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1 FEBRUARY 2021 CURRENT AFFAIRS MAGAZINE VISHNUIAS.COM WE PROVIDE A PATH FOR YOUR SUCCESS CURRENT AFFAIRS A MAGAZINE FOR CIVIL SERVICES PREPARATION (Welcome To Vishnu IAS online ) (Research and Training Institute for the best civil services preparation in India) Telegram link https://t.me/vishnuiasmentor http://vishnuias.com/ (+91-7702170025)

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1

FEBRUARY 2021 CURRENT AFFAIRS MAGAZINE

VISHNUIAS.COM WE PROVIDE A PATH FOR YOUR SUCCESS

CURRENT AFFAIRS A MAGAZINE FOR CIVIL SERVICES PREPARATION

(Welcome To Vishnu IAS online )

(Research and Training Institute for the best civil services preparation in India)

Telegram link – https://t.me/vishnuiasmentor http://vishnuias.com/

(+91-7702170025)

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www.vishnuias.com (+91-7702170025) 2

GS 2 : Polity, Governance, International Relations

1. Building a robust healthcare system

Context:

The article written by former health secretary to Tamil Nadu, R Poornalingam discusses the need to focus on a robust public healthcare system and suggests suitable measures in this direction.

Background:

The COVID-19 pandemic has brought to light the importance of a strong public health system. There has been a growing emphasis on the need to revamp the public health system quickly so as to be better prepared to handle any similar emergencies in the future.

Details:

High variation in health parameters among the states:

The efficacy of the public health system in India varies widely across the

country since it is a State subject. An analysis of certain health parameters such as Infant Mortality Rate,

Maternal Mortality Ratio and Total Fertility Rate can indicate the variation

of public health quality in the different states of India.

The northern States are performing very poorly in the above vital health

parameters. o In Madhya Pradesh, the number of infant deaths for every 1,000 live

births is as high as 48 compared to seven in Kerala. o In U.P. the Maternal Mortality Ratio is 197 compared to Kerala’s 42

and Tamil Nadu’s 63. o The percentage of deliveries by untrained personnel is very high in

Bihar, 190 times that of Kerala. o Total Fertility Rate is very high in Bihar (3.2) against the stabilisation

rate of 2.1. Tamil Nadu and Kerala have done so well that their population will decline over the years.

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Concerns:

Poor health indicators:

Some of these States are performing so poorly that they are comparable to

the poorest countries in the world, pulling down the average for India.

India may fail to achieve SDG-3:

India failed to achieve the earlier Millennium Development Goals because of the poor performance of the northern States.

It is doubtful whether India will be able to achieve Goal 3 (good health

and well-being) of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

Lack of accountability on the poorly performing states:

There is no existing mechanism to hold the poorly performing states responsible and accountable for their performance.

The State governments too themselves are indifferent to their poor performance.

The poor performance has been despite the fact that Finance Commissions

have been pouring non-Plan funds into these States in addition to substantial Plan allocation from the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare for the Empowered Action Group States. More money has not

produced better results.

Wrong approach:

The Central government seems to be satisfied with the all India averages

for the health parameters which are somewhat reasonable thanks to the excellent performance of well-governed States.

This is a skewed approach given that meaningful development would

require equitable health opportunities for all.

Accentuate the existing inequalities:

The existing inequalities will only increase without equitable access to quality health and life opportunities for the people in the poorer states. Unless they give health the highest priority, rapid improvement is not possible.

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This would have a detrimental impact on poverty, example-the high TFR in states would lead to over population and can contribute to further poverty.

Unequal access to healthcare will only increase the wealth of the already wealthy and accentuate income disparity.

Way forward:

Focusing on the low performing states:

The governments — both at the Centre and the Empowered Action Group States — should take steps to bring these States on a par with the southern States.

There is the need to hold the Empowered Action Group States accountable to the SDGs. They must be asked to reach the levels of the southern States

within three to five years.

States to lead the efforts:

Since health is a State subject, the primary onus lies with the State governments. Each State government must focus on public health and aim

to improve the vital health indicators discussed above first.

Political will:

An enlightened political leadership which is interested in the health and well-being of the people is the need of the hour. Persistent and focused efforts at the highest level of government are needed.

When state governments are focused on health and the district health administrations are held accountable, performance is bound to improve.

Only clear focus and better governance can help improve the public health

system in India.

Focus on preventive health care:

Preventive public healthcare systems offer the most efficient and low cost, high impact intervention when it comes to the domain of healthcare

in India. The governments must focus on this strategy.

Primacy to public healthcare system:

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An important measure that can make a difference is a public health set-up in these States that addresses primary and preventive health.

Investing in health is the primary responsibility of any government. The governments must give health its due importance through sufficient resource allocation.

2. Why did the military stage a coup?

Context:

Recently, Myanmar’s Election Commission rejected allegations by the military that fraud played a significant role in determining the outcome of elections, in

which Aung San Suu Kyi’s party won the majority of seats.

Details:

Tensions were rising between the Army and the National League for Democracy (NLD) since the latter swept the polls.

Myanmar’s powerful military chief had raised doubts about the election results even before the polls were held.

NLD swept the polls by winning almost 80% of the vote. The USDP did not accept the result. The military backed the USDP’s

allegations of fraud, without offering any evidence. However, Myanmar’s Election Commission rejected allegations by the

military. Hours before the new Parliament was to convene, the Generals moved into

action. They detained State Counsellor Suu Kyi, President and other top leaders; declared a state of emergency for a year; and took power in their hands.

Now, Myanmar, which started a fragile transition to democracy 10 years ago after decades of military dictatorship, is back in the hands of the

Generals.

Background:

The political climate in the junta-led Myanmar started changing around 2010.

In 2008, the military had written a new Constitution that made sure the Generals’ interests would be protected even if there is a transition.

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Than Shwe, who had been ruling the country since 1992, shook up the power structure, promoted young soldiers who were loyal to him and conducted elections under the new Constitution.

The NLD, which had not recognised the Constitution, boycotted the 2010 election, which the USDP won.

In the next five years, the Army loosened its grip on the government and society. Political prisoners, including Ms. Suu Kyi, were released. Media censorship was eased.

Suu Kyi’s party also changed its earlier position and accepted the Constitution.

The NLD won the 2015 election, and formed the government, raising hopes that the country is on its way to full transition to democracy.

Issues:

The 2008 Constitution has enough clauses to prevent transition into a democracy. According to the Constitution, the President must have military experience and he himself, his spouse or children “shall not be subject of a foreign power or citizen of a foreign country”.

o Suu Kyi, whose two sons are British citizens, cannot become President.

The Constitution also mandates that the Defence and Interior Ministries be controlled by the military.

25% of the total seats in Parliament (166 out of the 664-member house) are reserved for the military, giving it a veto over any move to change the Constitution.

o Even when the Army allowed power to be transferred to an elected government, it made sure that it would continue to drive defence and internal security policies, and that the USDP, its political vehicle, has an edge over other parties in elections with the reserved seats in Parliament.

What Army wants?

The timing of the coup is self-explanatory. It unfolded hours before the new Parliament was scheduled to convene.

The 2020 elections were held after the Army launched a brutal crackdown on Rohingya in Rakhine State, which forced over 7,00,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee Myanmar.

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The 2015 and 2020 election results showed the growing popularity of Ms. Suu Kyi and the unpopularity of the military.

Tensions have been rising between the NLD and the military ever since the

November 2020 election.

What’s next?

The Army says it has declared the emergency as the NLD government failed to act on its complaints on voter fraud.

The NLD has called for protests against the coup. But Ms. Suu Kyi’s popularity and an energised NLD that was in power for

five years would be an impediment for them. And their own unpopularity,

a burden.

Global Reaction:

The U.S. has reacted harshly. India has expressed deep concerns. It is apparent that the Generals won’t face any heat from Beijing. This

means, they could circumvent pressure from the U.S., even economic sanctions, by moving closer to China, which is already making huge

investments in Myanmar.

3. No to vaccine nationalism, yes to global cooperation

The pandemic has spared no country and everyone needs access to vaccines. With vaccine diplomacy being a hot topic of discussion worldwide, the article talks about the need for coordinated international efforts to bring COVID-19 under control.

How is vaccine production and distribution being managed?

The expectation that an early vaccination will bring back normalcy and a required push to economic growth fuelled many advanced countries to engage in vaccine battles.

While the leading and advanced countries have been mindlessly selfish in amassing approved vaccines, it is the Global South countries, India and China, which have provided a ray of hope to most countries.

82% of Pfizer’s production in 2021 and 78% of Moderna’s have already been advance-purchased by rich countries.

Advance Purchase Contracts:

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o According to data compiled by Duke University, in their quest for ensuring vaccine security, the advance purchase contracts have been entered into by some advanced countries.

o These contracts would vaccinate their population many times: the European Union, two times, the United States and the United

Kingdom, four times, and Canada, six times.

India’s role in ensuring global cooperation for COVID-19 vaccination:

While advanced countries have turned their back on the need of poor countries to access COVID-19 vaccines, India has displayed empathy to their needs.

India has taken a position that a significant percentage of the approved doses will be permitted for exports.

India also has shipped out lakhs of doses of the novel coronavirus vaccine to neighbouring countries.

o New Delhi wants to portray the exercise as yet another testament to its Neighbourhood First policy — the government is going to brand it as “Vaccine Maitri” diplomacy.

While its exports to neighbouring counties will be under grant mode, the initial shipment of vaccines to the least developed countries will be free of cost.

And, shipments of vaccines from India have already started reaching different parts of the developing world.

In a democracy, one can expect the backlash of sending vaccines abroad without vaccinating its population. However, India’s gesture was well-appreciated globally.

India’s approach only reinforces the need for having coordinated global efforts in bringing COVID-19 under control. This response manifests India’s unstinted commitment to global development and has consolidated its name as the world’s

pharmacy.

Need for global cooperation – Keeping track of Sustainable Development

Goals:

The attitude of India towards vaccinating the populations in the poorer countries has generated discussion in the richer countries about the necessity for more proactive measures to roll out vaccines to the developing nations.

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The reversal of progress on many Sustainable Development Goals, such as SDG 3 (“Ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages) could affect the health of the world population, and global growth itself.

Even before COVID-19, projections have shown that 6% of the global population would be in extreme poverty, which has gone up by 71 million.

o This has caused enormous challenges to SDG 1 (“End poverty in all its forms everywhere”).

According to estimates by the International Monetary Fund, over 50% of emerging markets and developing economies that were converging toward advanced economies’ per capita income over the last decade are expected to diverge over the 2020-22 period.

Way Forward – COVAX as a pathway:

The COVAX project is a global risk-sharing mechanism for pooled procurement and fair distribution of COVID-19 vaccines, an ambitious programme based on funding from high and middle-income countries.

Although the funding was not enough for the project, U.S. President Biden’s decision to join the project has now raised expectations significantly.

However, since high and middle-income countries are buying up large amounts of the vaccine directly from suppliers, the promise by COVAX to deliver 2 billion doses by the end of 2021 seems to face new challenges.

COVAX is a unique case of global cooperation and a strategic shift to enhance global development outcomes.

Furthermore, since most of the vaccines are purchased from the global south for developing nations, the COVAX project can draw new pathways for global development.

The lower price of the vaccines is what has attracted many commercial buyers globally, including emerging economies such as Brazil and South Africa.

The ability to produce large volumes of vaccine at an affordable cost underlines India’s importance to developing countries when it comes to drug access.

The development of vaccines is a classic story of global cooperation between the North and the South.

4. Suu Kyi charged, remanded for 2 weeks

Context:

pc
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Myanmar’s ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi has formally been charged after she was detained in a military coup, as calls for civil disobedience to oppose the coup

gathered pace.

Details:

Tensions were rising between the Army and the National League for Democracy (NLD) since the latter swept the polls.

Myanmar’s powerful military chief had raised doubts about the election results even before the polls were held.

NLD swept the polls by winning almost 80% of the vote. The USDP did not accept the result. The military backed the USDP’s

allegations of fraud, without offering any evidence. However, Myanmar’s Election Commission rejected allegations by the

military. Hours before the new Parliament was to convene, the Generals moved into

action. They detained State Counsellor Suu Kyi, President and other top leaders; declared a state of emergency for a year; and took power in their hands.

Now, Myanmar, which started a fragile transition to democracy 10 years ago after decades of military dictatorship, is back in the hands of the

Generals.

Background:

The political climate in the junta-led Myanmar started changing around 2010.

In 2008, the military had written a new Constitution that made sure the Generals’ interests would be protected even if there is a transition.

Than Shwe, who had been ruling the country since 1992, shook up the power structure, promoted young soldiers who were loyal to him and conducted elections under the new Constitution.

The NLD, which had not recognised the Constitution, boycotted the 2010 election, which the USDP won.

In the next five years, the Army loosened its grip on the government and society. Political prisoners, including Ms. Suu Kyi, were released. Media censorship was eased.

Suu Kyi’s party also changed its earlier position and accepted the Constitution.

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The NLD won the 2015 election, and formed the government, raising hopes that the country is on its way to full transition to democracy.

Issues:

The 2008 Constitution has enough clauses to prevent transition into a democracy. According to the Constitution, the President must have military experience and he himself, his spouse or children “shall not be subject of a foreign power or citizen of a foreign country”.

o Suu Kyi, whose two sons are British citizens, cannot become President.

The Constitution also mandates that the Defence and Interior Ministries be controlled by the military.

25% of the total seats in Parliament (166 out of the 664-member house) are reserved for the military, giving it a veto over any move to change the Constitution.

o Even when the Army allowed power to be transferred to an elected government, it made sure that it would continue to drive defence and internal security policies, and that the USDP, its political vehicle, has an edge over other parties in elections with the reserved seats in Parliament.

What Army wants?

The timing of the coup is self-explanatory. It unfolded hours before the new Parliament was scheduled to convene.

The 2020 elections were held after the Army launched a brutal crackdown on Rohingya in Rakhine State, which forced over 7,00,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee Myanmar.

The 2015 and 2020 election results showed the growing popularity of Ms. Suu Kyi and the unpopularity of the military.

Tensions have been rising between the NLD and the military ever since the November 2020 election.

What’s next?

The Army says it has declared the emergency as the NLD government failed to act on its complaints on voter fraud.

The NLD has called for protests against the coup.

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But Ms. Suu Kyi’s popularity and an energised NLD that was in power for five years would be an impediment for them. And their own unpopularity,

a burden.

Global Reaction:

The U.S. has reacted harshly. India has expressed deep concerns. It is apparent that the Generals won’t face any heat from Beijing. This

means, they could circumvent pressure from the U.S., even economic sanctions, by moving closer to China, which is already making huge investments in Myanmar.

5. Urban visions

Budget 2021 has recognised a core component of urbanisation with a clear focus on the expansion of Metro Rail and bus services through central funding.

Transportation and economic development:

Comfortable, safe and affordable commuting has well-recognised multiplier effects for the economy.

It has benefits, more generally for public health. o However, COVID-19 has had the perverse effect of driving people

away to the safety of the personal car and two-wheeler bubbles. When the pandemic is under control, more people will return to clean and

green mass mobility.

Provisions in the Union Budget 2021-22 to improve public transport:

Finance Minister’s announcement of Central funding for the Kochi, Chennai and Bengaluru Metro projects gives these big cities greater certainty that they can meet targets.

The impact of the proposed ₹18,000 crore plan to augment public bus transport using a PPP model that will enable private sector players to finance, acquire, operate and maintain over 20,000 buses is, however, uncertain.

As per the NITI Aayog data, India’s ratio of buses to population is a low 1.2 per 1,000 people.

o It is 8.6 in Thailand and 6.5 in South Africa.

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o Nevertheless, states like Karnataka are well ahead of the national average.

Licensed private urban bus services remain a politically sensitive topic in many States, where State monopolies coexist with unregulated paratransit.

o It will take a major effort to convince them that a bus renaissance is a good post-pandemic recovery strategy.

o The amended Motor Vehicles Act has provisions for the Centre to take the lead here.

Challenges:

Census 2011 showed that the number of Census Towns, which are urban for census purposes but not named urban local bodies, grew tremendously over a decade.

o They lack access to funding, infrastructure and capacity to meet the needs of large populations even now.

The challenge of urbanisation goes beyond standalone interventions such as Metro and bus system grants.

o State governments, which retain effective control over urban development rather than city administrations, have failed to operationalise the umbrella authorities to regulate transport.

Common mobility cards that would help citizens use bus, train and feeder networks seamlessly were largely in pilot project mode even before the pandemic.

There is valid criticism that the existing paradigm is one of “exclusionary urbanisation”, which makes Metro and bus services expensive for the majority, particularly for those forced to live in the suburbs due to housing costs, and sometimes making the per kilometre cost of using a two-wheeler

more attractive.

Way forward:

Enhanced ambition requires the Centre to work with State governments to integrate key areas with its transport vision.

Affordable inner-city housing, including rental projects, access to civic services and health care, and enhanced sustainability, greenery and walkability are needed.

All these are covered by Central budgetary schemes for cities. Only integration can bring about inclusive urbanisation.

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6. Government regulations and tech platforms

Context:

Indian Central government’s notice to Twitter.

Background:

The government had issued an order to Twitter on January 31 to block more than 250 accounts and a controversial hashtag that spoke of an impending ‘genocide’ of farmers. The government position was that the controversial hasgtag was promoting misinformation about the protests

and thus was adversely affecting public order. Though initially Twitter took down the accounts, Twitter later reinstated

the accounts and tweets on its own, contending that it found no violation of its policy.

The Indian Central government has issued a notice to Twitter for failure to comply with the government’s ‘legal demand’.

Details:

Laws governing the cyber world in India:

In India, the Information Technology Act, 2000 governs all activities related to the use of computer resources. It also covers all ‘intermediaries’.

o Intermediaries includes any person who, on behalf of another, “receives, stores or transmits” any electronic record. It includes providers of telecom service, network service, Internet service and web hosting, besides search engines, online payment and auction sites, online marketplaces and cyber cafes and also social media

platforms.

Centre’s powers:

Section 69 of the Act empowers the Central and State governments to issue directions “to intercept, monitor or decrypt any information generated, transmitted, received or stored in any computer resource”. The governments are allowed to do these on the grounds of interest in the sovereignty or integrity of India, defence of India, security of the state, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, or for preventing

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incitement to the commission of any cognisable offence relating to these, or for investigating any offence.

Section 69A also empowers the Centre to ask any agency of the government, or any intermediary, to block access to the public of any information generated, transmitted, received or stored or hosted on any

computer resource. Any such request for blocking access must be based on reasons given in writing and should be based on the established procedures and safeguards incorporated in the rules.

Obligations of intermediaries:

Intermediaries are required to preserve and retain specified information in a manner and format prescribed by the Centre for a specified duration.

When a direction is given for monitoring, interception or decryption, blocking access to the public, the intermediary, should extend required

technical assistance and must comply with the request. Failure to do so is punishable with imprisonment and fines.

Liability of the intermediary:

Though Section 79 of the Act makes it clear that “an intermediary shall not be liable for any third-party information, data, or communication link made available or hosted by him”, the exemption from liability does not apply if there is evidence that the intermediary abetted or induced the commission of the unlawful act involved.

The intermediaries have the responsibility to remove offensive content or block access to it, as soon as it is brought to their notice

Conclusion:

Co-operative and collaborative approach:

Cooperation between technology services companies and law enforcement agencies is deemed a vital part in handling the threats from the cyber

world. o The potential of the Internet and its offshoots such as mail and

messaging services and social media networks to disseminate potentially harmful content such as hate speech, rumours, inflammatory and provocative messages and child pornography, is on the rise.

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Balancing the often contradicting interests:

There is the need to balance the national security and the desire to

maintain peace and law and order situation on the part of the governments with the intermediary’s concerns about the threat of privacy

violations and online surveillance.

Using technology to counter the threats:

The intermediaries should deploy automated tools for proactively

removing or disabling public access to unlawful information, and to have a 24×7 mechanism to deal with requisitions of law enforcement.

7. An India-EU trade pact may still remain elusive

The article throws light upon how COVID-19, Brexit and international tensions have unsettled the European Union and exacerbated its internal discords.

Challenges facing the European Union:

Before COVID-19 and Brexit, the EU had the same GDP as the United States and was one of India’s major trade and investment partners.

Being the largest democracies and unions of linguistically, culturally and ethnically diverse States, both the EU and India are well suited for a special relationship.

The reality is that the current status lacks mutual chemistry. Also, the EU now finds itself in an unusually turbulent situation.

o The crises of 2020 made the structural lack of unity in the EU apparent.

o Despite its desire for greater integration, it faces obstacles from adherence to the rule of law to a strategy for dealing with China, Russia, Turkey and Iran.

o After months of tortuous negotiation over Hungary and Poland’s objections, member States finally agreed on a long-term budget and a COVID-19 recovery package of $2 trillion.

o The two countries had opposed anti-COVID-19 support being linked to good governance, in particular, to accusations of suppression of human rights and lack of independence in the judiciary.

The Trump presidency forced Europe to reassess its relationship with America.

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o This stimulated the EU’s drive for greater self-reliance in security, economics, supply chains and climate change, and an attempt to emerge as a major global pillar alongside the United States and China.

The COVID-19 pandemic has introduced divisive vaccine nationalism into

the Union.

Shadow of Euroscepticism:

Euroscepticism is criticism of the European Union and European integration. It is the opposition to increasing the powers of the European Union.

The EU’s attempt to condition its budget on the rule of law during the pandemic and recession only sharpened the emphasis on the veto power to which every member state is entitled.

It was not only Britain that spawned a populist movement agitating to leave the EU. Europe’s many Eurosceptic parties now focus on preventing closer unity.

Elections are due in many EU states, including Germany and the Netherlands, both of which have strong Eurosceptic movements.

India-EU trade pact:

India plans to start negotiations on investment and trade agreements with the European Union (EU).

These are likely to run into the same problems as the discussions that began on a comprehensive free trade agreement in 2007. It was aborted due to differences on:

o Movement of professionals, labour, human rights and environmental issues.

o India’s high tariffs, inconsistent tax regime and non-payment of

arbitral awards.

Conclusion:

For the EU to resolve these innumerable and diverse problems without further widening existing ruptures will require enormous political will and polished

skill. Trade agreements with India will be the least of its problems.

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8. Protests sweep across Myanmar, Internet access restored partially

Context:

Tens of thousands of protesters have taken to streets across Myanmar in the

biggest anti-coup rallies yet.

Details:

Tensions were rising between the Army and the National League for Democracy (NLD) since the latter swept the polls.

Myanmar’s powerful military chief had raised doubts about the election results even before the polls were held.

NLD swept the polls by winning almost 80% of the vote. The USDP did not accept the result. The military backed the USDP’s

allegations of fraud, without offering any evidence. However, Myanmar’s Election Commission rejected allegations by the

military. Hours before the new Parliament was to convene, the Generals moved into

action. They detained State Counsellor Suu Kyi, President and other top leaders; declared a state of emergency for a year; and took power in their hands.

Now, Myanmar, which started a fragile transition to democracy 10 years ago after decades of military dictatorship, is back in the hands of the

Generals.

Background:

The political climate in the junta-led Myanmar started changing around 2010.

In 2008, the military had written a new Constitution that made sure the Generals’ interests would be protected even if there is a transition.

Than Shwe, who had been ruling the country since 1992, shook up the power structure, promoted young soldiers who were loyal to him and conducted elections under the new Constitution.

The NLD, which had not recognised the Constitution, boycotted the 2010 election, which the USDP won.

In the next five years, the Army loosened its grip on the government and society. Political prisoners, including Ms. Suu Kyi, were released. Media censorship was eased.

pc
Highlight
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Suu Kyi’s party also changed its earlier position and accepted the Constitution.

The NLD won the 2015 election, and formed the government, raising

hopes that the country is on its way to full transition to democracy.

Issues:

The 2008 Constitution has enough clauses to prevent transition into a democracy. According to the Constitution, the President must have military experience and he himself, his spouse or children “shall not be subject of a foreign power or citizen of a foreign country”.

o Suu Kyi, whose two sons are British citizens, cannot become President.

The Constitution also mandates that the Defence and Interior Ministries be controlled by the military.

25% of the total seats in Parliament (166 out of the 664-member house) are reserved for the military, giving it a veto over any move to change the Constitution.

o Even when the Army allowed power to be transferred to an elected government, it made sure that it would continue to drive defence and internal security policies, and that the USDP, its political vehicle, has an edge over other parties in elections with the reserved seats in Parliament.

What Army wants?

The timing of the coup is self-explanatory. It unfolded hours before the new Parliament was scheduled to convene.

The 2020 elections were held after the Army launched a brutal crackdown on Rohingya in Rakhine State, which forced over 7,00,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee Myanmar.

The 2015 and 2020 election results showed the growing popularity of Ms. Suu Kyi and the unpopularity of the military.

Tensions have been rising between the NLD and the military ever since the

November 2020 election.

What’s next?

The Army says it has declared the emergency as the NLD government failed to act on its complaints on voter fraud.

The NLD has called for protests against the coup.

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But Ms. Suu Kyi’s popularity and an energised NLD that was in power for five years would be an impediment for them. And their own unpopularity,

a burden.

Global Reaction:

The U.S. has reacted harshly. India has expressed deep concerns. It is apparent that the Generals won’t face any heat from Beijing. This

means, they could circumvent pressure from the U.S., even economic sanctions, by moving closer to China, which is already making huge investments in Myanmar.

9. The cost of Internet shutdowns

Context:

Farmer protests calling for the withdrawal of farm laws introduced by the government has become a part of our national and international discourse. Also, plenty of concerns have been raised on the manner in which the Centre introduced the Bills and its actions towards countering the movement have

raised plenty of concerns.

Details:

A principal concern among these has been the recurrent shutdowns of Internet services around many border areas of NCR ordered by the Ministry of Home Affairs.

For India, unfortunately, internet blockages are not new. India shuts down Internet services more than any other democracy in the

world. o The past four years have seen over 400 such shutdowns.

Jammu and Kashmir saw the longest Internet shutdown across the world since the abrogation of Article 370 in the erstwhile State.

o Digital services were partially restored after a long period of 223 days.

Concerns:

Many, including UN rights groups, termed the internet shutdowns as o a form of collective punishment for people.

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o an overreach of governments on citizens’ rights and liberties. Currently, Indian laws have vague provisions for suspending

telecommunication services, including the Internet, during times of public

emergencies, or, if required, for protecting the public interest.

Impact of Internet shutdown:

Impact during the pandemic:

The impact of shutdowns becomes even more pronounced during a pandemic.

o During the COVID-19 outbreak, the ones with good connectivity and know-how of digital tools were able to carry on with their lives with relatively fewer disruptions.

o The ones without digital literacy or connectivity found themselves completely left out of all social and economic systems.

Blanket bans on digital connectivity during the COVID-19 crisis may breed deep-rooted societal difficulties.

o The most vulnerable among us may be cut off from health and welfare alerts.

o There could be breaks in vital digital services, including those currently being used by hospitals to monitor the well-being of their patients at risk of infection, including the elderly, and pregnant women.

o Students may lose access to avenues of learning as classes shift online.

o Journalists may find it impossible to do ground-reporting from already volatile areas.

Massive Losses:

Internet shutdowns will freeze economic activity in affected areas and cause large-scale disruptions in economic output.

Today, almost all white-collar employment sectors are encouraging their employees to work from home.

India is estimated to have lost over ₹20,000 crore in 2020 because of Internet shutdowns.

Supreme Court ruling:

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In 2020, the Supreme Court had declared that the right to access the Internet is one of our fundamental rights, alongside the freedom to carry on any trade, business or occupation over the medium of the Internet,

under Article 19 of the Constitution.

Conclusion and Way Forward:

Despite the costs and inconveniences involved, the shutdowns, on very rare occasions, do become necessary evils. However, it is hard to classify the ones initiated by the Central government in recent years under those categories.

As the pace of globalisation, digitisation and connectivity accelerate, balancing civil liberties with security concerns will become an increasingly difficult task.

Governments must find a way other than digital curbs to balance civil liberties and security.

Internet bans should be a last resort and must be enforced following well-formulated protocols.

Emergency response and relief systems for the vulnerable have to then work in parallel.

Upgrading cyber divisions of law enforcement agencies with new-age innovations may offer several alternatives.

o The use of some of these technologies, including mass surveillance systems and communication interceptors, also presents its own ethical dilemmas.

Governments, especially in democracies, will have to create modern, independent institutions that have the authority and expertise to create frameworks that meet these challenges, without falling back on measures

that result in state overreach.

10. First steps in the journey to universal health care

Context:

For India, the lesson from COVID-19 demands setting forth on a steady and

incremental path to universal health coverage.

Budgetary allocations:

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The Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare budget for 2021-22 saw a 10.2% increase over the Budget estimate (BE) of 2020-21.

A corpus of ₹64,180 crore over six years has been set aside under the PM Atma Nirbhar Swasth Bharat Yojana (PMANSBY) for strengthening health institutions

₹13,192 crore have been allocated as a Finance Commission grant.

These could make the first steps of a journey that steadily builds towards sustainable universal health coverage through the incremental strengthening of grass-root-level institutions and processes.

Universal Health Coverage through Insurance:

Large expenditure projections and time constraints involved in the input-based strengthening of public health care have inspired the shift to the insurance route for achieving universal health coverage.

However, insurance does not provide a magic formula for expanding health care with measly levels of public spending.

Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY):

The BE for the Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY) has stagnated at ₹6,400 crore for the current and the preceding couple of years. This should be a cause of concern.

o PM-JAY covers over 50 crore poor Indians for hospital expenses up to ₹5 lakh per annum.

o Available estimates have pegged the costs to be between ₹62,000 crore and ₹1,08,000 crore for 2021, if PM-JAY is to meet its stated commitments.

Comprehensive primary care:

About 1.5 lakh Health and Wellness Centres offering a comprehensive range of primary health-care services are to be operationalised until December 2022.

Of these, about 1.2 lakh would be upgraded as sub-health centres and the remaining would be primary health centres and urban primary health centres.

Initially, most States prioritised primary health centres/urban primary health centres for upgradation over sub-health centres, since the former required fewer additional investments.

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However, now, this offers huge cost projections — as per early (conservative) estimates, turning a sub-health centre into a health and wellness centre would require around ₹17.5 lakh, and around ₹8 lakh

annually to run it thereafter.

Concerns:

Since 2018-19, when the health and wellness centre initiative began, allocations have not kept pace with the rising targets each year.

Making do with meagre spending year after year means that the scheme benefits are being spread out too narrowly or too thin.

This implies the inability to afford enough protection against catastrophic health expenses to the poor.

Beyond low allocations, poor budget reliability calls for attention. Continuing the expansion of health and wellness centres without enough

funding would mean that the full range of promised services will not be available, thus rendering the mission to be more of a re-branding exercise.

Under-funding would waste an opportunity for the health and wellness centre initiative to at least partially redress the traditional rural-urban dichotomy by strengthening curative primary care in rural areas.

Another related issue is the persistent and large discrepancies between official coverage figures and survey figures across Indian States, indicating that official public health insurance coverage fails to translate into actual coverage on the ground.

o This is particularly intriguing for forward States such as Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Karnataka, where state-level public health insurance schemes have been operational for around a decade.

Also, high actual coverage cannot be equated with effective financial protection.

o For example, Andhra Pradesh has among the highest public health insurance coverage scores but still has an out-of-pocket spending share much above the national average.

o In contrast, Himachal Pradesh (H.P.) with a much lower public

health insurance coverage has a lower out-of-pocket expenditure.

Way forward:

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Additional funding under the PMANSBY and Finance Commission grants are reassuring, but a greater focus on rural health and wellness centres is a must.

Robust research into the implementational issues responsible for discrepancies and addressing them is warranted.

Alongside the availability of funds, there is a need for robust institutional capacity to assimilate those funds.

India must not attempt a sudden and giant leap. o This is important because enough evidence exists on weak fund-

absorbing capacities particularly in the backward States. o At times, such unused funds have been to the tune of over half of

the State’s public health expenditure. It demands investing gradually but steadily in public health infrastructure

and manpower.

11. Ousting Trump

Context:

The unsavoury incident of supporters of the outgoing US President Donald Trump mobbing the Capitol has led to calls for the removal of U.S.

President Donald Trump before the swearing-in ceremony of Joe Biden.

Details:

Democrats have renewed their efforts to oust Mr Trump from office, following the recent mob incident.

Two possible scenarios have been suggested for getting Mr Trump removed, the exercise of the 25th Amendment of the Constitution or impeachment.

What does the Amendment say?

The 25th Amendment lays out the provisions for a transfer of power from a US president who dies, resigns, is removed from office or for other reasons is unable to fulfil his or her duties.

The first three sections deal with when a president resigns, dies or becomes ill or temporarily incapacitated.

The fourth section provides a multistep process for the vice president and a majority of the officials who lead executive agencies — commonly thought of as the cabinet — to declare that the president is “unable to

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discharge the powers and duties of his office.” That process ultimately requires a two-thirds vote of both houses of Congress.

However, in the present scenario, Vice-President Mike Pence does not look

interested in taking the 25th amendment route.

