was very well inf rmed.There are allusi ns t facts; f r instance, it is implied that Manuel t k partin the building w rk in rder t inspire his men26. As the p em states, helaid d wn the f undati n st ne and then the ther men f ll wed his example.

Euthymi s Malakes in the rati n states clearly: Y u, my Emper r, helpedd the w rk with y ur hands and y u were the first t carry st nes27.

The reference t M unt olympus is puzzling. It is n t certain whetherit is factual. Acc rding t the p em, Manuel stretched ut his man-savinghand fr m M unt olympus (v. 38). This time, the p et includes an implicitreference t Manuels itinerary. Acc rding t J hn Kinnam s, when Manuelstarted the expediti n, he himself cr ssed the strait f Damalis [theB sph rus] and went straight t Melangeia28. After he had assembled there

24. If the rebuilding f S ublai n had already taken place, it w uld pr bably have been. If the rebuilding f S ublai n had already taken place, it w uld pr bably have beenmenti ned, given that the p et is usually accurate en ugh (e.g. vv. 46-47).

25. Kinnam s 294, 12-295, 1. Malakes (. Kinnam s 294, 12-295, 1. Malakes (BoniS , (a), 530, 8-25)praises the beauty f the city which Manuel has rest red.Stone , D rylai n Revisited,186-187.

26. See vv. 46-7. Ch niates 176, 55-9. Malakes 533, 27-30 and 534, 20-6.. See vv. 46-7. Ch niates 176, 55-9. Malakes 533, 27-30 and 534, 20-6.AhRWeileR , F rtresses, 188.Stone , D rylai n Revisited, 192 and 184, 187.

27. Malakes 533, 25-6:. Malakes 533, 25-6: .

28. Kinnam s uses the names Melagia/ Malagia/ Malagna f r the t wn f Metav le,. Kinnam s uses the names Melagia/ Malagia/ Malagna f r the t wn f Metav le,which was the maj r centre f the regi n f Malagina (Cl . FoSS, Byzantine Malagina and the


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an adequate f rce fr m the villages f Bithynia and Rhyndak s, he went tthe plains f D rylai n29. J hn Kinnam ss narrati n d es n t give us anyspace t supp se that Manuel went t M unt olympus, as the D rylai np em suggests. H wever, the p em can be used as evidence that, whilethe tr ps were assembled in Melangeia, Manuel went t the m nasteriesin M unt olympus in rder t meet m nks and pray bef re starting hisexpediti n, as many emper rs had d ne in the past.

If the hyp thesis that the p em was written t be perf rmed at a smallcelebrati n is c rrect, then the audience c nsisted f the Emper r, his s n30,members f the c urt31 and s ldiers32. The p em certainly c rresp nds tthe tastes f the K mnenian-C nstantin p litan c urt and t their str ngliterary interests. Images familiar t the c urt rat rs are repeated and

L wer Sangarius,Anatolian Studies 40 (1990) 163-4 and 182 = idem,Cities, Fortresses ..., VII,163-4 and 182). The f rtress f Metav le (Paalar) was the mainaplekton n the way t theEast (R. BonDAux , Les villes, in:La Bithynie au Moyen ge, ed. B.g eyeR J. l eFoRt [Ralitsbyzantines 9], Paris 2003, 394-5.FoSS, Byzantine Malagina, 167). It had been rebuilt byManuel after the year 1145 (FoSS, Byzantine Malagina, 163 and 171).

29. Kinnam s 294, 8-9:. Kinnam s 294, 8-9:

. . See:c hAlAnDon , Les Comnne, 502. TIB 7, 118.

30. Alexi s II was pr bably with his father n this campaign, even if he was just 6 r 7. Alexi s II was pr bably with his father n this campaign, even if he was just 6 r 7years ld. See v. 59. Cf. K.v ARzoS , , Thessal niki 1984, n . 155.F r P.W iRth (Kaiser Manuel , 28) this was n t certain, while A.Stone (D rylai n Revisited,193-4) gives evidence that Alexi s was actually there. See Eustathi s f Thessal niki B, 45,34-7. A.Stone als argues that Euthymi s Malakes is n t as clear n the issue as Eustathi s.In a different rati n f Eustathi s, Alexi s is als said t have acc mpanied Manuel n hisexpediti n. The fact that he acc mpanied the expediti n (despite his tender age) enc uraged

the s ldiers t carry n (Eustathi s f Thessal niki , 201, 93-4).31. Acc rding t Ch niates, Manuel was acc mpanied by the [] m st illustri us. Acc rding t Ch niates, Manuel was acc mpanied by the [] m st illustri uskinsmen in his later expediti n against Ik ni n (Ch niates 184, 95; transl. H. J.mAgouliAS ,O City of Byzantium, Annals of Niketas Choniates , Detr it 1984, 104). There are m reinstances in which arist crats acc mpanied the emper r. See f r example the p em thatManganei s wr te n the tent f the sevast krat rissa (M.JeFFReyS , Manuel K mnen sMaced nian Military Camps: A Glam r us Alternative C urt?, in:Byzantine Macedonia: Identity, Image, and History. Papers from the Melbourne Conference. July 1995 , eds J.BuRke R.Scott [ByzAus 13], Melb urne 2000, 190).

32. It is likely that at least m st f them were n t able t understand the p em (. It is likely that at least m st f them were n t able t understand the p em (mullett ,Arist cracy and Patr nage, 187, briefly discusses the educati n f s ldiers).


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the highbr w style is empl yed f r a p etic enc mium appr priate f r theEmper r.

The p em begins with a picture: There was a time when this city wasa vig r us ffsh t with shady leaves and large f liage, [pr spering] underthe R man plane f the Aus nians (R mans)33. But [swept] by a furi usand barbaric st rm, a hurricane, a vi lent typh n, it was t rn away like anubile girl fr m her m ther (vv. 1-5). It is n t the first time that a similec mparing an emper r t a great plane tree had been used f r a member

f the C mnenian family. When The d re Pr dr m s was celebrating thec nquest f Kastam n (1133), he used a similar c mparis n f r J hn IIKomnenos 34. Interestingly, in an epigram in the c llecti n inMarc. gr. 524,the writer refers t an image f the three emper rs (J hn, Manuel and hiss n Alexi s), saying, these three trees spr ut up fr m the purple, c veringand refreshing their citizens under the shady f lliage f their benefacti ns35.Theref re, the c mparis n f an emper r t a tree (and especially t a planetree) was frequent en ugh. In this instance, it is n t the Emper r himselfbut his auth rity that is c mpared with a plane tree shading the citizens.

C nstantin ple and D rylai n are then presented as m ther anddaughter (vv. 5-9). The pers nificati n f the cities is an image fr m Late

Antiquity 36. F ll wing this, the Turkish c nquest f D rylai n is describedas the rape f a y ung, nubile girl37.

33.. LBG, 2, 232-3.34.. T

(ed.h RAnDneR , Theodoros Prodromos), n . 3, 110-6 (cf. p. 196).35.. Sp. l AmpRoS , 524,E 8 (1911) 318, vv. 1, 7-9:, ,

, []/ ,/ / . See als : P.mAgDAlino

R.n elSon

, The Emper r in the Byzantine Art f the Twelfth Century,BF

8 (1982) 146-7.36. G.. G.DAgRon , Naissance dune capitale: Constantinople et ses institutions de 330 451, Paris 1974, 49-50 and 56-60. Cities were frequently represented as maidens a usagethat hails back t the Hellenistic era. F r the relati n between Manuel and the revitalizedNew Rome, seemAgDAlino , Manuel, 424-5.

37. In his speech delivered at the ccasi n f the Epiphany f 1176, Euthymi s Malakes. In his speech delivered at the ccasi n f the Epiphany f 1176, Euthymi s Malakestalks ab ut the rape f the city as well (Malakes 529, 4-5. Cf. Eustathi s f Thessal niki,, 41, 80-4 (extremely similar t the p em). See als vv. 54-62). In this speech, D rylai n ispresented as a y ung girl t rn away fr m her m ther, C nstantin ple. Cf. The d re Pr dr m sin his p em n the re-c nquest f Kastam n (n . 3, 15-7) described C nstantin ple as am ther wh laments the l ss f her children.


