*

namaga@lit.kyushu-u.ac.jp

+ bayi-

1.

1.1.

(1) (1)

(1) a.

b. + bayi-

c. + bayi-

(1a) (1c)

(2)

* A

18251007

(1)

Poppe (1954) c j ˘

-ju -jü

(2)

(a) -ciqa- (1983) (b) Sanzheyev (1973)

(1b) + bayi-

1.2.

bayi-

-ju -γad -γsaγar -ju bayi-

-γad bayi- -γsaγar bayi-

(2) (4) (3)

(2) -ju bayi-

(a) durative or iterative Street (1963)

(1995)

(b) imperfective action Bosson (1964)

(c) (present progressive) [-ju bayi-na ] Hangin (1968)

(1986) (1993)

(1991)

progressive Song (1995, 1997)

(2001)

(2002)

odo üiledcü bayiqu bayidal -un kelberi (2002)

(c) -ju bayi(-na) (1986), Song (1995, 1997) (d) -ju bayi(-na) (1985), (1993) (e) + bayi- Hangin (1968), (1991), 査干哈達 (1995),

(2002) (f) + bayi- + bayi- (2001),

(2002)

(3)

1989, 1992, 2001

孫竹 (1985), 査干哈達 (1995), (2002)

(Mingγan Bayar) : 1939

(Xiao Chun) : 1973

-ju bayi- (a) (b) (c)

(3) -γad bayi-

(a) it express an action which takes place continuously or repeatedly Hangin

(1968)

[-γad la bayi- ]

(2001)

(b) it must be translated ‘has already …’ Bosson (1964)

(2002)

jalγaγad üiledüged bayiqu bayidal -un kelberi (2002)

(c) perfective, durative or iterative Street (1963)

(1991)

(d) (1995)

(2) -γad bayi-

(a) (b) (c) (d)

(4) -γsaγar bayi-

a strong durative Street (1963)

it carries the meaning ‘keeps on, goes on, continues to’ Bosson (1964)

it expresses the meaning “continues to, keeps on” and “still” Hangin (1968)

(1991)

(1995) (2002)

udaγan üiledügseger bayiqu bayidal -un kelberi (2002)

(2), (3) -γsaγar

bayi-

-γsaγar bayi-

(perfective) (imperfective)

(grammatical category) (4)

(aspect) (Aktionsart)

(aspectuality)

(5)(5)

(5) a.

b.

c.

d.

e.

(5e)

(paradigmatic relation)

(4) (1992: 98-100) (1992) Ю.С.Маслов А.А.Холодович Маслов

(1984) “Об основных понятиях аспектологии. В кн.: Очерки по аспектологии . Ленинград, с.5-47”

(5) (5) (1995: 29) (1990: 1-5) (1990) Ю.С.Маслов А.А.Холодович

Маслов (1962) “Вопросы глагольного вида в современном зарубежном языкознании

. В кн.: Вопросы глагольного вида. Сборник, Москва, с.3-32”

(syntagmatic relation)

2.

2

Маслов (1978)

(6)

2.1.

Маслов (1978) (6), (7)

(6) a.

b.

c.

(7)

(6) (1992: 35-45) Маслов (1978) “К основаниям сопоставительной аспектологии

. В кн.: Вопросы сопоставительной аспектологии. Ленинград, с.4-44.

(8) (8) Ⅰ Ⅲ Ⅳ

Ⅱ

(8)

Ⅰ

Ⅱ

Ⅲ

Ⅳ

Ⅲ Ⅳ (9) (10)

(9) B, (10) A

(9)

A B

(10)

A

Ⅰ

(11), (12)

(11)

A B C

(12)

A B

(11), (12) B (11) C

2.2.

Маслов (1978) (13)

(13) a.

b.

c.

(13a) (14)

(14) a.

b.

(14b)

(15)

(7)

(16)

3. + bayi-

3 -γad bayi- -ju bayi- -γsaγar bayi-

3.1. -γad bayi-

-γad bayi- (3)

3.1.1.

(17) minu abu ükü-ged bayi-na.

(GEN) -ASP-TEN

(7) (2003: 121-144)

(18) egüde negege-gde-ged bayi-na.

-PAS-ASP-TEN

(19) bilig nom-un sang-du oci-γad bayi-na.

