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Imagery through the Ages E. Casad: Lodz 2003 5/6/2023

Eugene H. CasadSummer Institute of Linguistics

IMAGERY THROUGH THE AGES

0. Introduction

Mental imagery is not merely an ephemeral epiphenomenon, derivative from the operation of deeper underlying cognitive processes, but rather is central to the mental life of all human beings (Langacker 1991; 1999; Lakoff and Johnson 1980; Dirven and Paprotté 1985; Geiger and Rudzka-Ostyn 1993; Johnson 1989; Rudzka-Ostyn 1988). It reflects itself ubiquitously in daily life via the conventionalized usages of language, irrespective of, yet tailored to, culture.

In this paper I show that mental imagery motivates language usage throughout a long period of time and its role within semantics, as characterized by Ronald W. Langacker, is a powerful tool for achieving descriptive and explanatory adequacy in linguistic analysis, both synchronically and diachronically. Crucially, many of the notions developed within Langacker's approach to Cognitive grammar such as image schemas, reference points, speaker as landmark and the speaker's construal of specific situations are the warp and woof of this analysis.1 Lakoff's notion of the Idealized Cognitive Model (ICM), a cognitive structure by which we organize our knowledge and make sense of our surroundings, is also fully applicable here (Lakoff 1987:68ff.).

I illustrate these points by a consideration of the usages of two locative prefix sequences from Cora and Huichol, Southern Uto-Aztecan languages.2 I supplement this with an analysis of related data from a remote relative of Cora and Huichol, Tohono O'odham, spoken in Southern Arizona. A comparison of the Image Schematic Structures of these data reflects a spectacular tenacity to it all throughout more than two millenia of linguistic divergence.

1? The framework itself is discussed in detail in works such as Langacker 1987, 1990, 1991 and 1999. Casad and Langacker 1985 is a Cognitive Grammar treatment of the usages of Cora a- 'outside' and u- 'inside.' Several aspects of the framework are discussed in a series of papers by Langacker in Rudzka-Ostyn 1988.2 The following abbreviations are used for glossing the morphemes in the examples given in this paper:ABL: Ablative IMPV: Imperative REL: RelativeADJ: Adjective INSTR: Instrumental REAL: Realis, ALL: Allative, LOC: Locative RLZD: RealizedAPPLIC: Applicative MED: Medial S: SpeakerART:Def. Article MULT: Multiple SEQ: SequentialASSR: Assert Mode, N: Noun SG: Singular AUX: Auxiliary NARR: Narrative Mode SIMUL: Simultaneous C: Conceptualizer NEG: Negative STAT: StativeCLSFR: Classifier N.Rep: Reported Narr SUBJ: Subject CNJ: Conjunction OBJ: Object SUBR: SubordinatorCOMPL: Completive OBLIG: Obligatory TRANS: TranslocativCONN: Connective PAST: Simple Past TRANSV: TransverseDEM: Demonstrative PERF: Perfective TRNS: TransitiveDIST: Distal PERI: Periphery UNSPC: UnspecifiedDISTR: Distributive PRTC: Participle V: ViewerEXHRT: Exhortative QUOT: Quotative VERT: VerticalEXT: Extensive, RDP: Reduplicated

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The Cora and Huichol languages, spoken in northwestern Mexico, are both closely related historically and typologically odd in the degree to which notions of location and direction are reflected in their verbal prefix systems.3 Both Cora and Huichol verbs are characterized by complex inventories of locative prefixes which occur either singly or in combination with other prefixes and attach to verbs, adjectives and nouns with a bewildering array of semantic effects. Example (1) illustrates the kind of grammatical construction that I am concerned with in this paper and introduces one instantiation of the specific locative prefix sequences which are the focus of this paper.

(1)(HU) p-a-nu-taa-kuruúzi4 ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-straight-cross(N) 'It has a cross on it.'

In example (1), Huichol draws on the locative prefix sequence a-nu-táa- 'obligatory-beyond-straight' to explicitly highlight and reinforce the meaning of the incorporated noun kuruúzi "cross". The entire construction conveys a possessive construal, i.e. 'It has a cross on it."

This paper is organized as follows: Section 1.0 gives an overview of Huichol na- and nu-, whereas Section 2.0 treats the Cora correspondents, na-, nu- and an-. Section 3.0 turns back to Huichol and discusses the relationship of the concept of the edge with respect to the usages of Huichol nu-. This section also treats the loss of the vowels a and u from the Huichol prefixes and the resulting phonological correspondences with Cora na-, nu- and an-. In section 4.0 I present observations about the speaker's vantagepoint in relation to particular Huichol and Cora usages. In Section 5.0 I go wider afield and discuss data from Tohono O'odham that allows us to trace the history of the Conceptual Reference Line Image Schema back to Proto-Southern Uto-Aztecan. Finally, I summarize the main findings of this study in Section 6.0.

1.0 Huichol na- and nu-.

To begin, I detail usages of the Huichol locative verbal prefixes a-na- and a-nu-, as well as their counterparts in Cora. Grimes glosses Huichol na-, as 'on the speaker's side of a line normal (= at right angles) to his line of sight' and nu-, as 'on the far side of a line normal to the speaker's line of sight (Grimes, 1964:90).' Figures 1(a) and (b) represent diagrammatically the prototypical speaker oriented scenario that is associated with this pair of glosses.

3 By all rights this should be a co-authored paper, given that Joe Grimes has generously provided all the Huichol data and a good deal of the explanation for those data. I would also like to express my gratitude to Dean Saxton and the late Ken Hale for providing the Tohono O'odham data and their accompanying explanations about the usages of the particles an and ab. I would also like to thank Bill Bright, Ron Langacker, Günter Radden, Sally Rice and Tom Willett for their comments that have improved this paper. 4 In order to help the reader focus on the relevant morphemes in the examples, I use bold italics to highlight the locative prefixes.



(a) (b)

Figure One. Huichol ana- and anu- ‘this side’ vs. ‘far side’ of a reference line.

The speaker's line of sight is represented by a dotted arrow, whereas the reference line running at right angles to it is indicated by a solid line. The entity that the speaker is concerned with is represented by the circle labelled TR.

To show how the schemas in Figure 1 relate to actual usage, I cite a pair of examples that are relatively simple, but nonetheless interesting. They illustrate how Huichol employs the na- and nu- contrast in order to present two views of a single scene in which the same entity is related to the speaker's position differentially with respect to the boundary line common to Figures (1a) and (1b).

In both (2a) and (2b), below, the speaker is instructing someone to get on a horse.

(2)(a)(HU) ke-n-á-ná-ti-ye'áa IMPV-NARR-OBLIG-this:side-up-move 'Get on the horse!'

(b)(HU) ke-n-á-n(ú)-tí-ye'áa IMPV-NARR-OBLIG-beyond-up-move 'Get on the horse!'

In (2a), the speaker is on the opposite side of the horse from the addressee. In this situation, the addressee's movement brings him up from the other side of the horse onto the reference point line. In (2b) the speaker and the addressee are both on the same side of the horse and the addressee's motion takes him up to the reference point line and partway across it. In both cases, the horse's spine is the reference line, reflecting the normal approach one takes to mount a horse. In short, location of the starting point that anchors the direction of the trajector's movement into his final position at the reference point line vis á vis the speaker's position is what corresponds to the respective positions being signalled as either na- or nu- locations. These two situations are depicted graphically in Figures Two (a) and (b).