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M re ver, the image f the Emper r als falls int t p i wellestablished in panegyric literature. Manuel is described as indefatigable( 38, )39, w rking excellently ( )40, magnanim us( )41, seven-times king ( )42, the sacker f cities( )43 and as standing ab ve earthly needs44. His man-savinghand is als praised. Such expressi ns were c mm n f r c urt rat rs andp ets45. He is als called a killer f beasts and a hunter (v. 13). Further inthe p em, at v. 33, the Turks are c mpared t deer and the Emper r is againa mighty hunter46. Finally, the an nym us p et praises the Emper r f r

38. Manuel is praised als f r his vigilance, f r fasting and f r his resistance t the. Manuel is praised als f r his vigilance, f r fasting and f r his resistance t theearthly needs (vv. 20-22). Cf. Malakes 535, 2; 535, 13-16; 536, 10-3. Eustathi s f Thessal niki(, 200, 74-6, 88-90 and 201, 9-13) urges J hn D ukas Kamater s t imitate the emper r andhis ceaseless fasting and waking.

39. Malakes 537, 12-4. Cf.. Malakes 537, 12-4. Cf.BoniS , (b), 145-6.40. v. 11. The d re Pr dr m s in the af rementi ned p em (n . 3) uses a similar. v. 11. The d re Pr dr m s in the af rementi ned p em (n . 3) uses a similar

characterizati n f r J hn II K mnen s: (v. 38).41. A characteristic c nnected t the mythical her es. Ch niates 2, 520. Cf.. A characteristic c nnected t the mythical her es. Ch niates 2, 520. Cf.

, The d re Pr dr m s, n . 6, 55. This adjective is ften usedin the Iliad and the odyssey.

42. The number seven is used in rder t be dem nstrated the great auth rity f the. The number seven is used in rder t be dem nstrated the great auth rity f theEmper r, his eternal and perfect p wer.LBG translates it as siebenfach Herrschend. Thenumber seven is a very imp rtant number in the old Testament, where it appears t be used,as we say a sc re r a d zen, f r a large indefinite number (J.h ADley , The Number Sevenin: idem, Essays Philological and Critical, New Y rk 1873, 333; cf. ibid. 334). It symb lisesG ds perfecti n, His s vereignty and h liness. Seven is ne f the key numbers in the oldand New Testaments, while seven is the central figure f quantities in the B k f Revelati n.Certainly, the p ssible meanings and implicati ns f number seven in literature need t bediscussed in a separate article.

43. H meric v cabulary. The d re Pr dr m s (n . 3, 22) uses the same w rds t praise. H meric v cabulary. The d re Pr dr m s (n . 3, 22) uses the same w rds t praiseJ hn II.

44. Cf. Eustathi s f Thessal niki B, 38, 63-4. Cf. Greg ry f Nazianzus,. Cf. Eustathi s f Thessal niki B, 38, 63-4. Cf. Greg ry f Nazianzus, , PG 36, 353. He uses the same w rd f r J hn the F rerunner.

45. v. 33. See als vv. 46-47. Cf.. v. 33. See als vv. 46-47. Cf.Marc. gr. 524, n . 258, vv. 10-11 (the city garlandsthe hand f the king which exterminates the infidels). on the c ncept f the kings hand inrhet rical w rks, see GR. k ARlA , Das literarische P rtrt Kaiser Manuels I. K mnen s in denKaiserreden des 12. Jh.,BZ 101 (2008) 675-6.

46. Eustathi s f Thessal niki (B, 38, 94-39, 3; B, 41, 84-5) als uses the same metaph r.. Eustathi s f Thessal niki (B, 38, 94-39, 3; B, 41, 84-5) als uses the same metaph r.The picture f the Emper r as a hunter sh uld be c nnected with the martial interests f theK mnen i and the fact that hunting was a part f the s cial image f the Emper r during


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his writing abilities and the l gical expertise47, as w uld be expected fr mc urt rati ns in the final peri d f his reign48.

Manuel is als c nnected t G d. Endurance, sleeplessness and theability t fast already attributed t the imperial character by the time

f J hn K mnen s best w a sense f sanctificati n up n the Emper r49.Furtherm re, Manuels characterizati n as g dlike pr vides evidence fhis divine cult50. C urt p ets, as well as the an nym us p et51, menti nthat Manuel has the same name as Christ (Emmanuel-Manuel). The t p s

ccurs n seals as well. F r instance, the reverse f a seal n w dep sited inthe Vatican reads ; the bverse reads

52. The p et draws a further parallel between Christ and theEmper r: Manuel first refers t Christ as Creat r L rd (v. 41) and Manuelis then menti ned as king pr tect r f the city (v. 57).

Acc rding t the p em, Manuel and the Byzantines will ultimately winbecause they are G ds ch sen pe ple. In vv. 25-27, there is a reference tthe old Testament: G d t ld Gide n t decrease the number f the s ldiers

the twelfth century. Cf.A. k AzhDAn A. W hARton e pStein , Changes in Byzantine Culturein the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries , Calif rnia 1985, 110. A.SinAkoS ,

(712 .), in: (7-12) , eds I. AnAgnoStAkiS T. G. k oliAS E. pApADopoulou [nhRF/iBR Internati nalSymp sium 21], Athens, 2011, 71-86. F r the earlier centuries, see E.pAtlAgeAn , De la chassedu s uverain,DOP 46 (1992) 257-63, esp. 259.

47. vv. 15-16: the sweet-s unding instrument f the pi us w rds, the leader [ n the. vv. 15-16: the sweet-s unding instrument f the pi us w rds, the leader [ n thepath] f unerring spiritual ascent.

48. See. See mAgDAlino , Manuel, 465-7. Cf.k ARlA , Das literarische P rtrt, 676. Euthymi sMalakes (BoniS , (a), 532, 32 - 533, 1) als praises him as a sweetwriter. Cf.BoniS , (b), 56.

49. F r the. F r the , see H. h ungeR , Prooimion: Elemente der byzantinischenKaiseridee in den Arengen der Urkunden [WBS 1], Wien, 1964, 58-63. Cf.mAgDAlino ,Manuel, 420.

50. v. 39. See als. v. 39. See als mAgDAlino , Manuel, 424 and 480. R.m AcRiDeS , Fr m the K mnen it the Palai l g i: Imperial m dels in decline and exile, in:New Constantines: The Rhythmof Imperial renewal in Byzantium 4th -13th Centuries , ed. P. Magdalin , Aldersh t 1994,278. Euthymi s Malakes (534, 21; 534, 23; 536, 33) and Eustathi s f Thessal niki (N, 229,1-19; cf.k ARlA , Das literarische P rtrt, 674 and 678) als c mpare Manuel t G d.

51. v. 39.. v. 39.52. V.. V. l AuRent , Les sceaux byzantins du daillier Vatican , Citt del Vatican 1962,

9-10 (n . 13).


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bef re g ing int battle. Gide ns army initially c nsisted f twenty-twth usand men, later f ten th usand and finally just f three hundred men.Gide n nly selected the men wh lapped the water with their hands t theirm uths and n t th se wh g t d wn n their knees t drink water fr m theriver53. Thus, the vict ry was attributed t G d and n t t the strength fthe army54. In c urt rati ns, the Emper r is ften praised f r vanquishinghis enemies with ut the need f r tr ps.

The p em and especially the last verses is indicative f the generalm d at the time. The rebuilding f D rylai n had a special significance f rthe Byzantines55. The w rld d minati n again seemed p ssible t the p etand his audience56.

The manuscripts

Turning t the manuscript traditi n, the p em can be f und in threemanuscripts: Parisinus gr. 2644 in the Bibli thque nati nale de France andBarocci 194 and Auctarium T.1.10 (Misc. 188) in the B dleian Library. Itwas first edited by Spyrid n Lampr s in 1908, s lely n the basis fBarocci194.