-DAT -ASP-TEN

(20) ariγuna qurimla-γad bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(21) tere miqa ömükeyire-ged bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(17) (18) (19)

(20) (21)

perfective

-γad bayi-

perfective perfective

+ bayi- -γsan bayi-

(22) namjil keüked-iyen teberi-{-gsen bayi-/-ged bayi-}-na.

-ACC(REF) -ASP-TEN

(23) bilig tere sandali-du saγu-{-γsan bayi-/-γad bayi-}-na.

-DAT -ASP-TEN

(22), (23) -γsan bayi- -γad bayi-

(22) -γad bayi-

-γsan bayi-

(17) (21) -γad bayi- (8)

(17) (21) -γad bayi-

-γad

bayi-

-γad bayi-

(telic verb) (9)

-γad bayi- -γad bayi-

(atelic verb)

-γad

bayi-

(24) batu cimayi jodo-γad bayi-na.

(ACC) -ASP-TEN

(25) ariγuna γool -du umba-γad bayi-na.

-DAT -ASP-TEN

(26) batu güyü-ged bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(27) batu nom-i ungsi-γad bayi-na.

-ACC -ASP-TEN

(8) Dugarova and Jaxontova (1988: 217-220) -γsan bayi- -γad bayi-

(perfect) (2002) -γsan bayi- -γad bayi-

-γsan bayi--γad bayi-

-γsan bayi- -γad bayi-

(9) telic atelic Garey (1957), Dahl (1981)

(28) bi tegün-i mede-ged bayi-na.

(NOM) -Acc -ASP-TEN

(29) batu ger -tegen bayi-γad bayi-na.

-DAT(REF) -ASP-TEN

(24) (29) (24) (29) -γad bayi-

iterative

-γad la bayi-

-γad bayi- la (10)

(30) bilig masin terge-dü saγu-γad la bayi-na.

-DAT -ASP-TEN

(31) bilig nom-un sang-du oci-γad la bayi-na.

-DAT -ASP-TEN

(30) (31)

(10) la 1986: 208

1991: 462

(2001) -γad la bayi- la

-γad bayi- -γad

la bayi- -γad la bayi-

3.1.2.

-γad bayi-

-γad

bayi-

(32a) batu güyü-ged bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(32b) batu surγaγuli-du kür-tele güyü-ged bayi-na.

-DAT -TER -ASP-TEN

(33a) batu nom-i ungsi-γad bayi-na.

-ACC -ASP-TEN

(33b) batu tere nom-i ekin-ece γurban qaγudasu

-ACC -ABL

ungsi-γad bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(32a), (33a)(11)

(32b)

(33b)

(32b), (33b) -γad bayi-

-γad bayi-

(11) Vendler (1967) (2000: 31-32)

3.2. -ju bayi-

-ju bayi-

(2) Song (1995, 1997)

Song (1995, 1997) -ju bayi-

3.2.1.

(34a) yeke salki salkila-na.

-(ASP)-TEN

(34b) yeke salki salkila-ju bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(35a) batu nom-i ungsi-na.

-ACC -(ASP)-TEN

(35b) batu nom-i ungsi-ju bayi-na.

-ACC -ASP-TEN

(34a) (34b)

(35a)

(35b)

(34b), (35b) -ju bayi-

-ju bayi-

(progressive) (imperfective)

-ju

bayi-

-ju bayi-

3.2.2.

(36) namjil qubcasu-ban emüs-cü bayi-na.

-ACC(REF) -ASP-TEN

(37) egüde negege-gde-jü bayi-na.

-PAS-ASP-TEN

(36), (37) (36)

(37)

-ju bayi-

(36), (37)

(36a) (36b)

(36a) namjil mongγol debel-iyen emüs-cü bayi-na.

-ACC(REF) -ASP-TEN

(36b) namjil toli-yin emüne qubcasu-ban emüs-cü bayi-na.

-GEN -ACC(REF) -ASP-TEN

Song (1995, 1997) -ju bayi-

(telic verb)

Song (1995, 1997)

Song

(1995, 1997) (38), (39) -ju bayi-

(38) namjil keüked-iyen teberi-jü bayi-na.

-ACC(REF) -ASP-TEN

(39) bilig tere sandali-du saγu-ju bayi-na.