Operation of the amendment

Invoking the 25th amendment would require Congress to set up a special commission to determine that the President is unable to discharge his duties.

Since such a step is unprecedented, Congress will not be in favour of committing to such a step.

The Congress will also have the responsibility to decide the composition of the special commission, and along with it, it will also have to lay down the modalities for making such a determination.

In addition, it will be difficult to convene the Senate to take up the issue of this special commission.

Further, even if the Cabinet decides on the competency of Mr Trump, he can resume his powers and duties by mere transmission to the two Houses his written declaration that no inability exists.

He also has the power to dismiss the principal officers who supported the initial declaration.

The majority of the Cabinet, as it stands, or the special committee can again transmit to the house another fresh declaration that the President is unable to discharge his powers and duties, for the Vice-President to again assume the powers and duties of the President.

For him to continue, however, it would have to be supported by a two-thirds majority of both the Houses.

Taking into consideration all the legal procedure, the prospect of the removal of Mr Trump from the presidency through the 25th Amendment before January 20 is highly improbable, if not impossible.

What about impeachment?

The House of Representatives can set up the articles of impeachment and pass it without any difficulty.

However, the impeachment trial would have to take place in the Senate, it will not be able to act on the articles of impeachment received from the House without agreement from all the 100 senators before January 19.

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Therefore, no substantive action can be taken to remove Mr Trump from office before January 20, on which day the President-elect will be sworn in.

The charges which Mr Trump will likely to face is “inciting violence against the government of the United States” in an attempt to overturn his election loss to Mr Biden.

Conclusion:

The US constitution provides for Mr Trump to be impeached after he vacates his office, thus time available is not a constraint.

Most constitutional lawyers agree that an ex-President can be impeached, which would have the effect of preventing him from running for the presidency again

However, it is widely believed that impeaching President Donald Trump with only a few days remaining in his presidency would not yield rich dividends and can possibly divide the country further, what is the need of the hour is peaceful transition of power.

12. NDMA Guidelines to Tackle Glacial Bursts

Why in News

A Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF) is suspected to have caused the flash

floods in Chamoli district of Uttarakhand.

In October 2020, the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) had issued detailed guidelines on how to reduce and deal with disasters caused by GLOFs/Glacial Bursts.

The NDMA guidelines suggest that risk reduction can be done by identifying and mapping potentially dangerous lakes, taking structural

measures to prevent their sudden breach, and establishing mechanisms to save lives and property in times of a breach.

Key Points

Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF): o Meaning:

A GLOF refers to the flooding that occurs when the water

dammed by a glacier or a moraine (accumulations of dirt and rocks fallen onto the glacier surface) is released suddenly.

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When glaciers melt, the water in glacial lakes accumulates behind loose, natural “glacial/moraine dams” made of ice, sand, pebbles and ice residue.

Unlike earthen dams, the weak structure of the moraine dam leads to the abrupt breach of the dam on top of the glacial

lake which could cause flash floods in the downstream areas. o Causes:

According to NDMA, glacial retreat due to climate change occurring in most parts of the Hindu Kush Himalaya has given rise to the formation of numerous new glacial lakes, which are the major cause of GLOFs.

Glacial Lakes: o About:

Glacial lakes are typically formed at the foot of a glacier. As glaciers move and flow, they erode the soil and sediment

around them, leaving depressions and grooves on the land. Meltwater from the glacier fills up the hole, making a lake.

o Types: Lakes form when meltwater ponds, and this can happen on

the ice surface (supraglacial lakes), in front of the ice

(proglacial lakes), or even underneath the ice (subglacial lakes).

o Impact: Glacier lakes can affect ice flow by reducing friction at the ice-

bed interface, encouraging basal sliding. They can change the albedo of the ice surface, encouraging

more surface melt. Proglacial lakes cause calving, which affects mass balance and

can decouple mountain glaciers from climate. Glacier lakes can be hazardous; moraine and ice dams can fail,

causing catastrophic glacier lake outburst floods or jokulhlaups.

o Increase in Number of Glacial Lakes: According to recent studies, there has been a rapid increase

in the number of glacial lakes due to a retreat in the glaciers caused by warming temperatures (due to global warming), and their potential to cause large scale flooding and destruction.

The Kedarnath tragedy in 2013, for example, had involved a breach in a large glacial lake.

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According to a study sponsored by the Central Water

Commission (CWC), conducted during 2011-15, there are 352, 283 and 1,393 glacial lakes and water bodies in the Indus, Ganga and Brahmaputra basins respectively.

Guidelines on Risk Reduction: o Identifying Potentially Dangerous Lakes:

Potentially dangerous lakes can be identified based on field observations, records of past events, geomorphologic and geotechnical characteristics of the lake/dam and surroundings, and other physical conditions.

o Use of Technology: Promoting use of Synthetic-Aperture Radar imagery (a form

of radar that is used to create two-dimensional images) to

automatically detect changes in water bodies, including new lake formations, during the monsoon months.

Methods and protocols could also be developed to allow remote monitoring of lake bodies from space.

o Channeling Potential Floods: To manage lakes structurally, the NDMA recommends

reducing the volume of water with methods such as controlled breaching, pumping or siphoning out water, and making a tunnel through the moraine barrier or under an ice dam.

o Uniform Codes for Construction Activity: Developing a broad framework for infrastructure

development, construction and excavation in vulnerable zones.

There is a need to accept procedures for land use planning in the GLOF prone areas.

o Enhancing Early Warning Systems (EWS): The number of implemented and operational GLOF EWS is

very small, even at the global scale. In the Himalayan region, there are at three reported instances

(two in Nepal and one in China) of implementation of sensor- and monitoring-based technical systems for GLOF early warning.

o Training Local Manpower: Apart from pressing specialised forces such as National

Disaster Response Force (NDRF), ITBP and the Army, NDMA has emphasised the need for trained local manpower.

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It has been observed that over 80% of search and rescue is

carried out by the local community before the intervention of the state machinery and specialised search and rescue teams.

The local teams could also assist in planning and setting up emergency shelters, distributing relief packages, identifying missing people, and addressing the needs for food, healthcare, water supply etc.

o Comprehensive Alarm Systems: Besides classical alarming infrastructure consisting of acoustic

alarms by sirens, modern communication technology using cell and smartphones can complement or even replace traditional alarming infrastructure.

13. In Biden’s policy pursuit, the world order challenge

Context:

Joe Biden’s election as the U.S. President.

Background:

Foreign policy under U.S. President Donald Trump:

The U.S. under President Trump had withdrawn from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the nuclear agreement with Iran. The U.S. had imposed strong sanctions on Iran.

The U.S. had engaged in a trade war with China and the ties between the two countries had been at the lowest level. The US had been trying to galvanize the Quad as a countermeasure against the Chinese.

The U.S. policy vis-a-vis Russia had been accommodative.

Biden’s policy approaches:

Biden has already revealed that despite some differences in policy content and diplomatic style, his term is likely to show more continuity than change where the U.S.’s core interests are concerned, specifically in its ties with Russia, China and Iran.

Iran policy:

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Joe Biden has been a strident critic of the U.S. withdrawal from the nuclear agreement with Iran. He had promised during his presidential election campaign that subject to Iran’s compliance with its obligations, the U.S. would re-enter the agreement.

Iran’s Foreign Minister has called on Mr. Biden to uphold his commitment on the Iran nuclear deal. He also warned that “containment” of Iran would not work.

Biden’s Iran policy is likely to match Mr. Trump’s hardline approach on substantive matters, but without the bravado associated with the previous regime like the killing of Qasem Soleimani.

The US is likely to pressurize Iran on the issues of its ballistic missiles programme, nuclear programme and Iran’s “acts of terrorism” and its support to militant organizations operating in or against U.S.’s regional partners like Saudi Arabia and UAE.

The U.S. may be looking at a long-term diplomatic engagement not just on the nuclear issue but on all matters that have security implications for the U.S. and its regional partners.

However, unlike the previous regime characterized by its ‘Maximum pressure’ tactic on Iran, the U.S. could offer some palliatives to Iran to incentivize Iran into a dialogue. This could involve measures such as the International Monetary Fund providing funds to Iran to combat the novel

coronavirus pandemic.

China Policy:

China has been termed the U.S.’s “most serious competitor”. The reference to China was with respect to ‘economic, IPR and human

right aspects, instead of the security concerns resulting from the aggressive Chinese posture’. The U.S. president in his speech outlining the regime’s foreign policy framework did not refer to Indo-Pacific, the South China Sea or the Quad.

In fact, the U.S. president stated that Washington would engage China if it served U.S. national interests.

Russia policy:

Biden is likely to reverse his predecessor Donald Trump’s personal accommodative approach towards Russia and adopt the U.S.’s traditional confrontational posture.

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The U.S. President has promised a strong push back against Russia terming it as a threat to U.S.’s interests.

Ukraine issue, the cyberattacks on U.S. and human rights issues in Russia

could be points of conflict between the two nations.

Concerns:

Uncertainties around the Iran nuclear agreement could lead to tectonic

changes in the new global and regional order.

Regional concerns:

Threat by U.S’s allies:

Israel’s armed forces commander, Lt. Gen. Aviv Kochavi, has warned against any move to take forward the stalled Iranian nuclear deal. Israel has threatened decisive actions (military) against any nuclear development in Iran.

Israel and the U.S.’s Gulf allies, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, have insisted that they be involved with the discussions with Iran on the revival of the agreement.

Isolation of Iran and the possible reaction:

Given the high unlikelihood of quick easing of sanctions on Iran particularly with no signs of an early easing of sanctions on Iranian oil sales, Iran may find itself remaining isolated and this would lead to the Iranian political leadership’s reluctance to work cooperatively with western powers.

Iran’s regional influence remains significant, based on the backing of Shia militia in diverse locales as Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen and Syria. Iran continues to possess the ability to mobilise militants across the region.

The capabilities of Iran’s precision missiles and drones are also a matter of regional anxiety. Given the advanced air and missile power available with Israel, Saudi Arabia and some other Gulf states, there is no prospect of Iran curtailing its missiles and drone programmes.

Instability in the region:

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The situation will continue to remain tense in the region with Israel, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates engaging in a face-off with Iran and

its allies, Iraq, Syria and its Shia militia.

Impact on international geopolitics:

The ambivalence being exhibited by the U.S. in its approach towards foreign policy could cede its numero uno position in global affairs.

Russia is now an influential player in the region; China, too, with its Belt and Road Initiative, has high stakes in West Asian regional stability.

The Sino-Iran 25 years agreement, envisages substantial and long-term cooperation in political, security, military, economic, energy and logistical connectivity areas.

Biden will thus witness a new world order, shaped by a coalition of Russia, China and Iran, in which the U.S. is no longer the most significant

role-player.

14. Regulation lite

Context:

India’s Internet-based Over-The-Top (OTT) streaming services have operationalised a code of self-regulation soon after the I&B Ministry announced that it had prepared a set of guidelines and directives for the industry.

Background:

In 2020, a gazette notification was issued by the government placing ‘Over the Top’ (OTT) platforms or video streaming service providers like Netflix, Hotstar, Amazon Prime and digital news under the ambit of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting.

Recently, 17 ‘Over the Top’ (OTT) platforms or video streaming service providers have adopted a ‘toolkit’ for effective implementation of the self-regulation code introduced in 2020.

Why self-regulation?

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Governments are lending tacit support to the view that creative expression may be becoming too influential to be left free.

o Several instances such as the FIRs in U.P. against the Amazon Prime Video series, Tandav, invoking legal provisions on cyber terrorism, obscenity, promoting social enmity and defiling places of worship and a plea in M.P. on the same series seeking a court direction to bring OTT channels under censorship laws indicate the growing oppressive environment.

The urgency of this code arises not from any challenge to law and order or morality posed by films, but from the police and court cases that film-makers and the channels are having to run.

Details:

While it might be argued that it also has a small minority pursuing crass commercialism, the inexorable growth of OTT channels has infused creative talent into film-making, aided by the absence of overbearing censors and vested interests.

The code of self-regulation under the aegis of the Internet and Mobile Association of India places emphasis on abiding by the IPC, laws on women’s and children’s rights, copyright and age-appropriate certification and parental control, while upholding constitutional provisions on free speech.

Way Forward:

Such a voluntary code is consistent with the recommendations of the I&B Ministry’s Expert Committee on film certification chaired by Shyam Benegal in 2016.

o The panel upheld creative expression and full ownership of any visual production, leaving viewing decisions to audiences, more accurately classifying films by viewer age, and ensuring transparency in the way reviewing bodies are constituted.

A good number of legislations exist to assess whether there has been a violation of law. A policed approach to films and media can only grow a monoculture of propaganda.

The collective initiative of the OTT services should be given an opportunity to work.

It is time the Centre took a firm stand against displays of manufactured outrage and let newer channels of creativity flourish.

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15. Fuzzy law, unclear jurisprudence, trampled rights

Context:

Recently, the Indian government and Twitter were at loggerheads over issues related to content removal and freedom of expression. The Centre had expressed deep disappointment over the microblogging platform’s partial compliance of its orders grudgingly and with substantial delay.

The Government of India had invoked Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, and ordered Twitter to block access to a few accounts.

The use of a certain hashtag was deemed a threat to public order.

The writer argues that the government’s Section 69A order was clearly an overreach even on its own terms, as a few media outlets whose accounts were

blocked had not used the hashtag.

Issue between Twitter and the Government of India:

With the government invoking Section 69 A of the Information Technology Act, Twitter did block a few accounts. However, shortly it restored access to many of the withheld accounts.

This prompted a sharp reaction from the government, including a non-compliance notice and threats that Twitter’s employees would be prosecuted for violating Section 69A.

In response, Twitter pointed out that the government’s own actions directing it to withhold access to the accounts of journalists, activists, and politicians, violated Indian law, and the constitutional guarantee of the freedom of speech.

Information Technology Act:

Section 69A grants to the government the power to issue directions to intermediaries for blocking access to any information that it considers prejudicial to, among other things, the sovereignty and integrity of India, national security, or public order.

Section 69A(3) envisages a jail sentence for up to seven years for intermediaries who fail to comply.

In 2009, the government also issued “Blocking Rules”, which set up the procedure for blocking (including regular review by government

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committees), and also stated that all requests and complaints would remain strictly confidential.

Arguments against the provisions of the IT Act:

The root of the problem is Section 69A of the IT Act. There are a number of problems with this legal structure.

It makes censorship an easy and almost completely costless option, for the government.

o The government can simply direct intermediaries to block content, and place the burden of going to court upon the users.

o The easier it is to censor speech, the more likely it is that any government will resort to that option.

Confidentiality requirement means that the user will not even know why their account has been blocked and, therefore, will be in no position to challenge it.

There are no procedural safeguards — no opportunity for a hearing to affected parties, and no need for reasoned orders.

o This violates both free speech rights, as well as the right to due process.

As the record of the Indian judiciary in civil rights cases involving the government has been poor in recent times, it would take considerable courage for any entity to bet on the proposition that its interpretation of Indian free speech law would be necessarily upheld by the courts.

Way Forward:

In the famous Shreya Singhal case, the Supreme Court noted that every affected individual would retain the constitutional right to challenge a blocking order, through a writ petition before the High Court.

There is a need for transparency with respect to the reason for censorship/ban.

Legally, the best-case scenario would be to prohibit the government from being able to directly order intermediaries to block access to online information, except in narrowly-defined emergency cases, and to require it to go through court to do so, with an adequate opportunity for affected parties to defend themselves.

It is vitally important that blocking orders be made public. Affected parties must be given the opportunity of a fair hearing before a

blocking order is issued.

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A transparent process will also ensure that the blocking order is a reasoned one, and can be effectively challenged before a court, if need be.

There is, thus an urgent need for both legal and jurisprudential reform.

16. Endless war

Context:

The Biden administration has announced its decision to end U.S. support for Saudi Arabia’s Yemen war.

Background:

The U.S. offered support to Saudi Arabia’s campaign against the Houthi rebels in Yemen when Barack Obama was the President.

Donald Trump continued that policy, overlooking the disastrous effects of the war.

The Yemen war has turned the country (one of the poorest Arab countries) into a humanitarian catastrophe.

In its last decisions, the Trump State Department designated the Houthis, who are backed by Iran, as a terrorist organisation.

o Rights groups have condemned the move, saying that the designation would complicate aid efforts as the Houthis control a sizeable part of Yemen, including the capital.

Details:

Biden has now taken a different line, initiating steps to remove the Houthis from the terror list, among other actions.

This is part of the larger attempts to rewrite the U.S.’s West Asia policy

which, under Mr. Trump, was almost entirely focused on containing Iran.

Yemen War:

Yemen is a case study for a war that has gone wrong on many fronts. When the Saudis started bombing the country in March 2015, their plan

was to oust the Houthis from Sana’a and restore a pro-Riyadh government.

Despite the Saudi-led attacks, the Houthis held on to the territories they captured, while the Saudi-backed government of President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi lurched on the brink of collapse.

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After five years of fighting, the United Arab Emirates pulled out of the war in 2020.

The UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council wants southern Yemen to be an independent entity.

While these multiple factions continued to fight, more than 10,000 people were killed in attacks and tens of thousands more died of preventable diseases.

Yemen also stares at famine.

Outcomes:

It is a lose-lose war for everyone. Saudi Arabia has failed to oust the Houthis from Sana. Saudi is now facing frequent rocket and drone attacks by the rebels. The Houthis are living in permanent war, unable to provide even basic

services to the people in the territories they control. Yemen’s internationally recognised government practically lacks any

power and legitimacy at home as the war is being fought by other players.

Recent developments:

The administration’s message seems to have reached Riyadh. Saudi Arabia ended a nearly four-year-long blockade of Qatar, another

American ally, after Mr. Biden was elected President. It has also signalled that it would carry out domestic reforms keeping

human rights in focus. But it is yet to make any definite moves to wrap up the Yemen conflict.

Way forward:

Saudi Arabia must take this as a signal that the open support it had enjoyed from the U.S. is a matter of the past.

Ending the war is in the best interest of all parties. The Biden administration should push Saudi Arabia and its allies to end

their blockade of Yemen and initiate talks with the country’s multiple rebel factions.

17. Continuity, not change, is Biden’s plan for Palestine

Context:

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The article analyzes the possible contours of the U.S’s approach to the Israel-Palestine issue under the new President Joe Biden.

Background:

Policy approach under President Trump:

The American relations with the Palestinian Authority had reached a new low under President Donald Trump.

o Under the Trump administration, the American embassy was moved from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, in recognition of Israeli claims over the city.

o The U.S. cut off $360 million annual funding to the United Nations

Relief and Works Agency dealing with Palestinian refugees. o The U.S. shut down the Palestine Liberation Organization office in

Washington D.C. o The U.S. under Mr. Trump unreservedly supported Israeli

expansionist policies by proposing that 30% of the West Bank consisting of the Jordan Valley and settlement blocs be annexed to Israel.

Policy approach under Biden Presidentship:

Changes:

Biden and his team have said they will resume aid to the Palestinians and the new President has opposed Israel’s formal annexation of one-third of

the occupied territories.

Continuity:

However, Secretary of State Antony Blinken has said the U.S. embassy in Israel would remain in Jerusalem and that there would be no reversal of recognition of the U.S.’s acceptance of Israeli sovereignty over the occupied Golan Heights.

The Biden team has also reiterated that it firmly rejects the BDS [Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions] movement against Israel.

The Biden administration has also iterated that it will continue to provide Israel with unconditional military support.

Details:

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Though there are hopes that under the newly elected President Joe Biden, U.S.’s policy towards the Palestinian issue would change, the author of the article argues that the U.S. is more likely to continue its status quo on the issue with its stance of supporting a two-state solution in principle but doing little to reach that goal.

The author’s arguments are based on the following factors.

Israel lobby in Congress:

The influence of the Israel lobby in Congress continues to remain and their presence in key positions of administration is likely to tilt U.S. policy in favour of Israel.

Israel’s centrality in U.S.’s West Asia strategy:

The U.S. views Israel as one of its most stable allies in the West Asian

region. There has been unquestioning support for Israel from the U.S. though this

stance has complicated U.S.’s relations with the Arab world for decades. Israel holds immense significance for U.S.’s Iran policy. Israel has been

vociferous in its opposition to the U.S. returning to the nuclear agreement

with Iran.

Conclusion:

Biden cannot afford to estrange Israel on the Palestinian issue for domestic and perceived strategic reasons. Consequently, the changes in Mr. Biden’s approach to the Palestinians when compared to Mr. Trump’s will be only cosmetic in character.

The status quo will continue to be the default option for the Biden administration to the detriment of the Palestinian cause. Israeli governments through the building of settlements and confiscation of Palestinian lands have negated the possibility of a viable Palestinian state emerging in the occupied territories.

18. From clashes between troops on the LAC to disengagement

Background:

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In April 2020, China amassed a large number of troops and armaments along the disputed Line of Actual Control (LAC) in eastern Ladakh and other areas along the 3,488 km LAC.

This lead to stand-offs and skirmishes at Galwan Valley, Pangong Tso (lake), Gogra-Hot Springs and other areas.

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) moved into Indian territory and built fortified structures and defences, changing the status quo on the ground.

While the perception on the alignment of the LAC is disputed over the years, both sides concluded a series of agreements to maintain peace and tranquillity on the border.

Talks continued to resolve the dispute, in parallel.

Stand-off:

Pangong Tso:

At Pangong Tso, PLA troops moved up to Finger 4 from Finger 8. o Following which a major clash occurred resulting in injuries to over

70 Indian soldiers. o On the north bank, India’s perception of the LAC lies at Finger 8 and

the Army regularly carries out patrols till there. This was blocked as

a result of the Chinese intrusion.

Naku La:

Later, clashes were reported at Naku La in North Sikkim. India responded by mobilising additional troops and equipment to match

the Chinese build-up.

Disengagement talks:

Since then, several friction points emerged in eastern Ladakh. Both sides initiated diplomatic and military talks aimed at disengagement

and de-escalation, with India pushing for the restoration of status quo ante of pre-April.

India and China earlier reached an understanding for phased disengagement from all friction points followed by de-escalation from the depth areas along the LAC.

It was during this initial process of disengagement that the violent clash occurred in Galwan Valley, resulting in the death of 20 Indian soldiers.

o This marked the biggest clash since 1967.

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Despite that, disengagement continued at Patrolling Point (PP) 14 and PP15 in the Hot Springs area, and partial disengagement was undertaken at Hot Springs and on the north bank of Pangong Tso.

o The aim was to create a buffer at these locations with a small group of soldiers retained and the rest moving back to their permanent locations.

o However, PLA troops continued to sit on the ridgelines of Finger 4 overlooking Indian positions, which was a matter of significant concern to India as it would alter the status quo on the ground.

Fresh tensions occurred at the end of August 2020 on the south bank of Pangong Tso, as the Indian Army pre-empted Chinese moves and occupied several dominating peaks on the Kailash range on the Indian side of the LAC, which gave a tactical advantage to India.

o This resulted in a massive deployment of troops and tanks in very close proximity a couple of hundred metres of each other, at some locations.

o Several incidents of firing of warning shots also occurred, the first firing since 1975. This stalled the disengagement process.

In September 2020, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar met his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi in Moscow where they agreed on a five-point resolution to take forward the talks.

Latest development:

In February 2021, India and China announced an agreement for disengagement on the north and south bank of Pangong Tso to cease their forward deployments in a phased, coordinated and verified manner.

Once complete disengagement is achieved at all friction areas, both sides

will undertake de-escalation along the LAC.

19. The viability of two proposals: On having 4 capitals in India

Context:

Recently, the West Bengal Chief Minister asked why India should have only one capital and suggested that there be four. She suggested that Parliament sessions should be held in each of the four capitals in a rotating manner.

History:

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Calcutta (now Kolkata) was once the capital of this country until King George V announced in December 1911 that Delhi would be the new capital.

Parliament House was opened in 1927 and the magnificent Viceroy’s residence (now Rashtrapati Bhavan) and the government buildings were inaugurated in 1931.

One of the factors that may have weighed in favour of New Delhi could be its proximity to the summer capital, Shimla.

Feasibility of the proposal:

Four capitals would obviously mean having Parliament buildings in three

other regions, too.

Accommodation:

If there are four capitals, accommodation for all the MPs and the adjunct staff will have to be constructed.

While those from the northern parts of the country would prefer to be comfortably ensconced in the existing residential accommodation in New Delhi, those from other parts of the country may prefer to settle in the capital of the region to which they belong.

After the Parliament sessions, these residential accommodations would be vacant for months after every session.

In addition to this, huge expenditure would be involved in all the MPs and their staff having to fly to and from these capitals every now and then.

Security:

Providing security to all the MPs will be a huge burden for the State Police. Vacant accommodations where the MPs don’t reside would also have to be

guarded round the clock. Depending on the risk factor, enhanced security will have to be necessarily

provided to a fair number of them.

Expenditure:

Even shifting a State capital would involve huge expenditure. The Tamil Nadu Chief Minister’s proposal to shift the State capital to

Tiruchirappalli was eventually shelved when it became apparent that it would impose a huge burden on the state exchequer.

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The cost to the government exchequer to have capitals in three other States will be mind-boggling and our nation can ill-afford this.

A proposal to be considered:

In 2021, a similar request was made when the Bar Councils of the five southern States called for a Supreme Court bench in south India.

This has been a long-standing demand. Unlike the proposal to establish four capitals, this one merits serious

consideration. The proposal needs consideration given the prohibitively long distance

between the southern states and Delhi. o Not many can afford to travel all the way to New Delhi to engage

lawyers and plead their cases. o The exorbitant fees of the Supreme Court lawyers in New Delhi is

another deterrent. Also, Attorney General K.K. Venugopal suggested that four benches of the

Court of Appeal with 15 judges each be created across the country to

reduce the burden of the Supreme Court.

Merits:

This would enable judges to go through each case thoroughly and deliver a well-thought-out verdict.

Setting up these courts would call for an amendment in the Constitution. Though the demand is to set up a bench in the south, southern Bar Councils may later take up the issue of setting up separate appellate benches in regions in the south.

Such an arrangement would leave the apex court free to deal with constitutional issues.

With a huge number of cases pending in various courts, a viable solution needs to be worked out.

Easy accessibility to justice for every citizen is a right that cannot be countered.

20. Freedom and security

The article talks about the social media platforms operating in India and suggests that the government must view freedom of speech as an aid, not an impediment, to national security.

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Background:

Recently, the Indian government and Twitter were at loggerheads over issues related to content removal and freedom of expression.

The Centre had expressed deep disappointment over the microblogging platform’s partial compliance of its orders grudgingly and with substantial delay.

Social Media and Freedom of Speech:

Social media has not just confined its wings to sharing information and pictures.

It has now become a platform for sharing thoughts, ideas, and reviews thus exercising freedom of speech to the amplest.

While the Constitution of India grants the right to freedom of speech and expression as a fundamental right, it is not an absolute right.

It does not give immunity for every possible use of language and prescribes punishment for those who abuse this freedom.

It allows the govt. of India to frame laws and to impose restrictions in the interest of sovereignty and integrity of India.

The legislature has the power to enact laws under Right to Freedom of Speech and Expression to impose restrictions on the following grounds:

o Sovereignty and Integrity of India o Defamation o National Security o Public Order o Decency o Friendly relations with foreign states.

Details:

The government of India has called on the social media platforms operating in India to follow the law of the land.

The Minister of IT and Communications said that while criticisms are welcome, when social media is used to propagate hate, action would be taken.

The issue is still in the realm of statements and counter-statements. While keeping up the pressure on Twitter by threatening to take action,

the government seems to have stopped short of taking action.

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While being defiant initially, Twitter also seems to have stopped short of escalating it and going to court.

If either one of the parties had decided to escalate the issue, the contentious law under which social media platforms are required to comply with blocking orders could come under legal scrutiny.

o The reference is to Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, 2000.

o Under the provision of the Act, the government can order a digital intermediary to block any content on grounds including security of

the state and public order.

The Supreme Court did uphold the constitutionality of Section 69A in the Shreya Singhal vs. the Union of India case in 2015.

However, criticism over the secrecy of the process and the arbitrariness with which it has been used over the years has never ceased.

This Section, in a way, represents the wide censorship powers that the government has.

Conclusion:

Social media has been a provider of a platform for people to express themselves.

It has not only made citizens more informed but has helped in shaping the laws and legislations according to the needs of the public.

Citizen awareness and consciousness are important for a successful democracy.

Diversity of opinions is essential to enable the citizens to have informed judgments.

While it is important to regulate social media content, it is important to see freedom of speech as one of the key facilitators of security of state instead of looking at it as an antithesis of security.

21. Case against Priya Ramani rejected

Context:

A Delhi court rejected a criminal defamation case filed by former Union Minister M.J. Akbar against journalist Priya Ramani for her tweets accusing him of sexual harassment.

Issue:

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At the height of the #MeToo movement in 2018, Ms. Ramani accused Mr. Akbar of sexual harassment.

Akbar had said that Ms. Ramani’s tweets lowered his reputation. He had in his criminal defamation complaint claimed that Ms. Ramani’s

tweet and her article accusing him of sexual harassment were defamatory,

and lowered his reputation.

Details:

It was said that the woman has a right to put her grievance at any platform of her choice and even after decades.

“Despite how well-respected some persons are in society, they — in their personal lives — could show extreme cruelty to the females,” the court observed.

The court asserted that “The woman cannot be punished for raising voice against the sex abuse on the pretext of criminal complaint of defamation as the right of reputation cannot be protected at the cost of the right of life and dignity of a woman as guaranteed in the Constitution,”.

Defamation:

Defamation is the communication of a false statement that harms the reputation of an individual person, business, product, group, government, religion, or nation.

In India, defamation is both a civil and a criminal offence. o In Civil Law, defamation mostly falls under the Law of Torts, which

imposes punishment in the form of damages awarded to the claimant (person filing the claim).

o Under Criminal Law, Defamation is a bailable, non-cognizable and

compoundable offence.

Criminal Defamation:

Criminal defamation has been specifically defined as an offence under Section 499 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC).

According to Section 499, defamation could be through words, spoken or intended to be read, through signs, and also through visible representations.

However, there are exceptions to this. “Imputation of truth” which is required for the “public good” and thus has to be published, on the public

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conduct of government officials, the conduct of any person touching any public question and merits of the public performance are exceptions.

22. A growing rights crisis in Lanka

Context:

The human rights situation in Sri Lanka has worsened since Gotabaya Rajapaksa

became President in 2019.

Background:

Rajapaksa was the defence secretary in the government led by his brother Mahinda from 2005 to 2015.

The period was marked by particularly egregious human rights abuses. o Critics of the government were murdered, tortured, and forcibly

made to disappear. o Tens of thousands of civilians were killed in the civil war which

ended in 2009 between government forces and the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), with both sides responsible for numerous war crimes.

o In the final months of the war, the armed forces indiscriminately shelled civilians and summarily executed suspected LTTE fighters.

When Mahinda Rajapaksa lost the 2015 presidential election, there was hope for change.

o There was greater freedom of expression. o The repressive and heavily militarised situation in Tamil-majority

areas began to improve. o The new government supported a consensus resolution at the

Human Rights Council that offered victims of abuses and their

families truth, justice, and reconciliation.

Current Scenario:

Now, fear has returned. Tamil communities in the north and the east fear increasing abuses.

The Rajapaksa government, in 2020, renounced its commitments under the 2015 Human Rights Council resolution and is threatening victims’ families and activists who supported it.

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o A presidential commission set up to investigate supposed “political victimisation” of officials by the previous government has recommended the exoneration of those implicated in cases of abuse.

o Numerous people who were involved in war crimes have been appointed to senior roles.

Since 2020, singing the national anthem in Tamil has been dropped from Independence Day celebrations.

The religious rights of minorities are under attack, including interference with Hindu temples.

In January 2021, the authorities bulldozed a memorial at Jaffna university that commemorated Tamil civilian victims of the civil war.

o People who participated in a protest march are facing criminal investigation.

The Rajapaksa government has shown outright disdain for accountability.

Details:

Since 2012, the Human Rights Council has sought to work with Sri Lanka to promote reconciliation and accountability.

o India has backed these efforts. Sri Lanka is now rejecting that endeavour and is proposing a new

domestic commission that UN experts have dismissed as lacking credibility or independence.

What Next?

Indian leaders have committed to supporting the rights of minority Tamils in Sri Lanka to “live with equity, equality, justice, peace and dignity”.

In pledges to the United Nations, the Indian government has also vowed to uphold global human rights.

At its next session, the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) will face a crucial test in taking action for protecting vulnerable Sri Lankans and upholding international law.

India, as a council member, will have a key role.

Way Forward:

The UNHRC should recognise the government’s actions for what they are — an effort to impede justice.

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A new resolution is urgently needed to protect vulnerable minority communities in Sri Lanka, by upholding the principle of accountability for the worst crimes.

India should join other member states in supporting a resolution to reduce the growing risk of future atrocities.

23. India to gift 2 lakh vaccine doses to UN peacekeepers

What’s in News?

India has announced a gift of 2,00,000 doses of vaccine to the UN Peacekeeping Forces.

India has already sent vaccines to 25 countries under its Vaccine Maitri programme.

49 more countries would be supplied vaccines by India in the coming days.