(a) (b)

Figure 2: Get on the horse (a) coming this way! (b) getting on that way!

The parentheses around the vowel u in (2b) and other examples in this paper indicate that its presence in an actual utterance is optional and depends on the carefulness of the speaker. In careful speech, the phonetic sequence is a-nu-, in rapid speech it is an-. This observation has major implications for establishing the connection between Huichol nu- and Cora an- that I discuss later. In addition, in Huichol, the choice of a preceding a- is obligatory with both na- and nu- if there is no 3rd person singular object. If there is a 3rd person singular object noun phrase that is not expressed immediately before the verb, however, then a morphophonemic fusion between a- and the 3rd Singular Direct Object -i takes place, with the result that in these instances both na- and nu- are preceded by e- (Grimes 1964:90). This is one piece of evidence that suggests strongly that in Huichol a- is a separate morpheme from na- and nu-.

In examples (3)(a-d), below, the speaker is standing at the side of a natural geographical barrier such as a river or a canyon and is looking across it.

(3)(a) (HU) 'a-n(u)-tá-’ãye OBLIG-beyond-straight-ADJ 'on the other side of [the river]' (b) (HU) 'a-naa-tá-’ãye OBLIG-this:side-straight-ADJ 'on this side of [the river]'

(c) (CR) á-n-ta-van outside-top-across-over:river 'there on the far side of the river'

(d) (CR) y-á-n-ta-van here-outside-top-across-over:river 'here on this side of the river.'



In the case of (3)(a-d), the natural course along which the river flows can be construed as the boundary line in terms of which Huichol na- and nu- are defined.5 Examples (3)(c) and (d) present the Cora counterparts. The Image Schema given in Figure One (a) is appropriate to examples (3)(b and d), whereas that of Figure One (b) is appropriate to examples (3)(a and c).

The Cora topographic adverbs (3)(c and d) illustrate the apparent neutralization of the nu- and na- distinction in Cora and the concomitant seeming subsequent reanalysis of Proto-Corachol *nu- and *na- as Cora an- 'on top'(cf. Casad 1982:328-332). Subsequent discussion substantiates this in part, but also shows that the picture is not so simple as that.

2.0 Cora na- and nu-

Cora a-na- is cognate to Huichol a-na-, and is also defined with respect to a reference line that runs at right angles to the speaker's line of sight. There is no difficulty whatsoever in equating Huichol a-na- and a-nu- with Cora a-na-, a-nu- and certain usages of Cora a-n- since the sound correspondences are so regular, as the data in Table 1 suggest.

Table One. Sound correspondences for Corachol ana- and anu-.

Huichol Cora Proto-CCH Proto-UAZ

n n *n *n/

e e *e *ã

e,a e,a *a *a

u u *u *o

Shared morphological and semantic properties between Huichol a-na- and a-nu- and their Cora counterparts settle the question. Crucially, the Image Schematic structures that motivate the usages of these morphemes not only provide the unifying key for identifying Cora an- with Huichol a-nu-, but also preserve the contrast between a-na- and a-nu- in Cora. This allows us to identify variants that ultimately find their roots in the early history of Southern Uto-Aztecan.

2.1 Cora na-

In a clear parallel to Huichol na- and nu-, Cora na- 'on the periphery' and nu- 'beyond the perifery' occur only following a- 'outside', as suggested by examples (4)(a - c).

(4) (CR)(a) a-ná-kun hášu'u he¢e5 The Cora expressions yú he¢e 'on this side' and ú he¢e 'on that side' are fully compatible with Figures (1a) and (1b), respectively. These two Cora forms are proximal and distal and appear to provide strong corroboration of Talmy's discussion of a schematic axis that is structured in particular ways and may have a directionality imposed upon it. This reference line divides the Speaker's field of vision into two regions, one close to the speaker, the other farther away (Talmy 1988:187; 202). One of its structurings is that of a conceptual line that functions to distinguish proximal locations from distal ones. (Ron Langacker, personal communication).



outside-PERI-hollow wall at 'There is a window (seen from inside).' (b) ma-'a-ná-a-kãh-šã they-outside-PERI-COMPL-leave-DISTR:PAST 'They fled from in there by way of all the different exits.' (c) ma-ra-'a-ná-a-ku they-DISTR:SG-outside-PERI-COMPL-open

å čí'i hapwa ART house on 'They opened a hole in the roof of the house.' (restriction on the size of perimeter area)

The examples in (4a-c) illustrate the more prototypical usages of Cora a-na-. Within the domain of a house, na- conventionally designates regions such as windows (4a), doors (4b), and even a hole in the roof(4c). In all these cases, the opening in focus is located in front of the observer or participant and the surface in which the opening is located is the barrier that separates na- locations from nu- locations. The configurations relevant to sentences (4)(a-c) are depicted diagrammatically in Figure 3.

Figure 3. Cora a-na- 'at the perifery'

The relationship encoded by Cora na- includes a specific bounded area which has a portion of its periphery as trajector, at least in many of its usages. In addition, the viewer's position is often the landmark in terms of which he calculates the trajector's location at the perimeter. The bounded area can be represented as a square, whereas the location at the perimeter can be represented as a restricted region along one side of it. Prototypically, the viewer is located right in the center of the bounded area. His line of sight, then, is a virtual path that intersects with the trajector's position, as Figure 3 shows.

The connection with the schemas for Huichol na- and nu- in Figure 1 should be immediately obvious. In certain usages of the Cora version, however, the trajector is distributed along part of the reference boundary line that is normal to the Speaker's line of sight, rather than be located on one side or another of it. This has its parallel in certain Tohono-O'odham usages of 'án, which I discuss later in Section 5.1.

The examples in (4)(a-c) are relateable to Figure 3 as follows. In (4a), for example, the observer is inside the house looking out through the window. In (4b) the individual participants started out from points within an enclosed area and took separate paths through distinct accessways to the outside. (4b) adds in the information that the location at the periphery provides a potential accessway to the outside from within the bounded area. Thus, the trajectors of



ma'anáakãhšã each follow paths that begin on the inside of an enclosed area and extend well beyond the exit points found at various locations along the periphery of that bounded area. Figure (4), given below, presents a pictorial representation of this situation.

Figure 4 : ma-'a-ná-a-kãh-šã 'They left though all exits'

In example (4c), men are portrayed as being on the roof of a house and making a hole in that roof that gives them at least perceptual access to the interior. The expression mara'anáaku må čí'i hapwa (4c) 'they made a hole in the roof of the house' contrasts with mara'antyikú må či'i 'they took the roof off the house', which calls on the locative prefixes an- 'on top' and ti- 'up'. The restrictiveness of the region designated by na- correlates with the use of the postpositional phrase må čí'i hapwa to locate the event within the outer upper surface of the house. The use of the postposition hapwá 'on' invokes a configuration in which one might expect Cora to use the prefix a-nú- 'outside-beyond' with the verb. That it does not may be an indication that a-ná- has indeed intruded on the semantic space of a-nú- in Cora.

An extended version of Cora a-ná- is illustrated by the usage shown in (6).

(6)(CR) a-ná-a-yeihšã å a'atã outside-PERI-COMPL-sit:PAST ART person 'The man went on ahead of the others.'

Within the domain of human activities, such as a group of men walking single file along a trail, we note that in the expression anáayeihšã 'he went on ahead' na- may designate a region such as the head of a line (6).