The handwriting f the main scribe f manuscriptParisinus gr. 2644(P) dates fr m the late thirteenth r early f urteenth centuries57. The edges

53. Jud. 13: 6.. Jud. 13: 6.54. Jud. 13: 2-8.. Jud. 13: 2-8.55. Cf.. Cf.Stone , D rylai n Revisited, 185.56. At this p int, the auth r paraphrases the old Testament: The L rd said t Abram,. At this p int, the auth r paraphrases the old Testament: The L rd said t Abram,

after L t had separated fr m him, Raise y ur eyes n w, and l k fr m the place where y uare, n rthwards and s uthwards and eastwards and westwards; f r all the land that y u see Iwill give t y u and t y ur ffspring f rever (Gen. 13: 14-15).

57. The handwriting shares characteristics with the. The handwriting shares characteristics with the Fettaugenstil (cf. G. pRAto , Iman scritti greci dei sec li XIII XIV: n te pale grafiche, in:Paleografia e codicologia greca. Atti del II Colloquio internazionale (Berlino-Wolfenbttel, 17-21 ottobre 1983 ), eds D.h ARlFingeR g. pRAto , v l. I, Alessandria 1991, 139-42 and tables 3 and 6); see f r instancethe fettaugen-gr ss mega and beta, the lunar sigma with the exaggerated semicircular l p,the capital nu and the ligatures especially f r epsil n-rh and micr n-sigma. N watermarkis f und n any f the f lia f the manuscript. The lack f watermarks and the handwritingc rr b rate the argument that the manuscript dates fr m the late thirteenth century (pr bablyfr m the last quarter f the century) and n t fr m the f urteenth, because it became c mm n

t have watermarks after the early f urteenth century.h. o

mont (Inventaire sommaire desmanuscrits grecs de la Bibliothque Nationale. 3me partie. Ancien fonds grecs, Paris 1888,


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f the manuscript were trimmed when it was re-b und (in the sixteenthcentury)58 and thus s me w rds fr m the margins are missing. The p em wasc pied al ng with vari us w rks by Tzetzes and s me an nym us w rks59. Itis f und in a part f the manuscript with ut ascripti ns, c nsisting f twpr se w rks60 and tw p ems. The first p em, which deals with the death ( rp ssibly murder?) f J hn II K mnen s, was attributed t J hn Tzetzes byR bert Br wning, but unf rtunately with ut pr viding s lid arguments61.

The p em can be f und n ff. 250r-v. The title, written in red ink in theright margin, reads her ic verses ( ). The p em is writtenin medium br wn ink. It has been c pied in tw c lumns. Each verse isdistinct. The first f rty-six verses are written in the last twenty-three lines

17-8) describes it as a f urteenth-century manuscript. Cf. P. A. M.l eone , Ioannis TzetzaeHistoriae, Nap li 1968, x (saec. XIV exaratus). The ms. has s me later additi ns n ff. 1-9v and 325-326v; these t date fr m the late thirteenth century.

58.. l eone , Historiae, x. Cf. b kbinding with the initial F (=Fran is I) engraved n thered leather and the watermark n the flyleaves.

59. ff. 10. ff. 10v-324v.60. The first w rk (a part f an epitaph f r an unspecified pers n) has been preserved. The first w rk (a part f an epitaph f r an unspecified pers n) has been preserved

with ut title and with ut beginning n ff. 249r-v (inc. ;

des: ). The sec nd bears the title Speech ffered tthe patriarch ( ) n ff. 249v-250 (inc.: ; des: , ). Edited by V. L.k onStAntinopouloS , Inedita Tzetziana. , Hellenica 33/1 (1981) 178-81. The edit r f the tw rati ns takes f rgranted that the auth r f b th is J hn Tzetzes. He states that the waswritten f r J hn IX Agapit s. Unf rtunately, he d es n t pr vide any evidence f r suchidentificati n. He als ffers a different title than the ne preserved in the manuscripts( ).

61. R.. R.BRoWning

, The death f J hn II C mnenus,Byzantion

31 (1961) 232. He takesf r granted that the w rks included in this manuscript are the w rk f Tzetzes. H wever,he seems a bit d ubtful ab ut the auth rship f the p em that he edits n p. 234: if wesupp se the p em n t t be by Tzetzes at all. The p em was republished by M.ARco mAgR ,Il carmine inedit di Gi vanni Tzetzes De imperat re occis ,Bollettino del comitato perla preparazione delledizione nazionale dei classici greci e latini 9 (1961) 73-5. The latterargues that the p em d es n t refer t J hn K mnen s, but a un duce di milizie imperiali,vissut appunt di Manuel I C mnen (ibid. 75). H wever, she als believes that n n v alcun m tiv per c nstestare lattribuzi ne del carme a Tzetzes (ibid).c. W enDel (TzetzesIoannes RE VII, .2, 1948, 1961) attributes the p em t Tzetzes and he argues that it referst emper r Andr nik s K mnen s.


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( f f rty- ne lines per page) n f. 25062 and the last sixteen verses f thep em in eight lines n f. 250v63. The scribe did n t capitalize any letters, n rdid he use the subscribed i ta. Final sigmas are written as . Diairesis isn ted n and . Accentuati n, abbreviati ns and ligatures are regular. Thehyphen is n t used c nsistently64.

Manuscript Barocci 194 (B) has been kept in the B dleian Library inoxf rd since 1628/2965. Judging by the writing style66 and the watermarks67,it dates fr m the mid fifteenth century. There is n evidence f r itspr venance. on the basis f its c ntents, it can be assumed that it waswritten by s me ne with a str ng interest in Greek phil l gy and religi ussubjects68. The manuscript was pr bably written by a single scribe named

62. Inscribed surface 230 x 135 mm.. Inscribed surface 230 x 135 mm.63. Inscribed surface 40 x 135 mm. The rest f the page is ruled, but it was left blank.. Inscribed surface 40 x 135 mm. The rest f the page is ruled, but it was left blank.64. only f r the name f Manuel (v. 14).. only f r the name f Manuel (v. 14).65. H. D.. H. D.c oxe , Catalogi codicum manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae, pars prima

recensionem codicum Graecorum continens, oxf rd 1969 (reprinted with c rrecti ns fr mthe editi n f 1853), 330-6. F.mADAn H. H. E.c RASteR , A Summary Catalogue of WesternManuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford , oxf rd 1922, 3. J. L.QuAntin , AnglicanSch larship G ne Mad? Henry D dwell (1641-1711) and the Christian Antiquity, in:Historyof Scholarship: a selection of papers from the seminar on the history of scholarship heldannually at Warburg Institute , ed. Ch . l igotA J. L.QuAntin , oxf rd 2006, 321.

66. Handwriting: minuscule f the H deg n type; cf. L.. Handwriting: minuscule f the H deg n type; cf. L.politiS , Eine Schreiberschuleim Kl ster ,BZ 51 (1958) 261-87.

67. f. 7: Piccard (= G.. f. 7: Piccard (= G.piccARD , Piccard Wasserzeichen , Verffentlichungen derStaatlichen Archivverwaltung Baden-Wrttemberg,v l. 1-25, Stuttgart, 1961-1997 = www.piccard- nline.de): N . 116058 (Leuven 1419)

ff. 13-14: Piccard N . 150018 (Pesar 1433)ff. 18, 20, 22-24, 26-27, 30: Piccard: 68725 (Wien 1418)ff. 48-49, 50, 52, 54, 56, 148-149: Piccard N . 153202 (Vicenza 1447)

ff. 60-61: Piccard N . 150009 (Padua 1423)f. 62: Piccard N . 150610 (Vicenza 1427)f. 67: Piccard N . 153202 (Vicenza 1447)ff. 68, 74, 77, 79, 80, 82, 150, 154-155, 162-163b, 165, 170, 173, 176: Piccard N . 122456

(Udine 1437)ff. 85-7, 102, 156-157, 178-179: Piccard N . 150910 (B l gna 1417)ff. 95-6, 99, 100-101, 103-104: Piccard N . 116055 (Leuven 1418)ff. 126-128: Piccard N . 150012 (Udine 1437)ff. 133, 136, 138: Piccard N . 124333 (Ravenna 1439).68. It c ntains w rks by vari us auth rs: a life f Aes p (Vita W), p ems f Cat. It c ntains w rks by vari us auth rs: a life f Aes p (Vita W), p ems f Cat

translated int Greek by Maxim s Plan udes, the G lden epics f pseud -Pythag ras,


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Makari s69, but at different peri ds f time. It appears t have been writtenf r the scribes wn use70: he c nstantly added new materials; instead f

ffering wh le treatises, he ften ch se t c py excerpts f w rks; and s mepages are bvi usly spare n tes, which have been inc rp rated at a laterstage71. The p em is again entitled her ic verses ( )72.