At the UNSC, the external affairs minister called for an end to “vaccine nationalism” and the hoarding of vaccines.

o Several rich countries have ordered more vaccine doses than required for their population, depriving developing economies of access to these doses.

o There currently exists a glaring disparity in accessibility of vaccines globally.

o Equity in access to vaccines is important for mitigating the impact of the pandemic.

India’s role in ensuring global cooperation for COVID-19 vaccination:

While advanced countries have turned their back on the need of poor countries to access COVID-19 vaccines, India has displayed empathy to their needs.

India has taken a position that a significant percentage of the approved doses will be permitted for exports.

India also has shipped out lakhs of doses of the novel coronavirus vaccine to neighbouring countries.

o New Delhi wants to portray the exercise as yet another testament to its Neighbourhood First policy — the government is going to brand it as “Vaccine Maitri” diplomacy.

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While its exports to neighbouring counties will be under grant mode, the initial shipment of vaccines to the least developed countries will be free of cost.

And, shipments of vaccines from India have already started reaching different parts of the developing world.

In a democracy, one can expect the backlash of sending vaccines abroad without vaccinating its population. However, India’s gesture was well-appreciated globally.

India’s approach only reinforces the need for having coordinated global efforts in bringing COVID-19 under control. This response manifests India’s unstinted commitment to global development and has consolidated its name as the world’s

pharmacy.

Need for global cooperation – Keeping track of Sustainable Development

Goals:

The attitude of India towards vaccinating the populations in the poorer countries has generated discussion in the richer countries about the necessity for more proactive measures to roll out vaccines to the developing nations.

The reversal of progress on many Sustainable Development Goals, such as SDG 3 (“Ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages) could affect the health of the world population, and global growth itself.

Even before COVID-19, projections have shown that 6% of the global population would be in extreme poverty, which has gone up by 71 million.

o This has caused enormous challenges to SDG 1 (“End poverty in all its forms everywhere”).

According to estimates by the International Monetary Fund, over 50% of emerging markets and developing economies that were converging toward advanced economies’ per capita income over the last decade are

expected to diverge over the 2020-22 period.

Way Forward – COVAX as a pathway:

The COVAX project is a global risk-sharing mechanism for pooled procurement and fair distribution of COVID-19 vaccines, an ambitious programme based on funding from high and middle-income countries.

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Although the funding was not enough for the project, U.S. President Biden’s decision to join the project has now raised expectations significantly.

However, since high and middle-income countries are buying up large amounts of the vaccine directly from suppliers, the promise by COVAX to deliver 2 billion doses by the end of 2021 seems to face new challenges.

COVAX is a unique case of global cooperation and a strategic shift to enhance global development outcomes.

Furthermore, since most of the vaccines are purchased from the global south for developing nations, the COVAX project can draw new pathways for global development.

The lower price of the vaccines is what has attracted many commercial buyers globally, including emerging economies such as Brazil and South Africa.

The ability to produce large volumes of vaccine at an affordable cost underlines India’s importance to developing countries when it comes to drug access.

The development of vaccines is a classic story of global cooperation

between the North and the South.

24. Redefining the exit plan for COVID-19

Context:

There has been a reduction in the incidence, severity, and mortality related to COVID-19 locally in some countries, including India, which meets the definition of “control”. With the pandemic seeming to be under control, the question is

“How is the pandemic going to end?”

The end to the pandemic would not be instantaneous. In fact, there may not be an end to the virus at all.

The virus is evolving to cohabit with humans, and this can include a range of possibilities, from the virus becoming less lethal, more infectious, to it becoming virulent.

Nonetheless, the SARS-CoV-2 virus is likely to remain alive and around.

Elimination strategy:

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Some well-intentioned experts have advocated an elimination strategy, otherwise known as the zero-COVID-19 strategy, wherein replication of the virus is reduced to a bare minimum and no new cases occur in a defined geographical area.

The strategy has three elements: o Rapid reduction in the number of infections to zero. o Creation of virus-free green zones. o Prompt outbreak management when new cases occur occasionally.

Challenges:

Rich countries have found a shortcut for the elimination strategy — to vaccinate every citizen in the country.

The plan is well-suited for geographically isolated countries that can afford strict border control measures, e.g.: New Zealand.

Even there, the goal of zero COVID-19 cases is elusive since the virus continues to be in circulation in other countries.

o The risk of infection from elsewhere, and outbreaks, would always be imminent.

o There has to be universal coverage of vaccines with consistent upgrades, as the pace of vaccine development may not match the new variants’ emergence.

o A zero-COVID-19 strategy will worsen global health inequities by creating green zones of free travel among richer countries, thus

alienating poorer nations.

Experience with other diseases:

So far, there is no empirical evidence to suggest how eliminating the SARS-CoV-2 virus is feasible in the near term.

Even though elimination programmes for measles and neonatal tetanus have been ongoing for more than 20 years now, the goals have not been completely realised.

Polio, eradicated from southeast Asia, is still endemic in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Maternal and neonatal tetanus, which has an 80% to 100% case fatality rate, caused the deaths of nearly 25,000 newborns in 2018.

Despite the global efforts to vaccinate children over the last few decades, these preventable diseases still remain major public health challenges in the developing world.

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Issue:

Immunologists opine that the virus will become endemic, i.e., some regions will see a constant presence of COVID-19.

The level of endemicity depends on how the world reduces inequities of all kinds, including access to vaccines, and how well public health measures, such as containment, are followed.

There is a need for pragmatic measures for the realistic goal of saving lives. o It must be ensured that disease control measures are implemented

globally. o Vaccine coverage for vulnerable people must be ramped up. o In addition to meticulous review at the country and regional levels,

vaccine coverage for the vulnerable population across the globe is an immediate necessity.

The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the flaws in our preparedness and inefficient public health systems that lead to disproportionately high morbidity and mortality among the poor and the vulnerable.

Way Forward:

Pursuing Universal Health Coverage:

The pandemic has also reversed the gains made in programmes like tuberculosis control, caused economic hardships, worsened inequalities, and pushed the poor towards the brink of catastrophe.

The focused efforts against COVID-19 must not ruin the progress made in other disease control programmes and our commitment to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

It is also essential to resume pursuing the agenda of Universal Health

Coverage (UHC).

Combined Global Efforts:

So long as disease control is neglected in even a few parts of the world, every other part is at risk of importing infections due to free travel.

Instead of isolated strategies for a few countries, what is needed is global leadership and resources to vaccinate the vulnerable population and

strengthen epidemiological and genomic surveillance for COVID-19.

A recalibrated strategy:

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Global elimination of COVID-19 in the immediate term is a tricky goal. The zero-COVID-19 strategy seeks luxury that few countries can afford,

does not reflect field realities. Such a plan if adopted may result in diverting most of our attention, funds,

and time. Excessive focus on one virus in select countries will only worsen the poor

global preparedness to fight other pandemics in the future or tackle the devastating burden of non-communicable diseases.

For global health, every idea must be assessed based on its merit while

ensuring that there is maximisation of benefits for people across the world.

Conclusion:

At this stage, the goal of elimination will divert focus and steer the world in a different direction altogether. A pragmatic goal of controlling COVID-19 combined with a renewed emphasis on UHC can restore and rejuvenate an ailing healthcare system and bolster our progress towards realistic goals.

25.The pressing need to adjudicate, not mediate

Context:

The recent judgment of the Supreme Court that refused to review its

earlier verdict on the Shaheen Bagh protest.

Background:

The Supreme Court in the Shaheen Bagh case had declared that there is no

absolute right to protest, and it could be subjected to the orders of the authority regarding the place and time.

Concerns:

The article argues against the stand taken by the Supreme Court based on

the following factors.

Problematic balancing:

In the original judgment on Shaheen Bagh, the Court attempted to “mediate” the issue. The textbook theory of “balancing” the right to

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protest and the right to move along the road did not help find a solution to the problem.

Instead of fulfilling its duty to adjudicate on the issue, the court attempted mediation.

A reconciliatory approach cannot be a substitute for judicial assertion. The judiciary should ensure timely adjudication of the validity of the laws which are questioned by the process recognised by the law.

The review petition provided the Supreme Court an opportunity to revisit its earlier folly but has failed to capitalize on it.

Abusive judicial review:

In the review petition, the petitioners rightly apprehended that the observations in the earlier judgment against the indefinite occupation of public space “may prove to be a license in the hands of the police to commit atrocities on legitimate voice of protest”.

The Court, by its present rejection of the plea, seems to have reinforced the state’s stand. It illustrates an instance of “abusive judicial review”, as

described by David Landau and Rosalind Dixon, where the Court not only refuses to act as the umpire of democracy but aids the executive in fulfilling its strategies. In the process, it legitimises very many illegitimate

state actions.

Against judicial precedent:

The 2020 verdict fails to properly appreciate and contextualise the earlier Constitution Bench judgment in Himat Lal K. Shah vs Commissioner of

Police (1972) even after referring to it. In Himat Lal K. Shah, the Court said that the rule framed by the

Ahmedabad Police Commissioner conferred arbitrary power on the police officers in the matter of public meetings and, therefore, was liable to be struck down. The judges on the bench noted that “freedom of assembly is an essential element of a democratic system” and that “the public streets are the ‘natural’ places for expression of opinion and dissemination of

ideas”.

Conclusion:

Need judicial review:

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A fair and effective adjudicative mechanism in constitutional matters can help end the agitations and protests.

Studies have shown that social movements could be less radical and less oppositional when the issues could be effectively sorted out by way of fair litigative means.

The court’s only role is to act as the guardian of the right of people including the right to dissent.

o Article 19 of the Constitution deals with the right to liberty including freedom of expression to that of peaceful association.

26. Quad meet: India, U.S. call for rule of law in Myanmar

What’s in News?

A ministerial meeting of the Quad grouping comprising its member nations

India, Australia, Japan and the United States.

The leaders discussed the military crackdown in Myanmar and called for

rule of law in Myanmar.

Details:

There are several lessons to be learnt from the country’s tortuous politics.

1. The developments in Myanmar will bring back the old debate around the prudence of sanctions.

o The coup in Myanmar coincided with the first month of the Biden administration in the U.S., which has promised to bring back the values of democracy and respect for human rights to the core of the U.S. foreign policy.

o Notwithstanding the western sanctions before 2010, China, Thailand and Singapore were the key trading partners of Myanmar. The present reality is no different.

o Given that the military has been able to economically withstand sanctions by striking deals with Asian countries in the past, sanctions are unlikely to bring any major political change.

2. The limited European trade with Myanmar that started after 2010 benefits the poor — the European Union’s ‘Everything But Arms’ scheme targets the poor in Myanmar’s garment industry.

o The scheme allows the world’s least-developed countries, such as Myanmar, to export most goods to the EU free of duties.

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3. The old debate around the need for accountability for crimes against humanity will resurface.

o As political changes got underway in 2010, many generals, such as Than Shwe, who was the de-facto head of Myanmar from 1992 to 2011 and was on the radar of the international community for perpetuating a regime of human rights abuses, quietly vanished from the scene. This bred a culture of impunity.

o During the 2017 Rohingya crisis, senior military officials openly exploited social media to mobilise public support for brutality

against Rohingyas.

Way Forward:

1. A critical international player in Myanmar is China. o China has appointed specific envoys for Asian affairs, who are de-

facto working on Myanmar-related issues since 2013. o The international community, particularly the West, has to factor in

China’s multi-layered influence on Myanmar. 2. Many international mechanisms comprising Western and Asian countries

that were formed to coordinate strategies on Myanmar were disbanded after the 2015 election.

o Relevant actors should be brought on a common platform by reviving past mechanisms.

3. The expectation that Myanmar will see a nationwide protest against the Tatmadaw after the coup, needs to be examined with the geographical extent of Bamar (Myanmar’s largest ethnic group, who support the National League for Democracy).

o The minorities in the country form around 35% of the population. o In the current scenario, the military will continue to exploit ethnic

and religious fault lines. o Engagement with domestic stakeholders, including ethnic

minorities, especially from the north, should be pursued by the international community.

Conclusion:

The international community must remember that no change is irreversible, particularly in a context where military leadership scripted the meaning of democracy, domestic forces, as well as geopolitics, continuously fail to deter its actions and impulses to rule.

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27. Too many IITs, unrealistic expectations

Institutes of Technology:

The Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) are the crown jewels of Indian higher education.

They are world-renowned for the quality of their graduates and for their academic programmes in a range of fields in technology and engineering — and in the past decade, in research and innovation through research parks as well.

They are among the few Indian higher education institutions that do reasonably well in the global rankings.

The original five IITs were established in the 1950s and early 1960s. Four had a foreign collaborator.

Currently, there are 23 IITs.

Details:

The IITs are funded generously by the central government. The IITs are not universities; they have neither the range of disciplines nor

the size that characterise universities worldwide. The IITs were, and are, self-consciously elite institutions aiming at the

highest international academic standards. o This is a tradition that is important but increasingly difficult to

maintain. They can be called the most selective institutions in the world. Also, IITs have traditionally attracted high-quality faculty, where most

have doctorates from the most respected western universities. Top quality professors have been attracted to the IITs because of the

quality of the students, the chance to work with the best academic minds in India, and a commitment to India’s development.

Shortcomings:

The IITs focused exclusively on technology and engineering. They later added humanities and social science. However, these

programmes were modest until the 2020 National Education Policy emphasised the IITs should focus more on holistic and multidisciplinary education.

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While salaries of the faculties do not compare well on the international market, working and living conditions on the older IIT campuses are comfortable.

Most of the new IITs are located in smaller towns. o While it is important to provide educational opportunities outside

the major metropolitan areas, top institutions are seldom located far away from urban amenities.

Another area is the lack of correlation between the local needs and IITs. Also, there are few community outreach programmes.

Concern:

For the past decade or so, and according to current plans, the IIT system has expanded beyond its capacity to maintain its high standards and is in danger of sinking into mediocrity.

The recent decision of the University Grants Commission to permit select IITs under the ‘Institutions of Eminence’ category to set up campuses abroad could further weaken these already stretched institutions.

With increasing number of IITs and in smaller towns, facilities and infrastructure are unlikely to be “world-class.”

It is, thus, inevitable that quality will decline and the “IIT brand” diluted. This would be very unfortunate for India since the IITs are without doubt

India’s most recognisable and respected academic institutions. It is time to rethink the changing role and mandate of IITs in order to

ensure that quality and focus are maintained.

Way Forward:

While excellent engineering/STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) institutions are needed, they all do not have to be IITs.

Perhaps 10 to 12 “real” IITs located near major cities are practical for India. Some of the newly established institutes can be renamed and provided

with sufficient resources to produce high-quality graduates and good research.

A more limited “IIT system” needs to be funded at “world-class” levels and staffed by “world-class” faculty, perhaps with some recruited from top universities internationally.

o The recent decision to liberalise the recruitment rules to attract more foreign faculty is a good step in the right direction.

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IITs need to pay attention to internationalisation beyond sending their brightest graduates abroad and recruiting Indians with foreign PhDs.

o In-depth collaboration with the best global universities, and hiring foreign faculty, would yield excellent results, and further build the IITs international brand.

o IIT Bombay-Monash Research Academy, and University of Queensland-IIT Delhi Academy of Research (UQIDAR), are promising examples.

The IITs need robust policies to attract international students. Adequate and sustained funding is mandatory both from the government

and from the philanthropy of tremendously successful IIT graduates at home and abroad.

28. A verdict that has ended a long silence

Context:

A Delhi court rejected a criminal defamation case filed by former Union Minister M.J. Akbar against journalist Priya Ramani for her tweets accusing him of sexual harassment.

Significance:

The verdict has come as a vindication to a long line of women who have not been taken seriously earlier when they have alleged sexual harassment.

Defamation and the defence:

Defamation is the communication of a false statement that harms the reputation of an individual person, business, product, group, government, religion, or nation.

The law of criminal defamation is premised on a person’s right to reputation.

o Making or publishing any imputation concerning any person, intending to harm, or knowing or having reason to believe that such imputation will harm, the reputation of such person is criminal

defamation.

Defamation:

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Akbar alleged that Ms Ramani’s allegations were defamatory and had damaged his personal reputation and as a minister, thereby causing him

irreparable loss and tremendous distress.

Defence:

Ramani’s lawyers pleaded truth as her defence, made in good faith, in the public interest, and for the public good.

Ramani premised her defence on the First Exception to Section 499. o “Imputation of truth” which is required for the “public good” and

thus has to be published, on the public conduct of government officials, the conduct of any person touching any public question and merits of the public performance are exceptions.

She also relied upon the Ninth Exception which says: o “It is not defamation to make an imputation on the character of

another provided that the imputation be made in good faith for the protection of the interests of the person making it, or of any other person, or for the public good.”

Conclusion:

The case has been placed in the correct perspective by noting that a woman cannot be punished for criminal defamation when she raises her voice against sexual harassment because “the right of reputation cannot be protected at the cost of the right of life and dignity of [the] woman”.

By rarely visiting retribution upon the perpetrators, the legal process has hitherto yielded little in terms of relief to the victim.

A conviction in this case would have had disastrous consequences for the many courageous women who have come out with disturbing revelations about the extent to which a large number of professions and fields in the country have been unsafe.

Against all odds, the verdict may come to be a defining image in India’s long walk towards respecting female sexual autonomy.

With this verdict, many more women will now be emboldened to resist harassment at the workplace and elsewhere.

Hopefully, a few men are now deterred from trading power and position to secure sexual favours.

29. An estimate of WASH across healthcare facilities in India

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Context:

Study into the cost of ensuring WASH (water, sanitation and hygiene) in

healthcare facilities of India.

Background:

Lack of WASH facilities:

A 2019 joint global baseline report by WHO and UNICEF had pointed out that globally, one in four healthcare facilities lacked basic water servicing and one in five had no sanitation service and 42% had no hygiene facilities

at point of care.

Concerns with low coverage of WASH provisions:

Inadequacies in proving WASH and also lack of infection prevention and control can lead to healthcare associated infections. Pathogens like Acinetobacter baumannii, Enterococcus faecalis, Escherichia coli, Salmonella typhi, Streptococcus pneumoniae have been implicated as causative agents of healthcare associated infections because of their ability to develop resistance to antibiotics.

Around 8,27,000 people in low and middle-income countries die as a result of inadequate water, sanitation and hygiene each year. Approximately, death of 2,97,000 children under five years can be prevented each year if better WASH could be provided.

Details:

The study estimates that improving WASH across the pubic healthcare facilities in India and maintaining this for a year would cost $354 million in capital costs and $289 million in recurrent expenses.

The study finds that the most costly interventions were providing clean water, linen reprocessing and sanitation while the least expensive were hand hygiene, medical device reprocessing and environmental surface cleaning.

Significance of WASH strategy:

Developmental goal:

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The status of WASH (water, sanitation and hygiene) in healthcare facilities is an important issue in development. Ensuring availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation is one of the 2030

sustainable development goals.

Infection prevention and control:

WASH is related to infection prevention and control. WASH interventions can help reduce healthcare-associated infections among mother and

neonates across the Indian healthcare system. In the fight against the spread of antimicrobial resistance, prevention of infections is an important aspect.

Cost effective intervention:

A 2012 WHO report had calculated that for every dollar invested in sanitation, there was $5.50 to be gained in lower health costs, more

productivity and fewer premature deaths. Addressing gaps in WASH across the Indian healthcare system is

affordable when compared to other national health campaigns and provides a cost effective health intervention in the Indian context with

limited recourses available for health interventions.

Way forward:

There is the need for a concerted effort from local bodies, State and Central governments to sustainably address quality and inequality issues in

WASH provision. There is the need to combine the WASH initiative with other national

efforts to address health priorities. The intersection between WASH, infection prevention and control and antimicrobial resistance offers policy makers an opportunity to address multiple overlapping problems through interventions on WASH in healthcare facilities.

30. Australia Vs Facebook: News Media Bargaining Code

Context: Australian PM Morrison has launched a global diplomatic offensive to drum up support for Australia’s proposed law (News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Bargaining Code Bill 2020).

The bill mandates a bargaining code that aims to force Google and Facebook to

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compensate media companies for using their content

Australian PM has reached out to Indian and Canadian PM to discuss on such

type of regulations.

Australia’s legislation – Voluntary Mechanism was not the solution

Back in 2017, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) recommended a voluntary code with an aim to address the negotiating skew between major digital platforms and media businesses

Based on these recommendations, the Australian government in 2019 asked various stakeholders and the ACCC to develop this voluntary code.

The ACCC, however, pointed out in April 2020 that the businesses were not likely to reach an agreement voluntarily. This paved way for drafting a mandatory code.

The provision of mandatory code requiring Google & FB to enter into payment negotiations with media companies — with an arbiter mandated to adjudicate if no agreement is reached — or face heavy fines, has met with resistance.

The arbiter is deemed important mainly for smaller publishers who may face a negotiation skew with the platforms.

European authorities have specifically linked payments to copyright, without putting a forcing device into the agreements.

Australia’s code, on the other hand, is almost entirely focused on the bargaining power of news outlets vis-à-vis the tech majors, and has some coercive features as well.

What is the core issue between Tech Giants and Regulators?

While links to news may not be direct advertising money-spinners for Facebook or Google, both see the presence of news as an important aspect of audience engagement with their products.

Google and Facebook are two of the largest and most profitable companies in history – and each holds far more bargaining power than any news publisher. The news media bargaining code sets out to undo this imbalance.

The fight in Australia is in fact, centred on how much control these companies would be able to retain on their payout process — operational aspects such as deciding the quantum of payments for news feed sources, and having to reveal changes in their algorithm

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Response by Tech Giants

Threatens: In January 2021 when bill was being introduced, Google threatened to remove its search engine from Australia, and Facebook warned it could block Australian users from posting or sharing news links.

Arguments of Google & FB: They say that the media industry was already benefiting from traffic routed to them by the digital platforms, and that the proposed rules would expose the Internet companies to “unmanageable levels of financial and operational risk”.

Conciliatory position of Google: Google has backtracked and has moved ahead to sign a deal with one of the News Corporation

Retaliation by FB: However, Facebook— which has 17 million users in Australia — retaliated with a news blackout, blocking all news links on its platform.

Consequences of FB’s actions: In the process, FB also ended up silencing some emergency services, and reportedly removed posts from Australia’s Bureau of Meteorology, state health departments, fire and rescue services, charities, and emergency and crisis services.

The Debate in India

According to a FICCI-EY report for 2020, there are 300 million users of online news sites, portals and aggregators in the country — making up approximately 46% of Internet users and 77% of smartphone users in India at the end of 2019.

With 282 million unique visitors, India is the second largest online news consuming nation after China.

In India, digital advertising spends in 2019 grew 24% year-on-year to Rs 27,900 crore and are expected to grow to Rs 51,340 crore by 2022.

A substantial discussion on the impact of intermediary platforms on the health of news media outlets is yet to begin in any meaningful way.

Conclusion

Australia’s legislation sets a precedent in regulating social media across geographies, and is being closely watched the world over.

31. Voice vote as constitutional subterfuge

Context:

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The Karnataka Prevention of Slaughter and Preservation of Cattle Bill was passed by the State’s Legislative Council through a voice vote without any

division of votes as demanded by the opposition members. This allowed the state government to get the bill passed by the Council despite the lack of a majority in the upper house.

A similar process of a voice vote was used to pass the farm laws in the Rajya Sabha despite the government lacking a majority in the Upper House.

Concerns:

The article discusses some of the recent concerns associated with the

legislative process in India.

Bypassing constitutionally mandated legislative process:

In both cases, the pandemonium in the House caused by heated interventions by the Opposition was used as a pretext to resort to a voice vote. However, these two sets of laws passed with a voice vote amount to a gross bypassing of the constitutionally envisaged legislative process.

The legislative process followed for these laws did away with actual voting in the Upper House. These legislations were passed without an

actual legislative majority voting for them.

Reluctance to refer bills to parliamentary committees:

Despite the repeated calls for referring bills to parliamentary committees

for detailed scrutiny or review, the governments have often insisted on the bills not being referred to the legislative committees.

Misuse of money bill provisions:

There has been the misuse of money bill provisions to bypass the Upper

House of Parliament. The money bill route has been utilised increasingly in instances even where the laws concerned would not fit within the definition of a money bill.

Example: Aadhaar Bill, electoral bonds, retrospective validation of foreign political contributions and the overhaul of the legal regime relating to tribunals have been carried out through the Money Bill route.

The dissenting judge in the Aadhar case has called the misuse of the Money Bill nothing less than “a fraud on the Constitution”. A later

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constitutional Bench of the Court has since referred the issue of interpreting the Money Bill provision to a larger Bench.

Devaluing legislature:

There has been a sort of contempt for the legislature that has been shown by the executive since the mid-1970s, which has become more apparent during the pandemic. The legislature’s role in India is seen as only to pass legislation without allowing it to scrutinize the executive.

Parliament in India was not convened until it became necessary and there was also the uproar surrounding the suspending of the Question Hour.

Devaluing bicameralism:

The increasing use of the Money Bill route was defended by the then Leader of the Rajya Sabha when he deplored the repeated questioning by the indirectly elected Rajya Sabha of the wisdom of the directly elected Lok Sabha.

Democracy is being portrayed only in terms of parliamentary majority in the Lower House, the countervailing function of the Upper House is being neglected. This amounts to devaluing bicameralism itself.

Significance of bicameralism:

More representative:

The two Houses are chosen by different processes of representation and elected on a different schedule.

Rajya Sabha membership which is determined by elections to State Assemblies leads to a different principle of representation, often allowing different factors to prevail than those in the Lok Sabha elections. Rajya

Sabha allows for the representation of the state’s interests. The legislative council in the states allows for the inclusion of experts and

academicians who would otherwise not be able to meet the demands of

electoral politics.

Extra layer of legislative scrutiny:

John Stuart Mill had warned in his classic treatise on representative democracy that a majority in a single assembly could easily become

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despotic, if released from the necessity of considering whether its acts will be concurred in by another constituted authority.

The second chamber offers the opportunity for a second legislative

scrutiny and thus helps keep the lower house activities in check.

Ensures robust separation of powers:

An important merit of bicameralism in a Westminster system like India, where the Lower House is dominated by the executive is that the Rajya Sabha holds the potential of a somewhat different legislative relation to the executive, thus making a robust separation of powers possible.

Lacunae in bicameralism:

The undesirable practice of allowing members representing States they have no affiliation to has been allowed to flourish in Rajya Sabha.

The upper house has been increasingly used as a conduit to get the defeated candidates in the general elections into the executive. There has been very less scope for the entry of academicians and experts.

There has been controversy surrounding the use of money power to get elected to the upper houses with candidates spending huge amounts to get the electors to vote for them.

The constitutional design has resulted in an unequal positioning of the upper houses making them powerless.

Conclusion:

Even laws that are unquestionably desirable and necessary cannot be enacted using dubious legislative mechanisms.

It is important to recognize and acknowledge the key constitutional role played by the legislature and the crucial role that the upper house plays in

this.

32. India waited till China pulled back its troops

Context:

The first phase of disengagement in eastern Ladakh.

Background:

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In April 2020, China amassed a large number of troops and armaments along the disputed Line of Actual Control (LAC) in eastern Ladakh and other areas along the 3,488 km LAC.

This lead to stand-offs and skirmishes at Galwan Valley, Pangong Tso (lake), Gogra-Hot Springs and other areas.

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) moved into Indian territory and built fortified structures and defences, changing the status quo on the ground.

While the perception on the alignment of the LAC is disputed over the years, both sides concluded a series of agreements to maintain peace and tranquillity on the border.

Talks continued to resolve the dispute, in parallel.

Stand-off:

Pangong Tso:

At Pangong Tso, PLA troops moved up to Finger 4 from Finger 8. o Following which a major clash occurred resulting in injuries to over

70 Indian soldiers. o On the north bank, India’s perception of the LAC lies at Finger 8 and

the Army regularly carries out patrols till there. This was blocked as

a result of the Chinese intrusion.

Naku La:

Later, clashes were reported at Naku La in North Sikkim. India responded by mobilising additional troops and equipment to match

the Chinese build-up.

Disengagement talks:

Since then, several friction points emerged in eastern Ladakh. Both sides initiated diplomatic and military talks aimed at disengagement

and de-escalation, with India pushing for the restoration of status quo ante of pre-April.

India and China earlier reached an understanding for phased disengagement from all friction points followed by de-escalation from the depth areas along the LAC.

It was during this initial process of disengagement that the violent clash occurred in Galwan Valley, resulting in the death of 20 Indian soldiers.

o This marked the biggest clash since 1967.

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Despite that, disengagement continued at Patrolling Point (PP) 14 and PP15 in the Hot Springs area, and partial disengagement was undertaken at Hot Springs and on the north bank of Pangong Tso.

o The aim was to create a buffer at these locations with a small group of soldiers retained and the rest moving back to their permanent locations.

o However, PLA troops continued to sit on the ridgelines of Finger 4 overlooking Indian positions, which was a matter of significant concern to India as it would alter the status quo on the ground.

Fresh tensions occurred at the end of August 2020 on the south bank of Pangong Tso, as the Indian Army pre-empted Chinese moves and occupied several dominating peaks on the Kailash range on the Indian side of the LAC, which gave a tactical advantage to India.

o This resulted in a massive deployment of troops and tanks in very close proximity a couple of hundred metres of each other, at some locations.

o Several incidents of firing of warning shots also occurred, the first firing since 1975. This stalled the disengagement process.

In September 2020, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar met his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi in Moscow where they agreed on a five-point resolution to take forward the talks.

Details:

Though disengagement had taken place, de-escalation is yet to be implemented.

At the 10th Corps Commander talks, both the countries have agreed to push for a mutually acceptable solution for the remaining issues.

33. The blank pages in India’s online learning experience

Context:

The article analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the

education sector.

Background:

The COVID-19 pandemic has had an adverse impact on the social, economic and political spheres. COVID-19 has affected all sectors including the education sector.

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The schools have remained closed for almost a year. The lockdown happened during the last quarter of the academic year which led to the postponement of examinations and the curtailment of the prescribed

syllabi.

Digital learning:

Digital distance learning method is being promoted as an alternative to

traditional classroom training. The focus has been on the use of text/video/audio content through SMS, WhatsApp, radio and TV programmes to reach out to students and engage them.

The Union Ministry of Human Resource Development in March 2020 started sharing free e-learning platforms. They include the Diksha portal, e-Pathshala, SWAYAM portal and SWAYAM Prabha.

o Diksha portal has e-learning content aligned to the curriculum. o e-Pathshala is an app by the National Council of Educational

Research and Training for Classes 1 to 12 in multiple languages. o SWAYAM portal hosts 1,900 courses including teaching videos,

computer weekly assignments, examinations and credit transfers, aimed both at school (Classes 1 to 12) and higher education.

o SWAYAM Prabha is a group of 32 direct to home channels devoted

to the telecasting of educational programmes.

Details:

The COVID-19 pandemic would have the following negative impacts.

Rise in school dropouts:

Currently, around 300 million children across all age groups are reported to be out of school in India.

This number is expected to increase going forward, given the adverse economic impact of the pandemic on the poorer sections of society.

o A survey promoted by the Centre for Budget and Policy Studies found that in families which faced cash and food shortages, only 50% of the boys and girls were confident of returning to school. The abilities of the families and communities concerned to support the

educational journeys of the children have been found to be affected.

Doubts over learning outcome:

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There are questions on the level of understanding of students who have

undergone ‘digital learning’ at home. Studies conducted on government-run schools in various States indicate poor performance of students who have undergone digital learning.

With the educational routine having been disrupted, children, in many cases, have also forgotten what they learnt earlier. The decision to postpone the board examinations and to allow automatic promotion to the higher classes is bound to affect the quality.

Impact on girl students:

The girl students have to bear the extra burden due to the pandemic as apart from poor access to digital data, they were also burdened with

household/farm work. There is a growing apprehension that the disruption in education would

lead to child marriages in girl students.

Social impact:

The long closure of schools has also meant the disruption of a range of

social initiatives such as the mid-day meal scheme, the school health

programme and pre-metric scholarships to girl children. These initiatives have helped in enrolment as well as regular attendance.

Neglect of existing divides:

School closures have had a significant impact on both students and their families, more in the case of the vulnerable and underprivileged sections. Studies indicate that the rapid transition to digital learning has been very challenging for this section.

The digital initiative failed to take into account existing divides — spatial,

digital, gender and class. Due to this divide, many students were unable to access online education

due to a lack of devices and poor or no Internet connectivity. The attempts at digital learning have only exposed the wide digital divide between the rich and the poor and the urban and rural areas.

o A recent UNICEF report points out that the massive school closures exposed the uneven distribution of technology that is needed to facilitate remote learning.

Lack of capacity:

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The digital initiative seems to have been taken in a haphazard manner. Many States lacked adequate digital infrastructure and even teachers

were poorly equipped to teach. Also, they were not consulted before the initiative.

There is credible evidence that students, parents and teachers were

unprepared for the pedagogic shift.

Way forward:

In order to achieve education-enabled social and economic mobility, the following aspects need to be considered.

NGO model as a template:

Interestingly, schools run by the non-governmental organisation sector did fairly well during the interregnum. Catering mostly to the poor and backward segments, these schools did not go online. Instead, teachers visited individual students at home. They also taught children in small groups.