Figure Five: Cora a-ná- 'Out in front'

This more abstract version of a-na- is based on the selection of one point that anchors a reference line to another point at the other extremity of that line in the direction of its canonical orientation, a location that is construed as being 'out in front of X' (cf. Casad 1982:329).

As suggested by Figure 5, the canonical vantagepoint is from the side. This is analogous to the situation in which a crowd of people line the sidewalks along a street to watch a parade. The marchers in this case follow a path that is normal to the line of sight of the observers (cf. Fig. 20 for one usage of O'odham 'an).

2.2 Cora nu-:

A significant number cases of a nu- morpheme do occur in Cora. I had previously taken all these to be an assimilated form of na-, the assimilation being triggered by the following prefix u- 'inside' (cf. Casad 1982:331). However, all of the examples that I have noticed to date imply a speaker's vantagepoint from the outside of an enclosed area such as a house and the trajector's position as being on the far side of some barrier such as a wall, away from the speaker's position. The examples given in (7)(a)-(c) illustrate this point.

(7)(CR)(a) ú pú a-nú-'u-h-ve there:in SUBJ outside-PERI-inside-slope-fall 'He fell into the interior of the house through a hole in the roof.' (b) ú pú a-nú-'u-h-vee there:in SUBJ outside-PERI-inside-slope-stand 'He is standing up there inside the house.'

(c) ú pú á-nú-'u-h-ka there:in SUBJ outside-PERI-inside-slope-sit 'He is sitting down there inside the house.'

In (7)(a-c), we see Cora a-nu- employed with three distinct verb stems, one a motion verb, the other two posture verbs. In each instance the speaker assumes the vantage point of some location exterior to the house itself; he may well be looking through the open door when he makes his statement.

Sentences (8)(a and b) illustrate the contrast in Cora, between a-na- and a-nu-.

(8)(CR)(a) á-na='a-tá-ye'i ví'ira'a-ta'a out-PERI=outside-straight-walk field-in 'He was walking around the edge of the corn patch.' (b) m-ú á-nu-'u=wa- there-inside outside-PERI-inside=EXT- tyé-ča-šã m-ú tyétye'e eskíina middle-stand-PAST there-in inside corner



'Stand up in the corner right in there on the other side of the partition.'

Generally, as in Huichol, na- and nu- occur only with the preceding prefix a- 'outside' and are immediately followed by a verb stem. However, (8)(a-b) illustrate Cora constructions in which the entire sequence, either a-na- or a-nu-, appears as an initial constituent in a compound with a following verb that itself includes prefix sequences that begin with either a- 'outside' or u- 'inside'. The usages of Cora a-na- and a-nu- in(8a) and (8b) also show how the viewer's perspective on a given scene can shift.

Figure 6: (CR) a-ná'-a-tá-ye'i 'He is walking around the edge of the corn patch'

In ana'atáye'i, the sequence a-tá- situates the walking along some stretch of a boundary path that is located along the edge of a cornfield. This path is ordinarily taken to follow along each successive side of the patch. In this instance, a-na- places additional salience on the extensibility of this path, making it perfectly clear to the hearer that the trajector's conceptualized path goes all the way around the field and not just along one side of it. Note that the trajector follows the path along the perimeter of the cornfield, as seen in Figure 6.

In contrast, the usage of a-nu- (8b) gives us a very distinct perspective on the scene. Now, the viewer is on the outside and is looking towards the interior of a bounded area via a doorway. The reference line, of course is the front wall of the house within which the door is set. The speaker's line of sight thus crosses that reference line roughly at right angles. This situation is depicted diagrammatically in Figure 7.



Figure 7: mú á-nu-'u=wa-tyé-čašã mú tyete'e 'Stand right there in the corner'

As we have already seen, walls of houses provide the locations for doors and windows which provide natural accessways that constitute the proper spatial setting for the usage of Cora a-nu-. Example (9) illustrates this point further.

(9) heíwa pú nú'u hú tyá-ha-nú-'u-h-ka lots 3:Sg:S N:Rep DIST UNSPC:S-out-PERI-in-VERT-sit

tã ayán tí-ty-é-'i-kã'ãma aåhna ã saaku SUBR thus RDP-UNSPC-DIST-to-chew DEM ART cannibal

áa tã hé'e-če.there:out SUBR LOC-LIVE'There were lots and lots of bones piled up inside the house right there, bones of those who the cannibals had devoured'.

Sentence (9) describes a scene in which the Cora folk hero Our Elder Brother defeats two mythological cannibals and then goes in search of the bones of his parents who had been devoured by them. The narrator presents Elder Brother as looking through the doorway of the house, finally to find himself staring at a mass of bones piled up there on the inside. The imagery of Figure 7 is clearly central to this scenario.

Cora displays one morphological distinctive vís à vis Huichol that is related to the usages of na- and nu-. This is illustrated by example (10).

(10) (CR) eíhua tú nú'u ú-nú-'uh-ti ú teyuh-ta'a many we QUOT inside-TRANS=in:slope-sit:PL there.in church-in "There were a whole lot of us in the Church."

This example comes from a handwritten text about a dream that one of my language consultants had. It is the only instance I know of in which Cora nu- is preceeded by u- 'inside' rather than by a- 'outside.' This may be an innovation on the part of Cora speakers, although it is more likely to be a retention from an earlier stage (cf. the Yaqui demonstratives hunúmu'u and hunáma'a, Dedrick and Casad (2000:216-7). In this usage, the narrator is viewing himself as being onstage with the rest of the parishoners inside of a church. Here he has the double role as Subject of Perception and as part of the Object of perception (cf. Langacker 1999:298).

2.3 Cora -an

The third Cora prefix with which we are concerned in this study is an- 'on top'. Image Schematic structure plays a major role in the identification of Huichol nu- with Cora an- In addition, a second crucial factor is the phonological rule that I have already mentioned which deletes an u vowel following the nasal consonant of Corachol a-nu-. This deletion affects to a lesser degree the a vowel in the same environment. The final step possibly involved a a subsequent morphological reanalysis. Semantic considerations, of course, are crucial to the linking of Huichol nu- with Cora an-. Grimes and I have both noted that Huichol nu-, with the meaning 'beyond a boundary at right angles to the speaker's line of sight' may well be related to Cora an- 'on top.' This is partly motivated by the fact that certain usages of Huichol nu- have to do with the perceptibility of the edge of the top surface of something (Joseph E. Grimes, p.c.). Frequently enough, this top surface is flat. This may suggest that two distinct morphemes have coalesced in Huichol (J. E. Grimes, p.c.). At the very least, it suggests that even at the Proto-Cora-Huichol stage of development, the parent morphemes exhibited polysemy, motivated by multiple mental models. To begin, one



characteristic that appears to distinguish Cora an- from Huichol na- and nu- is its tie to the slope-oriented locative particles that commonly occur in Cora sentences and that also serve as the initial morphological element in topographical adverbs, a highly developed set that I discuss in Casad (1982). Aspects of the Image Schema (a kind of ICM) that underlies the set of slope oriented locative particles is reflected in their morphological shape in one of three ways: 'foot of the slope' is marked by a long a or u vowel, 'face of the slope' is marked by a syllable-final -h, and 'head of the slope' is marked by syllable-final -n.

Figure 8 . Viewer's Line of sight within the domain of the hill.In short, the Idealized Cognitive Model of the slope domain includes the interrelated regions 'foot', 'face', and

'head.' Taken together these constitute the base within which the locative particles obtain their meanings since each of these elements may serve as the landmark slope area. Figure 8 presents a generalized form of the slope domain.