-DAT -ASP-TEN

-γad bayi-

teberi- saγu-

-γad bayi-

(38), (39) -ju bayi-(12)

(40) bilig nom-un sang-du oci-ju bayi-na.

-DAT -ASP-TEN

(41) erdeni sine ger-iyen bari-ju bayi-na.

-ACC(REF) -ASP-TEN

(40), (41) (40)

(41) (40),

(41) -ju bayi- (40’)

(40’) * bilig nigente nom-un sang-du oci-ju bayi-na.

-DAT -ASP-TEN

(40’) nigente

(12) Song (1997) (39)

(39)-qu gejü bayi-na

Song (1997)

-ju bayi-

Song (1995, 1997)

Song (1995, 1997)

Telic A Telic B

-ju bayi- Telic B

(42) Telic A ///////////////////

Telic B /////////////////// ////////////////////

Song (1995, 1997) (40) oci- (41) bari-

Telic A (40), (41) Song

(1995, 1997)

(43) * minu abu ükü-jü bayi-na.

(GEN) -ASP-TEN

(44) * qoyar baraγan terge mörgüldü-jü bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(45) ariγuna qurimla-ju bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(43), (44)

(43),

(44)(13) (45)

(13) (43), (44)

(a)

Song (1995, 1997)

(43) (45) Telic A (43)

(45)

(43) ükü-

Song (1995, 1997)

Song (1995, 1997)

-ju bayi- Telic A

Telic B (14)

3.2.3.

(46) bi tegün-i mede-jü bayi-na.

(NOM) -ACC -ASP-TEN

(b)

(a) olan cerig ükü-jü bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(b) qoyar üker mörgüldü-jü bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(14) Song (1997) Telic B (reflexive) (43) (45)

-ju bayi-

(47) batu cimayi qayirla-ju bayi-na.

(ACC) -ASP-TEN

(48) radio abdara degere bayi-ju bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(49) bi oyutan bayi-ju bayi-na.

(NOM) -ASP-TEN

(50) tere bayising sayiqan bayi-ju bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(46) (50) -ju bayi- (46) (50) -ju bayi-

(46) mede-ne

mede-jü bayi-na -ju

bayi- (stative verb)

(48) (50)

-ju bayi-

-ju bayi- (51a)

(51a) (51b)

(51a) * bi baγatur bayi-ju bayi-na.

(NOM) -ASP-TEN

(51b) bi baγatur (bayi-na).

(NOM) (be-TEN)

(49) (49) (51)(15)

(15) (49)

bi oyutan bayi-na

(49)

3.2.4.

-ju bayi-

-ju bayi-

(progressive) (imperfective)

-ju bayi- -ju bayi-

-ju bayi-

-ju bayi-

Street (1963) (durative)(16)

-γad bayi-

(52) namjil keüked-iyen teberi-{-jü bayi-/-ged bayi-}-na.

-ACC(REF) -ASP-TEN

(53) bilig tere sandali-du saγu-{-ju bayi-/-γad bayi-}-na.

-DAT -ASP-TEN

(52), (53) -ju bayi- -γad bayi-

-ju bayi- -γad bayi-

Song (1995, 1997) Telic B

Telic A -ju bayi- -γad bayi-

(16) Song (1997)

-ju bayi- Progressive Song (1997:379-380) -ju bayi- Song (1997) continuous

continuous (cross-linguis-tic)

3.3. -γsaγar bayi-

-γsaγar bayi- -ju bayi-

3.3.1.

(54) yeke salki salkila-{-ju bayi-/-γsaγar bayi-}-na.

-ASP-TEN

(55) batu nom-i ungsi-{-ju bayi-/-γsaγar bayi-}-na.

-ACC -ASP-TEN

(54), (55) -γsaγar bayi- -ju bayi- -γsaγar

bayi- (54) -ju

bayi- -γsaγar bayi-

(4)

-γsaγar bayi-

3.3.2.

(56) namjil keüked-iyen teberi-{-jü bayi-/-gseger bayi-}-na.

-ACC(REF) -ASP-TEN

(57) bilig tere sandali-du saγu-{-ju bayi-/-γsaγar bayi-}-na.