This could serve as a model for further replication.

Post pandemic approach:

Once schools reopen finally, the authorities should establish the re-

enrolment of children as mandated by the National Education Policy 2020.

Mass outreach programmes should be developed with civil society to encourage re-enrolment. Remedial tuitions and counselling are advisable, along with scholarships, targeted cash transfers and other entitlements to retain the poorest at school.

Addressing systemic issues:

The systemic issues of education that relate to quality, equity and gender need to be addressed. Education planning has to be context-specific,

gender-responsive and inclusive.

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34. Sedition lies in the effect, not in content

Context:

Disha Ravi, a climate activist, was arrested by the Delhi police from

Bengaluru on charges of sedition.

Background:

Section 124A:

Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which deals with sedition, was drafted by Thomas Babington Macaulay and included in the IPC in 1870.

Section 124A of the IPC states that ‘Whoever, by words, either spoken or written, or by signs, or by visible representation, or otherwise, brings or attempts to bring into hatred or contempt, or excites or attempts to excite disaffection towards, the Government established by law, shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend to three years, to which fine may be added.’

Cases related to section 124A:

Kedar Nath Singh v/s State of Bihar (1962) case:

In Kedar Nath Singh v. State of Bihar (1962), the Supreme Court upheld

the constitutional validity of sedition and noted it as being a reasonable

restriction on free speech as provided in Article 19(2) of the Constitution. It made clear that a citizen has the right to say or write whatever she likes

about the government, or its measures, by way of criticism or comments, as long as she does not incite people to violence against the government

established by law or with the intention of creating public disorder.

Bombay High Court case:

The Bombay High Court, in the case of cartoonist Aseem Trivedi, issued guidelines that the police must follow prior to invoking the provisions of sedition.

This includes an objective evaluation of the material on whether the words and actions cause disaffection, enmity and disloyalty to the government

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and if it is of the magnitude that incites violence or tends to create public disorder.

The police are also required to obtain a legal opinion in writing from a law officer of the district who must give reasons on how the pre-conditions are met. This needs to be followed by a second opinion from the State’s public

prosecutor.

Concerns:

Misuse of the law:

There are questions being raised on the misuse of this law to quell

dissent. Notably, many charged are individuals protesting government action,

which the Constitution Bench in Kedar Nath held falls outside the ambit of sedition.

Data from the National Crime Records Bureau notes that between 2016 and 2019, the number of cases of sedition under Section 124A increased

by 160%, while the rate of conviction dropped to 3.3% in 2019 from 33.3% in 2016.

Poor implementation of law and associated guidelines:

While courts have on numerous occasions cautioned law enforcement agencies not to misuse the provisions on sedition, and follow court directions, they have been grossly ignored. There has been the poor implementation of the law and guidelines related to section 124A.

Way forward:

The law needs a relook:

Despite a Constitution Bench upholding the law on sedition, the available data and the gross misuse of the legal provisions call for a complete relook at the provision.

Also given that there have been substantial changes since 1962 when the Kedar Nath case was decided, there is a need for a relook as a law cannot afford to remain static.

Many nations have repealed sedition like provisions in their statute. The U.K. repealed the offence of sedition in 2010.

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In 2018, the Law Commission of India also called for a relook at the controversial law.

Following the guidelines provided by the judiciary:

The police must follow the process established by law and follow the guidelines provided by the Bombay High Court in the Aseem Trivedi case.

An effect-based test:

The courts must adopt what some Western countries follow: an effect-based test which examines the effects of the seditious text rather than a

content-based test which reviews the text alone.

Conclusion:

The law of sedition is a powerful tool in the hands of the state to maintain peace and order in society. However, it cannot be invoked to quieten the

disquiet under the pretence of muzzling the miscreants.

35. New paradigm in animal husbandry

Context:

The Animal Husbandry Infrastructure Development Fund (AHIDF) announced in 2020 under the AtmaNirbhar Bharat Abhiyan stimulus

package.

Details:

The Animal Husbandry Infrastructure Development Fund (AHIDF) aims to incentivize investments by individual entrepreneurs, private companies, MSME, Farmers Producers Organizations (FPOs) and Section 8 companies to establish dairy processing and value addition infrastructure, meat

processing and value addition infrastructure and animal feed plants. As per the provisions of AHIDF, a project will be eligible for a loan

amount that covers up to 90% of the estimated cost – with an interest subvention of 3% for all eligible entities.

The AHIDF has been set up with an outlay of Rs. 15,000 crore.

Significance:

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Address infrastructural deficit in dairy value chain:

AHIDF will help strengthen the dairy value chain which is currently facing an infrastructural deficit.

There is an infrastructure gap of about 120-130 MMT in terms of chilling infrastructure at collection centres. Similarly, there is an infrastructural deficit even in terms of milk processing.

The setting up of chilling infrastructure at collection centres by setting up

bulk milk coolers will help prevent wastage of milk.

Help increase productivity of cattle:

AHIDF’s focus on the animal feed sector will help increase the productivity of cattle, especially by enhancing the quality of animal feed.

AHIDF has been designed to support the establishment of animal feed plants of varying capacities – including the setting up of mineral mixture plants, silage making units, and animal feed testing laboratory.

This could spur innovative solutions from domestic start-ups for the

development of new varieties of green fodder and enriched animal feed.

Nutritional security:

The scheme’s support to the poultry industry will not only result in economic but also nutritional benefits by boosting the poultry segment’s output, efficiency and quality.

o India is the fourth-largest chicken meat producer and the second-largest egg producer in the world.

The poultry sector can help mitigate rampant malnutrition given that

chicken meat provides the cheapest source of protein per unit. Eggs have been introduced as part of the mid-day meal in several anganwadis in the

country.

Economic benefits:

As an allied industry of agriculture, the animal husbandry and dairy sector collectively employ more than 100 million people.

The AHIDF has the potential to create over 30 lakh jobs, as it helps to overhaul domestic infrastructure towards giving greater prominence to India’s dairy and livestock products in the global value chain.

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Also given that the bulk of animal husbandry related establishments are concentrated in rural India, the impetus to this sector will have a

substantial impact on the socio-economic development of the nation.

Climate action:

Macro benefits regarding climate change are linked to the animal husbandry sector. Enhanced infrastructure can make processing units

more energy-efficient and help mitigate their carbon footprint.

36. A proper transfer policy needed

Context:

The article analyzes the issue of frequent transfers of civil servants.

Details:

Frequent transfers of civil servants:

The issue of frequent transfers of civil servants is a significant issue across India.

o The analysis of the SUPREMO (Single User Platform Related to Employees Online) database of the Department of Personnel and Training, Government of India, shows that the average posting spell

of civil servants in India is only about 15 months. This is despite an increase in the median tenure since 2014 at the national level.

o The Union Minister of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, has publicly accepted the issue of frequent transfer of officers in States.

Ashok Khemka and Pradeep Kasni are two Haryana-based IAS officers whose cases symbolise the issue of frequent transfers. Mr. Khemka has been transferred more than 50 times in his career and Mr. Kasni 65 times.

Recommendations:

The Fifth Pay Commission had recommended that no premature transfer should be allowed and that there should be a fixation of a minimum tenure for each post.

The Second Administrative Reforms Commission too has highlighted this issue.

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The Hota Committee had argued against frequent transfers.

Concerns:

Despite multiple recommendations there continues to be the continued undermining of transfer guidelines and this has become a major

shortcoming of personnel administration in India.

Effect on public servants’ morale:

Frequent transfers have a deleterious impact on officer morale, leading to a reduction in efficiency and effectiveness.

Weakens administration:

Frequent transfers deny the civil servants the opportunity to settle down into an official role. This could weaken the administration.

The absence of a fixed tenure of officials is one of the most important reasons for the tardy implementation of government policies, for lack of

accountability of officers, for the waste of public money because of inadequate supervision of programmes under implementation and for large-scale corruption.

The lack of administration impacts development and governance and acts as a collective punishment to the population of that place. This could cause

distrust, disconnect and alienation in the region.

Against core civil service values:

The frequent transfer of officials is mostly blamed on the interference of local politicians.

Transfers often reflect administrative favouritism and create divisions among civil servants.

If they are done on a political basis, this impacts the neutrality of the civil

services. The core values of the civil services — neutrality, impartiality and

anonymity are bound to be affected.

Conclusion:

Good governance and better administration of development is a sine qua non in present times.

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Civil servants, no matter how dedicated, innovative and efficient they may be, need stability of tenure to govern well and this necessitates an efficient transfer policy.

37. Federalism and India’s human capital

Background:

Poor Human capital indicators:

India’s human capital indicators remain low. o India is ranked 116th in the World Bank’s Human Capital Index. o The National Family Health Survey-5 for 2019-20 notes that

malnutrition indicators stagnated or declined in most States. o The National Achievement Survey 2017 and the Annual Status of

Education Report 2018 show poor learning outcomes. The COVID-19 pandemic is bound to worsen the human capital indicators

further.

Government initiatives:

Several government initiatives have been launched to address the problem of low human capital indicators in India.

o The National Health Policy, 2017 seeks to reach everyone in a comprehensive integrated way to move towards wellness. It aims at achieving universal health coverage and delivering quality health care services to all at affordable costs. It proposes free drugs, free diagnostics and free emergency and essential health care services in all public hospitals in a bid to provide access and financial protection.

o The National Health Policy of 2017 calls for interventions to address malnutrition. The Poshan Abhiyaan has been launched, as part of the Umbrella Integrated Child Development Scheme. The Prime Minister’s Overarching Scheme for Holistic Nutrition or POSHAN

Abhiyaan or National Nutrition Mission, is the Government of India’s flagship programme to improve nutritional outcomes for children, pregnant women and lactating mothers. The POSHAN Abhiyaan directs the attention of the country towards the problem of malnutrition and addresses it in a mission-mode. The latest Union Budget has announced a ‘Mission Poshan 2.0’.

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o Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan, the Centre’s flagship education scheme is an overarching programme for the school education sector extending from pre-school to class 12, with the broader goal of improving school effectiveness. It subsumes the three schemes of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan and Teacher Education. This sector-wide development programme/scheme would help harmonise the implementation mechanisms and transaction costs at all levels.

Concerns:

Low allocation to social sector:

India spends just 4% of its GDP as public expenditure on human capital (around 1% and 3% on health and education respectively), making it one

of the lowest spenders among its peers.

Poor decentralization:

International experience suggests a positive correlation between

decentralisation and human capital development. Globally, there has been a gradual shift in the distribution of expenditures and revenue towards sub-national governments.

However, India has been plagued by the issue of poor decentralisation. This is one of the main reasons why government interventions in the social sector are not leading to social development.

Details:

Decentralization in India:

In India, three tiers of government are envisaged, the Centre, the States and the local governing bodies in the form of panchayats and municipalities.

The Constitution divides powers between the Centre and the states as per the three lists under the Seventh Schedule.

o Public health is on the State List. The broader subject of economic and social planning is in the Concurrent List. Education was shifted from the State List to the Concurrent List through the 42nd Amendment.

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The Constitution provides for fiscal transfers from the Centre to the states

through tax devolution and grants-in-aid. In addition, the Centre can make ‘grants for any public purpose’ under Article 282 of the Constitution. While fiscal transfers that are part of tax devolution are unconditional, transfers under grants-in-aid or Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSSs) can be conditional.

The 73rd and 74th Amendments bolstered decentralisation by constitutionally recognising panchayats and municipalities as the third tier of governance. They have been allocated significant functions in the Eleventh and Twelfth schedules, including education, health and sanitation, and social welfare for panchayats, and public health and socio-economic development planning for municipalities.

Steps towards decentralisation:

In recent years, India has taken some steps towards decentralisation. The Fourteenth Finance Commission increased the States’ share in tax

devolution from 32% to 42%, which was effectively retained by the Fifteenth Finance Commission. The increase in the States’ share of tax devolution represents deepening decentralisation.

Concerns:

Fiscal imbalance:

Fiscally, while the Constitution assigns the bulk of expenditure

responsibilities to States, the Centre has major revenue sources. This results in a vertical fiscal imbalance between the Centre and the states.

Despite some shifts towards greater State autonomy in the form of higher vertical devolution, the centralised nature of India’s fiscal architecture has

persisted.

Big role for Centrally Sponsored Schemes:

Centrally Sponsored Schemes form a sizeable chunk of intergovernmental fiscal transfers, comprising almost 23% of transfers to States in 2021-22. Its outsized role strays from the intentions of the Constitution.

There are issues in the design of CSSs as well, with the conditions being overly prescriptive and, typically, input-based. International experience reveals that schemes with output-based conditions are more effective.

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Also, CSSs typically have a cost-sharing model, thereby pre-empting the States’ fiscal space. Notably many CSSs cover subjects in the State and Concurrent Lists, such as health and education and thus there is some

degree of overlap leading to inefficient use of the available resources.

Indirect attempts at reducing financial devolution:

There have been concerns over the Centre’s attempts to offset tax

devolution by altering cost-sharing ratios of CSSs and increasing cesses.

Ad hoc allotments:

There has been an increasing share of allotment through the provisions of Article 282.

Article 282 of the Constitution is listed as a ‘Miscellaneous Financial

Provision’, unlike Articles 270 and 275, which fall under ‘Distribution of Revenues between the Union and the States’. Thus the allotments under Article 282 could be characterized as more of a residuary power which can lead to adhocism in fiscal devolution.

The Supreme Court also in Bhim Singh vs Union of India had observed that “Article 282 is normally meant for special, temporary or ad hoc

schemes”.

Reluctance of state governments to empower third tier:

The Constitution lets States determine how and to what degree the third tier of governance are empowered.

Many states have been reluctant to functionally and fiscally empower the third tier of governance. They have not clearly demarcated or devolved functions for panchayats and municipalities.

Fiscally disempowered third tier:

The third-tier governments continue to be fiscally disempowered. The collection of property tax, a major source of revenue for third-tier governments, is very low in India (under 0.2% of GDP, compared to 3% of GDP in some other nations).

Many States have not constituted or completed State Finance

Commissions (SFCs) on time, thus not complying with the constitutional provisions pertaining to SFCs. The Constitution envisages State Finance

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Commissions (SFCs) to make recommendations for matters such as tax devolution and grants-in-aid to the third tier.

Conclusion:

Investing in human capital through interventions in nutrition, health, and education is critical for sustainable growth. A decentralised approach and

strong local governments can enhance developmental outcomes.

States and the third tier of governance should be assigned a bigger role in human capital interventions and should be allocated adequate fiscal resources. The Centre should play an enabling role.

38. The structural fragility of Union Territories

Context:

The political turmoil in the Union Territory of Puducherry. o The sudden resignation of Congress MLAs from the Puducherry

Assembly has resulted in the ruling Congress government led by V. Narayanasamy losing its majority.

Background:

The original Constitution under Article 239 provided for the administration of UTs directly by the President through the administrators. However there was a general perception that this framework fails to meet the democratic aspirations of the people.

Article 239A was brought in 1962, to enable Parliament to create legislatures for the UTs. In this direction, some UTs were provided with a legislature and Council of Ministers to fulfil the democratic aspirations of

the people of these territories.

Structural fragility of UTs:

An analysis of the constitutional provisions and their implementation brings to light the structural fragility of Union Territories (UTs) in the Indian federation.

This structural fragility makes it easier for the central government to interfere in the functioning of the UTs and destabilise them.

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Composition of the legislature:

As per the constitutional provisions regarding the composition of the legislature in UTs, it is a body that is elected, or partly elected and partly

nominated. o A legislature that is partly elected and partly nominated cannot

uphold democratic aspirations. A simple amendment in the Government of Union Territories Act, 1963 can create a legislature with more than 50% nominated members. A predominantly

nominated House cannot promote representative democracy. As per the provisions there can be a Council of Ministers without a

legislature, or there can be a legislature as well as a Council of Ministers. o A legislature without a Council of Ministers or a Council of

Ministers without a legislature is a conceptual absurdity as in our constitutional scheme, a legislature is the law-making body and a legislative proposal is initiated by the government, which is responsible to the legislature. Neither can the legislature exist without a Council of Ministers nor can the Council of Ministers exist

without a legislature.

Issue of nomination:

The issue of nomination of members to the Puducherry Assembly has been a point of controversy. The Government of Union Territories Act provides for a 33-member House for Puducherry of whom three are to be nominated by the Central government. The Union government had nominated three BJP members to the Assembly without consulting the government and this was challenged in the court.

Unlike the provision for nomination of members to the Rajya Sabha under Article 80 which specifies the fields from which members will be nominated, in the case of nomination to the Puducherry Assembly, no

such qualification is laid down either in Article 239A or the Government of Union Territories Act. This leaves the field open for the Union government to nominate anyone irrespective of whether he or she is suitable.

o The purpose of the nomination provisions is to enable the legislative houses to draw on the expertise of those eminent members who are nominated and thus enrich the debate in the House.

The Supreme Court in the Lakshminarayanan v. Union of India, 2019 held that the Union government is not required to consult the State

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government for nominating members to the Assembly and the nominated members have the same right to vote as the elected members.

o The Supreme Court failed to specify the fields from which those persons could be nominated and also lay down a fair procedure to be followed for nomination of members.

Administrator’s power:

The UTs have not been granted necessary autonomy thus depriving them of a fully democratic set-up. Enormous powers have been vested in the

administrator, who is known as the Lieutenant Governor in the UTs having a legislature.

Under Section 44 of the Government of Union Territories Act and Article 239 AA(4) of the Constitution, the administrator has the right to disagree with the decisions of the Council of Ministers and then refer them to the

President for a final decision. The administrator can then take all actions he or she deems fit in the matter in total disregard of the elected government. This allows the Union government to control the UT through the administrator and is a hindrance to the idea of a free and autonomous government in the UTs.

The President decides on the advice of the Union government. So, in effect, it is the Union government which finally determines the disputed issue.

Despite the SC noting in the NCT of Delhi v. Union of India (2019) case that the administrator should not misuse his/her power to frustrate the functioning of the elected government in the territory and use it after all methods have failed to reconcile the differences between him/her and the Council of Ministers, there has been no improvement in this regard.

o In Puducherry, the conflicts between the Lt. Governor and the Chief Minister were perennial.

o Similarly, in the National Capital Territory of Delhi, the tussle between the Lt. Governor and the CoM continues.

Conclusion:

Experience shows that the UTs having legislatures with ultimate control vested in the central administrator are not workable. There should a relook at the existing legal and constitutional provisions to realize the

vision of a free and autonomous government in the UTs.

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38. The absurdity of the anti-defection law

Context:

Resignation of MLAs from the ruling party in Puducherry that helped lower the numbers required for a no-confidence motion to succeed and bring down the existing government.

A similar pattern was also seen recently in other states such as Madhya

Pradesh and Karnataka.

Background:

Anti-defection law:

The anti-defection law was included in the Constitution as the Tenth

Schedule in 1985. The main purpose was to preserve the stability of governments and

insulate them from defections of legislators from the treasury benches. The law stated that any Member of Parliament (MP) or that of a State

legislature (MLA) would be disqualified from their office if they voted

on any motion contrary to the directions issued by their party. The provision is not limited to confidence motions or money bills but also applies to all votes in the House. It even applies to the Rajya Sabha and Legislative Councils, which have no say in the stability of the government.

The Constitution was consequently amended to ensure that any person disqualified for defecting cannot get a ministerial position unless they are re-elected.

Details:

The recent events in Puducherry highlight the concerns associated with the

anti-defection law.

Against the concept of representative democracy:

The anti-defection provision goes against the concept of representative democracy envisioned in the Indian Constitution which envisages the MP

or MLA as a representative of the people of the electoral constituency. Due to the anti-defection law provisions, an MP (or MLA) has absolutely

no freedom to vote based on their judgement on any issue. They have to blindly follow the direction of the party.

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The anti-defection law provisions make the MP neither a delegate of the constituency nor a national legislator as envisaged under a representative

democracy but make them just an agent of the party.

Reduces the accountability of the government:

In a parliamentary form of government, the legislator is accountable to

voters, and the government is accountable to legislators. o The presidential form of government (such as in the United States)

has higher stability but lower accountability as the President is elected for four years, and cannot be removed except for proven misdemeanour. In the parliamentary form like India, the government is accountable on a daily basis through questions and motions, and can be removed any time it loses the support of the majority of the members of the Lok Sabha. The Constitution drafting committee believed that India needed a government that was accountable, even at the cost of stability and hence chose the parliamentary form of government for India.

In India, the chain of accountability has been broken by making legislators accountable primarily to the party. This means that anyone from the party having a majority in the legislature is unable to hold the government to account. Hence, the anti-defection bill weakens the accountability mechanism.

Eroding legislatures:

An important consequence of the anti-defection law is the hollowing out of our legislatures.

Since the MP or MLA has no freedom to take decisions on policy and legislative proposals, he/she will have no incentive to understand the different policy choices and their outcomes.

Hence, the core role of an MP to examine and decide on policy, bills and

budgets is side-lined.

Using loopholes in the provisions of the anti-defection law:

The anti-defection law was intended to end the evil of political defection and hence help ensure the stability of elected governments. However, the anti-defection law has failed to even provide stability.

The political system has found novel ways to topple governments by exploiting the loopholes in the existing anti-defection law provisions.

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o This includes methods like reducing the total membership through resignations. The Constitution was amended to ensure that any person disqualified for defecting cannot get a ministerial position unless they are re-elected. In order to escape the disqualification, sitting MLAs and MPs are resorting to resignation rather than voting against the party.

o In some instances, the Speaker — usually from the ruling party —

has delayed taking a decision on the disqualification. This has led to members who continue to be part of the main Opposition party becoming Ministers (Andhra Pradesh in the term of the last Assembly).

Flawed argument:

The premise that the anti-defection law is needed to punish legislators who betray the mandate given by the voters seems to be flawed.

If voters believe that they have been betrayed by the defectors, they can vote them out in the next election. However, many of the defectors in States such as Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh were re-elected in the by-polls, which were held due to their disqualification.

Wrong solution:

The issue with anti-defection law is that it attempts to find a legal

solution to what is essentially a political problem. If the stability of government is an issue due to people defecting from their

parties, the answer is for parties to strengthen their internal systems to ensure greater exit barriers. This has not been possible with many of the political parties which continue to encounter a large number of defections

despite the anti-defection law.

Not in line with international practice:

India’s anti-defection law stands in stark contrast with other democracies. o The U.S. system has a more liberal view of legislators not in line

with the party’s stand. In the recent vote on the impeachment of former U.S. President Donald Trump, seven members from his party in the U.S. Senate, the Republicans, voted to convict him. This would not lead to any legal repercussion on the republican senators. However, the party is free to take action. Also, voters may decide to

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reject the legislator for re-election, in line with the core design element of representative democracy.

Conclusion:

The anti-defection law has been detrimental to the functioning of the

legislatures as deliberative bodies which hold the executive to account on behalf of citizens. The anti-defection law has turned the legislature into just a forum to endorse the decision of the government on Bills and budgets.

The law has not been able to fulfil the intended objective of ensuring the

stability of the governments by ending the practice of political defections.

The Tenth Schedule to the Constitution must be reviewed.

39. Should governments regulate online platforms?

Context:

Australia’s new News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Bargaining

Code.

Details:

The main provisions of Australia’s new News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Bargaining Code are as follows:

o Australia’s new code will force platforms like Facebook and Google to pay local media outlets and publishers to link their content in news feeds or search results.

o The proposed code would require Facebook and Google to open up their algorithmic black boxes, and their datasets that underpin the advertising market, to regulatory scrutiny.

o It would enable the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission to compel Google and Facebook to carry certain news

services for a yet-to-be specified fee.

Regulation of tech giants:

The Australian law is being seen as an initial attempt to regulate tech

giants to take back some of the control they have on global

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communications. The Australian process is one of many taking place around the world in the last three to five years, including in India.

The days of voluntary self-regulatory efforts from the large platforms seem to be ending with many countries preferring mandated regulatory

requirements.

Concerns:

There are questions on whether this code could provide an ideal regulatory model for regulating big tech.

Against free speech:

The regulation of the platforms could affect free speech. Requiring the platforms to compulsorily carry some content amounts to

compelled speech and goes against the ideal of free speech. Sir Tim Berners-Lee, the creator of the web, has testified to Australian

legislators that the proposed code breaks the web and goes against the

spirit of the internet which envisions free flow of information.

Liable to misuse:

The provision requiring the platforms to compulsorily carry some content could be misused by the state authority.

If the platforms are required to carry official speech, they can be used by the state to spread their ideology.

Significance of internet platforms:

The regulation of internet platforms could have a detrimental impact on the effectiveness of these platforms.

Social media has been an important platform for voices not heard in the

mainstream media given its easy accessibility. Social media’s role in the #BlackLivesMatter and #MeToo movement signifies the efficacy of social

media platforms.

Counterview:

Arguments in favour of regulation of big tech are based on the following aspects.

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Need to counter growing inequity in the sector:

There are concerns being raised that the Internet has been hijacked by a

small group of companies that are rewiring it. These companies control the critical audience data and also enjoy a

substantial share of online advertising. o Most countries including Australia have a highly concentrated

Internet with Google accounting for a large share of search queries.

Google and Facebook account for a large share of online advertising.

Increasing power and influence of internet platforms:

The recent case of Twitter permanently suspending the account of U.S. President, Mr. Donald Trump is an example of the power being wielded by these platforms which allowed a private corporate actor the power to de-platform the most powerful politician. Though there are arguments both in favour of and against this move, the lack of clear cut guidelines in such a scenario enables such platforms to misuse their control on users

for vested interests. The increasing reach of the platforms also provides them with greater

influence among the masses. This could be used to their advantage.

Dangers posed by internet platforms:

The internet platforms can also be misused for disinformation operations, and to fan the flames of political polarisation, hate speech, misogynistic abuse, terrorist propaganda.

A conception of freedom of speech that does not draw boundaries around assaults on democracy amounts to a fundamentally wrong approach to freedom of speech.

An institutional arrangement like the proposed code can help regulate the

misuse of internet platforms.

Need to ensure fair carriage of news:

One cannot label must-carry laws as compelled speech. Though making platforms common carriers is not a good idea, it would help move towards fair carriage of news.

This would also help ensure that certain public interest-oriented

journalism is also carried on the internet platform This idea may not be

antithetical to democratic ideals.

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Conclusion:

Reasonable regulation is democratic, but the moral panic around big tech needs to be avoided.

The European-Canadian international human rights standards for freedom of expression and opinion which recognize the inherent right of freedom of speech and expression but subject to limits established through the rule of law, which is compatible with that of a democratic society may serve as the right model for regulation of the internet platforms.

40. India, Pakistan agree to adhere to 2003 ceasefire

Context:

India and Pakistan have issued a joint statement for the first time in years.

Background:

India and Pakistan had agreed to a ceasefire on the LoC in November 2003. The ceasefire along the borders was first enforced on November 23, 2003,

when the then Pakistan Prime Minister Zafarullah Jamali announced the decision on the eve of Eid-ul-Fitr and his then Indian counterpart late Atal Behari Vajpayee immediately reciprocated.

Though the ceasefire was largely held over the years, it came under strain following the Pulwama attack in 2019 and India’s decision to scrap Jammu and Kashmir’s special status.

Troops from the two sides have regularly exchanged fire.

Details:

The countries have agreed to a strict observance of all agreements, understandings and cease firing along the Line of Control (LoC) and all other sectors with effect from the midnight of February 24-25, 2021.

In the interest of achieving mutually beneficial and sustainable peace along the borders, the two Directors General of Military Operations agreed to address each other’s core issues and concerns which have the propensity to disturb peace and lead to violence.

In addition, they would use existing mechanisms of hotlines and flag meetings to resolve any misunderstandings.

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As per the existing mechanism, there is a discussion by officials from the Military Operations directorate every Tuesday but the DGMOs speak only when one side requests for a conversation.

Political parties in J&K welcomed the decision calling it a step in the right direction.

They opine that, for the interest of mutually beneficial and sustainable peace in the entire region, India and Pakistan need to address the core concern of J&K in keeping with the aspirations of its people.

Role of Backchannel diplomacy:

Experts opine that backchannel diplomacy led to the talks and helped produce a joint statement between the two sides.

Signs had come against the backdrop of India’s region-wide diplomacy regarding COVID-19, in which Pakistan had participated under the umbrella of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).

o While Pakistan had shown reluctance in engaging in bilateral exchanges with India on the global pandemic, it supported Prime Minister Modi’s five proposals for collaboration at the South Asian level on containing the pandemic.

Pakistan PM’s latest trip to Sri Lanka was one more instance of softening of attitudes.

In comparison to the airspace denial that both countries had imposed on each other during and in the aftermath of the Pulwama terror strike, India this week allowed the aircraft carrying Pakistan PM’s passage.

However, it is important to note that during these signs of backchannel talks, both sides have maintained their positions on Kashmir.

Conclusion:

If the 2003 ceasefire is formalised with clear rules and regulations, demilitarized zones, neutral observers and joint commissions, it should reduce the chances of future ceasefire violations.

However, the success of ceasefires in most conflict situations depends heavily on political will.

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GS 3 : Economy, Science and Technology,Environment

1. Being petroleum-independent

Context:

Speaking on the increase in petrol and diesel prices, Prime Minister had emphasized the need to reduce India’s energy import dependence and

the need to adopt cleaner sources of energy.

Measures taken to reduce energy import dependence:

Various governments have undertaken several initiatives to increase the energy security of India.

Fuel efficiency standards:

The formulation of fuel efficiency standards for passenger vehicles was one of the earliest measures in this direction. It aimed to reduce fuel

consumption by the vehicles while also ensuring lesser pollution. Heavy-duty vehicles, which consume nearly 60% of the diesel used in the

country, are also now subject to fuel efficiency standards.

National Electric Mobility Mission Plan:

The National Electric Mobility Mission Plan (NEMMP) aims to promote

sales of electric and hybrid vehicles in India. NEMMP aims to make hybrid and electric vehicles the first choice for the purchasers so that these vehicles can replace conventional vehicles and thus reduce liquid fuel consumption in the country from the automobile sector.

National Electric Mobility Mission employs a multi-stakeholder approach through demand-side incentives and supply-side incentives. It also aims to promote R&D in technology including battery technology, power electronics, motors, and battery management system.

FAME scheme:

Under NEMMP 2020, Government launched the Faster Adoption and Manufacturing of (Hybrid &) Electric Vehicles in India (FAME India) scheme to promote the manufacturing of electric and hybrid vehicle

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technology. The Faster Adoption and Manufacturing of Electric Vehicles (FAME-II) scheme now focuses largely on electric vehicles.

Alternate fuels:

The share of bioethanol in petrol has been raised to nearly 8% by volume under the 2018 National Policy on Biofuels.

The government has been encouraging multiple fuels in the transport sector including natural gas. The impetus to use Biogas in modified engines could help further decrease import dependency.

Other measures:

The government has also provided several additional fiscal and non-fiscal

incentives to encourage a transition to electric vehicles.

Significance of reducing import dependency:

The government measures aimed at reducing import dependency can give rise to the following benefits:

Consumers will save money due to more fuel-efficient ICE vehicles. Consumers who switch to electric vehicles will save even more as these consume less energy, and electricity is cheaper compared to petrol and diesel.

The reduced import of fossil fuels will help India address its current account deficit in international trade.

It will help India achieve energy security by insulating India from the volatile fossil fuel market.

The decreasing use of fossil fuels in the transportation sector will also help

reduce the emissions of Green House Gases and help meet India’s ambitious INDCs as part of the Paris climate deal.

The measures such as bio-fuel adoption, FAME scheme would also promote economic growth.

Lacunae in efforts:

While all the above government initiatives are well-intended actions, they fall short as discussed below.

o India’s 2022 fuel efficiency standards for passenger cars are nearly

20% less stringent than the European Union’s standards.

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o The NEMMP primarily focused on hybrid electric vehicles, and most of the incentives under the NEMMP went towards subsidising mild hybrids instead of electric vehicles. This has failed to incentivize global manufacturers from deploying their electric passenger cars in the Indian market.

o The target set under the 2018 National Policy on Biofuels would most likely be missed.

Way forward:

There are many things that the government can and should do to reduce dependence on petroleum.

Zero-emissions vehicle (ZEV) programme:

The government should formulate a zero-emissions vehicle (ZEV) programme that would require all vehicle manufacturers to start

producing electric vehicles across all market segments. The zero-emissions vehicle (ZEV) programme is already in effect in China,

certain States in the U.S., British Columbia in Canada, and South Korea. At present, the electric mobility initiative in India is driven largely by new

entrants in the two- and three-wheeler space. Market leaders have adopted a wait-and-watch attitude. The ZEV programme would make sure that they too enter the electric mobility sector.

Strengthen fuel efficiency regulation:

The government should strengthen fuel efficiency requirements for new

passenger cars and heavy-duty commercial vehicles. The government should also introduce fuel efficiency standards for two-

wheelers. o Currently, two-wheelers consume nearly two-third of the petrol

used in India and are not subject to any fuel efficiency standards. A recent analysis by the International Council on Clean Transportation (ICCT) suggests that a standard requiring a 50% reduction in fuel consumption by new two-wheelers by 2030 will not only lead to internal combustion engine (ICE) efficiency improvements, but also ensure that nearly 60% of all new two-wheelers sold in India are electric driven.