The morphemes u 'inside' and a 'outside' (cf. Casad & Langacker 1985) take on specialized meanings when the boundary domain is linked to the slope domain. Specifically, u 'inside' is broadly constrained as being within the neighborhood of the canonical speaker's line of sight, whereas a 'outside' is broadly construed as being outside that line of sight (or, possibly, at an oblique angle to it).

The Cora particle relating to the head of the slope landmark area is an. The ICM (or set of ICMs) that underlies the strictly spatial uses of this particle has several peculiarities of its own. For one, an may refer to things like the top of a table, the roof of a house, the top of someone's head, and the sleeping area of a bed.6 This suggests that an essential part of the model consists of an extended, roughly horizontal area that is relatively small in relation to the overall slope domain. Furthermore, the horizontal area signified by an is usually surrounded by a slope on all sides. Often enough, there is a significantly perceptible edge to the roughly horizontal region. In the case of mountains and hills, the horizon line that extends from side to side across the top region constitutes that edge. Figure 9 depicts a topographic area representable by an.

6 This is also true for Huichol.



Figure 9 . Head of the Slope = Skyline at Table Top Mountain

The locative particles are organized according to a threefold distinction along a distance parameter, i.e. 'here,' 'there' and 'off yonder' (cf. Casad 1982; 1988). Those that refer to 'head of the slope' locations are restricted to the dimension 'outside'. This suggests that many of the uses of an- assume the canonical viewing position of the speaker at the foot of the slope from which his line of sight starts at the foot of the slope, continues along the vertical axis of the slope and intersects with the skyline. This also is illustrated by Figure 9.

3.0 Huichol nu- and the concept of edge

We now return to Huichol nu-. As noted above, in many of its usages, semantically, Huichol nu- corresponds to Cora an-. A difference between the two, however is that Huichol nu- is based on a mental model that places a high degree of salience on the presence of a reference line that runs at right angles to the speaker's line of sight, whereas Cora an- is based on a mental model that places more salience on a region that is characterized as the topmost surface within a complex configuration. However, the full story is not quite that simple.

Specifically, this boundary line very often corresponds to the edge of a perceptually distinct entity or region, as seen in the examples given below in(11)(a-e). (11)(HU)(a) 'uu-máa p-á-nú-ka not:too:distal-loc ASSR-OBLIG-TRANS-sit "He is sitting on the far edge of his chair."

(HU)(b) ke-n-á-ná+-kaa-ye'áa IMPV-NARR-OBLIG-this:side-down-move 'Come down from up there.' (over the edge)

(HU)(c) p-á-na-tí-tãa ASSRT-OBLIG-this:side-up-go:REALIS:SG 'He came up here over the edge of the promontory where I am standing.'

(CR)(d) m-á-n pú a-n-tí-raa MED-out-top SUBJ outside-top-up-go:SG:PAST 'He climbed right up there on top.'

(HU)(e) ke-n-á-náa+-tíi+-ye'áa EXHRT-NARR-OBLIG-this:side-up-come 'Come on up here over the edge onto the top!'

In (11)(a), for example, the edge of the chair over which the seated person's legs are bent is the boundary designated by Huichol nu-. Other usages are based on the fact that in both Cora and Huichol country, the mountain structures characteristically include mesas bounded by vertical walls. Thus the edge of a mesa is selected as the boundary designated by the use of na- in sentences such as (11)(c) and (e). In (11)(b), the speaker, standing at ground level, could be instructing a person to come on down off the roof of a house, or come down off of a rock ledge. In both (11c) and (11e) the trajector's conceived motion brings him up over the edge of a ledge (or roof) to the speaker's position. The Cora example in (11d) moves a trajector along an upward path away from the Speaker's location and on over the edge of an upper region.



The examples in (12)(a and b) show parallel usages of Huichol a-nu-ka- and Cora a-n-ka-. (12)(HU)(a) p=á-nu-ká-téewa ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-down-far 'It is a long ways down from being on the top over to down the edge of the cliff.'



(CR)(b) a-n-ká-tyee outside-top-down-be:far 'It is a long ways down from the top of the cliff.'

In both languages these expressions draw on genetically related predicate adjective stems and are being used to describe the same essential situation, that of gauging downward distance as one looks over the edge of a cliff. In the Huichol example of (12a), the speaker cannot see the bottom of the canyon and may even be level with the top at the far side (J.E. Grimes, p.c.). On the other hand, the speaker's vantagepoint for the usage of Cora an-ká- in (12b) is right at the edge of the cliff with the speaker looking downwards to the bottom.

The Huichol example in (13) could refer to a number of kinds of upwards going paths crossing a boundary line.

(13)(HU) p-á-nu-ti-tåa ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-up-go:REALIS:SG 'He went off and up past something.'

Typical boundaries encountered along an upwards going path include a mountain pass, an area with a salient edge such as the mesas of Cora and Huichol country, or even one's entrance into Heaven, i.e. when you're there, you're up on top.

In short, Huichol handles the slope domain in a rather different way from Cora. The head of the slope, like in Cora is conceived of as a clearly delineated flat area and is marked by a-nu-, whereas the slope itself is conceptualized as a configuration that involves motion from a horizontal starting point turning upwards and may even go to the vertical; this is all marked by a-nu-ti-. Figures 10 (a) and (b) illustrate this contrast.

(a) (b)

Figure 10 (a) and (b) Huichol a-nu-ti- vs. a-nu-



3.1 The u-drop rule

Recall that Huichol nu- is obligatorily preceded by a-. This sets up the precise context for resegmenting a-nu- as a-n-. Specifically, the dropping of the u vowel from a-nu- provides striking evidence for the identification of Huichol a-nu- with Cora an-. A comparison of the Huichol prefix combinations involving a-nu- and some other prefix with Cora prefix sequences containing an- and corresponding following locative prefixes in each case leaves a Huichol prefix sequence which is phonologically identical to a Cora prefix sequence. The corresponding sequences are also very close in meaning, if not identical. Grimes notes several contractions in Huichol; these are given in (14)(a-e):

(14)(HU) (a) 'anu-ta = 'an-ta (b) 'anu-ti = 'an-ti (c) 'anu-ku = 'an-ku (d) 'anu-ka = 'an-ka

(e) 'ana-ka = 'an-ka

In the following sections of this paper I discuss Huichol and Cora parallels for each of these sequences.

3.2 anu-ta = an-tá-

The sentences in (15) show a clear instance in which Huichol a-nú-ta- corresponds to Cora an-ta- 'straight, across.'

(15)(HU)(a) p-á-n(ú)-táa-téewa ASSRT-OBLIG-border-straight-far 'It is a long distance to the other side (of the canyon).'

(CR)(b) a-n-tá-tyee outside-top-straight-long 'It is a long ways across from bank to bank.'

Pronunciations of the Huichol sentence (15a) in causal speech leaving the u-vowel of a-nu- unrealized phonetically result in a phonological sequence antaa-, which is essentially identical to Cora anta-, as illustrated in (15b). Semantically, this pair of sentences shows a perfect correspondence between the Huichol and Cora usages in terms of the speaker's vantagepoint and the predicate adjective stems which encode the notion of distance from one point to another. The examples in (16) further illustrate the point that Proto-Corachol *a-nu-, meaning 'at the far side of a reference line normal to the speaker's line of sight' has become an- 'on top' in many of its usages in modern Cora.