-DAT -ASP-TEN

(56), (57) -γsaγar bayi- -ju bayi- -γsaγar

bayi- (54), (55) (56)

-ju bayi-

-γsaγar bayi-

-γsaγar bayi- -ju bayi-

(58) namjil qubcasu-ban emüsü-gseger bayi-na.

-ACC(REF) -ASP-TEN

(59) egüde negege-gde-gseger bayi-na.

-PAS-ASP-TEN

(58), (59) -γsaγar bayi-

-γsaγar bayi- Song (1995, 1997) Telic

B (60), (61) Telic A(17)

(60) bilig nom-un sang-du oci-γsaγar bayi-na.

-DAT -ASP-TEN

(61) erdeni sine ger-iyen bari-γsaγar bayi-na.

-ACC(REF) -ASP-TEN

(62) *minu abu ükü-gseger bayi-na.

(GEN) -ASP-TEN

(63) * qoyar baraγan terge mörgüldü-gseger bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(64) * ariγuna qurimla-γsaγar bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(17) -γsaγar bayi- -ju bayi-

(59)

(62), (63) -ju bayi-(18) (64) qurimla-

-ju bayi-

-γsaγar bayi-

3.3.3.

(65) batu cimayi qayirla-γsaγar bayi-na.

(ACC) -ASP-TEN

(66) radio abdara degere bayi-γsaγar bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(67) bi oyutan bayi-γsaγar bayi-na.

(NOM) -ASP-TEN

(68) tere bayising sayiqan bayi-γsaγar bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(65) (68) -γsaγar bayi-

(18) (62), (63) -ju bayi-

-γsaγar bayi--ju bayi- (a)

(b)

(a) olan cerig ükü-gseger bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

(b) qoyar üker mörgüldü-gseger bayi-na.

-ASP-TEN

3.3.4.

-γsaγar bayi-

-γsaγar bayi- -ju bayi-

-ju bayi-

-γsaγar bayi-

-ju bayi- -γsaγar bayi-

-γsaγar bayi-(19)

4.

4.1.

+ bayi-

(69)

Telic A

Telic B

-ju bayi-

-γad bayi-

-γad bayi-

(19) -γsaγar bayi-

(2000: 74-75) (2004)

-ju bayi-

Telic A Telic B -ju bayi-

Telic A Telic

B (70)

(70)

Telic A Telic B

-γad bayi-

-ju bayi-

-γsaγar bayi-

(69)

(71)

(71) bayi- mede- qayirla- etc.

ajilla- güyü- iniye- jodo-

naγad- salkila- umda- ungsi-

uuγu- etc.

Telic A ala- bari- ire- kür-

mörgüldü- oci- qayila-

qurimla- tura- una- ükü-

etc.

Telic B emüs- negegegde- teberi-

saγu- etc.

4.2.

-ju bayi- -γad bayi- -γsaγar bayi-

(72) (20)

-na -ju bayi-na -γad bayi-na -γsaγar bayi-na

-ba -ju bayi-ba -γad bayi-ba -γsaγar bayi-ba

-jai -ju bayi-jai -γad bayi-jai -γsaγar bayi-jai

-la -ju bayi-la -γad bayi-la -γsaγar bayi-la

-ju bayi-

-γad bayi-

(73)

-ju bayi- -γad bayi-

(-ju bayi-)

(74)

-ju bayi-

(75)

-ju bayi-

(20) -na -ba -jai -la

-ba -jai -la (1993), Song (1997)

(76)

-ju bayi-

-γad bayi- -γsaγar

bayi- -ju bayi-

+ bayi-

-daγ bayi- (21)

(77)

⇒ -γad bayi- ?

⇒ -daγ bayi- ?

4.3.

Song (1997) -ju bayi-

Telic B -ju bayi-

-ju bayi-

(21) -daγ bayi- 宋在穆 (1997)

Abbreviation

ablative: ABL accusative: ACC aspectual marker: ASP dative-locative: DAT

genetive: GEN nominative: NOM passive voice: PAS reflexive: REF

temporal marker: TEN terminative gerund: TER

130 2005 6

(2002) , :

(2002) :

243-270, :

Binnick, Robert I. (1979) Modern Mongolian: A Transformational Syntax,

Toronto, Buffalo, London: University of Toronto Press.

Bosson, James E. (1964) Modern Mongolian: A Primer and Reader, Uralic and

Altaic Series 38, Indiana University Publications.