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Adopting stringent fuel efficiency standards and a ZEV programme by 2024 can result in India’s petroleum demand peaking by 2030, in spite of

tremendous projected growth in economic and vehicular activity.

Extending existing schemes:

The FAME scheme focuses on two- and three-wheelers, taxis, and buses. It should be extended not only to all passenger cars and commercial vehicles

but also to agricultural tractors.

Fiscal incentives:

Fiscal incentives could promote faster adoption of electric vehicles. The GST rates for all passenger vehicles could be made proportional to

their fuel efficiency level, instead of the present system that relies on vehicle length and engine size. This would incentivize buying of electric vehicles.

Charging infrastructure:

The increasing number of electric vehicles will require a proportionate increase in charging infrastructure.

There is a need to step up investments in charging infrastructure as an

essential complementary policy.

Conclusion:

As the economy recovers from the pandemic, the demand for petroleum products will rise, as will prices.

Apart from expanding and diversifying the energy supply, India must also work towards managing the demand for petroleum products to help

reduce its energy import dependence.

2. The excise duty-fiscal policy contradiction

Context:

The article analyzes the government’s current fiscal policy.

Background:

High Fiscal deficit:

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The COVID-19 pandemic has had an adverse impact on the Indian fiscal condition.

There has been a substantial fall in receipts from every source of taxation except excise.

As opposed to a Budget estimate of 3.5% for fiscal deficit, the revised

estimates show a 2.7 times larger deficit of 9.5% for FY 2020-21.

Increase in excise duty:

Traditionally the governments have resorted to increasing sales tax on products such as tobacco products, especially cigarettes and excise duty on petroleum products to help the governments raise revenue.

The revised Budget shows a rise of Rs. 94,000 crore on account of excise duties alone. Presumably, the increase comes from the much-debated

excise duty increases on petroleum and diesel.

Concerns associated with increase in excise duty:

Insufficiency of excise duty:

Despite the excise rise, the fiscal deficit continues to be higher than the Budget estimate.

However, the excise duty rise will hardly compensate for the huge falls in other tax revenues.

The larger excise duty collection is not large enough to have significantly reduced the inflated fiscal deficit figure.

Unintended consequences:

The increase in excise duty on petrol and diesel will lead to the prices of

commodities rising in general. This is because the fossil fuels fall either in the category of final goods, which individuals purchase for personal consumption, or in the category of intermediate goods, which are used to produce a variety of essential services such as public transport, agricultural water supply, hotels and restaurants.

The annual output has shrunk by an estimated 7.7%, and this would have resulted in a significant rise in the unemployment rate. The price rise will

have a bigger impact on the unemployed persons and the poorer sections of society. This would further accentuate the existing economic

inequality.

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Different viewpoints related to fiscal policy:

Fiscal prudence:

This approach calls for limiting fiscal spending by the governments as is evident from the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) Act, which aims to control fiscal deficit under manageable limits.

The aim is to limit government debt as such debts along with their servicing liabilities have a tendency to magnify over the years, thereby imprisoning governments in debt traps, where present borrowings keep increasing to repay past borrowings and service charges. This leaves little room for growth-enhancing expenditure and reduces a government’s

creditworthiness in the eyes of lenders.

Increased fiscal expenditure:

A different viewpoint calls for increased debt-financed fiscal spending as it could well act as a driver of economic growth.

The government’s fiscal expenditure has stronger multiplier effects

during recessions than during booms. In an economic boom, state expenditure may crowd out private expenditure on account of a rise in the interest rate. During recessions, private expenditure is low in any case, on account of a rise in precautionary savings and the grim state of long-term expectations. The government’s fiscal expenditure produces positive growth and this in turn can generate a feel-good factor for the private sector over time, raise animal spirits, and improve the state of the economy.

The debt-to-GDP ratio can be prevented from exploding if the rate of

growth of GDP happens to be higher than the sovereign rate of interest. In such a case, the debt-financed government expenditure will create a positive primary surplus (defined as the total government receipts minus expenditure net of interest payments) out of which interest payments can be made to keep the debt-GDP ratio under control.

o According to the Economic Survey, India’s average interest rate and growth rate over the last 25 years (leaving out FY 2020-21) have been 8.8% and 12.8% respectively.

This approach emphasises maintainable debt and expenditure as the

vehicle of development as opposed to increased tax burdens.

Conclusion:

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The article notes certain lacunae in the current fiscal policy framework. o The fiscal spending would help improve the standard of living of

the entire population, without necessarily removing inequality. Government expenditure causes growth, rather than distributional equality. COVID-19-linked income inequities ought to have been addressed through higher taxation of the rich.

o The article argues that there appears to be a contradiction between the government’s announced fiscal policy stance and the fiscal regime it is actually running. The increased tax burden due to excise duties goes against the fiscal policy stance of the government which emphasises maintainable debt and expenditure as the vehicle of development as opposed to increased tax burdens. The increased

tax burden due to excise duties cannot help growth.

3. Adding heft to diplomacy with some help from science

Context:

India’s ongoing ‘Vaccine Maitri’ campaign. o India’s ‘Vaccine Maitri’ campaign aims at provisioning COVID-19

vaccines to countries both near and away from its immediate neighbourhood.

o This initiative aims to leverage India’s science and technological advantages for the furtherance of its foreign policy objectives.

Details:

The COVID-19 response:

India has been able to use its science and technology prowess to address the global challenge brought out by the pandemic.

o India has been sending medicines such as hydroxychloroquine and paracetamol to over 150 countries including the U.S.

o As scientists developed vaccines to fortify human beings against an aggressive COVID-19 virus, it was India, an established leader in

vaccine manufacturing, that rose to the challenge of global provision. India’s pharmaceutical firms such as the Serum Institute of India have partnered with the U.K.’s Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine project while Bharat Biotech gave rise to indigenous vaccines in the shape of Covaxin.

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India’s COVID-19 response was closely aligned with its Neighbourhood First, Act East, Indo-Pacific and Look West policies.

India has played a crucial role at a time when the developed world was preoccupied with trying to address its own domestic issues and China’s health diplomacy came with prohibitively high costs.

India’s efforts to address the current health emergency have been met with vocal appreciation from a number of countries.

Overview of India’s science and technology policy framework and diplomacy:

Since independence, India has been seeking international scientific advances for the country’s development and rise.

More powerful states such as the United States sought to curb India’s ambitions in critical spheres such as its nuclear and space programmes.

By the early years of the 21st century, India sought to reduce its dependence on foreign countries to emerge as a net provider of

development assistance in the international system. Despite limitations, India still managed to assist its partners from the Global South in key

areas of science and technology such as health across Asia and Africa. The 21st-century international system was more conducive to the country’s

science and technology designs in spheres such as nuclear and space technology due to improvement in ties between India and the United States.

India also signed strategic partnerships bearing substantial science and

technology components with advanced economies such as the United Kingdom, Japan, Israel, Germany, the European Union, Singapore, the United Arab Emirates, Canada, South Korea and Australia even as it strengthened its traditional partnerships with countries such as France and Russia.

India established the Office of the Principal Scientific Adviser to the Government of India in November 1999.

India’s critical policy frameworks like the country’s Science and Technology Policy 2003 and Science, Technology and Innovation Policy

2013 clearly relate international science and technology cooperation with the national interest. The current administration has been categorical in placing science and technology at the forefront of the country’s diplomatic engagement.

India’s has been exhibiting increasing alignment to international science and technology cooperation. India currently fields four Development Partnership Administrations under its Ministry of External Affairs. The

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Ministry of External Affairs has set up the New Emerging & Strategic Technologies Division to manage science and technology issues in the

nation’s diplomatic matrix.

Recommendations:

As India moves forward with its Aatmanirbhar Bharat initiative, there is the need to create an environment where science and technology can not only answer its own national needs and cross-border interests but also global challenges. The following aspects must be addressed.

o There is a need to increase India’s allocation for science and technology-related research.

o There must be an emphasis on ensuring the participation of all the

stakeholders including the states, universities and the private sector in research and development efforts.

o India’s young scientists and technologists have to be made more aware of the country’s foreign policy objectives.

Conclusion:

The ongoing COVID-19 crisis has presented the country with a unique space to mainstream science and technology in its domestic and foreign

policies. The administration must work towards converting the challenging situation into an opportunity.

4. Clean energy post COVID-19

Context:

The report, titled Shaping a Sustainable Energy Future in Asia and the

Pacific: A greener, more resilient and inclusive energy system, released by the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and

the Pacific.

Details:

The report observes the healthy pace of renewable energy development in countries such as China and India, throughout 2020.

The report notes that the Asia-Pacific region has been moving towards clean, efficient and low-carbon technologies.

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Significance:

Added resilience:

Renewable energy systems can help transform energy systems to help ensure resilience to future crises such as COVID-19.

Evidence shows that renewable energy and energy efficiency projects

create more jobs for the same investment in fossil fuel projects. Renewable energy presents opportunities for an inclusive recovery after the pandemic.

Increasing expenditure on clean cooking and electricity access can help enhance economic activity in rural areas and support modern

infrastructure that can make the communities more resilient and inclusive.

Climate goals:

Investing in low-carbon technologies can help achieve the ambitious climate pledges the world needs to fulfil to reach the Paris Agreement

target of a 2-degree global warming limit.

Green growth strategy:

A focus on renewable energy can help launch a ‘green recovery’ post-COVID-19 that simultaneously rebuilds our economies and puts us on track to meet global climate and sustainability goals.

The energy sector offers multiple opportunities to align stimuli with clean industries of the future.

Way forward:

The global community should not waste the opportunities this crisis presents. The world should work towards making modern energy

available to all and decarbonising the energy system through a transition to sustainable energy.

There is the need to phase out the use of coal from power generation portfolios and substitute it with renewables. This could be realized by ending fossil fuel subsidies and implementing carbon pricing.

5. Wettest place on Earth sees decreasing trend in rainfall

Context:

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Research on the changes in rainfall pattern across India.

Background:

Cherrapunji was previously the wettest place on earth but now Mawsynram is the wettest place in the world. Mawsynram receives over 10,000 millimetres of rain in a year.

Details:

Decreasing trend of rainfall:

The study which looked at the rainfall pattern in the past 119 years (period of 1901–2019) found a decreasing trend at Cherrapunji and nearby areas.

The study noted that the annual mean rainfall for the period 1973–2019

showed decreasing trends of about 0.42 mm per decade.

Factors affecting the trend:

Researchers have noted that the changes in the Indian Ocean temperature have a huge effect on the rainfall in the region.

The role of humans is also another significant factor affecting the observed change in rainfall pattern. Satellite data analysis shows a reduction in the

vegetation area in northeast India in the past two decades, implying that human influence also plays an important role in the changing rainfall patterns. There has been a marked increase in areas of cropland from the year 2006 onwards.

o The traditional way of cultivation known as Jhum cultivation or

shifting cultivation and developmental activities in the region has contributed to deforestation.

Concerns:

Northeast India is highly sensitive to changes in regional and global

climate. The first signs of the effect of climate change will be evident for the extreme cases such as the rainfall at Cherrapunji.

Northeast India has the highest vegetation cover in India and includes 18 biodiversity hotspots of the world, and thus is important in terms of its greenery and climate-change sensitivity.

Way forward:

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There is the need to conserve the vegetation or forest areas in the northeast.

Solid waste and waste water management strategies are inevitable to combat climate-induced changes of water bodies and ground water.

Given the climate sensitivity of the region long-term plans for sustainable

development are necessary.

6. Make peace with nature now

Context:

The three environmental crises facing humans — climate change; nature

loss; and the pollution of air, soil and water.

Details:

Human activity has been degrading nature. Anthropogenic activity in the form of unsustainable use of natural

resources has led to mass species extinctions and is leading to pollution of air and water. The increasing Green House Gas emissions have resulted in climate change.

These human actions are not only detrimental to the planet and other species but are also equally detrimental to humans themselves.

The per capita stock of natural capital (the resources and services nature provides to humanity) has fallen by 40% in just over two decades.

Nine out of 10 people worldwide breathe polluted air. This is causing millions of premature deaths.

Despite overwhelming evidence available to establish the unsustainable activities of humans and the increasing calls to rectify, yet the actions of the governments, financial institutions, businesses and individuals are falling short of what is needed to protect current and future generation interests.

The UN Environment Programme (UNEP) notes that despite a dip in greenhouse gas emissions caused by the pandemic, the world is still

headed for global warming of more than 3°C by the end of the century.

Way forward:

Integrated approach:

pc
Highlight
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Mankind’s environmental, social and economic challenges are interlinked. They must be tackled together.

The achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030 would require climate action given that climate change and ecosystem collapse are undermining food and water supplies in the world’s poorest countries.

Enhancing climate action:

The number of countries promising to work towards net-zero emissions currently stands at 126. The nations should seek to further stretch their

nationally determined contributions and immediately kickstart the transitions to net-zero.

At the upcoming climate COP, governments must also finally agree on the rules for a global carbon trading market.

The $100 billion global climate fund under which the developed countries promised to provide financial help to developing nations to cope with the impacts of climate change must be operationalized.

Transformation of economy:

There is the need to move towards circular economic systems that reuse resources and thus reduce emissions.

The government should focus on green growth and invest in sectors such as renewable energy, social infrastructure, etc. Governments should invest in nature-positive farming and clean energy and water.

They must create opportunities for future industries that generate prosperity. They must also ensure that transitions are fair and equitable,

creating jobs for those who lose out.

Societal effort:

Addressing our planetary emergency is a whole-of-society effort with the governments taking the lead.

There is the need for a radical transformation of our societies by valuing nature and putting its health at the heart of all our decisions. People should work towards shrinking their environmental footprint.

Climate action should be a participatory effort with the citizens given a

voice in the far-reaching decisions regarding climate action.

Additional Information:

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Making Peace with Nature report:

The UN has released the Making Peace with Nature report. The report pulls together all the evidence of environmental decline from

major global scientific assessments, with the most advanced ideas on how to reverse it.

This report would act as a blueprint for a sustainable future that can secure human well-being on a healthy planet.

7. Dizzying climb

Context:

Latest retail inflation.

Details:

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) has risen by 4.06% in January 2021. This marks a 16-month low in inflation rate and also marks a deceleration

for a second straight month. Inflation had been above the Reserve Bank of India’s upper tolerance

threshold of 6% for six months through November.

Factors contributing to low inflation:

The lower inflation rate has been helped by an appreciable softening in

food prices. The Consumer Food Price Index has risen by a mere 1.89% as vegetable

prices saw a disinflation of 15.8% and cereal prices have eased considerably given the bumper Kharif crop and rising prospects of a

good Rabi harvest.

Risks to inflation:

Despite the considerable decrease in inflation rates, the outlook is far from reassuring.

Protein inflation:

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The inflation rate of pulses and edible oils continues to remain high. Eggs and meat and fish, key sources of protein have registered double-digit

inflation rates.

Supply-side squeeze:

The rising input costs for multiple sectors in the real economy (automobile manufacturers, builders) are a cause of concern.

The rising raw material costs would force them to pass on the impact to the end consumers.

The latest IHS Markit India Manufacturing Purchasing Managers’ Index

(PMI) points to the sharpest increase in purchasing costs for more than

two years due to supply-side squeeze.

Increasing fuel costs:

The continuously rising transportation fuel prices to newer and newer record highs in recent days also make the outlook for inflation grim.

Diesel, the main fuel for freight carriage, has now exceeded Rs. 80 per litre and is bound to have an impact on the prices of goods being transported across distances — from fresh produce to intermediate and finished

industrial goods.

Waning of the favourable base effect:

The favourable base effect is beginning to wane meaning it will become increasingly unlikely to have a steep decline in inflation rates.

The base effect is the distortion in a monthly inflation figure that results from abnormally high or low levels of inflation in the year-ago month.

The base effect relates to inflation in the corresponding period of

the previous year, if the inflation rate was too low in the corresponding period of the previous year, even a smaller rise in the Price Index will arithmetically give a high rate of inflation now. On the other hand, if the price index had risen at a high rate in the corresponding period of the previous year and recorded a high inflation rate, a similar absolute increase in the price index now will show a lower inflation rate now.

A base effect can make it difficult to accurately assess inflation levels over

time. It diminishes over time if inflation levels are relatively constant.

High liquidity in financial system:

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The fiscal stimulus undertaken to deal with the economic impact of the pandemic has resulted in high liquidity in the financial system. This

increased supply of money in the system could aid inflation rate rise.

Conclusion:

High inflation rates do not augur well for post-COVID economic recovery given that the demand has not stabilized from the impact of the

pandemic. Policymakers need to maintain a strict vigil to keep inflation from

resurging and posing a threat to macro-economic stability.

8. Slow on safety

Context:

Recently, a horrific bus accident took place in Madhya Pradesh’s Sidhi district. The bus passengers were trapped within the bus as it landed into a swollen canal near Patna village. There were about 57 people on the bus, out of which 50 were left dead.

Issues:

This ghastly mishap brings to light the fact that India, with the world’s worst record on road safety, must take measures to get its act together.

According to the recently released World Bank-commissioned report – Traffic Crash Injuries and Disabilities, India has 1% of the world’s vehicles but 11% of all road accident deaths.

o According to the Union Transport Ministry, the number of dead in 2019 was 1,51,113 and injured- 4,51,361.

India loses 3% of its GDP due to road accidents, most of which are preventable.

Transport departments continue to take an indulgent view of rule violations.

Political parties and others fix illegal flag poles and spears on car bonnets and metal contraptions to SUV bumpers, which are deadly in an accident.

The Motor Vehicles (Amendment) Act of 2019 has provisions that aim to bring about change.

But, most States have been lukewarm towards hard steps to bring order to the roads.

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The zero-tolerance rule enforcement has been viewed through the lens of populism. This is reflected in the spate of accidents on India’s highways.

o India witnessed 61% of deaths on highways from just 5% of all

accidents, as per 2019 data.

Details:

Those who suffer the most are from low-income households, especially in rural areas.

More number of women bear the long-term financial and psychological impact of the losses.

Way Forward:

In the wake of this bus mishap, the immediate response has been to order a magisterial inquiry, which is no substitute for a technical investigation conducted by safety experts.

o A technical investigation is a must to understand and prevent any such mishaps.

Only incremental steps taken by the Centre and the States are not enough. Such an incident affecting the fundamental right to life of the average

citizen must lead to intensive measures and a determined campaign. The Centre must now set a timeline to operationalise the National Road

Safety Board to lay down engineering standards and complaints procedures that will help citizens hold States to account.

Meeting the SDGs on transport and reduced road deaths and injuries will need actions that go beyond pious declarations.

Ending the silent pandemic of accidents will need education, civil society

cooperation and professional policing.

9. Lab study to trace origin of disaster

Context:

A team of scientists at the Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology (WIHG) in Dehradun is analysing fragments of ice, rock and mud in their labs to better understand the origins of the disaster that took place at Chamoli in Uttarakhand.

What is glacial burst?

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A glacial outburst is an uncommon event that occurs when the water dammed by a glacier or moraine is released.

The glacier containing the body of water melts and overflows the glacier. Retreating glaciers, like several in the Himalayas, usually result in the

formation of lakes at their tips, called proglacial lakes, often bound only by sediments and boulders.

o If the boundaries of these lakes are breached, it can lead to large amounts of water rushing down to nearby streams and rivers, gathering momentum on the way by picking up sediments, rocks and other material, and resulting in flooding downstream.

Glacial lake outburst flood (GLOF) events are not unusual, but their impact depends on the size of the proglacial lake that burst, and location.

o The breach can be caused by several reasons — in this particular case, an avalanche was reported in the region two days ago.

o Other causes could be earthquake, heavy rainfall, snowmelt,

longterm dam degradation, etc.

Impact:

The glacial burst led to the rising of water levels in the river Rishiganga, which washed away the Rishiganga small hydro project of 13.2 MW.

The flash flood also affected the downstream hydro project of NTPC at Tapovan on the river Dhauliganga (which is a tributary of the river Alaknanda).

o Tapovan-Vishnugad project has an installed capacity of 520 MW. It led to rippling flash floods in the Dhauliganga and the Rishiganga and

also impacted the Alaknanda. One motorable road and four suspension bridges connecting around eight

villages in the area with the district headquarters have also been washed

away by the avalanche.

Dhauliganga originates from Vasudhara Tal, perhaps the largest glacial lake in Uttarakhand.

o It flows in a meandering course, which takes it through the Nanda Devi National Park.

Dhauliganga is joined by Rishiganga river at Raini, where the disaster at the power project dam took place.

The river takes a V-turn and continues to flow in the opposite direction, toward north as the Dhauliganga for another 30-odd km, through

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Tapovan, until it is joined by the Alaknanda at Vishnuprayag near Joshimath.

What triggered the glacial burst?

Scientists are not sure what triggered the sudden surge of water near Chamoli in Uttarakhand.

o Such a glacial burst is an extremely rare event. o They suspect the impact of climate change or development. o Environmental experts attributed the Nanda Devi glacial melt to

global warming. Climate change has driven erratic weather patterns like

increased snowfall and rainfall, and warmer winters had led to the melting of a lot of snow.

According to the latest assessment reports of the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Glacier retreat and permafrost thaw are projected to decrease the stability of the mountain slopes and increase the number and area of glacier lakes.

It is also predicted that the number and area of glacier lakes will continue to increase in most regions in the coming decades, and new lakes will develop closer to steep and potentially unstable mountain walls, where lake outbursts can be more easily triggered.

o What scientists are certain of is that the incident was not a result of any glacier breaking off. In fact, glaciers are not known to break in a manner that ice-sheets in the polar regions do.

Measures taken:

Rescue:

Dams in Shrinagar and Rishikesh were emptied out. People along riverbanks were evacuated. Apart from the local police and the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP), four

columns of the Army were also deployed for rescue operations.

10. Indian investments and BITs

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Context:

Sri Lanka’s decision to renege on a 2019 agreement with India and Japan to jointly develop the strategic East Container Terminal (ECT) at the

Colombo port.

Background:

Bilateral Investment Treaty:

Bilateral Investment Treaties form the bedrock of international law governing foreign investment between two countries.

BITs empower individual foreign investors to directly sue the host state before an international tribunal if the investor believes that the host state has breached its treaty obligations. This is known as investor-state dispute

settlement (ISDS). An important protection provided for foreign investment in almost all

BITs is the fair and equitable treatment (FET) provision. This provision provides that investments and returns of investors of each country shall, at all times, be accorded FET in the other country’s territory. An important component of the FET provision is that the host state should protect the

legitimate expectations of foreign investors.

India-Sri Lanka BIT:

In 1997, India and Sri Lanka signed a BIT to promote and protect foreign investment in each other’s territories.

However, India unilaterally terminated the India-Sri Lanka BIT in 2017. This move was part of the mass repudiation of BITs that India undertook

in 2017. o Given the onslaught of ISDS claims in the last few years, India has

developed a protectionist approach towards BITs to eliminate or minimise future ISDS cases against India.

Details:

Sri Lanka by defaulting on the agreement, without specific and reasonable justification, potentially violates the Indian investor’s legitimate expectations, and thus, the FET provision of the India-Sri Lanka BIT.

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India will also not be able to make use of the survival clause of the BIT given that the agreement on developing the ECT at the Colombo port was signed only in 2019 much after the unilateral termination of India-SL BIT.

o Survival clauses in BITs ensure that foreign investment continues to receive protection during the survival period even in cases of unilateral termination.

Hence, the Indian investor will not be able to sue Sri Lanka before an

ISDS tribunal, notwithstanding the merits of the case.

Need for rethinking on BITs:

In the post-COVID-19 world, regulatory risks will further increase, subjecting foreign investment to arbitrary behaviour of countries.

Given India’s increasing investment in other countries, the Indian investors will need protection for their investments.

o BITs are reciprocal in that BITs not only empower merely foreign investors to sue India, but also authorise Indian investors to make use of BITs to safeguard their investment in turbulent foreign

markets.

Way forward:

Sri Lanka’s pullout from the Colombo port deal calls for rethinking India’s approach towards Bilateral Investment Treaties. This incident holds important lessons for India’s overall approach to BITs.

India needs to adopt a balanced approach towards BITs with an effective

ISDS provision. This will facilitate Indian investors in defending their investment under international law should a country, like Sri Lanka,

renege on an agreement.

11. Geospatial data policy liberalised

Context:

In sweeping changes to India’s mapping policy, the government announced liberalisation of norms governing the acquisition and production of geospatial data.

Geospatial data is data about objects, events, or phenomena that have a location on the surface of the earth.

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Geospatial data combines location information, attribute information (the characteristics of the object, event, or phenomena concerned), and often also temporal information or the time at which the location and attributes exist.

Geo-spatial data usually involves information of public interest such as roads, localities, rail lines, water bodies, and public amenities.

Geospatial data has now become imperative for the government in planning for infrastructure, development, social development, natural calamities as well as the economy.

What is the existing policy on geo-spatial data?

There are strict restrictions on the collection, storage, use, sale, dissemination of geo-spatial data and mapping under the current regime.

The policy had not been renewed in decades and has been driven by internal as well as external security concerns.

The sector so far is dominated by the Indian government. Private companies need to navigate a system of permissions from different

departments of the government as well as the defence and Home Ministries, to be able to collect, create or disseminate geo-spatial data.

Initially conceptualised as a matter solely concerned with security, geo-spatial data collection was the prerogative of the defence forces and the government.

New policy:

Under the new guidelines, the sector will be deregulated and aspects such as prior approvals for surveying, mapping and building applications based on that have been done away with.

For Indian entities, there will be complete deregulation with no prior approvals, security clearances and licences for the acquisition and production of geospatial data and geospatial data services, including maps.

Why has the government deregulated geo-spatial data?

The system of acquiring licenses and the red tape delayed projects, especially those that are in mission mode – for both Indian companies as well as government agencies.

The deregulation eliminates the requirement of permissions as well as scrutiny, even for security concerns.

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Indian companies now can self-attest, conforming to government guidelines without actually having to be monitored by a government agency – these guidelines therefore place a great deal of trust in Indian entities.

There is also a huge lack of data in the country which impedes planning for infrastructure, development and businesses which are data-based.

There has also been a global push for open access to geo-spatial as it affects the lives of ordinary citizens, and the new guidelines have ensured such an open access, with the exception of sensitive defence or security-related

data.

Significance:

This move would help boost innovation in the sector. It would create a level playing field for public and private entities. The reform will benefit India’s farmers, start-ups, the private sector, the

public sector, and research institutions to drive innovations and build scalable solutions.

It is opined that liberalisation of policies governing the acquisition and production of geospatial data is a massive step in the government’s vision for an Aatmanirbhar Bharat.

The easing of norms will greatly help in several sectors that were suffering because of non-availability of high-quality maps.

It will also generate employment and accelerate economic growth.

12. Farm laws and ‘taxation’ of farmers

Context:

The new farm acts, 2020.

Background:

Net taxation of farmers:

Over the past few years, there has been an argument that farmers in India

are “net taxed”. It meant that the incomes of farmers were kept artificially lower than what they should have been through protectionist policies.

o The restrictive policies deprived farmers of higher international prices (restriction on exports), and higher domestic market prices (administered price system). A more liberal domestic market and

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freer global trade would result in farmers receiving better prices for their produce.

A recent study found that Producer Support Estimate (PSE) in Indian

agriculture was -6% between 2014-15 and 2016-17. In contrast, PSE was +18.2% in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries, +19.6% in the European Union countries and +9.5% in the U.S.

o The PSE is estimated using a methodology advocated by the OECD. The OECD defines the PSE as “the annual monetary value of gross transfers from consumers and taxpayers to agricultural producers, measured at the farm gate level, arising from policies that support agriculture”.

o The PSE has two components. Market price support (MPS) – MPS is the gross transfer to

producers arising from “a gap between domestic market prices and border prices of a specific agricultural commodity”. The MPS for a commodity is calculated as the product of its annual production and the difference between its international and domestic prices.

Budgetary transfers (BOT) – It includes all budgetary expenditures on policies that support agricultural production.

o PSE is the sum of MPS and BOT, expressed also as a percentage of the value of agricultural production.

Within the PSE for Indian agriculture in 2019, the MPS was negative

while BOT was positive.

Farm acts, 2020:

The farm laws are necessary to end the net taxation of agriculture. The farm laws would weaken restrictive trade and marketing policies in India and “get the markets right”. This, in turn, would eliminate negative support and raise farmers’ prices.

Despite the lack of Minimum Support Price (MSP) in milk, India’s milk sector is growing faster than the foodgrain sector. This example proves that if the milk sector can grow without MSP and with private corporates, agricultural commodities could also enjoy such growth.

Lacunae in the PSE methodology:

MPS:

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The MPS is a wrong measure of taxation in agriculture because the international price is no “true price” to be accepted as a benchmark.

The international price is considered a benchmark with no reference to the actual possibilities of domestic producers obtaining that price. This approach also neglects the possibility that the considered food product

may also be essential for domestic food security.

Volatile international prices:

Most of the short-term changes in MPS result from short-term fluctuations

of international prices or relative exchange rates, or shocks to global demand or supply.

Such fluctuations are more pronounced in agriculture because international agricultural markets are imperfect, narrow and dominated by monopolistic multinational companies.

The fluctuating PSEs mean nothing in terms of taxation or subsidisation of producers. They only mean that international prices were volatile.

Lack of correlation between PSE and farmer’s economic condition:

A negative MPS, by itself, implies neither a government that squeezes revenues out of farmers nor the absence of absolute profitability in agriculture.

The OECD methodology does not offer any realistic assessment of the

extent of taxation or subsidisation.

Conclusion:

To show Indian agriculture as being net taxed to argue for the farm laws has poor conceptual validity. In fact, what India should focus on is increasing BOT.

o The West’s PSEs in agriculture are positive and higher than India’s because they have higher BOT than in India.

13. Detailed genome map of malaria vector

Context:

Scientists have unveiled the detailed genome of the Asian malaria vector

mosquito Anopheles stephensi.

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Details:

Under the newly upgraded Anopheles stephensi genome, more than 3,000 genes that previously undetected genes have been unearthed.

o The newly discovered genes are found to play key roles in the metabolism of ingested blood meal, reproduction and immunity against microbial parasites.

o The discoveries also include 29 formerly undetected genes that play

crucial roles in resistance to chemical insecticides.

Significance:

The detailed genome of the malaria mosquito vector including new genes vital for the development of genetic control strategies of disease

transmission would help malaria biologists in India and the rest of the world towards the goal of malaria elimination. In order to engineer advanced forms of defence against malaria transmission, including targeted CRISPR and gene drive–based strategies, scientists require intricate knowledge of the genomes of vector mosquitoes.

o CRISPR technology is a gene-editing tool which allows researchers to easily alter DNA sequences and modify gene function.

The newly discovered genes can also help address the issue of growing

insecticide-resistant mutations in Asian and African An. stephensi populations.

National goal of malaria elimination:

The National Framework for Malaria Elimination (NFME) 2016-2030 outlines India’s strategy for elimination of the disease by 2030.

The framework has been developed with a vision to eliminate malaria from the country and contribute to improved health and quality of life and alleviation of poverty.

It is in line with the WHO Global Technical Strategy for Malaria 2016–

2030 (GTS).

Important goals:

Eliminate malaria from all low (Category 1) and moderate (Category 2) endemic states/UTs (26) by 2022

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Reduce incidence of malaria to less than 1 case per 1000 population in all States/UTs and the districts and malaria elimination in 31 states/UTs by 2024

Interrupt indigenous transmission of malaria in all States/ UTs (Category 3) by 2027

Prevent re-establishment of local transmission of malaria in areas where it has been eliminated and to maintain malaria-free status of the country by 2030.

14. Spotlight on dams after Chamoli disaster

Context:

A snow avalanche in a glacier in the Rishi Ganga catchment, triggered

possibly by a landslide caused a flash flood in the Rishi Ganga river, a tributary of the Alaknanda in Chamoli district of Uttarakhand.

The flash floods washed away a functional small hydroelectric project and destroyed the under-construction 520 MW Tapovan Vishnugad project of

the NTPC on the Dhauli Ganga river.

Hydroelectricity in India:

In the 25 MW-plus category, there are projects with a combined capacity of 12,973.50 MW under installation. Of this, eight projects totalling 2,490

MW are in Uttarakhand. The hydroelectric power qualifies as a renewable energy source and is

cheaper compared to coal and gas plants due to lack of recurring costs. The government has been offering incentives to make hydropower

attractive. These include classification of large hydropower projects as

Renewable Energy sources, creating a separate category for hydropower within Non-Solar Renewable Purchase Obligation, tariff rationalisation

to bring down tariff, and budgetary support for putting up enabling infrastructure such as roads and bridges.

Concerns over hydroelectric projects in UttaraKhand:

The recent incident has turned the spotlight on several ongoing dam-based hydroelectric projects in the State.

Many experts have termed the development of large dam projects in the region unwise. The concerns being expressed about the slew of

hydroelectric projects in Uttarakhand are based on the following grounds.