(16)(CR)(a) náa pú a-n-tá-nyeeri-'i må háh good SUBJ out-top-straight-illuminate ART water 'It is all brightly lit up clear across to the far side of the water/river.'

(HU)(b) p-á-n(ú)-taa-níeree ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-straight-visible 'It is visible on the other side.'

Again, the verb stems of the Cora and Huichol sentences are genetically related to one another. The Cora ICM of an- in which its upper surface with its edges is less salient than its extension is diagrammed in Figure 11.



Figure 11 . Cora a-n-tá-nyeeri-'i 'It is all lit up clear across to the far side of the river.'

This Image Schema is in clear contrast to the Huichol ICM of a speaker looking straight across a boundary line which is often a salient edge of a surface. This accounts for why the Coras interpret an-ta- differently from the way that Huicholes interpret a-n(u)-ta-. To be precise, the Cora example in (16a) focusses on the extension of the illumination from side to side across the surface of the water in the river.

The Huichol example in (16b), in contrast, focusses on the illuminated area in relation to its salient border and its extension beyond the reference line along the opposite side of the river from the speaker. The contrasting Image Schema is depicted diagrammatically in Figure 12.

Figure 12: Huichol p-á-n(ú)+-taa+-níeree 'It is visible on the other side.'

3.3 'a-n(u)-ti = 'an-ti

The correspondences between Huichol a-n(u)-ti and Cora an-ti- are particularly striking. A fairly close Huichol correspondent to Cora a-n-tí- is given in (17)(a and c) below.



(17)(HU)(a) p-á-n(ú)-ti-née ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-up-arrive 'He went up to that particular place.'

(CR)(b) a-n-tyí-ra'a outside-top-up-go:SG:IMPV 'Go climb up there.'

(HU)(c) p-á-nú-ti-zúure ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-up-red 'It is red on the peak.'

(CR)(d) a-n-tí-pá'ušara'a a-n-tí outside-top-up-reddish outside-top-up

p-úh-me'en ASSR-in-slope-go:PRTC 'The column is red all over its upper half.'

Both (17a) and (17b) profile someone's arrival at a particular location uphill from the position of the speaker. In addition, both the Huichol usage and the Cora usage draw on identical speaker vantagepoints somewhat removed from the foot of the slope. Finally, both reflect the motion of the trajector up that slope and on to its highest point, removed from the speaker's position (Figure 13).

Figure 13 Hu, Cr - At the top of the hill

(17)(c) and (d) actually take us into two different domains, that of physical topography versus that of architectural structures. The image schemas associated with Huichol and Cora prefix sequences a-nu-ti- and a-n-ti- nonetheless correspond to analogous subconfigurations within the overall configuration of the base in terms of which they are defined, i.e. the peak of a hill and the upper half of a column are both 'high zones' in the overall configuration. The configuration appropriate to the architectural structure is depicted in Figures 14.



Figure 14 : Cora 'upper half of a column'

Examples (18)(a and b) present us with another pair of very close correspondences between Huichol e-nu-ti- and Cora a-n-ti-.

(18)(HU)(a) p-é-nú-ti-zite ASSRT-1SGOBJ-beyond-up-cut 'He cut his head off.'

(CR)(b) ra-'a-n-tí-sihča-ka'a å muu-ra'an DIST:SG-out-top-up-slice-RLZD ART head-his 'He cut his head off.'

Examples (18)(a-b) take us into the domain of the human or animal body. In each case the locative prefix sequence designates the entire head area and the event described involves severing the head from the rest of the body. Examples (19)(a-b), given below show that Huichol a-nu-ti- and Cora an-ti- share an additional common use.

(19)(HU)(a) p-á-n(ú)-ti-må¢ã ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-up-sharp-point 'It is sharp on its point,'

(CR)(b) a-n-tí-pityi må vi'ika outside-top-up-sharp ART stick 'The planting stick has a good sharp point on it.'

These examples both refer to the very tip of a sharp-pointed entity, i.e. a planting stick. Notice, in particular, that Huichol a-nu-ti- designates the extreme point of an ordinarily vertically oriented entity, which is the prototypical usage of Cora antí-. In this Cora example, the usage of anti- has an extended meaning in which the normal vertical orientation of the designated entity is ignored. The difference between the Huichol usage and the Cora one is, in fact, minimal, since (19)(a) may also refer to a planting stick, which is normally held vertically, but is used with the sharp point down (J. E. Grimes, p.c.) Likewise, other usages of Huichol a-nu-ti- refer to the extreme tip of an entity whose orientation with respect to horizontality or verticality appears to be immaterial, as seen in (20)(a-b).



(20)(HU)(a) p-á-n(ú)-ti-zúure ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-up-red 'The tip of it is red.' (CR)(b) a-n-tí-pá'ušara'a må kãyéh čuumi-ra'a outside=top-up-reddish ART wood machete-CLSFR 'The wooden sword of the Judíos [Ritual group] is red on the tip.'

Figure 15: Extension of Huichol a-nu-ti- and Cora a-n-ti- from 'at the highest point of X' to 'at the very tip of X'The Huichol usage of á-n(ú)-ti- in (20a) is virtually identical to the usage of Cora an-ti- (20b), and represents a

common extension with it, as depicted diagrammatically above in Figure 15. This semantic extension follows a path from designating the highest restricted region of a vertically oriented

natural entity to designating the very tip of any elongated entity however oriented in three dimensional space, a feature that the Cora and Huichol morphemes share with the unaffiliated Tarascan -ru (cf. Friedrich 1969 [pge no.]; 1971 [Pge no.]; Casad 1982:21; 268).

3.4 'anu-ku = 'an-ku

Examples (21)(a and b) given below, show Huichol a-nu-ku- and Cora an-ku- in highly analogous morphological environments. As in some previous examples, the verb stems are genetically related.

(21)(HU)(a) p-á-nú-ku-yéika ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-around-walk 'He is circling around and around up in the sky.'

(CR)(b) a-n-ku-ré'e-ye'i



outside-top-circle-around-go:SG:IMPERF 'He is circling around and around up in the sky.'

Semantically both Huichol a-nu-ku- and Cora a-n-ku-ré'e- may designate virtual closed paths in the sky.

Figure 16. Huichol a-nu-ku- and Cora a-n-ku-re'e- 'X is going around and around in the sky

The relevant boundary line for the Huichol usage is constituted by the virtual path itself and the backgrounded sky is what is actually construed as being beyond the boundary. In the Cora example, the sky itself is viewed as an upper surface within whose expanse a virtual closed path is tracked. The imagery of the Huichol usage and that of the Cora usage are so similar that I present both as exploiting the configuration given above in Figure 16.

'3.5 'anu-ka = 'an-ka-

When u drops from Huichol 'a-nu-ka, that leaves the infrequently occurring sequence an-ka-. The correspondence between Huichol a-nu-ka- and Cora an-ka- is seen clearly in examples (22)(a-b).

(22)(HU)(a) p-á-nu-ka-tåa ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-down-go:REALIS:SG 'He passed by going downhill.'

(CR)(b) na-'a-n-ká-hraa káuhna-ri he¢e I-outside-top-down-go:PST rope-ABS on 'I descended the cliff on a rope.'

In the Huichol example (22a), the boundary that the mover traversed is again very salient to the image presented

in the scenario being described. This boundary, where the mover drops down out of the speaker's sight, is fairly near the speaker's location. This is graphed in Figure 17.