The text has been c pied n f. 95v in black ink; it fills the last nineteenlines f the page73. It has been written in ne c lumn (n t in tw r three,as is usual f r p ems), but the scribe s metimes indicates the beginning fthe verse with a regular medium c l n. He did n t capitalize any letters andhe did n t use the subscribed i ta. Sigma at the end f the w rd is n tedeither as r as c. Diairesis is n ted up n and . The accentuati n, theabbreviati ns and the ligatures are regular, while the hyphen is n t usedc nsistently.

explanati ns n vari us antiquarian subjects, such as ancient Greek myths (C mmentariesn the rati ns f Greg ry f Nazianzus by Pseud -N nnus, excerpts fr m Tzetzes

(Chiliades), rules f r grammar, syntax and metre, rhet rical the ry, c mmentaries n thePsalter, a part f the chr nicle f Ge rge the M nk, a can n f r the Virgin Mary, astr n mical- astr l gical texts and sch lia t the N m can n by The d re Balsam n and J hn Z naras.H. o. c oxe , Bodleian Library. Quarto Catalogues I: Greek manuscripts, oxf rd 21969,

330-336.l eone , Historiae, xxi - xxii.69. See: ff. 48. See: ff. 48r-v where the scribe created a p em by verses fr m eight different p ems,

f rming the acr stic ; n te n f. 174: () ; furtherm re the capital M n f.105v f rms the name (M is written and the ther letters are written in its edges).Makari s cann t be identified: his handwriting is n t similar t that f the scribe fVat. Barb.113 (f. 30v), n r t that f the scribe fLond. Add. 40755, f. 55v (c mparis n n the basis

f the repr ducti ns in H.h ungeR , Repertorium der griechischen Kopisten 800-1600. 3. TeilHandschriften aus Bibliotheken Roms mit dem Vatikan. B. Palographische Charakteristika

[Verffentlichungen der K mmissi n fr Byzantinistik III/3], Wien 1997, 147-148 (n .403) and idem,Repertorium der griechischen Kopisten 800-1600. 1. Teil Handschriften ausBibliotheken Grossbritanniens. B. Palographische Charakteristika [Verffentlichungen derK mmissi n fr Byzantinistik III/1], Wien 1981, 105 (n . 244).

70. Bcher fr einzelne Pers nen: cf. H.. Bcher fr einzelne Pers nen: cf. H.h ungeR , Schreiben und Lesen in Byzanz: Diebyzantinische Buchkultur, Mnchen 1989, 71-4.

71. F r instance, the scribe c pied nly a few lines fr m each chapter f Hephaesti ns. F r instance, the scribe c pied nly a few lines fr m each chapter f Hephaesti nstreatise n metre. He mitted the examples which were cited in the riginal text and hec pied whatever he th ught was imp rtant.

72. The title is written in the same black ink in the left margin.. The title is written in the same black ink in the left margin.73. of f rty-seven lines per page in t tal. Inscribed surface: 240x160 mm.. of f rty-seven lines per page in t tal. Inscribed surface: 240x160 mm.


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Auctarium T. 1.10 (Misc. gr. 188) (A) was written by pr fessi nalc pyists between 1539 and 1542 in Venice74. It c ntains the same w rks byTzetzes and the same an nym us w rks as P75. The D rylai n p em has thesame title as in the ther tw manuscripts: her ic verses76.

The p em can be f und n f. 306v. It is written in medium black inkin tw c lumns and in thirty- ne lines ( f thirty-f ur verall)77. Each verseis written separately and the text displays the same writing habits as Pand B.

The manuscripts including the p em seem t derive fr m a c mm ns urce. All f them c ntain Tzetzes w rks. S , the general impressi n is thatthey must have been c pied fr m the same manuscript: archetype .

B and A ffer better readings than P in v. 1 and ffer readings that areas g d r as bad as P in v. 59.

P and A ffer better readings than B in vv. 4, 44 and 50 and fferreadings as g d r as bad as B in vv. 20, 31, 37 and 49.

P and B ffer better readings than A in vv. 35 and 56.A mits w rds in vv. 42, 46 and 56. There is n explanati n f r the fact

that A twice c nfuses with (vv. 21 and 24).A ffers better readings in vv. 22 and 51. B ffers better readings in

vv. 40 and 47.S far, P and A appear t be cl ser t each ther than t B. H wever, the

example f the sixty-tw verses is n t en ugh t give abs lute supp rt t this74.. c oxe ,Catalogi codicum, 740-1. A.c AtAlDi -pAlAu ,A Catalogue of Greek Manuscripts

from the Meerman Collection in the Bodleian Library, oxf rd 2011, 125-30. The watermarkdates fr m 1538 (C. M.BRiQuet , Les filigranes, Paris 1907, n . 513). The c pyists f themanuscripts are acc rding t a letter f R. Barh ur Ge rge (ff. 90-124) and Nich las (ff.2-89v and 124v-402v) K k l s, wh w rked in Venice fr m 1539 t 1542 (A.c AtAlDi -pAlAu ,

Les c pistes de Guillaume Pellicier, vque de M ntpellier (1490-1567),Scrittura e Civilit

10 (1986) 207-8 and 226 (tables IV and V) and o.mASSon , N tes sur quelques manuscritsde Jean Tzetzs,Emerita 19 (1951) 116; see als A.m c c ABe , A Byzantine encyclopaedia ofhorse medicine: the sources, compilation, and transmission of the Hippiatrica , oxf rd 2007,31-2). A. Cataldi-Palau in her recent descripti n f the catal gue suggests that Ge rge haswritten ff. 2-89v and 121v-402v, while Nich las ff. 90-121. She als dates the watermark in1540.

75. The tw pr se w rks can be f und n ff. 304. The tw pr se w rks can be f und n ff. 304v-307v and n ff. 307v-308. The p emf r the death f J hn can be f und n ff. 306r-v.

76. The title is written in red ink in the right margin.. The title is written in red ink in the right margin.77. Inscribed surface: 190x150 mm.. Inscribed surface: 190x150 mm.


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c nclusi n. As stated ab ve, the p em has c me d wn t us t gether withther w rks by Tzetzes, namely theChiliades and s me f theLetters. Their

edit r P.A.M. Le ne, in his recent critical editi n, discusses the manuscripttraditi n extensively. He establishes that all three manuscripts derive fr mthe same branch f the stemma. Le nes essential rec nstructi n f what hashappened is sh wn in the f ll wing stemma78:

78.. l eone s view ab ut the tw different branches f r B and P-A can be c rr b rated bythe fact that s me w rks have been mitted by and s me c mpletely irrelevant w rds havebeen added in the left and right margins f the p em in B (f. 95v). There we find a w rd-listwhich appears t be c mpletely irrelevant t the text, as f ll ws:

(yearning) (prudence)

(maced nian f rm f ) (head)

(darkness) (darkness)

(b dy) (b dy)

(path) (fear)

(unattested w rd) (genitive f , ld w man)

(unattested w rd) (unattested w rd)

(the palm f the hand) (t uch)

, (sheaf)Given the fact that in the first line f the p em there is a superscripted alternative w rd

f r (i.e. ), it can be assumed that the p em was preceded r f ll wedeither by sch lia that are n w l st r by a dicti nary bel nging t the traditi n f Pseud -Z naras Lexic n (See in K lin. 2 p. 1189; in lin. 9 p. 1871; in lin. 1p. 483; lin. 8 p. 1035; A lin. 5 p. 141. cf. lin. 12, p. 453.cf. lin. 16 p. 351?).