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Geological nature of Uttarakhand:

Uttarakhand is geologically unique. It being a part of the lesser Himalaya, it has numerous earth faults and

hence it remains active in terms of deep movement of rock assemblages. It remains fragile from a geological point of view.

Along the Main Central Thrust (MCT), running east-west along the

Himalaya, the Indian and Eurasian plates converge. The northward moving peninsular India presses the lesser Himalaya rock assemblages under the huge pile of the Great Himalayan rocks. As a result of the high geological stresses being induced in the region there is a weakening of rocks in the area.

o In fact, many locations in a 50-km area within the MCT zone have witnessed several earthquakes of varying intensity, including those with magnitudes of over 5.

Induced seismic effects of dams:

Despite the claim by dam builders that their structures can withstand even high-intensity earthquakes, most designs fail to incorporate the aspect of induced seismic effects of dams, especially in case of large dams.

Studies associated with Tehri dam has shown that there are concerns about induced seismic effects caused by the repeated filling and emptying of the reservoir, may deform the area around the dam making it vulnerable

to earthquakes.

Vulnerable terrain:

The region being mountainous with its steep slopes remains vulnerable to landslides induced with even low intensity earthquakes.

Moreover, the geology of mountains in many parts of Uttarakhand is such that the threat of landslides is high. Rocks here have been weakened by

natural processes across time and are vulnerable to intense rainfall. The human interference, in the form of house-building and road

construction has only added to its vulnerability. The careless disposal of enormous debris from mining and construction projects has led to blocking of the flow path of rivers.

Potential impact of climate change:

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The IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change) Special Report

on the Ocean and Cryosphere in a Changing Climate found that in the Himalayan ranges, there could be variations in overall water availability due to melting of the glaciers and changes in monsoonal precipitation caused by changes to long-term climate.

The increased fluvial erosion aggravated by the erosion of mountain slopes would result in bringing debris and silt down the river courses,

destroying physical structures, reducing dam life, and causing enormous losses.

The global warming would increase the instability of glacial lakes in

upper elevations. Floods, avalanches and landslides are all forecast to increase in the region.

Impact of dam failure:

A strong earthquake could have a potentially serious fallout in terms of damage to life and property in the downstream regions.

Capital intensive projects:

There are also questions being raised over the financial viability of the hydroelectric projects.

The hydroelectric projects are “highly capital-intensive”. They involve large investments and also the time for installation of large projects is large

which further increases the costs of funding such projects.

Ecological impact:

Though hydropower has been reliable where suitable dam capacity exists, in places such as Uttarakhand, the net benefit of big dams is controversial because of the collateral and unquantified damage in terms of loss of

lives, livelihoods and destruction of ecology. Large dam projects involve large scale deforestation and destruction and

involve massive and permanent alteration of the character and health of

the hills.

Way forward:

Experts have advocated small low-impact dams of less than 5 megawatts as an alternative.

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Additionally preventive and protective measures are also needed to reduce the vulnerability to disasters.

15. Climate change resilience actions, in step with India

The article throws light on how a well-equipped Australia is working with major

economies to transfer technologies supporting lower global emissions.

Opportunity at Climate Adaptation Summit:

The virtual Climate Adaptation Summit hosted by the Netherlands provided a valuable opportunity to the international community for collective action to realise a more climate-resilient future.

At the summit, Australia reaffirmed the commitment to ambitious and practical action to combat the impacts of climate change at home and around the world.

Australia’s environment and ecology:

Australia is one of the driest inhabited continents in the world. They have the oldest living cultures and some of the richest biodiversity in

the world. They have traditional knowledge from the Aboriginal and Torres Strait

Islander Peoples. o For over 65,000 years their traditional knowledge and practices have

preserved and protected Australia’s natural environment. o Indigenous Rangers are on the frontline of preserving and

protecting Australia’s natural and cultural heritage. o For example, using traditional fire management practices, through

cool and controlled burns. The recent bushfires demonstrated the importance of bringing together

traditional Indigenous knowledge about the land with modern science.

Australia’s commitment in ensuring climate change and disaster resilience:

National Resilience, Relief and Recovery Agency:

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Australia has committed over 1,500 crore to make our natural resources, environment and water infrastructure more resilient to drought and climate disasters.

o They are spending more than 200 crore on bushfire recovery efforts, supporting local communities to design their own economic, social and environmental recovery.

By July 2021, Australia will establish a new National Resilience, Relief and Recovery Agency to drive the reduction of natural disaster risk, enhance natural disaster resilience and ensure effective relief and recovery to all

hazards.

Supporting Neighbours:

Australia is also committed to supporting neighbouring and global communities tackle climate change.

Australia has pledged at least ₹150 crore over the period 2020 to 2025 for global climate finance; 50 crore of this funding is for its Pacific neighbours to deploy renewable energy, and improve their climate change and

disaster resilience.

Working with India:

Australia is involved in an engagement with the International Solar Alliance — a global initiative designed to harness solar power to provide for the energy needs of members of the alliance.

It is working with India for Water Resources Management initiated by India designed to further enhance each country’s water management capabilities and share expertise and best practices.

The Australia-India Joint Energy Dialogue will strengthen cooperation in pumped hydro storage, cost-effective battery technologies, hydrogen and coal gasification, adoption of clean energy technology, fly ash management technologies, and solar forecasting and scheduling.

There are many more opportunities for Australia and India on low-emissions technology.

Green technologies:

Australia is also investing in and developing the green technologies of tomorrow.

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It is aiming to leverage ₹7,000 crore of new investment in low emissions technologies by 2030.

The country recently released the Technology Investment Roadmap — a comprehensive plan to invest in the technologies needed to bring emissions down.

They are focused on technologies like hydrogen, carbon capture use and storage, soil carbon, energy storage to backup renewables and decarbonise transport, and low or zero-emissions steel and aluminium.

o Widespread global deployment of those technologies will reduce emissions or eliminate them in sectors responsible for 90% of the world’s emissions.

Way Forward:

Climate change is an increasingly pressing global issue, which demands a collective will to ensure a sustainable future for the world.

By working together, emissions can be reduced — which will remain critical to ensuring global average temperatures stay well below 2° Centigrade.

A collective contribution is required to adapt and build resilience to climate change already occurring.

Now is the time to embrace innovation and strengthen global partnerships. Together, the countries can make a difference.

16. A resilient future for Uttarakhand

Context:

Glacial burst on Nanda Devi triggered an avalanche and caused flash floods in Rishiganga and Dhauliganga rivers in Chamoli district of

Uttarakhand.

Possible reasons:

The occurrence of the current glacier burst is being attributed to large scale erosion, a build-up of water pressure, an avalanche of snow or rocks, landslides or an earthquake under the ice.

According to the Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology, a rock mass, weakened from years of freezing and thawing of snow, may have led to the creation of a weak zone and fractures leading to a collapse that

resulted in flash floods.

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Impact:

The death toll from the incident has been 34 with more than 170 people missing.

The floods have also caused heavy damage to public and private infrastructure, including the NTPC’s Tapovan-Vishnugad hydropower project and the Rishiganga mini-hydro project.

Vulnerability of Uttarakhand:

For years, geologists, glaciologists and climate experts have voiced their fears about impending disasters in the region due to the following reasons.

Natural characteristics:

Uttarakhand is located in the region of the young and unstable Himalayas. It is also subject to intense rainfall.

Human factors:

Climate change and the rapid and indiscriminate construction activities, and the subsequent ecological destruction in the region have made the region vulnerable to disasters.

The Hindu Kush Himalaya Assessment Report (2019) had pointed out that one-third of the Hindu Kush Himalaya’s glaciers would melt by 2100. It also warned that any ecologically destructive activities would lead to more intensified disasters like landslides.

The large-scale human settlements and expansion of agricultural activities have led to massive deforestation. The widespread settlements, farming, cattle grazing and other anthropogenic activities have destroyed the natural barriers that control avalanches and floods, thereby enhancing the possibilities of a glacial lake outburst flood.

In 2014, an expert committee led by Dr Ravi Chopra, instituted to assess the role of dams in exacerbating floods, noted how haphazard construction

of dams was increasing the vulnerability of the region.

Way forward:

The need of the hour is to invest in long-term crisis response mechanisms and resilience solutions.

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Short term measures:

Strengthening embankments Climate proofing the existing infrastructure Investing in a robust monitoring and early warning system

Long term measures:

Investing in resilience planning, especially in flood prevention and rapid response.

Reassessing development of hydropower and other public infrastructure in the region.

Establishing implementable policies and regulatory guidelines to restrict detrimental human activities, including responsible eco- and religious tourism policies.

Investing in training and capacity building to educate and empower local communities to prevent and manage risks effectively.

17. Disinformation is a cybersecurity threat

Context:

The increasing threat posed by disinformation.

Background:

So far cybersecurity has mainly focused on protecting and defending computer systems, networks, and our digital lives from disruption.

The main focus of Cybersecurity has been to defend against cyberattacks executed using malware, viruses, trojans, botnets, and social engineering.

There has been very little attention to the threat posed by disinformation attacks.

Also, the industry has treated these attacks (cyberattacks and disinformation attack) independently and has separate teams working in silos to protect and defend against these attacks. The lack of coordination between teams leaves a huge gap that is exploited by malicious actors.

Details:

Disinformation:

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Disinformation attacks are the intentional dissemination of false information, with an end goal of misleading, confusing, or manipulating an audience. These attacks are commonly employed to reshape attitudes and beliefs, drive a particular agenda, or elicit certain actions out of a target audience.

Nation-state actors, ideological believers, violent extremists, and economically motivated enterprises manipulate the information ecosystem to create social discord, increase polarisation, influence the outcome of an election, etc.

Disinformation attacks can be employed through traditional media outlets such as TV channels or through social media.

Disinformation attacks use manipulated, miscontextualised, misappropriated information, deep fakes, and cheap fakes.

They pose the possibility of societal breakdown, business interruption, and violence in the streets.

Cognitive hacking:

A cognitive hacking attack attempts to change the target audience’s thoughts and actions, galvanise societies and disrupt harmony using disinformation.

Disinformation is used for social engineering threats on a mass scale.

Examples of disinformation attacks and their impacts:

QAnon spread false information about the U.S. 2020 presidential election. This led to rioting in the nation.

Conspiracy theorists (in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Ireland, Cyprus and Belgium) burned down 5G towers because they believed it caused the novel coronavirus pandemic.

COVID-19 disinformation campaigns have prevented people from wearing masks, using potentially dangerous alternative cures, and not getting vaccinated, making it even more challenging to contain the virus.

Factors aiding disinformation attacks:

The advertisement-centric business modes and attention economy allow malicious actors to fill the information channels with disinformation with unprecedented speed and scale.

Deep fakes add a whole new level of danger to disinformation campaigns.

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With the advent of social media, disinformation attacks have become increasingly widespread and potent. Digital tools such as bots, algorithms, and AI technology are leveraged to spread and amplify disinformation and micro-target populations on online platforms like Instagram, Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube.

Way forward:

There is a need to defend, protect and respond, and find effective and practical solutions to counter and intervene against infodemics.

Recognizing disinformation as a cybersecurity threat:

By treating disinformation as a cybersecurity threat we can find effective

countermeasures to cognitive hacking.

Defense-in-depth:

We need a defense-in-depth strategy for disinformation. The defense-in-depth model identifies disinformation actors and removes them. Authenticity solutions can intervene before disinformation gets posted online.

If the disinformation still gets by, detection solutions using humans and artificial intelligence, internal and external fact-checking can label or

remove the content.

Information sharing:

ISAC (Information sharing and analysis centers) like mechanism to share the identity, content, context, actions, and behaviours of actors and disinformation across platforms is needed. Information sharing will help

disinformation countermeasures to scale better and respond quickly.

Education:

A critical component of cybersecurity is education. The technology industry, civil society and the government should coordinate to make users aware of the threat of disinformation attacks.

The industry with public-private partnerships must also invest in media literacy efforts to reach out to the discerning public. Intervention with

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media education can make a big difference in understanding context, motivations, and challenging disinformation to reduce damage.

Balanced approach:

There is a need to balance the rights of speech and the freedom of expression with the dangers of disinformation.

Need to have well-defined laws and regulations for cybersecurity

criminals.

Co-ordinated approach:

The disinformation infodemic requires a concerted and coordinated effort by governments, businesses, non-governmental organisations, and other

entities to face the threat posed by disinformation attacks.

18. Taking the long view with China

Context:

The article analyzes India – China relations in the current geopolitical context.

Details:

Rise of China:

China has been emerging as a major military and economic power not only

regionally but also globally. The Chinese renminbi may become a global reserve currency. The BRI

countries are using the renminbi in financial transactions with China, and can be expected to use it in transactions with each other. China is the world’s largest trading economy.

China could soon become the world’s largest economy. The European Union created its own cross-border clearing mechanism for

trade with China overcoming the U.S.’s hindrance. China has stitched together an investment agreement with the EU and with most of Asia. The EU’s reaching out to China despite misgivings of the U.S. means the West has given up on containing the rise of China.

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The China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has increased its membership to 100 countries. China is now the second-biggest financial contributor to the UN and has witnessed immense growth in R&D

domain.

Foreign policy challenge for India:

India has to engage with China which is consolidating an expanding Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) while trying to balance off China through appropriate partnerships.

Way forward for India:

Ensuring strategic autonomy:

India has a “special and privileged strategic partnership” with Russia, and a “comprehensive global strategic partnership” with the U.S, thus balancing its interests.

India’s participation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, led by Beijing and Moscow and designed to resist the spread of Western interests is balanced by its participation in the U.S.-led Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), with its anti-China stance.

Realism dictates that India does not need to compromise on its strategic autonomy.

Issue based approach:

India’s policy towards China should be guided by the notion of China as a partner, competitor, and economic rival depending on the policy area in question.

Within the United Nations, India’s interests have greater congruence with

China’s interests rather than the U.S.’s and the EU’s.

Playing a bridging role:

Instead of an alternate development model, India should move the Quad towards supplementing the infrastructure push of the BRI in line with other strategic concerns in the region.

For example, developing their scientific, technological capacity and digital economy, based on India’s digital stack and financial resources of other

Quad members, will resonate with Asia and Africa.

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Focus on domestic development:

India needs to focus on achieving a $5 trillion economy, shift to indigenous capital military equipment, and also realize the goals set under the new Science, Technology and Innovation Policy.

Domestic growth will only make India stronger at the international stage and augur well for India’s negotiating prowess.

19. Eco-Sensitive Zone Around Wayanad Wildlife Sanctuary

Why in News

The draft notification of the Ministry of Environment, Forest, and Climate

Change (MoEFCC) on an Eco-Sensitive Zone (ESZ) which runs around the Wayanad Wildlife Sanctuary (WWS) has triggered protests in Wayanad

(Kerala).

Key Points

Draft Notification: o The 118.5 sq km area has been earmarked as an Eco-Sensitive Zone

(ESZ), of which 99.5 sq km is outside the sanctuary and the remaining 19 sq km comprises revenue villages within the sanctuary.

o There will be restrictions on several human activities in ESZ, including a ban on all new and existing mining, stone quarrying and crushing units and new industries causing pollution.

It also includes a ban on establishment of major

hydroelectric projects and setting up of new sawmills, brick kilns and commercial use of firewood within ESZ.

o Besides, no new commercial hotels and resorts shall be permitted within 1km of the boundary of the protected area or up to the extent of ESZ, whichever is nearer.

o It also bars felling of trees in private lands without prior

permission of the competent authority in the state government. Purpose of the Notification:

o It is an important step towards ensuring the safety of people around the Wildlife Sanctuary, because the lives of farmers on the

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forest fringes is miserable owing to the increasing incidents of wild animal attacks.

As many as 147 persons were killed in wildlife attacks in the district in the past 38 years.

Issues: o As many as 57 enclosure villages situated inside WWS fall within

the eco-sensitive zone. o Critics have argued that the draft notification would cripple both

agriculture and business sectors and will deal a blow to the district as the notification imposes curbs on vehicular traffic.

o It will badly affect the lives of thousands of farmers on the fringes of the sanctuary.

As much as 29,291 acres of private land on the fringes of the sanctuary would come under the zone and the development of this area would stop for ever.

Wayanad Wildlife Sanctuary

Location: Located in Kerala, Wayanad Wildlife Sanctuary (WWS) is an integral part of the Nilgiri Biosphere Reserve.

o Spread over 344.44 sq km, WWS is contiguous to the tiger reserves of Nagerhole and Bandipur of Karnataka and Mudumalai of Tamil Nadu.

o Kabini river (a tributary of Cauvery river) flows through the sanctuary.

Formation: It was declared a Sanctuary in the year 1973. Biodiversity:

o The forest types include South Indian Moist Deciduous forests, West coast semi-evergreen forests and plantations of teak, eucalyptus and Grewelia.

o Elephant, Gaur, Tiger, Panther, Sambar, Spotted deer, Barking deer, Wild boar, Sloth bear, Nilgiri langur, Bonnet macaque, Common langur, Wild dog, common otter, Malabar giant squirrel etc. are the major mammals.

Eco-Sensitive Zones

Eco-Sensitive Zones or Ecologically Fragile Areas are areas within 10 kms around Protected Areas, National Parks and Wildlife Sanctuaries.

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o In case of places with sensitive corridors, connectivity and ecologically important patches, crucial for landscape linkage, even

areas beyond 10 km width can be included in the eco-sensitive zone.

ESZs are notified by MoEFCC, under Environment Protection Act, 1986. The basic aim is to regulate certain activities around National Parks and

Wildlife Sanctuaries so as to minimise the negative impacts of such activities on the fragile ecosystem encompassing the protected areas.

Way Forward

There is a need for rethinking on the impacts of the environmental policies at the local level, the type and prospects of local participation and most importantly the prospects of alternative income generating opportunities

for successful conservation initiatives.

20. A Budget not for the environment

The article talks about the allocations towards significant items relating to the environment in the Union Budget 2021-22.

Concerns:

There has been a steady increase in the levels of pollution, biodiversity loss, decline in forest health and destruction of wetlands.

Despite this, the budgetary allocations for the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC) have consistently fallen as a percentage of total allocations.

It is argued that the governments have not put in the substantial new financial resources raised through rapid growth into environmental protection.

Even when there are increased allocations, such as for cleaning up the Ganga, their usage is ridden with such design flaws, inefficiencies and corruption that the environment is no better off than before.

2021 Budget:

On several significant items relating to the environment, and taking inflation and needs into account, allocations have remained stagnant or fallen.

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It includes the MoEFCC and crucial institutions such as the Wildlife Institute of India and the Indian Council of Forestry Research and Education.

This follows an earlier recommendation by the Ministry of Finance that the government should disengage with many such institutions.

One consequence of this is that these institutions are having to raise funds through the private corporate sector.

o This inevitably compromises their ability to speak up when the private corporate sector indulges in ecologically damaging activities.

Examining the allocations to environment-related sectors:

There are substantial allocations to sectors that have a positive environmental impact. The 2021 Budget has allocated:

o ₹3,500 crore for wind and solar energy o ₹4,000 crore for a ‘Deep Ocean Mission’ o ₹50,011 crore for urban drinking water

India’s major push for renewable energy (RE) has earned it global appreciation.

o However, there is no intention to phase out fossil fuels; on the contrary, coal mining and thermal power are being promoted under the Aatmanirbhar Bharat package.

o Large hydropower is being promoted as RE, though its massive ecological and social impacts are well documented.

o Massive energy parks that generate solar and wind energy take up huge areas of land, displacing people and wildlife.

Potentially, an allocation of ₹18,000 crore for public transport could have significant benefits for people and the environment if it helps to reduce

private vehicle density in cities.

Challenges:

Without controlling demand, even a complete shift to RE will be unsustainable.

There is no focus on incentivising responsible consumption, restraining luxury uses, and redistributing water more equitably, without which no amount of infrastructure will be enough.

Allocations to non-environmental sectors that have a negative impact on the environment:

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The budget proposes 11,000 km more of national highway corridors. In the last few years, massive road and dam construction has fragmented

fragile ecosystems and disrupted local community life in the Himalaya,

Western Ghats, north-east India and elsewhere.

Conclusion:

India must consider climbing into a green, nature-and-land based livelihoods recovery that could create tens of millions of jobs as also regenerate India’s depleted environment.

There is a dire need to put environmental regeneration and conservation, and self-reliance built on this, at the core of development.

21. 7 killed after ‘glacial burst’ in Uttarakhand

Context:

Glacial burst on Nanda Devi triggered an avalanche and caused flash floods in

Rishiganga and Dhauliganga rivers in Chamoli district of Uttarakhand.

It was described as a “glacial burst” by the Centre’s National Crisis

Management Committee (NCMC).

National Crisis Management Committee

A National Crisis Management Committee is a committee set up by the Government of India in the wake of a natural calamity for effective coordination and implementation of relief measures and operations.

It deals with major crises which have serious or national ramifications. It is chaired by the Cabinet Secretary. Its functions are to oversee the Command, Control and Coordination of the

disaster response; giving direction to the Crisis Management Group (CMG).

What is glacial burst?

A glacial outburst is an uncommon event that occurs when the water dammed by a glacier or moraine is released.

The glacier containing the body of water melts and overflows the glacier.

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Retreating glaciers, like several in the Himalayas, usually result in the formation of lakes at their tips, called proglacial lakes, often bound only by sediments and boulders.

o If the boundaries of these lakes are breached, it can lead to large amounts of water rushing down to nearby streams and rivers, gathering momentum on the way by picking up sediments, rocks and other material, and resulting in flooding downstream.

Glacial lake outburst flood (GLOF) events are not unusual, but their impact depends on the size of the proglacial lake that burst, and location.

o The breach can be caused by several reasons — in this particular case, an avalanche was reported in the region two days ago.

o Other causes could be earthquake, heavy rainfall, snowmelt,

longterm dam degradation, etc.

Impact:

The glacial burst led to the rising of water levels in the river Rishiganga, which washed away the Rishiganga small hydro project of 13.2 MW.

The flash flood also affected the downstream hydro project of NTPC at Tapovan on the river Dhauliganga (which is a tributary of the river Alaknanda).

o Tapovan-Vishnugad project has an installed capacity of 520 MW. It led to rippling flash floods in the Dhauliganga and the Rishiganga and

also impacted the Alaknanda. One motorable road and four suspension bridges connecting around eight

villages in the area with the district headquarters have also been washed away by the avalanche.

Dhauliganga

Dhauliganga originates from Vasudhara Tal, perhaps the largest glacial lake in Uttarakhand.

o It flows in a meandering course, which takes it through the Nanda Devi National Park.

Dhauliganga is joined by Rishiganga river at Raini, where the disaster at the power project dam took place.

The river takes a V-turn and continues to flow in the opposite direction, toward north as the Dhauliganga for another 30-odd km, through Tapovan, until it is joined by the Alaknanda at Vishnuprayag near Joshimath.

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What triggered the glacial burst?

Scientists are not sure what triggered the sudden surge of water near Chamoli in Uttarakhand.

o Such a glacial burst is an extremely rare event. o They suspect the impact of climate change or development. o Environmental experts attributed the Nanda Devi glacial melt to

global warming. Climate change has driven erratic weather patterns like

increased snowfall and rainfall, and warmer winters had led to the melting of a lot of snow.

According to the latest assessment reports of the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Glacier retreat and permafrost thaw are projected to decrease the stability of the mountain slopes and increase the number and area of glacier lakes.

It is also predicted that the number and area of glacier lakes will continue to increase in most regions in the coming decades, and new lakes will develop closer to steep and potentially unstable mountain walls, where lake outbursts can be more easily triggered.

o What scientists are certain of is that the incident was not a result of any glacier breaking off. In fact, glaciers are not known to break in a manner that ice-sheets in the polar regions do.

Measures taken:

Rescue:

Dams in Shrinagar and Rishikesh were emptied out. People along riverbanks were evacuated. Apart from the local police and the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP), four

columns of the Army were also deployed for rescue operations.

Relief:

The Prime Minister approved ex-gratia of Rs. 2 lakh each from the Prime Minister’s National Relief Fund for the next of kin of those who have lost their lives in the disaster.

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22. NITI Aayog seeks to track impact of green verdicts

Context:

The NITI Aayog has commissioned a study that seeks to examine the “unintended economic consequences” of judicial decisions that have hindered and stalled major infrastructure projects on environmental grounds.

Details:

The study is to be undertaken by CUTS (Consumer Unity and Trust Society) Centre for Competition, Investment and Economic Regulation.

intends to examine the following five projects that have been “impacted” by judicial decisions of the Supreme Court or the National Green Tribunal.

o Construction of an airport in Mopa, Goa o Cessation of iron ore mining in Goa o Shutting down of the Sterlite copper plant in Thoothukudi o The others are decisions by the NGT involving sand mining, and

construction activities in the National Capital Region. The intent of this study is to analyse the cost and benefit of the above

judicial decisions

Concerns with respect to judicial interventions:

There has been increased judicial activism by courts and tribunals when it comes to environmental v/s developmental issues.

The judiciary’s intervention are marked by complete absence of ex-ante (before an event) analysis of the economic costs associated with a decision.

The stalling of major infrastructure projects has many negative economic

impacts: o Loss of job opportunities o Revenue loss to the government in terms of tax from the companies o Increased cost on the company involved in terms of business impact

of closure or stalling o Negative impact on the ease of doing business perception which

leads to lower foreign and private investment in the Indian economy.

Counterviews:

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Some environmentalists are of the view that it is the government’s failure to uphold environmental laws or negligence in granting go ahead for

major projects that has forced the courts to give strict orders. The SC interventions have also had some positive impacts.

o The Supreme Court’s intervention led to the adoption of CNG (compressed natural gas, in transport vehicles in Delhi) and the economic benefits from it.

Way forward:

The study should contribute to public discourse among policymakers on the critical issue of balance between environmentalism and

developmental economics. The judiciary needs to take into account environment, equity and

economic considerations while deciding cases, and needs to institutionalise a mechanism for it. Apart from assessing the environmental impact of a project the judiciary must also promote an

‘economically responsible approach’.

23. Can a ‘bad bank’ solve the growing NPA crisis?

Context:

Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman in her budget speech has stated that the Centre proposes to set up an asset reconstruction company to acquire bad loans from banks, thus reviving the idea of a ‘bad bank’.

Background:

The issue of non-performing assets in India:

Bad loans have been a perennial problem in the Indian banking sector. o According to the latest figures released by the RBI, the total size of

bad loans in the balance sheets of Indian banks at a gross level was around ₹9 lakh crore as of March 31, 2020.

Notably, though the gross bad loans have come down from over ₹10 lakh crore two years ago, it is the result of large write-offs rather than due to improved recovery of bad loans or a slowdown in the accumulation of fresh bad loans.

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o The size of bad loan write-offs by banks has steadily increased. The size of fresh bad loans accumulated by banks has also

increased. The COVID-19 pandemic-triggered lockdown and the moratorium

subsequently extended to borrowers by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) have only worsened the crisis.

o The proportion of banks’ gross non-performing assets is expected to rise sharply from 7.5% of gross advances in September 2020 to at least 13.5% of gross advances in September 2021.

With banks expected to report high proportion of bad loans, the idea of a ‘bad bank’ to deal with bad loans has gained particular significance.

Bad bank:

A bad bank is a financial entity set up to buy non-performing assets

(NPAs), or bad loans, from banks. The bad bank helps take bad loans off the balance sheets of stressed banks.

The bad bank may further try to restructure and sell the NPA to investors who might be interested in purchasing it.

The idea of a bad bank has been tried out in countries such as the United States, Germany, Japan and others in the past.

o The troubled asset relief program, also known as TARP, implemented by the U.S. Treasury in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, was modelled around the idea of a bad bank. Under the program, the U.S. Treasury bought troubled assets from U.S.

banks and later resold them when market conditions improved.

Arguments in favour of a bad bank:

Ease the pressure on banks:

A bad bank helps isolate illiquid and high risk assets held by a bank. This helps ease the burden on banks, holding a large pile of stressed assets.

The better balance sheets would be able to attract more investments in

such entities at lower prices. It can help recapitalise public sector banks.

Revive credit flow in the economy:

By taking bad loans off the books of troubled banks, a bad bank can help free capital that is locked in by banks as provisions against the existing

bad loans. The freeing of the banks from these bad loans will give banks

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the freedom to use the freed-up capital to extend more loans to their customers.

A new bad bank set up by the government can improve banks’ capital buffers by freeing up capital. It could help banks feel more confident to start lending again. This could provide an impetus for higher credit

disbursal in the economy.

Consolidated effort:

A supposed advantage in setting up a bad bank, it is argued, is that it can help consolidate all bad loans of banks under a single exclusive entity.

This would allow this single entity to deal with the issue more effectively as it avoids the need to work with multiple agencies with multiple levels of expertise and abilities.

Concerns:

Idea of a government backed bad bank:

A bad bank backed by the government will merely shift bad assets from the hands of public sector banks, which are owned by the government, to the hands of a bad bank, which is again owned by the government.

The ultimate impact will be on the taxpayers who will once again have to

foot the bill for bailing out troubled banks.

Efficacy of a government backed bad bank:

Many analysts believe that unlike a bad bank set up by the private sector, a bad bank backed by the government is likely to pay too much for stressed

assets. While this may be good news for public sector banks, it does not augur well for the efficiency of the resolution process.

The mere transfer of assets from one arm of the government to another will not lead to a successful resolution of the bad debts.

Root cause remains unaddressed:

A key reason behind the bad loan crisis in public sector banks is the fact that unlike private banks, which are owned by individuals who have strong financial incentives to manage them well, public sector banks are managed by bureaucrats who may often not have the same commitment

to ensuring these lenders’ profitability.

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The bailing out banks through a bad bank does not really address the root problem of the bad loan crisis.

Risk of moral hazard:

The idea of a bad bank endangers a huge risk of moral hazard. Banks that are bailed out by a bad bank are likely to lend more recklessly

in view of the safety net provided by a bad bank. This could further

exacerbate the bad loan crisis.

24. Water scarcity likely in the Himalayan catchment if warming continues

Context:

Study on the impact of global warming and climate change on the snowpack’s and glaciers of the Himalayan region and the rivers that they

feed.

Details:

Methodology of the study:

The study involved analyzing the impact of different components – rainfall-runoff, snow-melt and glacier-melt on Himalayan Rivers.

The team studied five basins in the central Himalaya – Sutlej, Thulo

Bheri, Kali Gandaki, Dudh Kosi and Arun. The team developed a new glacier melt model and integrated it to the

currently used land surface model to make the integrated model more accurate.

The currently used land surface model does not take into account glacier melt and thus could lead to serious errors in the study of north-Indian rivers.

Important observations:

The study notes that if drier and warmer scenarios continue in the near future (2031–2050), the catchment areas are more likely to face a water

stress.

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o Snow will melt easily in a warming climate and should contribute to water flow in the region. However, the reduced snowfall will in turn reduce the amount of snow-melt.

o Though glacier melt will increase initially, they will shrink in size quickly and the amount of glacier melt will also decline in the latter end of the century.

The study also notes that if there is increased rainfall, this could lead to a water surplus situation in the region.

Concerns:

The glaciers of the Himalayas are important sources of water for about a

billion people who live in the basins of the Indus, Ganges and Brahmaputra rivers. This along with changing patterns of precipitation systems — Indian Summer Monsoon and Western Disturbances — could adversely impact water security of the region. Water insecurity poses a grave threat to the habitants of this region.

The global warming would also affect the Himalayan hydrology. India, Nepal, Pakistan and China hugely depend on these Himalayan Rivers for their energy production.

Way forward:

Sustainable water-management practices and better governance structures

are required.

25. Taxing Interest Incomes on EPF

Why in News

The Union Budget 2021-22 proposed to tax the interest income on Provident

Fund (PF) contributions by employees exceeding Rs. 2.5 lakh a year.

The Ministry of Finance expressed concerns over investments as much as

Rs. 1 crore each month into PF and suggested it was unfair that they get

tax concessions as well as an assured return. The Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF) Scheme is managed under the

aegis of the Employees’ Provident Fund Organisation (EPFO).

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o EPFO is a government organization that manages provident fund and pension accounts for the workforce engaged in the organized

sector in India.

Key Points

About the Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF) Scheme: o The Employee Provident Fund is open for employees of both the

Public and Private Sectors. Additionally, any organisation that employs at least 20 individuals is mandatorily liable to extend benefits of EPF to its employees.

o Both employer and employee contribute 12% of an employee's

monthly salary (basic wages plus dearness allowance) to the Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF) scheme.

Of the employer's share of 12%, 8.33% is diverted towards the

Employees Pension Scheme (EPS). o EPF scheme is mandatory for employees who draw a basic wage of

Rs. 15,000 per month. o The EPF interest rate is declared every year by the EPFO.

EPFO implements the Employees’ Provident Fund and

Miscellaneous Provisions Act, 1952. The EPF Act, 1952 provides for the institution of provident

funds for employees in factories and other establishments. o This savings scheme offers tax exemption under Section 80C of the

Income Tax Act. Proposed Tax on Income:

o The annual contribution to EPF and Gratuity - and also voluntary

contributions to EPF - will be added. If the aggregate contribution

exceeds Rs 2.5 lakh, the interest income on that will be taxed at the marginal tax rate in which the income of the individual falls.

o Importantly, only the contribution linked to the employees'

component will be calculated for taxation purposes. The employer’s contribution towards the EPF will not be considered for the calculation.

o The interest income on the additional contribution of a year will

get taxed every year. This means that if an individual’s annual contribution to PF in

FY22 is Rs. 10 lakh, the interest income on Rs 7.5 lakh will get taxed not only for FY22 but also for all subsequent years.