Figure 17:Huichol p-á-nu-ka-tåa 'He passed by going downhill'

The Cora example (22b) presents the downwards path from a slightly different vantagepoint than the Huichol one in (22a) does. In the Cora example, the anchoring of the path to an upwards location and the traversing of that path downward are singled out and highlighted. There is also a significant difference between these two in the degree of verticality that is associated with the path that the mover traversed. These characteristics are summarized diagrammatically in Figure 18. In short, the correspondence between the two prefix sequences is clear.



Figure 18: Cora na-'a-n-ká-h-raa 'I descended the cliff on a rope'

The Cora and Huichol examples in (23)(a and b) carry the same speaker vantagepoint on the scene that they describe.

(23)(CR)(a) m-ú pú a-n-ku-ré'e-ve MED-in SUBJ outside-top-circle-around-fall

hášu'u wari-ta'a wall back-in 'He fell from on top down the backside of the wall away from the observer's position.

(HU)(b) p-á-nu-ká-we ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-down-fall 'He fell from on top down the side of the wall' (away from the observer's position at the top of the wall).

In both (23a) and (23b) the speaker is describing a mover located at the top of a wall and whose path in falling goes downwards along the backside of the wall away from the speaker's position. Cora exploits the locative prefix sequence a-n-ku-ré'e-, whereas Huichol draws on á-nu-ka-. The Cora example also shows the use of one of the prefixes that Cora has innovated since it split off from Huichol. This prefix re'e- 'around a corner' commonly occurs with ku- (cf. Casad 1982:354-357). The verb stems in these examples are genetically related and retain highly similar, if not identical, meanings. The Image Schema motivating this situation is depicted in Figure 19.

Figure 19. Hu, Cr: 'He fell down behind the wall'



3.6 a-na-ka = an-ka-

Some Huichol a-na-ka- sequences drop the a vowel following the nasal and thus correspond to Cora an-ka, as shown by (24)(a-c).

(24) (HU)(a) p-á-náá-káa- ¢unáa ASSRT-ALL-this:side-down-pour 'Water is pouring down over the lip of the falls towards me.'

(CR)(b) an-ká-suuna top-down-spill 'Water is pouring down over the edge of the cliff away from me.' (CR)(c) a-ii-ká-suuna outside-toward-down-spill 'Water is pouring down over the edge of the cliff facing me.'

Examples (24)(a-c) show that Huichol a-na-káa- very closely corresponds to Cora a-n-ka- in a pair of expressions that talk about the same situation, albeit with opposite speaker vantagepoints and even use cognate verb stems in doing so. As the glosses indicate, Huichol á-náa-káa- is grounded in a speaker's position substantially enough removed from the face of the cliff over which the waterfall drops so that the fall of the water can be perceived as coming towards the speaker, as shown in Figure 20.

Figure 20: Huichol and Cora: Water falling this way

In contrast, Cora a-n-ká- is grounded in a speaker's position close enough to the edge of the cliff to perceive the water as moving away from him and spilling off over the edge. Finally, as (24c) shows, Cora uses the prefix sequence a-ii-ká- to signal the vantagepoint and directionality of the water that is associated with Huichol a-na-káa-.



Again we see an instance in which the loss of the vowel a in the development of present-day Cora leads to a neutralization of the *-na\-nu contrast with the subsequent restoration of the coding of alternate vantagepoints via the use of the prefix ii- 'coming this way toward the speaker."

A second example of Huichol a-na-ka- in correspondence with Cora an-ka- is quite similar to the pair above.

(25)(HU)(a) p-á-naa-ká-we ASSRT-OBLIG-this:side-down-fall 'He fell down from the top of the wall' (CR)(b) a-n-ká-hve outside-top-down-fall 'He fell down from the top of the cliff.'

In this case, the Huichol and Cora examples (25)(a-b) describe the fall of someone from the top of a wall or cliff down the side that faces the speaker, rather like the image of Humpty Dumpty in the pictures of the books we enjoyed in our childhood (J. E. Grimes, p.c.). In summary, both Huichol a-nu-ka- and a-na-ka- show close correspondences to Cora a-n-ka-. This reflects a merging of Pre-Cora *a-nu- and *a-na- in this context.

4.0 Observations about vantagepoints

All the examples we have discussed thus far are grounded in the speaker's vantagepoint from which he is viewing the scene that he is describing. We have already seen cases where Huichol and Cora usages are grounded in identical speaker vantagepoints; we have also seen other cases in which the vantagepoints are significantly different. This is further seen in the use of Huichol a-na-ka- in (26a), which closely corresponds to the use of Cora a-n-ka- (26b) to describe the same situation.

(26)(HU)(a) ka-n-á-na-ka-kii-teníe-ka NARR2-NARR-ALL-down-house-mouth-NARR:IMPERF 'There is a pass with a road that runs this way and down from a mountain divide.'

(CR)(b) a-n-ká-uh-re'iye å huye outside-top-down-run:straight ART road 'From here on top of the hill, the road runs straight downhill.'

In (26)(a and b) the speaker is describing a road that runs straight downhill from the top of a mountain ridge. In the Huichol example, the speaker is somewhere below the pass itself and is tracing a straight downhill path to the foot of the slope. This vantagepoint is almost opposite to that which is assumed in the use of the Cora example in (26b.) The use of Cora a-n-ká-, however traces the same shape and orientation of the path in objective terms, but reflects a speaker vantagepoint from the top of the hill.

Notice also that the verbs are different in these examples. Huichol uses an incorporated body part as one constituent of a compound noun construed metaphorically as a possessed entity. More specifically, the noun root kíi, meaning 'house', is construed as being the body of a mountain, whereas the metonymically related teníe 'mouth' is metaphorically construed as a door, which is further construed as an accessway through the mountain range (Günter Radden, p.c.). In contrast, the Cora verb is the reflexive form of a stative verb whose meaning is based on the conceptualization of fictive motion from point A to point B.

In (27a), Huichol a-na-ku- corresponds to Cora a-n-ku-re'e- (27b)in analogous situations.

(27)(HU)(a) we-m-á-na-ku-née-zãa 3PLSU-REL-OBLIG-this:way-around-pass-MULT 'They came around the bend.'



(CR)(b) á-n-ku-ré'e-ye'i ãrí he¢e outside-top-around-corner-walk hill at

'he's going round and round the hill near its top.'

The scenario in view involves people following a path that brings them around a corner. As in some of our earlier examples, the speaker vantagepoints are rather distinct in these two examples. The Huichol example (27a) views the movement of the multiple trajectors as coming toward the speaker's position. This is depicted below in Figure 21.

Figure 21(HU): we-m-á-na-ku-née-zãa 'They came around the bend.'

The Cora example (27b), on the other hand, presents the speaker as observing the situation obliquely to the direction of Trajector's movement. This is depicted in the image schema that motivates Figure 22 below.



Figure 22: (CR): á-n-ku-ré'e-me 'He is going round and round near the top of the hill.'

The examples in (28) show the use of Huichol a-nú- and Cora a-n-tyáa- to designate upper surfaces.

(28)(HU)(a) p-á-nu-zúure ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-red 'It is red on its top surface.'

(CR)(b) a-n-tyáa-pa'u outside-top-middle-red 'He is red all over his chest.'

The example in (28a) is appropriate to a three dimensional surface such as a barrel standing on one end. The upper end visible to the viewer is the portion of the configuration that the Huichol sequence a-nu- designates (J. E. Grimes, p.c.). This is also the surface that Cora an- would designate, as suggested by (28b). This is depicted diagrammatically below in Figure 23.