(1995) , :

Comrie, Bernard (1976) Aspect, Cambridge University Press.

Comrie, Bernard (1981) Aspect and Voice: Some Reflections on Perfect and

Passive, Tense and Aspect, Syntax and Semantics 14: 65-78, New York:

Academic Press.

Dahl, Östen (1981) On the Definition of the Telic-Atelic (Bouned-Nonbounded)

Distinction, Tense and Aspect, Syntax and Semantics 14: 79-90, New York:

Academic Press.

(1983) , :

Dugarova, Galina S. and Natalia S. Jaxontova (1988) Resultative and Perfect in

Mongolian, Typology of Resultative Constructions, edited by Vladimir P.

Nedjalkov, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Co.

Hangin, John G. (1968) Basic Course in Mongolian, Uralic and Altaic Series 73,

Indiana University Publications.

(1993)

104: 1-20.

(2004) 14: 149-165.

(1993) , :

Garey, Howard B. (1957) Verbal Aspect in French, Language 33-2: 91-110,

Linguistic Society of America.

(1990) (Ⅰ) 29,

(1992) (Ⅱ) 35,

(2000) 2, :

(1995)

, :

(1989) 2: 1426-1434, :

(1992) 4: 517-526, :

Maslov, Jurij S. (1988) Resultative, perfect, and aspect, Typology of Resultative

Constructions, edited by Vladimir P. Nedjalkov, Amsterdam/Philadelphia:

John Benjamins Publishing Co.

(1986) , :

Poppe, Nikolaus (1951) Khalkha-Mongolische Grammatik, Wiesbaden: Franz

Steiner Verlag Gmbh.

Poppe, Nicholas (1954) Grammar of Written Mongolian, Wiesbaden: Otto

Harrassowitz.

(1991) , :

(2001)

22: 15-23.

Sanzheyev G. D. (1973) The Modern Mongolian Language, Moscow: Nauka

Publishing House.

E. (2001) , :

Song, Jae-mog (1995) Progressives in Korean and Khalkha Mongolian, Working

Papers in Linguistics & Phonetics 5: 251-270, School of Oriental and

African Studies, University of London.

Song, Jae-mog (1997) Tense, Aspect and Modality in Khalkha Mongolian,

Dissertation, University of London.

宋在穆 (1997) 할하 몽골어 습관상 (Habitual) 동명사 어미 -dag 에

대한 어휘적 제약 언어학 21: 139-155.

Street, John C. (1963) Khalkha Structure, Bloomington: Indiana University

Publications.

(2003) , :

(1985) , :

Vendler, Zeno (1967) Verbs and Times, Linguistics in Philosophy, Ithaca, New

York: Cornell University Press.

Aspectual Meanings and Verbal Telicity in Modern Mongolian

MATSUOKA, Yuta

(Graduate School of Humanities, Kyushu University)

In this paper, I provide a systematic account of the aspectual meanings of the

modern Mongolian converb+bayi- forms (-ju bayi-, -γad bayi-, and -γsaγar bayi-)

and highlight issues in the description in previous studies. The form -ju bayi-

has three meanings: progress, result, and state. The form -γad bayi- only expresses

the result in the case of a single action and state. The form -γsaγar bayi- has the

same meaning as -ju bayi- qualitatively, but the meaning of -γsaγar bayi- is

different from that of -ju bayi- quantitatively in that the former expresses an action

and state that extend over a prolonged period of time.

In this paper, I also argue that the aspectual meanings of the three forms can

be predicted by the lexcial meaning of the verb that they combine with, and

propose an aspectual classification for modern Mongolian verbs. Firstly,

Mongolian verbs are divided into stative and actual verbs, and I call the verbs for

which the form -ju bayi- has the same meaning as the morphologically unmarked

form stative verbs. Secondly, the actual verbs are sub-divided into telic and

atelic verbs, and I call the verbs for which the form -γad bayi- has a resultative

meaning telic verbs. Conversely, verbs of the -γad bayi- form that do not have the

resultative meaning are called atelic verbs. Thirdly, telic verbs are sub-divided

into telic A and telic B, and I call the verbs for which -ju bayi- can express

resultativeness telic A, while the verbs for which the form -ju bayi- cannot express

resultativeness telic B.

2007 2 28 2007 5 15