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C ntrary t what Le nes stemma suggests, it cann t be excluded thatP is the exemplar used by the scribe f A. At this p int, it sh uld be n tedthat nly the main part f the P (i.e. ff. 10-324v) is relevant f r the f ll wingdiscussi n, because ff. 1-9v and 325-326v are later additi ns79. The twmanuscripts have identical c ntents:

79. f. 1. f. 1r-v. Chiliades I, 1, 51 I, 1, 105 (Hand B)f. 2r-v. Lexic n, cl se t Pseud -Z naras traditi n (Hand C)f. 3.Chiliades I, 2, 106 I, 3, 154 (Hand D)f. 4r-v. [missing]

(Hand D)inc. des. f l. 5. blankf. 5v.

. (Hand E)Acr stic: inc. des. (sic)f. 6. on the same subject. (Hand E)Acr stic: (sic) ()inc. des. f. 6v Blankf. 7. Vari us gn m l gical texts (Hand F)f. 7v. originally blank with several n tes. There is a n te which reads: ( sic)

. His hand is similar t that f Scribe Ff. 8. (Hand F)inc. .(alm st the tw thirds f the page are missing)f. 8v. blankf. 9r-v. Vari us n tes (Vari us hands)ff. 325-326v. N tes n H mer (Hand D)inc.

des. .


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Contents P A

(Chiliades ) I, 1 IV, 141 ff. 10-59 ff. 2-54v

Chiliades IV, 470-779 ff. 59v-63 ff. 54v-60

P.A.M. Le ne n ted that there are twenty p litical verses added int the main text in manuscript A(f. 58v

1). The same text can be f und in P (f. 62v) as a marginal text. In sh rt, the c pyist f A inserted

a marginal n te int the main text. (Letter) 1

2ff. 63v-64 ff. 60-61v

Index: .

f. 64v f. 61v

Chiliades IV, 780 - V, 23 (v. 192). ff. 64v-69 ff. 62-68Letters 2-107 ff. 69-105 ff. 68-125Index. .

ff. 105-111v ff. 125v-136v

Chiliades V, 193-201 and the verses t K tertzes f. 111v f. 136v

Chiliades V, 1, 202 XIII, 496 ff. 111v-232v ff. 137-285 (Poem on various kinds of

poetry)3

ff. 233v-234v ff. 285v-288v

(Poem on metre)

4ff. 235-249 ff. 288v-304v

Acephalous work5

.inc. des.

ff. 249-249v ff. 304v-305v

6.

inc. des.

ff. 249v-250 ff. 305v-306

7

f. 250 ff. 306-306v

(Dorylaion poem) ff. 250-250v ff. 306v

(Allegory to theIliad) 8

ff. 251-324v ff. 307-402

1. l eone , Historiae, XII.2. Editi n: P. A. M.l eone , Ioannis Tzetzae Epistulae , Leipzig 1972.3. Editi n: W. J. W. k oSteR , Prolegomena de comoedia. Scholia in Acharnenses, Equites, Nubes

[Sch lia in Arist phanem 1.1A], Gr ningen 1975, 84-109.4. Editi n: J. A.c RAmeR , Anecdota Graeca e codd. manuscriptis bibliothecarum Oxoniensium ,

v l. 3, oxf rd 1836, 302-333.5. Edited byk onStAntinopouloS , Inedita Tzetziana, 183-4.6. Edited byk onStAntinopouloS , Inedita Tzetziana, 180-1.7. Editi ns:BRoWning , The death, 232-3 andARco mAgR , Il carmine inedit , 73-4.

8. Edited by J. F.BoiSSonADe , Tzetzae Allegoriae Iliadis, Paris 1851. F r the rder f the excerptssee:c AtAlDi -pAlAu , A Catal gue f Greek Manuscripts, 127.


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Furtherm re, min r differences can be f und between the readingsffered by P and A, n t nly f r the D rylai n p em, but als in the

Chiliades and the Letters f Tzetzes. These differences c uld perhaps safelybe regarded as being scribal mistakes.

Hist rical evidence supp rts the hyp thesis that A is a direct c pyf P. Manuscript P was s ld by Ant ni s Eparch s, a Greek refugee and

merchant f manuscripts in Venice, t Guillaume Pellicier, n behalf fFran is I, in 154080. P was dep sited in the Bibli thque de F ntaineblauafter 1545, since it can be f und in the catal gue f 1550 (n . 484), but n tin the catal gue f 154581. Pellicier als c mmissi ned A, which was c piedbetween 1540 and 1542 in Venice82. A became ne f the manuscripts f hisc llecti n83. Theref re, it is highly pr bable that Pellicier c mmissi ned ac py f the manuscript f r himself bef re dep siting P in the r yal library.Pelliciers library passed t Claude Naul t in 1573, f ur years after Pelliciersdeath. Indeed, tw n tes indicate that Naul t read this b k in this year84.Pelliciers c llecti n (al ng with this manuscript) subsequently passed t theJesuits f Clerm nt, then t Gerard Meermann in 1764, and finally t theB dleian library85. These bservati ns suggest the new stemma bel w:

80. H.. H.o mont , Catal gue des manuscrits Grecs dAnt ine parque (1538),Bibliothquede lcole des chartes 53 (1892) 95-110, n . 68, pp. 105, 96: . Pellicier, in a letter dated t July the10th 1540 appears t have seen the catal gue, send an impr ved c py t France andpurchased the manuscripts (H.o mont , Catal gue des manuscrits grecs de Guillame Pelicier,Bibliothque de lcole des chartes 46 (1885), 45-83 and 594-624, esp. 613 (letter 1). on thefrench ambassad rs in Venice, see: J.iRigoin , Les ambassadeurs Venise et le c mmerce desmanuscrits grecs dans les annes 1540-1550, in:Venezia centro di mediazione tra oriente eoccidente (secoli XV-XVI). Aspetti e problemi, Firenze, 1977, v l. 2, 399-415, esp. 400-1 and409, and c AtAlDi -pAlAu , A Catalogue of Greek Manuscripts, 2-3.

81. H.. H. o mont , Catalogues des manuscrits grecs de Fontainebleau sous Franois Ier etHenri II , Paris 1889, 161-2.

82. See n te 75.. See n te 75.83.. o mont , Pelicier, n . 138, p. 80:

. . , . . See also c AtAlDi -pAlAu , A Catalogue of GreekManuscripts, 4-6

84. ff. 1 and 402. ff. 1 and 402v. on Claude Naul t du Val, seec AtAlDi -pAlAu , A Catalogue of Greek

Manuscripts, 5-7.85. See. See c AtAlDi -pAlAu , A Catalogue of Greek Manuscripts , 129.


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Auth rship and manuscripts

N ne f the manuscripts pr vides a clear indicati n f the auth rshipf the p em. It is w rth n ting, h wever, that manuscript P and its c py

A are manuscripts that s lely c ntain w rks by Tzetzes, and manuscript Bc ntains s me f these w rks as well. As f r the Chiliades and Letters, theirlast edit r, P.A.M. Le ne, established that manuscripts P, A and B bel ngt the same family86. Furtherm re, the p em was als c pied as part f thesame an nym us texts in P (and A). B includes the p em, but n t the therthree texts. A p ssible explanati n c uld be that the scribe f B, Makari s,c nsidered this p em a g d example f hexametric p etry, a kind f p etrydescribed in the precedingPoem on Metre ( )87. Even if the titleis n t imp rtant88, the fact that the p em is f und between the treatises

86.. l eone , Historiae, xcix; l eone , Epistulae, xvi.87. In B, the w rd. In B, the w rd is n ted just after the precededPoem on Metre (

) (f. 95v). Usually the scribe marks a cr ss when he finished writing a paragraph ra chapter f a w rk. H wever, in this case he marked a c l n and a cr ss bef re the w rd

and after this, he n ted an ther c l n, indicating that he refers t the next ne, while thesubject f the verb is the same as the previ us ne (i.e. J hn Tzetzes). Unf rtunately, thiscann t be c nfirmed by the meaning f the w rd. Acc rding tLSJ , it means either d finew rk r rec unt in detail. Later derivatives f the same w rd have similar meaning (see in LBG). As a result, m st pr bably this w rd refers t the previ us p em: herec unted in detail (the rules ab ut the metre).