Figure 23: Huichol p-á-nu-zúure 'It is red on its top surface.'



5.0 The Tohono O'odham free form adverbial augments7

A distant relative of Huichol and Cora in the Southern Uto-Aztecan family, the language of the Tohono O'odham, formerly called Papago, has been described in a number of publications by Albert Alvarez, Ken Hale, Dean and Lucille Saxton and Ofelia Zepeda, among others. For general purposes, we now refer to it as O'odham. Usages of the O'odham free form adverbial augment an shed light on both the analysis of Huichol nu- and on that of Cora an- given in this paper.

The grammar of Tohono O'odham includes a set of at least eight free form adverbial augments. One of these is particularly relevant to the question at hand: that of establishing a significant time depth for the conventionalized use of a common Image Schema. The O'odham deictic (or demonstrative )particle an occurs in three contexts within the set of O'odham free form augments shown in (29). (29) (a) 'an locative particle (b) 'am locative particle

(c) 'ab locative particle(d) 'anai adverbial demonstrative(e) 'an- locative adposition(f) 'amai adverbial demonstrative(g) hejai adverbial demonstrative(h) 'aiñi adverbial demonstrative

The use of 'an as a locative particle is seen in (29a), whereas its usage in a morphemically complex adverbial demonstrative is given in (29d). It also appears in other contexts as a locative adposition (29e). It is noteworthy that Saxton and Saxton report the morpheme an as meaning 'above' (1969:129). In addition, the adverbial demonstrative form anai is particularly interesting because it shows a vowel -a- following an. This suggests strongly that the shorter forms given in (29a) and (29c) are reduced from an earlier ana that lost its word final -a by a phonological rule that operated widely in the Tepiman languages (cf. Voegelin, Voegelin and Hale 1962[pge no.]; Bascom 1964[pge no.]; Langacker 1977)[Pge no.]. The adverbial demonstrative carries a final -i vowel that protects the post-nasal -a- from participating in the vowel deletion.

5.1 The prototypical usage of O'odham 'an.

Saxton comments that, for one of its primary usages, the meaning of 'an is based on a situation in which an entity is moving at a right angle across the observer's line of sight along a path which is either horizontal at the observer's base level or is above it. This choice in options along the verticality scale is motivated by the general perceptual factor that the top of objects out in front of the speaker appear to rise up and meet him/her at eye level as the speaker approaches them (cf. Lakoff & Johnson 1980:16)8 These semantic characteristics of O'odham 'an can be related to the very same Image Schema that subsumes the protoypical values of both Huichol and Cora a-na- and a-nu- as well as certain usages of Cora an-. In this version of things the Trajector's path is along the same conceptual reference boundary line in terms of which Huichol na- and nu- are defined. This configuration is also identical to the one that I sketched out earlier for Cora na- in Figure Three. This particular meaning of O'odham an is illustrated by sentence (30).

(30) 'an 'o 'oimed here AUX wander

7 I am indebted to Ken Hale for this terminology.

8 I am indebted to Ron Langacker for reminding me of this observation.



'He is wandering around on the plain.'(= at or above the speaker's ground level.'9

The double gloss of (30) shows that it would be equally appropriate for talking about a plane flying round and round over an area within eyeshot of the speaker. This construal is identical to that of the Huichol and Cora examples (21)(a-b) and likewise instantiates the Image Schema of Figure 11.

The two meanings associated with (30) can be plotted against the verticality scale as shown in Figure 24. The trajector's path running at right angles to the viewer's (= speaker's) line of sight is shown at ground level and at one point significantly above ground level. In any given usage, of course, the trajector's path may be situated any where from ground level to 90 degrees high.

Figure 24.O'odham 'an set against the verticality scale

In accord with the polysemy of Huichol a-nu- and a-na- and Cora a-nu-, a-na- and an-, Saxton also glosses O'odham an as 'on periphery', where the term 'periphery' may be construed as being either a line that runs at right angles to the speaker's line of sight and crosses it or the entity referred to may be standing to one side or the other of the speaker. In this latter case, the orientation of the designated entity vis à vis the speaker's line of sight is irrelevant. Needless to say, both configurations relate straightforwardly to the Image schemas of Huichol Figures 1 (a and b) and Cora Figure 3, given earlier.

(31)(a) 'an 'o ke:k there AUX stand 'He is standing there, looking across my line of sight' OR: 'He is standing there at my side.'

(b) 'an 'o ke:k kii da:m there AUX stand house on 'He is standing there on top of the house.'

9 The final vowel in the O'odham form 'oimed is actually high, non-front, non-back and unrounded. In the practical orthography of O'odham it is written as e (cf. Zepeda (1989: ; Saxton & Saxton 1969).



Figures 25(a) and (b) give a diagrammatic representation of the configurations associated with the interrelated entities mentioned in the glosses of (31a).

(a) (b)

Figure 25: Two versions of O'odham an.

In the first case, the position of the subject of the sentence is the anchor point for the reference line that is normal to the speaker's line of sight. In the second instance, the subject of the sentence is located at the side of the speaker, who is also the viewer. The broken line running through the viewer and the trajector's positions is intended to reflect the side-by-side orientation of Tohono O'odham an.

5.2 Climbing up and down the hills

The O'odham adverbial demonstratives occur in two distinct positions within a single clause or sentence. One position is sentence initially, whereas the other is sentence finally in construction with a preceding locative noun to which it is linked by the connecting segment t. The sentence final locative phrase elaborates in one way or another the schematic meaning of the sentence initial adverbial demonstrative. I illustrate this with a set of sentences that relate to scenarios in which a speaker is instructing his addressee which way to climb, i.e. up or down. As examples (32)-(35) below show, there is more than one way to climb a hill or come down off of one.

(32) am g i žešaj do'ag t an DIST:ABL IMPV movement climb hill AUX PERI 'Climb that way up the hill"

As the gloss of (32) suggests, the first way to climb a hill under the instruction of one's companion is to head upwards away from the companion's position at the time of speaking. In (34) the use of the sentence intial adverbial am indicates that the direction of movement is away from the Speaker's position to some distal location. That location is spelled out precisely by the locative phrase do'ag t an, which can be glossed as 'there at the top of the hill'. The top of a hill, as viewed from below, is usually perceived as a restricted region along the skyline. That is what motivates the use of an in the sentence final locative phrase of this example. These relationships are summarized by the Image Schema of Figure 26 given below.



Figure 26: 'Climb that way up the hill"

Sentence (33) presents us with an instance in which an itself is used both sentence initially and sentence finally.

(33) an g i žešaj do'ag t an TRANSV IMPV movement climb hill AUX PERI

'Climb up the hill going along the horizon line"

To begin, one interesting feature of these sentences is the use of a preverbal clitic i, which Saxton and others gloss as "movement". This reinforces the motion element of the verb "climb" and provides the basis for specifying the directionality of the climbing. The use of an in sentence initial position does precisely this. The directionality is transverse to the speaker's line of sight. Given the latitude that an displays for variability along the verticality scale, there is need for clarification as to the relative level and location of that transverse motion. This information is exactly what is specified by the sentence final locative phrase, which contains a second occurrence of an. The second way of climbing a hill, then, is to to follow the skyine along one ridge to the top, a path that is also oblique to the instructor's line of sight. These relationships, then, are shown in the Image Schema depicted in Figure 27.

Figure 27: 'Climb up the hill going along the horizon line'

Still a third manner of climbing a hill is illustrated by sentence (34).