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o The average normal EPF contributor would not be affected by this new proposal.

Reasons for Taxing Interest Income on PF Contributions: o Preventing Misuse of the Scheme:

The government has found instances where some employees

are contributing huge amounts to these funds and are getting the benefit of tax exemption at all stages - contribution, interest accumulation and withdrawal.

Since any tax exemption is provided through taxpayers’ money, it was unfair to allow High Networth Individuals

(HNIs) depositing large sums in EPF to earn an assured interest (under EPFO) and tax-free income together.

HNIs: Those people with investable assets above a certain figure.

Earlier, the government had capped the contributions by

employers into employee welfare schemes like the EPF or the National Pension Scheme or a superannuation plan, at Rs. 7.5 lakh a year.

However, government as well as private sector employees are allowed to make voluntary contributions over and above the statutory deductions into the general provident fund (available only for government employees) or EPF (available for government as well as private sector employees).

o Promoting Equity among PF Contributors: Of an estimated 4.5 crore EPF accounts, about 0.27% members

had an average corpus of Rs. 5.92 crore and were earning over Rs. 50 lakh a year as “tax-free assured interest”.

This is a misuse of the welfare scheme aiming to promote savings and provide social security to lower and middle income groups of employees.

26. ‘Smart walls’ for Indian borders

Context:

United States President Joe Biden has stopped the construction of the border wall between the U.S. and Mexico as part of a series of executive actions.

However, an alternative has been offered.

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Proposed is a ‘smart’ wall that replaces the physical and armed patrolling with advanced surveillance technology.

Smart Wall:

The ‘smart wall’ technology could solve border security issues without the need for a physical barrier.

The wall would use sensors, radars, and surveillance technology to detect and track border break-ins, and technology capable of performing the most difficult tasks dedicated to border security.

Novelty of “Smart Wall”:

The concept of a smart wall between the U.S. and Mexico is not novel. Donald Trump envisaged this concept.

o It was indicated that artificial intelligence shall be used at a novel scale to complement the border wall project and a technology firm was sought to be hired.

o It was stated that hundreds of mobile surveillance towers would be deployed, in addition, the complete system of a virtual wall would consist of a radar satellite, computer-equipped border-control vehicles, control sensors and underground sensors.

o Along with surveillance towers and cameras, thermal imaging would be used, which would help in the detection of objects.

o The system would even be capable of distinguishing between animals, humans, and vehicles, and then sending updates to handheld mobile devices of the U.S. patrol agents.

Can such a project be undertaken to secure Indian borders?

India has been struggling with the problem of terrorists and smugglers infiltrating into the country and efforts are ongoing to secure our borders and curb cross-border infiltration.

Therefore, it is proposed that it is high time that India uses such technology to secure its borders.

A critical factor that must be considered to enable the usage of such a system along Indian borders is that the terrain in the region is rugged, and not even clearly defined. Hence, erecting fences, walls or any physical structures is extremely difficult.

o A smart wall makes use of systems that would be designed in such a way that they can operate even in rugged areas.

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In the U.S., various other benefits, such as cost-effectiveness, less damage to the environment, fewer land seizures, and speedier deployment are being noted that give the “smart wall” concept an edge over traditional physical borders.

Such a system, even if not feasible for our long boundaries, may still be deployed to enhance critical security establishments of the country and complement the already-existing physical fencing and walls.

Conclusion:

It is imperative for Indian armed forces to be well-equipped and simultaneously have the latest technological advantage over its enemies.

Experts must explore this idea to effectively counter the problem of cross-border infiltration.

27. It’s goodbye to fiscal orthodoxy

Context:

Annual budget of India for the year 2021-22.

Background:

The Budget for 2021-22 estimates a fiscal deficit of 9.5% of GDP for FY21 and 6.8% for FY22 with a commitment to lower the fiscal deficit to 4.5% of GDP by 2025-26. The Budget has set out a slow fiscal glide path.

The Finance Minister has proposed introducing an amendment to the FRBM Act to formalise the new targets.

Details:

Economic orthodoxy:

The current administration’s economic policies have mostly been led by economic orthodoxy during the last few years.

o Mainstream economics refers to the orthodox or neoclassical tradition of economics, in which markets are moved by an invisible hand. The origins of mainstream economics lie in the thinkings of Adam Smith. The current economic orthodoxy is of a

free market and unregulated trade.

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Mixed approach being employed:

The huge deviation from the FRBM targets, though necessitated by the unprecedented pandemic, marks a selective departure from market orthodoxy that has marked the current government’s economic policy. The policy to increase duties on some imports in order to protect and foster domestic industry and the introduction of performance-linked incentives for designated sectors goes counter to market economics.

However, the government has adhered to other elements of market orthodoxy, such as privatisation and an increased role for foreign direct investment (FDI).

Arguments in favour:

Need for fiscal stimulus:

The pandemic and the consequent lockdowns brought the Indian economy to a standstill. There was loss of jobs, per capita incomes fell, aggregate demand went down and consequently, there was a contraction in the economy.

To revive the economic growth in India, it is inevitable that the

aggregate demand in the economy needs to be raised. One of the methods often employed to increase demand is through a fiscal stimulus.

Fiscal stimulus refers to increasing government consumption. Effectively

this means increasing the rate of growth of public debt.

Higher growth fuelled by fiscal stimulus:

It is often argued that fiscal stimulus would cause sufficient economic growth to fill that fiscal deficit gap partially or completely. It would help reduce the public debt.

The Economic Survey notes that the expansionary fiscal policy will boost growth and cause debt to GDP ratios to be lower, not higher. It also argues that given India’s growth potential, India need not worry about

debt sustainability until 2030.

Concept of Interest Rate-Growth Differential (IRGD):

“If the interest rate paid by the government is less than the growth rate, then the intertemporal budget constraint facing the government no

longer binds.”- economist Olivier Blanchard

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o The “intertemporal budget constraint” means that any debt outstanding today must be offset by future primary surpluses. If the Interest Rate-Growth Differential (IRGD), the difference between the interest rate and growth rate, becomes negative, the governments need not worry about deficits since the growth would take care of the interest payment obligations. This would ensure the sustainability of public debts.

The Economic Survey argues that in India, the growth rate is higher than the interest rate most of the time. So the conventional restraints on the fiscal policy may not be the right way ahead given the serious contraction of the Indian economy.

If India can ensure high growth rates it need not worry about the high

debts being accumulated due to the higher fiscal deficits.

Recommendations by the Bretton Woods twins:

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have been urging a departure from fiscal orthodoxy in the wake of the pandemic. These institutions have been urging countries to spend more by running up deficits even when the debt to GDP ratio is poised to rise to 125% by the end of 2021.

Key concerns:

Moving away from fiscal framework:

The budget marks a departure from an adherence to fiscal consolidation as envisaged in the FRBM Act.

o The FRBM Act envisages a fiscal deficit of 3% of GDP as the

eventual target while moving along a fiscal consolidation path. It also envisages reducing revenue deficit to 0%.

For well over a decade-and-a-half, India has kept up the pretence of attaining the deficit targets set out in the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget

Management (FRBM) Act (2003). The current budget seems to move away from that commitment. Indian fiscal policy has adhered to orthodoxy even during downturns.

End of fiscal orthodoxy:

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The Budget by adhering to large deviations from the fiscal framework of the FRBM Act marks an important departure from one of the key tenets of the Washington Consensus- ‘Macroeconomic stability’.

o The Washington Consensus refers to a set of free-market economic policies supported by prominent financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the U.S. Treasury. It consists of a set of ten economic policy prescriptions considered to constitute the “standard” reform package promoted for developing economies. The framework for market-oriented economics given by the Washington Consensus has dominated policy-making in most parts of the world.

o ‘Macroeconomic stability’ means that government budgets need to be broadly in balance so that borrowings to finance the deficit are kept to the minimum. ‘Austerity’ policies are recommended under this. The aim is to reduce government budget deficits through spending cuts.

The lack of fiscal prudence may hamper debt sustainability for India.

Rating downgrade:

There is the fear that the rating agencies would downgrade India if total public debt crossed, say, 10%-11% of GDP. The downgrade in ties could dis-incentivize foreign investments into India or could raise the cost of raising capital in the international markets for the governments or Indian

private entities.

Threat of inflation:

Large fiscal deficit can fuel a rise in inflation. The change in the fiscal consolidation targets will require a change in the

inflation target of 4% set for the Reserve Bank of India.

Doubts regarding planned revenue flows:

The government is backing on enhanced tax collections and disinvestment to meet the planned fiscal deficits. The sale of public assets has become crucial to a reduction in fiscal deficits in the years ahead. There are

concerns being expressed that this might be a high-risk strategy.

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The set targets seem challenging given that the tax to GDP ratio has not been rising as expected and there are challenges with the planned disinvestment process.

o Year on Year revenues from disinvestment have fallen short of targets. The sale of Air India, which was begun in 2018, is still dragging on.

o Large-scale privatisation is not easily accomplished in India. Selling public assets cheap is politically contentious. There will be

allegations of favouring certain industrial houses. Job losses from privatisation are bound to evoke a backlash.

Privatisation of banks raises concerns about financial stability.

Reliance on foreign capital:

Large-scale privatisation may need substantial FDI inflow. The excessive dependence on foreign capital and excessive foreign presence in the domestic economies may not augur well for the long term interests of the Indian economy.

This goes against the tenet of Atmanirbhar Bharat which connotes greater self-reliance and stronger Indian companies.

Conclusion:

A departure from fiscal orthodoxy is welcome. But the government needs

to think of ways to make it more sustainable.

28. A normal budget for abnormal times

Context:

Annual budget of India for the year 2021-22.

Details:

Abnormal times:

The Indian economy has suffered an estimated 7.7% contraction in 2020-21.

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Despite the double-digit growth projection for 2021-22 (Economic Survey projects India’s real GDP growth to be 11% in 2021-22), the growth path would entail a real GDP growth of only 2.4% over the absolute level of 2019-20. This means that the Indian economy would take two years to reach and surpass pre-COVID-19 levels.

Many sectors like the travel and tourism sectors, telecom and aviation sectors are under immense stress. A large proportion of the workforce which is predominantly involved in informal employment have suffered job losses and decreases in income levels.

Concerns regarding the budget:

The article discusses some of the concerns regarding the annual budget.

Adherence to incrementalism:

Given the abnormal times for the economy, which requires non-standard policy responses, the Budget maintains incrementalism and continues with

business as usual.

Insufficient public expenditure:

There is very little increase in the overall expenditure of the government. The total expenditure for 2020-21 is stated as Rs. 34,50,305 crore in the

revised estimates, with capital expenditure at Rs. 4,39,163 crore. The Budget estimates for 2021-22 states the total expenditure at Rs. 34,83,236 crore. This means additional spending of just Rs. 32,931 crore, which is less than even 1% in a year of income contraction for a vast majority of the population.

Though capital expenditure has increased by 26% it still accounts for

only 15% of the total expenditure.

Neglect of immediate concerns:

The enhanced outlays for health sector and infrastructure sector are welcome. However, it should be noted that the declared amounts would be spread over the next six years. Hence the yearly outlays would be much smaller.

The immediate outlays are of significance in the present circumstances,

when the overall demand in the economy is tepid.

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No multiplier effects soon:

The budget bets big on growth and employment generation through enhanced capital expenditure via the infrastructure push.

This approach in turn bears two risks at the moment. o There is a risk of delay in completion, which can lead to cost

overruns. o The life cycle of the infrastructure projects is long and hence there is

the need to have an inventory of funding ready in the pipeline to make the current investments impactful.

The immediate multiplier effects to lift the aggregate demand in the economy might not emanate as quickly as expected.

Neglect of critical sectors:

Sector-specific targeted proposals, barring production-linked incentives for the industry are few as agriculture and the micro and small industries

segment, which shores up demand with their consumption multipliers,

seem to have been accorded lower priority.

Threat to exports unaddressed:

A lack of concrete policy towards export promotion at a time when the exchange rate is appreciating and there is an increasing tendency of protectionism being observed, might undermine the competitiveness of manufacturing exports from India.

Neglect of unemployment generation:

The growth push of the Budget subsumes the welfare implications. Both employment and demand generation remain mostly unaddressed. There is a lack of a concert plan to tackle urban unemployment. This could prove disastrous, given the demographic profile of the country.

Resources and spending:

The resource mobilisation for spending would be banking on disinvestment, privatisation and asset monetisation. There are concerns whether this would be successful given the previous attempts at disinvestment.

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29. Getting back on track

Context:

Recently presented annual budget for the year 2021-22.

Background:

Impact of the pandemic on India:

The National Statistical Office estimates that our COVID-19-impacted economy will contract by 7.7% in the current fiscal year 2020-21 (FY21). The decline in per capita income is by 8.7%. The contraction is one of the worst among the world’s major countries.

The novel coronavirus pandemic and the resultant lockdown led to massive job and livelihood losses.

The output (GDP) contraction in 2020-21 has come on top of a slowdown in GDP growth over much of the previous decade (the 2010s), fall in employment, the decline in real wages, rise in the number of people in poverty, and, hence, an expected rise in the proportion of undernourished children.

Thankfully, India has not witnessed a second wave of COVID-19. Economic activity is rebounding as observed in the encouraging GST collections of a record ₹1.2 lakh crore for January 2021. But the Indian economy, which was structurally weak even before COVID-19, needs to be nursed back to full health.

Significant measures/proposals in the budget:

Focus on health sector:

There is greater spending on health care. The new centrally sponsored scheme, ‘PM Atma Nirbhar Swasth Bharat

Yojana’, aims to develop primary, secondary, and tertiary care capacities

over the next six years.

Infrastructure expenditure:

The development finance institution proposed in the budget will help fund infrastructure projects under the National Infrastructure Pipeline. It will help meet the infrastructure’s long term debt financing needs.

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Contemporary experience shows that most successful industrialising economies have relied on DFIs for providing long-term credit.

There is a multi-faceted infrastructural investment thrust supported with a claimed 35% increase in capital spending, from ₹4.12-lakh crore budgeted in 2020-21 to ₹5.54-lakh crore in the Budget for 2021-22.

There have been record allocations for railways and roadway development.

States are allowed a higher fiscal deficit, if the expenditure is on capital investment.

The proposed investment in infrastructure development will aid some recovery of demand in the pandemic-hit economy

Resource mobilization:

The Budget does take bold measures to set out a few avenues for resource mobilisation in the form of disinvestment, monetizing of PSU land assets, increasing limits for FDI, tapping the market for debt, etc.

It has not resorted to mobilize resources through higher taxes, which comes as a welcome relief. This will avoid the need to endanger our fragile economic recovery from COVID-19 with any additional tax burdens.

Financial sector measures:

The proposal to create a ‘bad bank’ for dealing with the pile of stressed bank loans is a long overdue measure. The Budget proposes establishing both an Asset Reconstruction Company and an Asset Management Company that would consolidate and take over existing stressed debt and then help dispose of the assets.

Re-invigorating investment in the economy:

The capital expenditure plan outlined in the Budget if implemented with assured financial backing, could revive the investment cycle.

Potential for increase in domestic output and jobs:

The Budget scores well on its potential to create domestic output and jobs. There is a shift away from revenue expenditure towards productive

investments. Capital expenditure in FY22 is budgeted to increase by 26% over FY21, with focus on areas such as infrastructure, roads, and textile parks.

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This along with reform of labour laws, corporate tax rate cuts and production-linked incentives will aid in the increase in domestic output

and also help generate more jobs.

Credibility of the budget:

This Budget scores very high marks on credibility, given that unlike before where the governments used to quote a lower fiscal deficit to mask the true extent of our fiscal imbalance, this year, the Finance Minister has largely come clean on the budget math.

She has declared much higher than expected fiscal deficit numbers of 9.5% of the GDP and 6.8% of the GDP for FY21 and FY22, respectively. In doing so, she has put out realistic estimates of revenue receipts, and recognised ‘off balance sheet’ expenditures.

This transparency augurs well on several fronts. With realistic revenue budgets, the pressure on tax authorities to engage in

tax terrorism should subside. The government can now release its payments and refunds on time, easing

a financial bottleneck that has adversely affected the stakeholders.

Concerns with budget proposals:

Fiscal conservatism:

While the Budget promises to revive the economy faster, it continues to emphasise the fiscal protectionist trend.

The government seems to be opting to contain overall spending so as to rein in the fiscal deficit to 6.8% in the coming fiscal year. The country cannot afford a premature scaling down of fiscal support at a time of rising inequality.

A sizeable fiscal stimulus to reinvigorate consumption demand could have gone a long way in completing the recovery. The Economic Survey too had suggested the need to have counter-cyclical fiscal policy. It advocated accelerating growth for ensuring debt sustainability, and emphasised the importance of public investment expenditure which has higher fiscal multipliers to ‘crowd in’ private investments. There was the need for fiscal stimulus to revive the economy.

Challenges in implementation:

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While there are impressive investment intentions, the actual numbers will depend on the government’s ability to mobilize resources.

Despite the high targets for disinvestment, the government is still likely to face an uphill task in achieving its ambitious disinvestment goal given that private investment is still anaemic.

Though the budget proposes increased FDI in insurance, it remains to be seen how eager overseas insurers may be to raise their stakes, given the government’s insistence on safeguards such as mandating that a majority of board positions and key management personnel be restricted to resident Indians and requiring the companies to set aside a specified percentage of profits as general reserve.

High Market borrowing from the state will lead to crowding out effect and

lead to higher interest rates for private borrowers.

Neglect of stressed sectors:

Several sectors of the economy are still reeling under chronic stresses – real estate, telecom, airlines and shipping, contact-based services and micro, small and medium enterprises. Any path to a recovery in domestic output and jobs will have to solve for many of these stresses.

There has not been much in terms of direct relief to some of the sectors and

sections worst-affected by the pandemic.

Unwinding support measures:

With fiscal conservatism persisting, the government is set to wind down even the limited support it afforded to those hit hard by the pandemic through limited allocations for MGNREGA.

Funding for DFI:

Securing stable long-term, low cost sources of finance would be key to the functioning of the DFI. The Finance Minister’s speech mentioned that the proposed DFI will be financed by foreign portfolio investments (FPI), which is a cause for concern.

By definition, FPI represents short term inflows with exchange rate risks, while infrastructure investment is for long term whose revenues will be mostly in rupees. Such an investment will inevitably lead to currency and maturity miss-match, raising cost of capital.

There is a need to consider alternative long-term fund sources, preferably

from domestic sources, or international development agencies.

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Lack of employment programme:

There is no targeted employment programme to alleviate the immediate crisis of unemployment. There seems to be a sense of apathy towards those who lost jobs and livelihoods due to the pandemic shock.

Neglect of rising inequality:

There is consideration of the stupendous rise in economic inequality in the recent past. While the poor lost their jobs and livelihoods in 2020, corporate India’s profits zoomed.

The Budget has not considered a special tax on the super-rich — as many countries are now mooting.

Other social protection programmes such as old age, widow and disability

pensions, also do not see any increase compared to last year.

Failure to address the hunger pandemic:

There has been an economic slowdown and growing inequality. Widespread hunger and food insecurity is a silent emergency that has not been getting sufficient attention. Unfortunately, the Union Budget also does not include any significant measures to address this.

The partial National Family Health Survey-5 results released recently showed that child malnutrition levels in 2019 were higher than in 2016 in most States. The fall in incomes witnessed by most poor and working-class households in the last one year would have made this situation even worse.

Many schemes have been clubbed together, however, there has been no

increase in budgetary allocations.

Actual expenditure on health:

The 137% increase in the budgetary outlay on ‘health and well-being’ has been reported by including a one-time expenditure of Rs. 35,000 crore set aside for the COVID-19 vaccination programme, Rs. 60,030 crore budgeted for the department of drinking water and sanitation, as well as the Finance Commission’s grants for both water and sanitation and health totalling to almost Rs.50,000 crore.

Not enough has been done to address the chronic underinvestment in India’s public health infrastructure by appreciably raising expenditure.

A higher standalone outlay on public health infrastructure was necessary.

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Conclusion:

The provisions presented in the 2021-22 Budget, if effectively implemented, promises to revive the economy faster and take it on a higher growth trajectory.

It not only addresses the immediate requirements to augment aggregate demand by increasing infrastructure spending, but also initiates reforms in critical areas to take the economy on a higher growth trajectory in the medium term.

However, the social sectors will need higher attention and higher resource allocation going ahead.

30. A bullet through an island’s heart

Context:

The NITI Aayog’s ‘Sustainable Development of Little Andaman Island –

Vision Document’, proposing to set up a megacity in the Little Andaman

Island.

Details:

The plan envisages sustainable and holistic development of the 680 sq km, Little Andaman Island in the Andaman and Nicobar group.

The plan proposes the building of a new greenfield coastal city in the island, that will be developed as a free trade zone.

The plan proposes three development zones: o Zone 1, planned along the east coast of Little Andaman, will be the

financial district and medi city and will include an aerocity, and a tourism and hospital district.

o Zone 2, spread over pristine forest, will house the leisure zone, will have a film city, a residential district and a tourism SEZ.

o Zone 3, again spread over pristine forest zone will be a nature zone, further categorised into three districts: an exclusive forest resort, a nature healing district and a nature retreat, all on the western coast. The nature resort complex is to have theme resorts, floating/underwater resorts, beach hotels, and high-end residential villas.

Necessary infrastructure like an international airport, Greenfield ring road, mass rapid transit network, jetty has also been proposed.

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Significance of the proposal:

The proposal aims to leverage the strategic location and natural features of the island to ensure development in the islands.

The location of the island and its development would augur well for

India’s stand in the Indian Ocean region, which it considers as its zone of influence. The document envisages developing the islands into “veritable jewels for the country”.

The Greenfield city could compete with the likes of Singapore and Hong Kong and emerge as an alternative for business establishments. This augurs well for the Indian economy.

The infrastructural development could aid employment generation in the region. This could stimulate the development process in the entire

Andaman and Nicobar chain of islands.

‘Blocks’ to development:

There are certain factors that could act as impediments in the proposal to

develop Little Andaman.

Lack of connectivity:

Lack of good connectivity with the Indian mainland and global cities.

Fragile biodiversity of the region:

Fragile biodiversity and natural ecosystems in the islands. 95% of Little Andaman is covered in forest, a large part of it the pristine

evergreen type. Some 640 sq km of the island is Reserve Forest under the Indian Forest Act.

Supreme Court notifications:

Supreme Court notifications pose an impediment to development in

environmentally-vulnerable areas.

Concerns:

Impact on the indigenous tribes of the island:

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There is a notable presence of indigenous tribes on the island. Nearly 450 sq km of the island area is protected as the Onge Tribal Reserve.

The vision suggests the relocation of the tribals to other parts of the island if the need arises. The development process could therefore lead to their displacement and have an impact on their welfare.

Environmental impact:

The plan has raised an alarm among conservationists. The regional forest department too has raised serious concerns over the ecological impact of the project considering the ecological fragility of the region.

The vision needs around 35% of the island land area and the plan suggests de-reserving 32% of the reserved forest and de-notifying 138 sq km or 31% of the tribal reserve.

The large diversion of forest land would lead to large scale deforestation and would hence have an adverse impact on the various wild animals that inhabit the area.

o More than 2 million trees stand in the forest land sought for these projects.

o The western coast is one of the most important nesting sites of the

globally endangered Giant Leatherback sea turtle.

Lack of environmental impact assessment:

The plan has no inventorisation of forests and ecological wealth and no

details of any environment impact assessment. This would handicap the ability to correctly assess the impact of the plan.

Geological vulnerability:

The vision document fails to consider the geological vulnerability of the place, which was amongst the worst-affected in the earthquake-tsunami combination in 2004.

Conclusion:

The island serves as a unique and rare socio-ecological-historical

complex of high importance and this needs to be factored in while planning the development of the island.

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31. The problem of ageing dams

Context:

The article discusses the threat posed by the ageing dams in India.

Background:

The report, titled ‘Ageing water infrastructure: An emerging global risk’ and compiled by United Nations University’s Canadian based Institute for Water, Environment and Health, says most of the 58,700 large dams worldwide were constructed between 1930 and 1970 with a design life of

50 to 100 years.

Details:

Ageing dams in India:

Of the over 5,200 large dams built so far, about 1,100 large dams have already reached 50 years of age and some are older than 120 years.

The number of such ageing dams will increase to 4,400 by 2050. This means that 80% of the nation’s large dams face the prospect of becoming obsolete by 2050.

The situation of medium and minor dams is even more precarious as their shelf life is even lower than that of large dams.

Ageing signs include increasing cases of dam failures, progressively increasing costs of dam repair and maintenance, increasing reservoir

sedimentation, and loss of a dam’s functionality and effectiveness.

Siltation in Indian reservoirs:

As dams age, soil replaces the water in the reservoirs. This is technically known as silt or sediment.

Sedimentation leads to a decrease in the storage capacity of dams. The observed siltation rate in India’s dams has been substantially high.

Therefore, the storage space in Indian reservoirs is receding at a rate faster than anticipated. Reservoirs are poised to become extinct in less than a few decades.

Studies show that the design of many of our reservoirs is flawed. Studies on reservoir sedimentation have shown that Indian reservoirs are designed with a poor understanding of sedimentation science. The designs

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underestimate the rate of siltation and overestimate live storage capacity created.

Concerns/Consequences of ageing dams in India:

Water Insecurity:

This reduced storage capacity could have a detrimental impact on water security. This could have an impact on not only related economic activities like agriculture but will also have other unwarranted environmental impacts.

o The reduced water availability will lead to lower water availability for agricultural activities. This could affect the crop yields severely and disrupt the farmer’s income, as water is one of the crucial factors for crop yield.

o It is worth noting that no plan on climate change adaptation like rainwater harvesting will succeed with sediment-packed dams.

Flooding risks:

The high siltation rates in Indian dams reinforce the argument that the designed flood cushion within several reservoirs across many river basins may have already depleted substantially due to which floods may become

more frequent downstream of dams. o The flooding of Bharuch in 2020, Kerala in 2018 and Chennai in 2015

are a few examples attributed to downstream releases from reservoirs.

Risk of dam failure:

Flooding, internal erosion, seepage, and structural instability and deterioration are among the reasons dams might fail. Ageing makes dams

more vulnerable to these problems. By 2050, most people on Earth will live downstream of tens of thousands

of large dams built in the 20th century, many of them already operating at or beyond their design life.

Dam failures can result in the loss of lives, livelihoods, and properties, as well as the loss of ecosystems and habitats, to flooding.

Approximately 3.5 million people are at risk if India’s Mullaperiyar dam

in Kerala, built over 100 years ago, “were to fail”.

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Way forward:

India will have to find sufficient water in the 21st century to feed the rising population by 2050, grow abundant crops, create sustainable cities and ensure growth. In this regard, it is imperative for all stakeholders to come

together to address the issue of ageing dams.

Dam decommissioning:

Dam decommissioning should be seen as equally important as dam building in the overall planning process on water storage infrastructure developments.

o Public safety, escalating maintenance costs, reservoir sedimentation, and restoration of a natural river ecosystem are among the reasons

driving dam decommissioning throughout the world.

Alternative solutions to water security:

There is also the need to consider other alternatives like smaller dams and

focus on groundwater recharge solutions to address water security in India.

32. Imparting direction to science in India

The article throws light upon the progress that India has made in science and

technology research, problems faced in research and opportunities.

Publications:

From the report published by the National Science Foundation of the U.S. in December 2019, India was the third largest publisher of peer-reviewed science and engineering journal articles and conference papers.

The average yearly growth rate was 10.73% from 2008, which was greater than China’s 7.81%.

However, China and the United States had about thrice and twice the

number, respectively, of India’s publications.

Issue:

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The publications from India are not impactful. In the top 1% of the most cited publications from 2016 (called HCA, or

Highly Cited Articles), India’s index score of 0.7 is lower than that of the U.S., China and the European Union.

An index score of 1 or more is considered good.

Steps must be taken to ensure that the impact, and hence the citation of publications from India, should improve.

Patents:

The World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) through their Patent Cooperation Treaty (PCT) is the primary channel of filing international patent applications.

In its report for 2019, WIPO says India filed a modest number of 2,053 patent applications.

During the same period, China filed 58,990 and the U.S filed 57,840 patents.

China filed just 276 patent applications in 1999 but rose to become an innovation titan in 2019.

Steps taken:

The Indian Government has put in place the National Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) Policy in 2016 to stimulate a dynamic, vibrant and balanced intellectual property rights system.

One of the objectives is human capital development. The mission to foster innovation, replicate it at scale and commercialise it

is a work in progress consequent to the policy.

Science policies over time:

India realised early as a republic the need to use science to become a welfare state.

There have been four science policies after 1947. The draft of the fifth policy was released recently.

First Science Policy:

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Scientific Policy Resolution – India’s first science policy adopted in 1958, aimed to develop scientific enterprise and lay the foundation for scientific temper.

It led to the establishment of many research institutes and national laboratories.

By 1980, India had developed advanced scientific infrastructure with sufficient scientific personnel.

Second Science Policy:

The focus in the second science policy, Technology Policy Statement, in 1983, was technological self-reliance and to use technology to benefit all sections of society, while strengthening research in fields such as

electronics and biotechnology.

Third Science Policy:

The Science and Technology Policy 2003 was the first science policy after the economic liberalisation of 1991.

It aimed to increase investment in research and development and brought it to 0.7%.

The Scientific and Engineering Research Board (SERB) was established to promote research.

Fourth Science Policy:

In 2013, India’s science policy included Innovation in its scope and was called Science, Technology and Innovation Policy.

The focus was to be one of the top five global scientific leaders. India achieved this through:

o Building partnerships with States o Establishing more research and development centres o Collaborating in international projects such as the Large Hadron

Collider in the European Union.

Draft of the Science, Technology and Innovation Policy 2020 (STIP 2020):

STIP 2020 is the fifth science policy. It was released in January 2021 and offers hope to research in India. Vision of the policy:

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o To double the number of full-time equivalent (FTE) researchers, Gross Domestic Expenditure on R&D (GERD) and private sector contribution to the GERD every 5 years.

o To position India among the top three scientific superpowers in the next decade.

STIP 2020 defines an Open Science Framework which will create a “one nation, one subscription” solution that will give all individuals and institutions in India access to all top journals through a central subscription.

This scheme would help in improving access to knowledge. It also defines strategies to improve funding for and participation in

research. The policy seeks to define strategies that are “decentralized, evidence-

informed, bottom-up, experts-driven, and inclusive”. It makes the right moves and strikes the right notes to make India future-

ready. More specific directives and implementation with a scientific temper will

be key to the policy’s success.

Way Forward:

There is a need to improve Gross Domestic Expenditure on R&D (GERD). o India’s GERD is currently around 0.6% of GDP. o This is quite low when compared to the investments by the U.S. and

China which are greater than 2%. o Israel’s GERD is more than 4%. o A key reason is the low private sector contribution.

STIP 2020 defines solutions to improve funding thus: all States to fund research, multinational corporations to participate in research, fiscal incentives and support for innovation in medium and small-scale enterprises.

o The government should also invest more into research. There is a need for inclusion of under-represented groups of people in

research, support for indigenous knowledge systems, using artificial intelligence, reaching out to the Indian scientific diaspora for collaboration, science diplomacy with partner countries, and setting up a strategic technology development fund to give impetus to research.

Conclusion:

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Science diplomacy is at the fore now with India offering COVID-19 vaccines to many countries; formulating a policy around it will yield dividends. Support for indigenous knowledge systems should enable them to improve upon their

limitations in subscribing to transparency and verifiability.

33. In Centre’s IT rules, there is accountability with costs

Change in the immunity for social media platforms

With the social media platforms amassing tremendous power, the Government of India and has over time sought to devise a core framework to governs social media.

This framework known as the “intermediary liability” has been made legally through Section 79 of the Information Technology Act, 2000.

This framework has been supplemented by operational rules, and the Supreme Court judgment in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India.

All this legalese essentially provides large technology companies immunity for the content that is transmitted and stored by them.

Recently, the Government of India announced drastic changes to it through the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021.

Issues with the Rules

1) Privacy concern

The regulations do contain some features that bring accountability to social media platforms.

For instance, they require that prior to a content takedown, a user should be provided adequate notice.

However, there are several provisions in the rules that raise privacy concerns.

Take traceability, where instant messaging platforms which deploy end-

to-end encryption that helps keep our conversations private will now effectively be broken.

This is because now the government may require that each message sent through WhatsApp or any other similar application be tied to the identity of the user.

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When put in the larger context of an environment that is rife with cybersecurity threats, an inconsistent rule of law and the absence of any surveillance oversight, this inspires fear and self-censorship among users.

The core of the traceability requirement undermines the core value of

private conversations.

2) Regulation without clear legal backing

The rules seek to regulate digital news media portals as well as online video streaming platforms.

Rules will perform functions similar to those played by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting for TV regulation.