88. In Byzantine and p st-Byzantine manuscripts, it is very c mm n f r titles t. In Byzantine and p st-Byzantine manuscripts, it is very c mm n f r titles tpr vide inf rmati n nly n the metre, n t n the t pic f a p em. See M. D.l AuxteRmAnn ,Byzantine Poetry from Pisides to Geometres. Texts and Contexts [WBS 24/1], Wien 2003, 69.Cf. P.pAgonARi -Antoniou , 36, Marc.gr. 507 115,Diptycha 5 (1991-92) 39 n. 17.


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f J hn Tzetzes89 and Hephaesti n n metre in B may suggest that it wasc pied as an example f the dactylic metre90. An ther hyp thesis is thatthe sub-archetype f B (if there was ne) did n t include the ther threew rks, but nly the D rylai n p em. As a result, Tzetzes c uld be a p ssiblecandidate f r the auth rship91.

Alth ugh J hn Tzetzes, the well-kn wn pr lific sch lar f the twelfthcentury, was a pr tg f the arist cracy, he never served at the c urt asa p et laureate92. Even the sepulchral verses that he wr te n the death

f Manuel K mnen s are m re a rhet rical game than a real p em93. TheD rylai n p em is a g d example f imperial pr paganda. As menti nedab ve, the p em must have been c mmissi ned t add lustre t the festive

ccasi n f D rylai ns ref rtificati n. It w uld be surprising if Tzetzes,pr ud f his independence94, was the auth r f the p em. Finally, thekn wn bi graphical inf rmati n n J hn Tzetzes is general and, especiallyf r this peri d f his life, c mpletely bscure. There are n letters datedafter 1166, while the pace f his writing slackens in the 1160s. As a result,he might already have been dead by 117595.

Tzetzes wr te m re p ems in hexameter96. H wever, a metrical c mpa-ris n with these p ems is f little help in ascertaining whether Tzetzes

89. ff. 92-95. ff. 92-95v. Tzetzes, (ed. J. A. c RAmeR , Anecdota Graeca e codd. manuscriptis bibliothecarumOxoniensium, v l. 3, oxf rd 1836), 302-333.

90. Cf.. Cf. Barocci 48, which n f. 46v, bef re and after an excerpt f TzetzesPoem onMetre (304, 12-23), qu tes s me verses as examples in rder t illustrate vari us grammaticaland metrical rules.

91. Cf.. Cf. W enDel , Tzetzes, n . 39 wh attributes the p em t Tzetzes as well. See alsn tes 61-62.

92. F r w rks written by, r attributed t , Tzetzes, see. F r w rks written by, r attributed t , Tzetzes, seeW enDel

, Tzetzes, 1959 and N. G.W ilSon , Scholars of Byzantium, L nd n 1983, 191.93.. , : .

(ed. P.mAtRAngA , Anecdota Graeca e mss. bibliothecis Vaticana, Angelica, Barbe-riniana, Vallicelliana, Medicea, Vindobonensi deprompta , v l. II, R mae 1850), 619-22. F rthe pp site p int f view, seeARco mAgR , Carmine Inedit , 75.

94.. mAgDAlino , Manuel , 348.95. I am m st grateful t Pr f. Michael Grnbart f r this remark.. I am m st grateful t Pr f. Michael Grnbart f r this remark.96. See P.. See P.A. m. l eone , I annis Tzetzae Iambi,RSBN , n.s. 6-7 (1969-70) 144.Poem on

Metre, 302, 31-304, 17 and 333, 1-10. , , (ed.e m.BekkeR , Ioannis Tzetzae. Antehomerica, homerica et posthomerica , Berlin 1816), 3-86 .


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was the p et behind the D rylai n p em. The main metrical and pr s dicfeatures f Tzetzes genuine p ems and the D rylai n p em are c mm nt m st Byzantine p ets after the seventh century: a tendency t femininecaesura, the appearance f median caesura, and pr s dic err rs.

The different subject f the p ems c uld p ssibly be the cause f thelinguistic difference between the D rylai n p em and the ther p emsby Tzetzes. The D rylai n p em has m re linguistic similarities t thepanegyrics written in hexameter by The d re Pr dr m s n the re-c nquest

f Kastam n97. It is ut f the questi n that Pr dr m s was the auth r f thep em, because the p em is datable l ng after his death. The similarities canbe explained n the basis f their similar subject and the use f a c mm np etic style98.

It is well kn wn, that frequently p ets were writing epigrams n demandf the members f the C nstantin p litan elite99. It is highly p ssible thatur an nym us p et was ne f these pr fessi nal p ets. His kn wledge f

the c nventi ns f c urt p etry supp rts this view.

Pr s dy and metre

The p em is written in hexameters. The hexameter f Byzantineauth rs is m re akin t H mers hexameters than t th se f N nn s100.In the twelfth century, it was n t unusual f r this metre t be used f r the

97. The p em begins with the phrase. The p em begins with the phrase (there was nce) just as d es the p emf The d re Pr dr m s (n . 3, 1) (written als in hexameter) f r the triumph f J hn II

K mnen s after the c nquest f Kastam n (1133). Furtherm re, The d re Pr dr m s tdescribed C nstantin ple as a m ther wh laments the l ss f her children (ibid, 15-17).Pr dr m s als uses the H meric adjective (sacker f the cities) f r J hn IIK mnen s (ibid, 22). The last tw verses f the D rylai n p em resembles str ngly v. 128 fthe p em n Kastam ns rec nquest.

98. An example f this p etic jarg n is the archaistic name. An example f this p etic jarg n is the archaistic namePersians in rder t indicatethe Turks: v. 29. Cf. W.h RAnDneR , . , ,Dodoni 23 (1993) 118.

99. Cf.. Cf. mullett , Arist cracy and Patr nage, 177, 180-1. See als l AuxteRmAnn ,Byzantine Poetry, 36.

100. E. M.. E. M.vAn o pStAll , Jean Gomtre: pomes en hexamtres et en distiques lgiaques ,Leiden 2008, 69. H.h ungeR , Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner , v l. 2,Mnchen 1978, 91. on N nnus hexameters, see the c mments by G.AgoSti , Literarinessand levels f style in epigraphical p etry f Late Antiquity,Ramus 37/1-2 (2008) (=Signs ofLife? Studies in Later Greek Poetry, eds K.c ARvouniS - R. h unteR , Bendig 2008), 198-202and 207.


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c mp siti n f p etry101. The d re Pr dr m s, f r instance, wr te n t nlyepigrams, but als l ng p ems in hexameter102. Isaac K mnen s, the f under

f the K sm s teira m nastery, c mp sed, am ng thers, als p ems in

hexameters103. In his testament (written in 1152), he demands that the b kwith his w rks will be given ften as a reading104. J hn Tzetzes in letter 89menti ns that s me ne sent him a text in hexameter105.

As the pr s dic differentiati n between l ng and sh rt syllables hadalready disappeared in Late Antiquity, the auth r, like s many therByzantine p ets, struggled with the rules f ancient pr s dy106. M reprecisely, the main classical rules are generally in use: and o are sh rt and and are l ng, alth ugh there is ne excepti n t this the micr n in

(v. 47) is measured as l ng. It was very difficult f r the auth rt f ll w the ancient rules, especially f r the dichr na: there are twelveinstances f sh rt alpha measured as l ng107, f ur instances f sh rt i tameasured as l ng108, and tw instances f l ng upsil n measured as sh rt109.