(34) ab g i žešaj do'ag t an DIST:ALL IMPV movement climb hill AUX PERI

'Climb the hill coming up this way towards me."

In this example, the sentence initial adverbial demonstrative is ab, which is glossed as 'this way from a distal point.' The gloss seems to imply a speaker position at the top of the hill with the trajector moving from the foot of the hill up the slope to the top. Other usages of ab suggest a probable ambiguity to this, that is, the Speaker might also be at the foot of the hill and instructing, via telephone, the trajector, who is at a location behind the hill, to climb up the hill and come on over to Speaker's location for a visit, let us say. Figure 28 represents the first construal which locates the speaker at the top of the hill.

Figure 28: 'Climb the hill coming up this way towards me.'

Climbing hills is one thing and what goes up must come down, so O'odham also has a way of getting the climber down. This is illustrated by sentence (35).

(35) an g i huduñ do'ag t amjed DIST:ABL IMPV movement descend hill AUX from 'Descend the hill going down along the ridge transverse to my line of sight.'

The Reference Line Transverse to Speaker's Line of Sight Image Schema again comes to the fore with the use of the adverbial demonstrative an in example (35). Now the Speaker is instructing his addressee to come down from the top of the hill along a ridge that runs obliquely to that Speaker's line of sight. At the mid-point of that downward path, the prototypical 90 angle between the Speaker's line of sight and the transverse reference line ensues. This is depicted diagrammatically in Figure 29.



Figure 29: 'Descend the hill going transverse to my line of sight.'

5.3 Getting on your horse

Horses are among the climbable entities that one encounters in many areas of the world. The high and ordinarily longer than wide profile of the horse meets the propriety standards for the use of O'odham demonstrative adverbs and their elaborating locative phrases. The examples in this section illustrate two directional paths vís à vis the speaker that the person getting on the horse could follow. The first path is illustrated by sentence (36).

(36) ab g i žešaj kawiu t abthis IMPV movement climb horse CONN beyond way"Climb this way onto the horse"

The situation described by sentence (36) finds the Speaker and his Addressee on opposite sides of the horse that stands between them. The Speaker then instructs the other person to mount the horse. The path that the person will follow in getting into the saddle (if the horse is equipped with one) necessarily brings him toward the speaker's position. The two uses of ab in this example mean two different things. The first usage is directional in its construal; the second one, in construction with kawui 'horse' anchors the path to a point on the far side of the horse from the speaker. All of these factors are diagrammed pictorially in Figure 30.

Figure 30:'Climb this way onto the horse'.



Quite a different image is presented by example (37).

(37) an g i žešaj kawiu t anTRANSV IMPV movement climb horse CONN TRANSV'Climb transversely (to my line of sight) onto the horse'

In this situation, the Speaker is standing in front of the horse and the addressee is standing at one side or the other of it. The path that the prospective rider follows in mounting the horse runs at right angles to the Speaker's line of sight which runs right along the spine of the horse. The use of an in the post verbal directional phrase reinforces the sentence initial use of an. The full directional phrase spells out in detail where the ending point of the trajector's path is to be. This configuration is depicted in Figure 31.

Figure 31: 'Climb transversely (to my line of sight) onto the horse.'

6.0 Conclusion

In this paper I have shown numerous Image Schemas that motivate conventional usages of a small subset of locative verbal prefixes and prefix sequences from Huichol and Cora, closely related Southern Uto-Aztecan languages of Northwest Mexico. The basic Image Schema under discussion has been that of a Conceptual Reference Line that runs normal (= at right angles) to the Conceptualizer-Viewer's canonical line of sight. This Image Schema motivates the usages of the Huichol and Cora locative prefix sequences: a-nu- and a-na-. These two sequences contrast image schematically with respect to where an observed entity is located vís à vis the Conceptualizer-Viewer and the Conceptual Reference Line: the object of perception may be either on the same side of the reference line as the Viewer or it may be somewhere on the far side of that line away from the Viewer.

A significant number of usages of Cora a-nu- retain the speaker's vantagepoint included in the Image Schema that is associated with the usages of Huichol a-nu-. That the Cora prefix sequences a-nu- and a-na-, in some contexts at least, reflect the same Image Schemas as their Huichol counterparts suggests strongly the long-term entrenchment of these Image Schemas. They are anything but ephemeral epiphenomena derivative of underlying and qualitatively distinct cognitive processes. This conclusion is further reinforced by an examination of analogous data from the distantly related Southern Uto-Aztecan language Tohono O'odham. In certain contexts, the O'odham free adverbial augment an reflects the very same Image Schema as that which motivates the prototypical usages of Corachol a-nu- and a-na-.

A comparison of the Image schemas of additional usages of both Huichol and Cora reinforces the points above in several ways. To begin, Cora has a third locative prefix an-, meaning 'on top of X'. At least some of its usages arose historically from a vowel dropping rule that deleted the a and u vowel from Proto Corachol *a-na- and *a-nu-. Thus, there are significant correspondences betwen Huichol a-na-, a-nu- and Cora an-.



In addition, it is clear from the data that we have examined that, in at least some of the usages of Huichol a-nu- and e-nu- vís à vis Cora an-, distinct mental models of na-, nu- and an- are involved (Joseph E. Grimes, personal communication). Crucially, our study has shown that other usages of Huichol a-nu- and e-nu- are based on the same ICMs as Cora an-. Another result of this study was documenting instances of Huichol and Cora usages that reflected almost identical Image Schemas, but show rather different Speaker vantagepoints. This, of course, argues for the independence of the theoretical construct of Speaker Vantagepoint from that of the Image Schema per sé.

We noted a very precise extension of Huichol a-nu-ti- that matches a Cora extension of an-ti- in which the meaning 'at the highest point of X' extends to 'at the very tip of X'. In addition, the Huichol morphemic distinction between na- 'on the speaker's side of a reference line that is normal to his line of sight, i.e runs at right angles to it ' and nu- 'on the other side of a reference line that is normal to the speaker's line of sight (Grimes 1964:90) has, in some instances, merged into a single morphemic reflex in Cora, i.e. na- 'off at the perimeter'/'at the periphery'. Finally, Cora an- retains obvious ties to these same Image schemas, as illustrated below in (38)(a and b).

(38) (HU) we-p-á-n(u)-taa-kåã 3PLS-ASSRT-OBLIG-beyond-straight-go:REAL:PL 'They went across (a river)'

(CR) m-á pú a-n-tá-raa må huyé he¢e MED-out SUBJ outside-top-across-go:SG:PAST 'He crossed the street right there (at right angles).

Yaqui, much more closely related to Tohono O'odham than it is to Cora and Huichol also provides us with crucial data that relate to the time depth of Image Schemas question. In particular, it has a set of adverbial demonstrative forms that invoke the schemas that we are concerned with. The demonstrative hunúmu'u 'there:at perifery' is particularly interesting, as its use in (39) suggests:



(39) 'ém boó'o hunúmu'u bo'o-ka your road there:PERI lay-PPL

'That's your road right over there.' (Dedrick & Casad 2000:216)

Finally, consideration of the correspondences between Huichol na- and nu- and Cora na-, nu- and an- suggests that the proto-Corachol morphemes were polysemous from the starting point of our story. The data from Tohono O'odham reinforces this and carries the polysemy even further back in Southern Uto-Aztecan history.

Key words: conceptualizer, image schema, landmark, observer reference line, reference point, speaker, subjective, trajector, vantagepoint, viewer


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