For instance, as per Rule 13(4), this also now includes powers of censorship such as apology scrolls, but also blocking of content.

All of this is being planned to be done without any legislative backing or

a clear law made by Parliament. A similar problem exists with digital news media portals. The purview of the Information Technology Act, 2000, is limited. It only extends to the blocking of websites and intermediary liabilities

framework, but does not extend to content authors and creators. Hence, the Act does not extend to news media despite which it is being

stretched to do so by executive fiat. The oversight function will be played by a body that is not an autonomous

regulator but one composed of high ranking bureaucrats. This provides for the discretionary exercise of government powers of

censorship over these sectors.

Way forward

This could have ideally been achieved through more deliberative,

parliamentary processes and by examining bodies in other democracies, which face similar challenges.

For instance, OFCOM, a regulator in the United Kingdom, has been studying and enforcing regulations that promise higher levels of protection for citizens’ rights and consistency in enforcement.

Instead, the present formulation increases government control that suffers from legality and core design faults.

It will only increase political control.

Conclusion

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While every internet user in India needs oversight and accountability from big tech, it should not be at the cost of increasing political control, chilling our voices

online and hurting individual privacy.

34. Uttarakhand Flash Flood

Why in News

Recently, a glacial break in the Tapovan-Reni area of Chamoli District of

Uttarakhand led to massive Flash Flood in Dhauli Ganga and Alaknanda

Rivers, damaging houses and the nearby Rishiganga power project.

In June 2013, flash floods in Uttarakhand wiped out settlements and took lives.

Key Points

Cause of Flash Flood in Uttarakhand: o It occurred in river Rishi Ganga due to the falling of a portion of

Nanda Devi glacier in the river which exponentially increased the volume of water.

Rishiganga meets Dhauli Ganga near Raini. So Dhauli Ganga also got flooded.

Major Power Projects Affected: o Rishi Ganga Power Project:

It is a privately owned 130MW project. o Tapovan Vishnugad Hydropower Project on the Dhauliganga:

It was a 520 MW run-of-river hydroelectric project being constructed on Dhauliganga River.

o Several other projects on the Alaknanda and Bhagirathi river

basins in northwestern Uttarakhand have also been impacted by the flood.

Flash Floods: o About:

These are sudden surges in water levels generally during or following an intense spell of rain.

These are highly localised events of short duration with a very high peak and usually have less than six hours between the occurrence of the rainfall and peak flood.

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The flood situation worsens in the presence of choked

drainage lines or encroachments obstructing the natural flow of water.

o Causes: It may be caused by heavy rain associated with a severe

thunderstorm, hurricane, tropical storm, or meltwater from ice or snow flowing over ice sheets or snowfields.

Flash Floods can also occur due to Dam or Levee Breaks, and/or Mudslides (Debris Flow).

In areas on or near volcanoes, flash floods have also occurred after eruptions, when glaciers have been melted by the intense heat.

The intensity of the rainfall, the location and distribution of the rainfall, the land use and topography, vegetation types and growth/density, soil type, and soil water- content all determine just how quickly the Flash Flooding may occur, and influence where it may occur.

Glaciers

About: o Glaciers are a bulk of ice moving under its weight. It forms in areas

where the amassing of snow goes beyond its ablation over many years.

o They are generally seen in the snow-fields. o This largest freshwater basin covers around 10% of the land surface

of the Earth. o According to the topography and the location of the glacier, it can be

categorized as Mountain Glacier (Alpine Glaciers) or Continental Glacier (Ice Sheets).

o The Continental Glacier moves outward in all directions whereas the Mountain Glacier moves from a higher to a lower altitude.

Glaciers and Floods: o Glacial Lakes:

Retreating glaciers, like several in the Himalayas, usually result in the formation of lakes at their tips, called proglacial

lakes, often bound only by sediments and boulders. o Flood:

If the boundaries of these lakes are breached, it can lead to

large amounts of water rushing down to nearby streams and

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rivers, gathering momentum on the way by picking up sediments, rocks and other material, and resulting in

flooding downstream. Impact of Climate Change:

o Climate change has driven erratic weather patterns like increased snowfall and rainfall, warmer winters has led to the melting of a lot of snow.

o According to the latest assessment reports of the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, glacier retreat and permafrost thaw are projected to decrease the stability of mountain slopes and increase the number and area of glacier lakes.

35. Making Budget work

Three paradigm shifts from past in this the Budget

1)Increased infrastructure spending

The main theme of the budget is a big thrust on infrastructure spending and public investment.

If the budgeted numbers are realised, capex would have grown from 1.6

per cent of GDP pre-COVID to 2.5 per cent in two years. With India’s investment/GDP ratio falling by 5 percentage points over the

last decade, a sustained public investment push — with its large

multiplicative effects — is a much-needed impetus to reinvigorate

growth and create jobs.

Implications of increased spending

The certainty sustained public investment is likely to crowdin private investment.

The certainty of investment-led employment that is likely to reduce household precautionary savings.

However, higher capex spend is being paid for by disinvestment and

privatisation. Effectively, non-core public-sector assets that don’t generate positive

externalities — and, in fact, potentially distort the sectors they compete in — are expected to be replaced with much-needed physical and social infrastructure.

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This newly created physical and social infrastructure emanate positive

externalities and necessarily suffer from under-provisioning by the private sector.

If successfully executed — this will not be a case of selling the family

silver to pay a credit card bill. Instead, it will be akin to a productivity-enhancing asset swap on the

public sector’s balance sheet.

2) Shift in the way for financing infrastructure

In stark contrast to the PPP model, infrastructure will now be financed off

public sector balance sheets and, once operational and viable, will be monetised so as to recycle proceeds into the next project.

In theory, this is the appropriate division of public-private risk sharing. It combines the public sector’s ability to better mitigate upstream risk

while taking advantage of the glut of global liquidity potentially attracted

to downstream projects.

3) Shift is towards more conservative and transparent fiscal accounting

There has been much focus on bringing the Food Corporation of India

(FCI) liabilities back on the budget. Less appreciated is the conservatism with which tax revenues have been

budgeted for. Revised estimates peg this year’s gross taxes at 9.9 per cent of GDP. But for that to happen, taxes, net of excise, will need to contract by 20 per

cent in the last quarter. So it’s very likely gross taxes will end up 0.5 per cent of GDP higher this

year. Not only is this a welcome departure from the past when revenues were

consistently over-budgeted, but it sets the base for next year. With nominal GDP expected to grow in double digits, it’s likely taxes, net

of excise, will experience a higher-than-unitary-elasticity to growth, especially given the increased formalisation that COVID has spawned.

Tax collections are, therefore, likely to exceed budgeted levels in 2021-22. It behooves a very uncertain macroeconomic environment and creates

some buffer if crude prices keep rising or other revenues don’t materialise. Credible accounting over time will bring down risk premia in bond

yields, and paradoxically generate a stimulative impulse.

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Three challenges in realising these changes

1) Execution challenge

The budget’s impact on shaping the macroeconomic narrative will depend on the speed and efficacy of simultaneously building and selling public assets.

It will be important, for instance, to front-load disinvestment and strategic sales to take advantage of buoyant equity markets before global central banks become more cautious.

With debt likely to rise to almost 90 per cent of GDP this year, it’s now incumbent on all stakeholders to consistently deliver the 10 per cent nominal GDP growth that’s needed to first stabilise debt at these levels and then bring it down.

Viewed from this lens, it is a budget where execution is vital.

2) Withdrawal of the policy support at appropriate time

While fiscal policy is being appropriately counter-cyclical at the moment, it must be equally nimble in the other direction.

When the recovery gets more entrenched, policy support should be

withdrawn with equal speed and alacrity.

3) Role of monetary policy

With fiscal policy playing a primary role, monetary policy must slowly take a back seat.

The combination of a more relaxed fiscal path and domestic private sector savings normalising after the COVID surge could result in equilibrium bond market yields rising [fall in the price of bond] — but that is a cost worth incurring for a meaningful public investment push.

In the near term, the RBI may focus on ensuring this new equilibrium is reached in a non-disruptive manner.

Given the current slack in the economy, it’s understandable if fiscal and monetary are temporarily complementary.

But as confidence in the recovery grows, fiscal and monetary must quickly become substitutes — with the RBI progressively normalising liquidity to wardoff financial stability and fiscal dominance concerns — so as to

safeguard macroeconomic stability.

Conclusion

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The budget must be commended for embarking on important paradigm shifts. But its success, and in turn the sustainability of India’s recovery, will now come

down squarely to policy execution and coordination.

36. Highlights of Economic Survey 2021

Why in News

Recently, the Union Minister of Finance presented the Economic Survey that details the state of the economy ahead of the government's budget for the fiscal year beginning 1st April, 2021.

The foundational theme of the survey is "Saving Lives and Livelihoods".

Economic Survey

The Economic Survey of India is an annual document released by the

Ministry of Finance, Government of India. It contains the most authoritative and updated source of data on India’s

economy. o It is a report that the government presents on the state of the

economy in the past one year, the key challenges it anticipates, and their possible solutions.

The Economic Survey document is prepared by the Economics Division

of the Department of Economic Affairs (DEA) under the guidance of the Chief Economic Advisor.

It is usually presented a day before the Union Budget is presented in the Parliament.

o The first Economic Survey in India was presented in the year 1950-

51. Up to 1964, it was presented along with the Union Budget.

From 1964 onwards, it has been delinked from the Budget.

Key Points

Indian Economy and Covid: o Strategy to face the pandemic:

Response stemmed from the humane principle that: Human lives lost cannot be brought back.

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Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth will recover from the temporary shock caused by the Covid-19

pandemic. India’s policy response also derived from extensive research

on epidemiology, especially that looked at Spanish Flu of

1918. One of the key insights was that pandemic spreads

faster in higher and denser population and intensity of lockdown matters most at the beginning of the pandemic.

o Four Pillar Strategy: India adopted a unique four-pillar strategy of containment,

fiscal, financial, and long-term structural reforms. Calibrated fiscal and monetary support was provided given

the evolving economic situation. A favorable monetary policy ensured abundant

liquidity and immediate relief to debtors via temporary moratoria, while facilitating monetary policy transmission.

Cushioning the vulnerable in the lockdown and boosting

consumption and investment while unlocking, mindful of fiscal repercussions and entailing debt sustainability.

o Covid pandemic affected both demand and supply: India was the only country to announce structural reforms to

expand supply in the medium-long term and avoid long-term damage to productive capacities.

The Rs. 1.46-lakh crore Production Linked Incentive

(PLI) scheme is expected to make India an integral part of the global supply chain and create huge employment opportunities

Demand-side measures have been announced in a calibrated manner.

A public investment programme centered around the National Infrastructure Pipeline to accelerate the demand push and further the recovery.

Economic Recovery: o V-shaped Economic Recovery after Lockdown:

o Starting July 2020, a resilient V-shaped recovery is underway.

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V-shaped recovery is a type of economic recession and recovery that resembles a "V" shape in charting.

Specifically, a V-shaped recovery represents the shape of a chart of

economic measures economists create when examining recessions and recoveries.

A V-shaped recovery is characterized by a quick and sustained

recovery in measures of economic performance after a sharp economic decline.

Reasons: It is supported by the initiation of a mega vaccination drive

with hopes of a robust recovery in the services sector and prospects for robust growth in consumption and investment.

V-shaped recovery is due to resurgence in high frequency indicators such as power demand, rail freight, E-Way bills, Goods and Services Tax (GST) collection, steel

consumption, etc. The fundamentals of the economy remain strong as gradual

scaling back of lockdowns along with the support of Aatmanirbhar Bharat Mission have placed the economy firmly on the path of revival.

Significance: This path would entail a growth in real Gross Domestic

Product (GDP) by 2.4% over the absolute level of 2019-20 - implying that the economy would take two years to reach and go past the pre-pandemic level.

o GDP’s Estimation: India’s real GDP to record a growth of 11% in 2021-22 and nominal

GDP by 15.4% - the highest since independence. These projections are in line with International Monetary

Fund estimates. India’s GDP is estimated to contract by 7.7% in the Financial Year

(FY) 2020-21, composed of a sharp 15.7% decline in the first half and a modest 0.1% fall in the second half.

Sector-wise, agriculture has remained the silver lining while

contact-based services, manufacturing, construction were hit hardest, and have been recovering steadily.

The external sector provided an effective cushion to growth with India recording a Current Account Surplus of 3.1% of GDP in the first half of FY 2020-21.

o Foreign Investment:

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Net Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows of USD 27.5 billion during April-October, 2020 - 14.8% higher as compared to the first seven months of FY 2019-20.

Net Foreign Portfolio Investment (FPI) Inflows recorded an all-time monthly high of 9.8 Billion Dollars in November 2020.

o Debt Sustainability and Growth: Growth leads to debt sustainability in the Indian context but not

necessarily vice-versa. Debt sustainability depends on the ‘Interest Rate Growth Rate

Differential’ (IRGD), i.e., the difference between the interest rate and the growth rate.

Negative IRGD in India – not due to lower interest rates but much higher growth rates – prompts a debate on fiscal policy, especially during growth slowdowns and economic crises.

Fiscal policy that provides an impetus to growth will lead to lower

debt-to-GDP ratio. Given India’s growth potential, debt sustainability is unlikely to be

a problem even in the worst scenarios. Desirable to use counter-cyclical fiscal policy to enable growth

during economic downturns. Counter-cyclical fiscal policy refers to the steps taken by the

government that go against the direction of the economic or business cycle.

Thus, in a recession or slowdown, the government increases expenditure and reduces taxes to create a demand that can

drive an economic boom.

Services Sector:

o About: The services sector accounts for over 54% of India’s Gross Value

Added (GVA) and nearly four-fifths of total Foreign Direct

Investments (FDI) inflow into India. Services sector accounts for 48% of total exports, outperforming

goods exports in recent years. Key indicators such as Services Purchasing Managers’ Index, rail

freight traffic, and port traffic, are all displaying a V-shaped recovery after a sharp decline during the lockdown.

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o Start Up: The Indian start-up ecosystem has been progressing well amidst the Covid-19 pandemic, being home to 38 unicorns - adding a record number of 12 start-ups to the unicorn list last year.

o Space Sector: India’s space sector has grown exponentially in the past six decades. Space ecosystem is undergoing several policy reforms to engage

private players and attract innovation and investment.

Agriculture:

o Growth: The Agriculture and Allied activities clocked a growth of 3.4%. As per the Provisional Estimates of National Income released by

Central Statistical Organization in May, 2020, the share of Agriculture and Allied Sectors in Gross Value Added (GVA) of the country at current prices is 17.8% for the year 2019-20.

o Export: In 2019-20, the major agricultural and allied export destinations

were the USA, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Nepal and Bangladesh. The top agriculture and related products exported from India were

marine products, basmati rice, buffalo meat, spices, non-basmati rice, cotton raw, oil meals, sugar, castor oil and tea.

o Livestock: The contribution of Livestock in total agriculture and allied sector

GVA (at Constant Prices) has increased from 24.32% (2014-15) to 28.63% (2018-19).

o Food Processing Industries (FPI): During the last 5 years ending 2018-19, FPI sector has been growing

at an Average Annual Growth Rate (AAGR) of around 9.99% as compared to around 3.12% in Agriculture and 8.25% in Manufacturing at 2011-12 prices.

o Farm Laws: It strongly defended new farm laws, saying they herald a new era

of market freedom which can go a long way in improving lives of small and marginal farmers in India.

These legislations were designed "primarily" for the benefit of

"small and marginal farmers", which constitute around 85% of the total number of farmers and are the biggest sufferer of the "regressive" Agricultural Produce Market Committee (APMC) -

regulated market regime.

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Regulatory Forbearance:

o Regulatory forbearance for banks after the Global Financial Crisis involved relaxing the norms for restructuring assets, where restructured assets were no longer required to be classified as Non-Performing Assets

(NPAs henceforth) and therefore did not require the levels of provisioning that NPAs attract.

o However, the survey points out that regulatory forbearance is an emergency medicine, not staple diet and suggests :

Instead of continuing regulatory forbearance for years, policymakers should lay out thresholds of economic recovery at which such measures will be withdrawn.

An Asset Quality Review exercise must be conducted by banks immediately after the forbearance is withdrawn.

Legal infrastructure for the recovery of loans needs to be

strengthened de facto.

o To promote judgement amidst uncertainty, ex-post inquests must

recognize the role of hindsight bias and not equate unfavourable outcomes to bad judgement or malafide intent.

India and Innovation:

o India entered the top-50 innovating countries for the first time in 2020 since the inception of the Global Innovation Index in 2007, ranking first in Central and South Asia, and third amongst lower middle-income group economies

o India’s Gross Domestic Expenditure on Research and Development

(GERD) is lowest amongst top ten economies. o India’s aspiration must be to compete on innovation with the top ten

economies.

Process Reforms:

o The survey highlighted excessive regulation in the country. o India over-regulates the economy resulting in regulations being

ineffective even with relatively good compliance with process. o The root cause of the problem of overregulation is an approach that

attempts to account for every possible outcome. Increase in complexity of

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regulations, intended to reduce discretion, results in even more non-transparent discretion.

o The solution is to simplify regulations and invest in greater supervision which, by definition, implies greater discretion.

India and Sovereign Credit Ratings:

o India's sovereign credit ratings do not reflect the economy's

fundamentals and the global agencies should become more transparent

and less subjective in their ratings.

Defence Sector:

o The allocated capital budget for defence has been fully utilised since

2016-17, reversing the previous trends of surrender of funds.

Healthcare:

o Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY):

o o PM-JAY contributed to improvement in many health outcomes in

States that implemented the ambitious programme the Centre had launched more than two years ago to provide healthcare access to most vulnerable sections.

o National Health Mission (NHM): NHM played a critical role in mitigating inequity as the access of the

poorest to pre-natal/post-natal care and institutional deliveries increased significantly.

The scheme should be given prominence under Ayushman Bharat. Government Spending:

An increase in government spending on the healthcare sector – from the current 1% to 2.5-3% of GDP – as envisaged in the National

Health Policy 2017 could reduce out-of-pocket expenditures.

Education:

o Literacy: India has attained a literacy level of almost 96% at the elementary

school level.

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As per National Sample Survey (NSS), the literacy rate of persons

of age 7 years and above at the All India level stood at 77.7% but the differences in literacy rate attainment among social-religious

groups, as well as gender still persists. Female literacy remained below the national average among social

groups of SC, ST, OBC, including religious groups of Hinduism and Islam.

o Rural Enrolment: The percentage of enrolled children from government and private

schools owning a smartphone increased enormously from 36.5% in 2018 to 61.8% in 2020 in rural India.

o PM eVIDYA: PM eVIDYA is a comprehensive initiative to unify all efforts related

to digital/online/on-air education to enable multi-mode and equitable access to education for students and teachers.

Around 92 courses have started and 1.5 crore students are enrolled under Swayam Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) which are online courses relating to the National Institute of Open Schooling.

o PRAGYATA: PRAGYATA guidelines on digital education have been developed

with a focus on online/blended/digital education for students who are presently at home due to closure of schools.

o MANODARPAN: The MANODARPAN initiative for psychological support has been

included in Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan.

Vocational Courses and Skill Development:

o Vocational courses will be introduced phase-wise in schools for classes 9 to 12 to expose students to skill development avenues, as part of the Centre's flagship skilling scheme Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana 3.0.

Merely 2.4% of India's workforce in the age group of 15-59 years

have received formal vocational or technical training, while another 8.9% obtained training through informal sources.

Out of the 8.9% workforce who received non-formal training, the largest chunk is contributed by on-the-job training (3.3%), followed by self-learning (2.5%) and hereditary sources (2.1%) and other sources (1%).

Among those who received formal training, the most opted training

course is IT-ITeS among both males and females.

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The Unified Skill Regulator- National Council for Vocational

Education and Training (NCVET) was operationalized recently.

Bare Necessities:

o Bare Necessities Index (BNI) : Bare Necessities Index (BNI) based on the large annual household

survey data can be constructed using suitable indicators and methodology at district level for all/targeted districts to assess the progress on access to bare necessities.

The BNI summarises 26 indicators on five dimensions viz., water, sanitation, housing, micro-environment, and other facilities.

o Improvement in Bare Necessities: Bare necessities have improved across all States in the country in

2018 as compared to 2012. Increase in equity is noteworthy as the rich can access private

options for public goods.

Sustainable Development and Climate Change:

o India has taken several proactive steps to mainstream the Sustainable

Development Goals (SDGs) into the policies, schemes and programmes. Voluntary National Review (VNR) presented to the United

Nations High-Level Political Forum (HLPF) on Sustainable Development.

Localisation of SDGs is crucial to any strategy aimed at achieving the goals under the 2030 Agenda.

Sustainable development remains core to the development strategy despite the unprecedented Covid-19 pandemic crisis.

Eight National Missions under the National Action Plan on

Climate Change (NAPCC) focussed on the objectives of adaptation, mitigation and preparedness on climate risks.

Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) states that finance is a critical enabler of climate change action.

The International Solar Alliance (ISA) launched two new initiatives – ‘World Solar Bank’ and ‘One Sun One World One

Grid Initiative’ – poised to bring about a solar energy revolution globally.

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Social Infrastructure, Employment and Human Development:

o The combined (Centre and States) social sector expenditure as % of GDP

has increased in 2020-21 compared to last year. o India’s rank in Human development Index (HDI) 2019 was recorded at

131, out of a total 189 countries. o Government’s incentive to boost employment through Aatmanirbhar

Bharat Rozgar Yojana and rationalization and simplification of existing

labour codes into 4 codes. o Low level of female Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR) in India:

Females spending disproportionately more time on unpaid

domestic and caregiving services to household members as compared to their male counterparts (Time Use Survey, 2019).

Need to promote non-discriminatory practices at the workplace like pay and career progression, improve work incentives, including

other medical and social security benefits for female workers.

Inequality and Growth:

o Both inequality and per-capita income (growth) have similar

relationships with socio-economic indicators in India, unlike in advanced economies.

o Economic growth has a greater impact on poverty alleviation than inequality.

o India must continue to focus on economic growth to lift the poor out of poverty. Redistribution in a developing economy is feasible only if the size of the economic pie grows.

37. CCTNS Hackathon & Cyber Challenge

Why in News

Recently, the inaugural function of the 2nd CCTNS Hackathon and Cyber

Challenge 2020-21 of the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) was held in

New Delhi.

Key Points

Background: o This hackathon is in continuation to the Hackathon & Cyber

Challenge which concluded in March 2020.

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o It aimed to deepen understanding and enhance skills of the law enforcement personnel across all ranks and file, empowering them to adopt smart strategies for effectively addressing the evolving

threats. About the 2nd CCTNS Hackathon and Cyber Challenge:

o Police officials especially those from the cutting edge level, academia, industry, students and others are being invited to help

improve existing IT applications as well as help identify new IT applications to improve the CCTNS ecosystem.

o The Mobile App: “Locate Nearest Police Station” was also launched at the function.

This App will help various users including women commuters, interstate travelers, domestic and foreign tourists etc. especially during any emergency and has the facility to dial 112. This is another step towards improving accessibility

of the police to the citizens. This will add to other Central Citizen Services being

provided by the NCRB such as “Missing Person Search”,

“Generate Vehicle NOC”, “Proclaimed Offenders Information” and various other services being provided by the State Citizen Police Portals.

Crime and Criminal Tracking Network & Systems

Background: o Crime and Criminal Tracking Network & Systems (CCTNS) is a

plan scheme conceived in the light of experience of a non-plan scheme namely - Common Integrated Police Application (CIPA).

Launch: o CCTNS is a Mission Mode Project under the National e-

Governance Plan (NeGP) of the Ministry of Home Affairs. o Approx. 14,000 Police Stations throughout the country have been

proposed to be automated besides 6000 higher offices in the police hierarchy.

o It was approved in 2009. Objectives:

o Make the Police functioning citizen friendly and more transparent by automating the functioning of Police Stations.

o Improve delivery of citizen-centric services through effective usage of ICT.

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o Provide the Investigating Officers of the Civil Police with tools,

technology and information to facilitate investigation of crime and detection of criminals.

Recent Initiatives: o A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed between

National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID) and National Crime

Records Bureau (NCRB) for the access of the CCTNS database.

National Crime Records Bureau

NCRB, headquartered in New Delhi, was set-up in 1986 under the Ministry of Home Affairs to function as a repository of information on crime and criminals so as to assist the investigators in linking crime to the perpetrators.

It was set up based on the recommendations of the National Police Commission (1977-1981) and the MHA’s Task Force (1985).

NCRB brings out the annual comprehensive statistics of crime across the country (‘Crime in India’ report).

o Being published since 1953, the report serves as a crucial tool in understanding the law and order situation across the country.

38. Dizzying climb

Context:

Latest retail inflation.

Details:

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) has risen by 4.06% in January 2021. This marks a 16-month low in inflation rate and also marks a deceleration

for a second straight month. Inflation had been above the Reserve Bank of India’s upper tolerance

threshold of 6% for six months through November.

Factors contributing to low inflation:

The lower inflation rate has been helped by an appreciable softening in

food prices. The Consumer Food Price Index has risen by a mere 1.89% as vegetable

prices saw a disinflation of 15.8% and cereal prices have eased

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considerably given the bumper Kharif crop and rising prospects of a

good Rabi harvest.

Risks to inflation:

Despite the considerable decrease in inflation rates, the outlook is far from reassuring.

Protein inflation:

The inflation rate of pulses and edible oils continues to remain high. Eggs and meat and fish, key sources of protein have registered double-digit

inflation rates.

Supply-side squeeze:

The rising input costs for multiple sectors in the real economy (automobile manufacturers, builders) are a cause of concern.

The rising raw material costs would force them to pass on the impact to the end consumers.

The latest IHS Markit India Manufacturing Purchasing Managers’ Index

(PMI) points to the sharpest increase in purchasing costs for more than two years due to supply-side squeeze.

Increasing fuel costs:

The continuously rising transportation fuel prices to newer and newer record highs in recent days also make the outlook for inflation grim.

Diesel, the main fuel for freight carriage, has now exceeded Rs. 80 per litre and is bound to have an impact on the prices of goods being transported across distances — from fresh produce to intermediate and finished

industrial goods.

Waning of the favourable base effect:

The favourable base effect is beginning to wane meaning it will become increasingly unlikely to have a steep decline in inflation rates.

The base effect is the distortion in a monthly inflation figure that results from abnormally high or low levels of inflation in the year-ago month.

The base effect relates to inflation in the corresponding period of

the previous year, if the inflation rate was too low in the corresponding

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period of the previous year, even a smaller rise in the Price Index will arithmetically give a high rate of inflation now. On the other hand, if the price index had risen at a high rate in the corresponding period of the previous year and recorded a high inflation rate, a similar absolute increase in the price index now will show a lower inflation rate now.

A base effect can make it difficult to accurately assess inflation levels over time. It diminishes over time if inflation levels are relatively constant.

High liquidity in financial system:

The fiscal stimulus undertaken to deal with the economic impact of the pandemic has resulted in high liquidity in the financial system. This

increased supply of money in the system could aid inflation rate rise.

Conclusion:

High inflation rates do not augur well for post-COVID economic recovery given that the demand has not stabilized from the impact of the

pandemic. Policymakers need to maintain a strict vigil to keep inflation from

resurging and posing a threat to macro-economic stability.

39. Make peace with nature now

Context:

The three environmental crises facing humans — climate change; nature

loss; and the pollution of air, soil and water.

Details:

Human activity has been degrading nature. Anthropogenic activity in the form of unsustainable use of natural

resources has led to mass species extinctions and is leading to pollution of air and water. The increasing Green House Gas emissions have resulted in climate change.

These human actions are not only detrimental to the planet and other species but are also equally detrimental to humans themselves.

The per capita stock of natural capital (the resources and services nature provides to humanity) has fallen by 40% in just over two decades.

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Nine out of 10 people worldwide breathe polluted air. This is causing millions of premature deaths.

Despite overwhelming evidence available to establish the unsustainable activities of humans and the increasing calls to rectify, yet the actions of the governments, financial institutions, businesses and individuals are falling short of what is needed to protect current and future generation interests.

The UN Environment Programme (UNEP) notes that despite a dip in greenhouse gas emissions caused by the pandemic, the world is still

headed for global warming of more than 3°C by the end of the century.

Way forward:

Integrated approach:

Mankind’s environmental, social and economic challenges are interlinked. They must be tackled together.

The achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030 would require climate action given that climate change and ecosystem collapse are undermining food and water supplies in the world’s poorest countries.

Enhancing climate action:

The number of countries promising to work towards net-zero emissions currently stands at 126. The nations should seek to further stretch their

nationally determined contributions and immediately kickstart the transitions to net-zero.

At the upcoming climate COP, governments must also finally agree on the rules for a global carbon trading market.

The $100 billion global climate fund under which the developed countries promised to provide financial help to developing nations to cope

with the impacts of climate change must be operationalized.

Transformation of economy:

There is the need to move towards circular economic systems that reuse resources and thus reduce emissions.

The government should focus on green growth and invest in sectors such as renewable energy, social infrastructure, etc. Governments should invest in nature-positive farming and clean energy and water.

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They must create opportunities for future industries that generate prosperity. They must also ensure that transitions are fair and equitable,

creating jobs for those who lose out.

Societal effort:

Addressing our planetary emergency is a whole-of-society effort with the governments taking the lead.

There is the need for a radical transformation of our societies by valuing nature and putting its health at the heart of all our decisions. People should work towards shrinking their environmental footprint.

Climate action should be a participatory effort with the citizens given a

voice in the far-reaching decisions regarding climate action.

Additional Information:

Making Peace with Nature report:

The UN has released the Making Peace with Nature report. The report pulls together all the evidence of environmental decline from

major global scientific assessments, with the most advanced ideas on how to reverse it.

This report would act as a blueprint for a sustainable future that can secure human well-being on a healthy planet.

40. Adding heft to diplomacy with some help from science

Context:

India’s ongoing ‘Vaccine Maitri’ campaign. o India’s ‘Vaccine Maitri’ campaign aims at provisioning COVID-19

vaccines to countries both near and away from its immediate neighbourhood.

o This initiative aims to leverage India’s science and technological

advantages for the furtherance of its foreign policy objectives.

Details:

The COVID-19 response:

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India has been able to use its science and technology prowess to address the global challenge brought out by the pandemic.

o India has been sending medicines such as hydroxychloroquine and paracetamol to over 150 countries including the U.S.

o As scientists developed vaccines to fortify human beings against an aggressive COVID-19 virus, it was India, an established leader in

vaccine manufacturing, that rose to the challenge of global provision. India’s pharmaceutical firms such as the Serum Institute of India have partnered with the U.K.’s Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine project while Bharat Biotech gave rise to indigenous vaccines in the shape of Covaxin.

India’s COVID-19 response was closely aligned with its Neighbourhood First, Act East, Indo-Pacific and Look West policies.

India has played a crucial role at a time when the developed world was preoccupied with trying to address its own domestic issues and China’s health diplomacy came with prohibitively high costs.

India’s efforts to address the current health emergency have been met with vocal appreciation from a number of countries.

Overview of India’s science and technology policy framework and diplomacy:

Since independence, India has been seeking international scientific advances for the country’s development and rise.

More powerful states such as the United States sought to curb India’s ambitions in critical spheres such as its nuclear and space programmes.

By the early years of the 21st century, India sought to reduce its dependence on foreign countries to emerge as a net provider of

development assistance in the international system. Despite limitations, India still managed to assist its partners from the Global South in key areas of science and technology such as health across Asia and Africa.

The 21st-century international system was more conducive to the country’s science and technology designs in spheres such as nuclear and space technology due to improvement in ties between India and the United States.

India also signed strategic partnerships bearing substantial science and

technology components with advanced economies such as the United Kingdom, Japan, Israel, Germany, the European Union, Singapore, the United Arab Emirates, Canada, South Korea and Australia even as it strengthened its traditional partnerships with countries such as France and Russia.

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India established the Office of the Principal Scientific Adviser to the Government of India in November 1999.

India’s critical policy frameworks like the country’s Science and Technology Policy 2003 and Science, Technology and Innovation Policy

2013 clearly relate international science and technology cooperation with the national interest. The current administration has been categorical in placing science and technology at the forefront of the country’s diplomatic engagement.

India’s has been exhibiting increasing alignment to international science and technology cooperation. India currently fields four Development Partnership Administrations under its Ministry of External Affairs. The Ministry of External Affairs has set up the New Emerging & Strategic

Technologies Division to manage science and technology issues in the

nation’s diplomatic matrix.

Recommendations:

As India moves forward with its Aatmanirbhar Bharat initiative, there is the need to create an environment where science and technology can not only answer its own national needs and cross-border interests but also global challenges. The following aspects must be addressed.

o There is a need to increase India’s allocation for science and technology-related research.

o There must be an emphasis on ensuring the participation of all the

stakeholders including the states, universities and the private sector in research and development efforts.

o India’s young scientists and technologists have to be made more aware of the country’s foreign policy objectives.

Conclusion:

The ongoing COVID-19 crisis has presented the country with a unique space to mainstream science and technology in its domestic and foreign

policies. The administration must work towards converting the

challenging situation into an opportunity.