101.. m AgDAlino , Manuel, 431. F r the pr ducti n f p ems in hexameter during thetwelfth century, see E.JeFFReyS , Why pr duce verse in twelfth-century C nstantin ple?, in:Doux remde Posie et potique Byzance. Actes du IVe colloque international philologique , Paris 23-24-25 fvrier 2006 , eds P. o DoRico P. AgApitoS m. h inteRBeRgeR [D ssiers byzantins 9], Paris 2009, 223-4.

102. F r example the enc miastic p ems (. F r example the enc miastic p ems (T he d re Pr dr m s, n s. 42, 56b, 67). Cf.the paraenetic p em t m nk I anniki s (n . 62) and the p em t L g thetes Stephan sMeles (n s. 68 and 69).

103. on sebast krat r Isaac K mnen s, see. on sebast krat r Isaac K mnen s, seev ARzoS , , v l. 1, 238-54, esp.252-3 (n . 36).

104. G.. G.pApAzoglou , [ 3] K m tini, 1994, lin. 1920-5. Available in Englishtranslati n: N. pAtteRSon evenko (transl.), K sm s teira: Typik n f the Sebast krat rIsaac K mnen s f r the M nastery f the M ther f G d K sm s teira near Bera, in:Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents. A Complete Translation of the Surviving

Founders Typika and Testaments , eds J. t homAS A. c onStAntiniDeS h eRo [DoS 35],Washingt n D.C. 2000, n . 29, v l. 2, 106, p. 844 (the translati n is based n the earlier,excellent, editi n by L.petit , Typik n du m nastre de la K sm s tira prs dAen s (1152),IRAIK 13 (1908) 1775).

105. Tzetzes, Letters, n . 89, lin. 6-7: - . F r the w rks f Tzetzes in hexameter, see n. 104.

106. See M. D.. See M. D.l AuxteRmAnn , The Vel city f Pure Iambs. Byzantine observati ns nthe Metre and Rhythm f the D decasyllable,JB 48 (1998) 10-11.

107. vv. 5, 8, 15, 29, 30, 31, 33, 51, 54, 59, 60, 62.. vv. 5, 8, 15, 29, 30, 31, 33, 51, 54, 59, 60, 62.108. vv. 2, 41, 49, 50.. vv. 2, 41, 49, 50.109. In v. 8 and in the c rrupted v. 24.. In v. 8 and in the c rrupted v. 24.


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The pr s dic value f v wels and diphth ngs may be lengthened in the casef p siti n, r sh rtened in the case f epic and attic c rrepti n110. Finally,

pr per names are c unted freely111.

Alth ugh the auth r tried t av id hiatus by using either euph nical- 112 r w rds with elisi n113, he failed many times114.

There is n clear tendency t regulate the p siti n f the stress accentat the verse end in Byzantine hexameters115: 45.14% (28) f the verses areaccented n the penultimate, 29.08% (18) n the last syllable and 25.78%(16) n the antepenultimate.

The masculine caesura has been used ten times116, the feminine twenty-f ur times117, the median caesura nineteen times118, the caesura after thesec nd f t eight times119, and finally the hephthemimeral caesura nce120.

The p siti n f the stress accent bef re the masculine, feminine andmedian caesura is as f ll ws:

110. one can find p siti n in alm st every verse. The nly peculiarity is in verse 53 where. one can find p siti n in alm st every verse. The nly peculiarity is in verse 53 wherethe d uble in d es n t make p siti n. Epic c rrepti n can be f und twice (vv.41 and 46) and attic c rrepti n twelve times (vv. 4, 15, 20, 30, 33, 34, 36, 37, 42, 55, 56, 60).

111. vv. 14, 23, 27, 29, 57.. vv. 14, 23, 27, 29, 57.112. v. 3:. v. 3: , v. 13: , v. 24: , v. 34: .113.. (vv. 6, 8, 26, 29, 31, 42, 43, 48, 54), (vv. 9, 16, 61), (v. 23), (v. 21),

(vv. 10, 20, 25, 35), (v. 10), (v. 32), (v. 36), (v.43), (v. 45), (v. 49).

114. vv. 1, 8, 12, 24, 28, 40, 41, 57, 58, 59, 62.. vv. 1, 8, 12, 24, 28, 40, 41, 57, 58, 59, 62.115. See M. D.. See M. D.l AuxteRmAnn , The Spring of Rhythm. An Essay on the Political Verseand Other Byzantine Metres [BV 22], Wien 1999, 70.

116. vv. 5, 12, 15, 26, 29, 46, 47, 51, 52, 59. M. L.. vv. 5, 12, 15, 26, 29, 46, 47, 51, 52, 59. M. L.W eSt , Introduction to Greek meter,oxf rd 1987, 19.

117. vv. 3, 7, 13, 14, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 30, 32, 34, 35, 36, 38, 40, 41, 43, 53, 54, 57, 60,. vv. 3, 7, 13, 14, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 30, 32, 34, 35, 36, 38, 40, 41, 43, 53, 54, 57, 60,61, 62.W eSt , Greek meter, 19.

118. vv. 1, 4, 6, 9, 10, 16, 17, 22, 23, 27, 28, 31, 33, 37, 42, 44, 48, 50, 55.. vv. 1, 4, 6, 9, 10, 16, 17, 22, 23, 27, 28, 31, 33, 37, 42, 44, 48, 50, 55.h ungeR ,Literatur, 90.

119. vv. 2, 8, 11, 25, 39, 45, 49, 58.. vv. 2, 8, 11, 25, 39, 45, 49, 58.120. v. 56.. v. 56.


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Masculine oxyt ne 3 30.00%16.13%Par xyt ne 6 60.00%

Pr par xyt ne 1 10.00%Feminine oxyt ne 2 8.33%38.71%Par xyt ne 2 8.33%

Pr par xyt ne 20 83.34%Median caesura oxyt ne 3 15.07%

30.64%Par xyt ne 3 21.07%Pr par xyt ne 12 63.16%

This c nfirms the bservati n that there is a clear tendency in twelfth-century hexameters t put the stress accent n the antepenultimate bef rethe feminine caesura ( n the sec nd biceps)121.

The p et is n t very skilful: he strives after a highbr w style, but withlittle success in the end. He attempts t write in hexameters and in a kind fH meric Greek. Str ng enjambment is als ne f the characteristics f thep em122. Finally, the f ll wing hapax leg mena appear in the p em:

v. 2. ,

v. 15. ,v. 33. ,v. 38. .

Special textual pr blems

Verse 13 is syntactically highly pr blematic: part f a c mp und (-)appears t be the antecedent f the relative pr n un.

Verse 24 is c rrupted. The reading f P and B, , is a n t anattested f rm f ; As reading l ks like anemendati n by a humanist scribe. Furtherm re, the verb is never attested in this meaning. one w uld expect a f rm f the verb r .

121. M.. M. l AuxteRmAnn , B k review fg R. pApAgiAnniS , Theodoros Prodromos.Jambische und hexametrische Tetrasticha auf die Haupterzlungen des Alten und des NeuenTestaments. Einleitung, kritischer Text, Indices , Wiesbaden 1997, in:JB 49 (1999) 367.

122. vv. 3- 4, 17-8, 26-7, 55-6.. vv. 3- 4, 17-8, 26-7, 55-6.


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In the same verse, the reading , ffered in all the manuscripts, isgrammatically inc rrect. one c uld change it int (the fireitself), int (he let ut a battle-cry (t wards) the fire f therising sun) r (the radiant (thing), the radiance).

Verse 26 is c rrupt. on the ne hand, if the reading f B is accepted, thenthe p em has an unacceptable enjambment. on the ther hand, if wef ll w the scribes f P and A, the text bec mes gibberish.

Verse 41. Tw p ssible caesurae can be f und in this verse: a feminine caesuraand a hephthemimeres. Thus, the audience c uld p ssibly have heardeither Be graci us, Creat r and L rd [ f the universe], t me Thysuppliant, r Be graci us, Creat r [ f the universe] t me Thyking-suppliant.

TABULA NoTARUM IN APPARATU CRITICo ADHIBITARUM

P = ms.Paris. gr 2644, ff. 250r-v (s. XIII ex. XIV a.)B = ms. Barocci 194, f. 95v (s. XV)A = ms. Auct. T. 1.10, f. 306v (s. XVI)L = Sp. Lampr s, , N 5 (1908) 329-331.add. = addiditc d. = c dexc ni. = c niecitc rr. = c rrexitexp. = expunxitf rt. = f rtasseleg. = legitm.c. = metri causa

mg. = in marginemutil. = mutilatuss.s. = suprascriptum


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, , , , . ,

, , , ,, ,, , , , , , , , , ,, , . ,

, ,

5

10

15

20

23 cf. Gen. 16:7-14

Titl. in mg. B ()() [] in mg. P (c d. mutil.) in mg. 1

P2

s.s. B4

L 5

6 A L7 L L 8 9 c rr. L 10 12 13 B leg. L ed. L m.c. 14 leg. L15 sic 16 BL 17 L18 c rr. L 20 L BAc rr. L c rr. L21 L22 PBL L L23

L24

L


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,

, , . , , . , , , , , . , ,

, . , , P 250v

25

30

35

40

45

25 cf. Il. 3.77 26 cf. Jud. 7:5-831 cf. Il. 11. 619 32 cf. Il. 22.189-19038-40 cf. Il. 1. 374 43 cf. Psalm. 104:11 odes 2:1, 9 Deut. 32:9

25 26 () 28 31 B

c rr. L exp. P scr. c rr. L P c rr. L32 L 33 34 35 exp. P PB AL P c rr. L36 P 37 L c rr. L 38 39 40 41 P 42 L m. A43 44 45 leg. L c ni. L46 ant. in mg. B P47 BAL m.c.


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, , .

, , . ,, , , , ,, . , , .

49 Il. 2.87 60-62 cf. Is. 60:4 and 49:18; Gen. 13:14.

48 49 L em. L 50 51 m. A L 52 53 c rr. L54 55 L56 57 c rr. L58 BA L59 B c rr. L60 L c rr. L61 62 B.

50

55

60


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Translati n

There was a time when this city was a vig r us ffsh t with shady leaves andlarge f liage, [pr spering] under the R man plane f the Aus nians. But [swept] bya furi us and barbaric st rm, a hurricane, a vi lent typh n, it was t rn away likea nubile girl fr m her m ther [5], and was t rn d wn t the gr und, a girl sh rn fher fair l cks f r she undid her mighty walls as if she undid her hair. She criedl udly when, instead f divine laws and pi us instituti ns, she had t f ll w Persiancust ms [9].

This was n t pleasing t ur leader, the sceptre-bearing, indefatigable,excellently w rking and magnanim us C mnenian sci n, the fam us slayer f the

barbarians, the killer f the wild beasts that r am in the m untains, Manuel, theabs lute ruler, the mighty ne, the sacker f cities, the sweet-s unding instrumentf pi us w rds [15], the leader [ n the path] f unerring spiritual ascent, the purple-

b rn, [ab ut] wh m it is n t right [t say that] he was b rn fr m m rtals; c nsiderhim [ ne] f the heavenly beings, as he d es n t weary f terrible t ils and he d esn t eat and d es n t sleep like m st men [20], but he is ab ve earthly needs, if hewishes.

S this pleased him n t, and pr tected by the Almighty Christ, wh m neitherHagar n r Ishmael venerate, he went t [the very fire f the rising sun], f his wnv liti n. And he did n t assemble a significant battali n [25], but it was like whenGide n led the lapping [s ldiers] and r uted the haughty army f the Midianites.F r the Persians deemed they saw an unceasing lighting at the rim f the heavens,f rg t their arr ws, and turned t flight while uttering w eful shrieks [30]. Theyceased t run ver the wide plains f the life-giving earth and hid themselves inthe deep m untain glens, like deer afraid f the mighty-pawed beast. And manysh ulder-blades were pierced by lances they did n t wait f r the spears t thrustint their chests [35].

While thus they fled fr m ther pe ples dwellings, [expelled fr m] the beehives[which] they n l nger reap as dr nes, ur blessed ruler, wh is named after G dand wh is g dlike, stretched ut his man-saving hand fr m M unt olympus andbeseeched G d Almighty n behalf f the Christian l t [40]: Be graci us, L rd fthe Universe, t me Thy suppliant. F rget n t the Christians until the end [ f alltime], but l k n Thy p rti n with benev lent eyes. F r Thee, I will n t spare myb dy, n r my preci us cr wn, n r the child that Th u hast given t us [45].

He sp ke and placed a st ne with his divine right hand. He laid it d wn asthe mighty f undati n st ne f this city, and s t did the magnanim us and

illustri us men: they laid [st nes] until the builders, like swarms f clustering bees,


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had c mpleted this admirable w rk n the sp t [50] and this had again bec me avery significant part f the R man Empire. The mad d g, wh has br ken his sharpjaws, shall hurt himself if [he dares] set his teeth in this [wall f] st nes [53].

[N w that] y u have regained y ur daughter wh has been away f r s l ng(y ur daughter white-garmented, l ng-l cked, well-girdled, her cheeks paintedwith rchil, utterly l vely), h Aus nian w man, rej ice! And in return wish theEmper r, the pr tect r f the city, many years f life and supreme rule t getherwith his gl ri us s n [59]! F r when y u lift up y ur eyes all ar und, as the Pr phetsays, and when y u see that y ur children are nce again gathered fr m all quarters,fr m West and East and fr m the b undless seas, rej ice and be merry!


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, 12, 32, 6, 49, 19, 3, 28, 11

, 16, 46, 7, 13, 62, 28, 25, 16, 54, 50, 48, 11, 28, 62, 19, 30, 57

, 1, 12, 24, 60, 33, 33, 10, 22, 17, 32, 14

, 56, 2, 14, 35, 2, 55, 21, 3

, 24, 58, 23, 40, 39, 9, 9, 60, 39, 13, 54, 19, 52, 6, 28, 41, 10, 39

, 12, 5, 47, 52, 4, 30, 26, 40, 55, 52

, 11, 48, 15, 17, 8, 34, 35, 59

, 29, 39, 8, 13, 22, 20, 1, 7, 16, 57, 31, 31, 17, 2, 14, 37, 11

, 57, 31, 43, 38, 55, 2, 27, 40, 6

AppendixIndex verb rum mem rabilium


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A poem on the ReFoRtiFicAtion oF DoRylAion in 1175

In the summer/autumn f 1175, Manuel K mnen s (1143-1180)undert k the rebuilding f D rylai n, ne f the maj r aplekta in AsiaMin r. F r this ccasi n a p em was written. The str ng acquaintance fthe p et with the c nventi ns f c urt literature, the ccasi nal c ntent fthe p em and its panegyric character, suggest that the text was written f ra small cerem ny which t k place at D rylai n. The auth r is pr bablyan an nym us pr fessi nal c urt p et wh acc mpanied Manuel in hisexpediti n. The auth rship is further discussed since the manuscripttraditi n might suggest that J hn Tzetzes was the auth r. After a cl se l kat the language, style and metre f the p em, this identificati n is excluded.In 1908, Spyrid n Lampr s published the p em n the basis f manuscriptBarocci 194 (fifteenth century) f the B dleian Library. This study re-editsthe p em n the basis f tw m re manuscripts: manuscriptParisinus gr.

2644 (late thirteenth century) f the Bibli thque Nati nale andAuctarium T.1.10 f the B dleian Library (sixteenth century). The hist ry f eachmanuscript is analyzed and the relati n between them examined. TheAuctarium is pr ved t be a direct c py f the Parisian manuscript. Themetrical analysis f the p em is als included in the article and specialtextual pr blems are discussed. Finally, the translati n f the riginal textis pr vided.

1029 1599 1 PB Dorylaion Poem

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Transcript of 1029 1599 1 PB Dorylaion Poem